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Policy Dialogue ISSN# 1718-9772 Number 13 Saskatchewan Institute of Public Policy Fall 2006 MYTH OR REALITY? MARK PARTRIDGE AND ROSE OLFERT EXAMINE THE RURAL-URBAN DIVIDE. FRED BURCH JOHN D. WHYTE Media Presentation of Crime Statistics The Supreme Court from the Outside DAVID SMITH & IAN PEACH OTTO DRIEDGER To Elect or Appoint: A Debate on Restorative Justice: A Movement Canadian Senators Gaining Momentum BRIAN LEE CROWLEY PATRICK FAFARD The 100 Percent Solution: How to Public and Private in Canadian Handle Non-renewable Natural Health Care: A Guide Through Resource Revenues under Equalization the Maze SYLVAIN CHARLEBOIS ~ Mad Cow Politics: Mad Cow Watch goes Blind in North America IAN PEACH ~ The Destructive Power of Myth: Review of “False Expectations: Politics and the Pursuit of the Saskatchewan Myth” NASIR MAHMOOD ~ Community Participation MARK PARTRIDGE AND ROSE OLFERT ~ Debunking the Myth: The Rural Urban Divide in Saskatchewan DIRECTOR’S NOTES Policy Community Concerned by Cutbacks BY IAN PEACH W ith the arrival of autumn, the policy community is active once again. Our university partners are abuzz with students and faculty, the House of Commons has begun its autumn sitting, and the Saskatchewan Legislature will also open soon. The policy agenda for the fall is broad and varied, and this issue of Policy Dialogue reflects the wealth of research and analysis going on both at the Saskatchewan Institute of Public Policy and our friends and colleagues in Saskatchewan and across the country. I want to thank everyone for their contributions and hope you find this edition an enjoyable, stimulating read. If you have any comments, we hope to hear from you at email@example.com. SIPP is a non-profit, independent, non-partisan institute at the This autumn, however, the excitement that comes with being a part of an active University of Regina committed policy community is tinged with concern. I am writing the day after the to stimulating public policy Government of Canada announced that, as part of its latest round of cutbacks, it is debate and providing expertise, ending its support of the Canadian Policy Research Networks. The CPRN has been research and analysis on social, a valuable part of the Canadian public policy community since its founding in 1995 economic, fiscal, environmental and administrative issues related and has been a valued colleague to SIPP for many years. You may remember that its to public policy. founding President, Judith Maxwell, contributed to the previous edition of Policy Dialogue and Patrick Fafard, a Research Associate with the Health Network, has contributed to this edition. Judith also received SIPP’s first Honorary Policy Fellowship in 2005 for her contribution to public policy analysis and citizen dialogue in Canada and for her particular contribution to SIPP, as one of the original members of our Board of Directors. CPRN is looking for ways to continue to contribute its knowledge and expertise to Canada’s policy community. Let us hope they succeed, for the state of policy research, analysis and dialogue in Canada would be much weakened by CPRN’s passing. TABLE OF CONTENTS Director’s Notes Ian Peach 2 Social Mobilization Nasir Mahmood 3 Public & Private in Canadian Health Care Patrick Fafard 5 The Destructive Power of Myth Ian Peach 7 Media Presentation of Crime Statistics Fred Burch 8 The 100 Percent Solution Brian Lee Crowley 11 The Supreme Court from the Outside John D. Whyte 14 Mad Cow Politics Sylvain Charlebois 16 To Elect or Appoint: A Debate on David E. Smith & Ian Peach 18 Canadian Senators Restorative Justice Otto Driedger 20 Debunking the Myth: The Rural-Urban Rose Olfert & Mark Partridge 22 Divide in Saskatchewan SIPP Event Calendar 24 2 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue SOCIAL MOBILIZATION Enabling Community Participation BY NASIR MAHMOOD, POLICY ANALYST, SIPP Social mobilization can aim at mustering national and local support for social development through an open process that gives ownership to the community as a whole. The process is concerned with mobilizing human and financial SIPP resources through five major approaches: political, government, community, The Saskatchewan corporate, and beneficiary mobilization. Institute of Public Policy T he development experience of the world bears out that a genuine participatory approach to development is essential for success and sustainability. Newsletter Therefore, governments and development agencies increasingly recognize the civil society’s participation as essential to promoting responsiveness of national STAFF policies and programs to citizens’ needs, and ensuring transparency and Elsa Johnston accountability in policy making and implementation processes. Genuine Communications and Project Officer participation of citizens must actively engage all citizens, in their various Karen Jaster-Laforge capacities, socio-economic status, affiliations and locations, in decision-making Junior Research Officer affecting their lives. Engaging people requires efforts and mechanisms that can Ian Peach empower all, particularly the most disadvantaged members of society. Director Social Mobilization is a broad scale movement to engage people’s Erna Pearson participation in achieving a specific development goal through self-reliant efforts. Administrative Coordinator It involves all relevant segments of society: decision and policy makers, opinion leaders, bureaucrats and technocrats, professional groups, religious associations, CONTRIBUTORS commerce and industry, communities and individuals. It is a planned Fred Burch decentralized process that seeks to facilitate change for development through a Sylvain Charlebois range of players engaged in interrelated and complementary efforts. It takes into Brian Lee Crowley account the needs of the people, embraces the critical principle of community Otto Driedger involvement, and seeks to empower individuals and groups for action. Central to Patrick Fafard social mobilization is the concept of “social capital”, which connotes interaction Nasir Mahmood amongst people through systems that enhance and support that interaction. Rose Olfert Social capital is created from a variety of everyday interactions among people and Mark Partridge is embodied in such structures as civic and religious groups, family membership, Ian Peach informal community networks, and in norms of volunteerism, altruism and David E. Smith John D. Whyte trust. Social mobilization is based on the principles of empowerment, equity, COVER PHOTO CREDIT sustainability, integration, cultural sensitivity and gender fairness. Empowerment Audio Visual Services, University of involves the process of enabling men, women and children to increase their Regina, and Don Hall Photography ability to determine their future as an act of choice. Equity refers to a condition where equal access to and control of resources and services among classes, genders, ethnic groups and generations exists, as well as just allocation and We encourage your input. distribution of the benefits derived from these resources. Sustainability is a If you would like to comment on condition where people are able to continue their core activities and when their something you read in this newsletter or if needs are met without compromising the ability of the future generations to you have something to say to the public meet their own needs. Integration puts together individual elements to policy community, send an email to our encourage synergy, recognizing that relations among peoples and communities Letters Editor at firstname.lastname@example.org. are dynamic. It seeks to obtain an orientation that recognizes and respects cultural influences, diversity and gender differences. Mobilization Cont’d on PAGE 4 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 3 Mobilization Cont’d from PAGE 3 Social mobilization can aim at mustering national and well as local government agencies, non-governmental local support for social development through an open process organizations, women’s groups and cooperatives. The that gives ownership to the community as a whole. The communication methods for community mobilization process is concerned with mobilizing human and financial include training, participation in planning and coverage of resources through five major approaches. These include their activities by the mass media. Beneficiary mobilization is political, government, community, corporate, and focused at informing and motivating the program beneficiary mobilization. beneficiaries through training programs, the establishment of Political mobilization aims at winning political and community groups, and communication through traditional policy commitment for a major goal and the necessary and mass media. resource allocations to realize that goal. The “targets” are Like any other social process, social mobilization has its national policy decision-makers and the communication own risks and hazards that need to be minimized to methods include advocacy, lobbying, using goodwill maximize its benefits to social development. One hazard is ambassadors and the mass media. Government mobilization the leadership vacuum caused by a single person aims at informing and enlisting the cooperation and help of monopolizing the leadership of the program, instead of service providers and other government organizations that mentoring and training successors. In another example of a can provide direct and indirect support. The communication hazard, a team leader wants to take personal credit for his methods here include training programs, study tours, and team’s collective work, thus killing the partnership with the coverage of the subject by the mass media. team. A related hazard is the pursuit by the team leader of his Corporate mobilization seeks to secure the support of personal agenda, as against the program agenda, that national and international companies in promoting jeopardizes the program goals and leads to wastage of appropriate goals, either through the contribution of resources. While the path to effective social mobilization is resources or the carrying of appropriate messages as a part of fraught with serious pitfalls and hazards, the social catalysts their advertising or product labeling. Community need to continue to explore the time tested ways of avoiding mobilization aims at informing and gaining the commitment the hazards without compromising the pace and quality of of local political, religious, social and traditional leaders as social mobilization. A CPRC Publication False Expectations: Politics and the Pursuit of the Saskatchewan Myth Advertisement by Dale Eisler Dale Eisler is a former journalist who has Myth has played an important and written extensively on Saskatchewan ongoing role in the development of politics, public policy and government. Saskatchewan’s political economy and Among his work is Rumours of Glory: collective identity. It has been expressed Saskatchewan and the Thatcher Years, a in many ways. The challenge for the book that chronicled the political life and public dialogue of Saskatchewan, as the times of former Liberal Premier Ross province enters its second century, is to Thatcher. Mr. Eisler is currently an not replay the mistakes of the past. Assistant Secretary to the Federal Cabinet Saskatchewan people must recognize the at the Privy Council Office in Ottawa. role that myth has played, and must Available Now continue to play, in the life of the CPS 48/2006/ISBN 0-88977-194-4/$24.95 province. But, at the same time, they Canadian Plains Research Center, must differentiate it from reality by University of Regina understanding the power of myth as a www.cprc.uregina.ca force for progress and its potential to email email@example.com create false expectations. phone 1-866-874-2257 or (306) 585-4758 4 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue PUBLIC & PRIVATE IN CANADIAN HEALTH CARE A Guide Through the Maze BY PATRICK FAFARD1, PROFESSOR, UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA, AND RESEARCH FELLOW, CPRN Public anxiety about the health services delivery system remains very high despite, or perhaps because of, the work of the Fyke Commission and several other provincial inquiries, a national Royal Commission, and significant reforms to the delivery of health services in Canada. Sustained public anxiety has, not surprisingly, led to a broader debate about the continuing merits of a “public” system and possible advantages of a more “private” system. To encourage public understanding of this issue, the author offers a set of key points as a guide through this maze. O ver the past several years, public concerns and public anxiety about the health system have increased markedly. This been stable for many years). On the delivery side, there is also a mix of public and private. Many services are provided by is despite, or perhaps because of, the work of the Fyke unambiguously public sector workers, nurses being the most Commission and several other provincial inquiries, the significant example. Most physicians, on the other hand, are, Romanow Commission, and significant reforms to the in effect, small businesses. Thus, we can and should challenge delivery of health services in Canada. The decision by former the critics from the right who compare Canada to Cuba and Prime Minister Paul Martin to make wait lists the central North Korea when it comes to health care, just as we should focus of his government’s health care agenda, and the more challenge the critics from the left who argue that “private” and recent focus on a “wait times guarantee”, may also serve to “health” somehow need to be kept separate (as if they ever exacerbate public concern. This political preoccupation with were). wait times almost certainly heightens public awareness of the challenge but may also fuel public anxiety about access. Who Pays and Who Does Are Not the Same Thing Sustained public anxiety about health care delivery has The current debates about public and private in Canadian led to a broader debate about the continuing merits of a health care are confusing because the existing mix of public “public” system and possible advantages of a more “private” and private is not fully acknowledged. More importantly, the system. In order to try and respond to public anxiety, pundits critical distinction between delivery and financing is also too and experts have engaged in a debate about the merits of more often overlooked. While there are links between them (and at or less public and private in Canadian health care. Alas, too some point more private delivery creates pressure for more much of the current debate is cast at a very high and general private funding), we need to use a separate frame of reference level and is not so much a debate as competing and to evaluate claims and counterclaims about how we pay for contrasting statements that are at best axioms, at worst health care and how such care is delivered. What would these nothing more than slogans. This feeds the anxiety which led frames look like? to the debate in the first place. For most Canadians, the “debate” between proponents of “public” and “private” may Public Or Private: sometimes feel like navigating a maze. To offer something of It May Not Matter Who Delivers a set of guideposts through this maze, I suggest that we all need to keep several key points in mind. When it comes to the delivery of health services, we need to be wary of broad claims about the implications of more private delivery. We routinely encounter claims, and in some Private Health Care is a (Longstanding) Reality: cases actual evidence, that private delivery leads to both Get Used To It! higher quality and lower quality and will mean both longer In Canada, like in most OECD countries, there is already wait times and shorter wait times for surgery and diagnostic extensive private delivery and private financing of health care. services. How can this be? The reality is that the available While upwards of 40% of provincial budgets are allocated to evidence is more than somewhat contradictory and we do not health care, fully 30% of the total $140 billion we collectively have nearly enough hard data and careful analysis to conclude spend on health care each year are “private” dollars, either that private delivery of health services is better or worse than insurance or out-of-pocket payments (and this percentage has public delivery or under what circumstances one is better than Health Care Cont’d on PAGE 6 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 5 Health Care Cont’d from PAGE 5 the other. In fact, the real issue may not be private versus We know that, thanks to progressive taxation, the wealthy (or public at all but rather how to organize a range of constantly at least the middle class) contribute relatively more to the evolving provider options to deliver optimal care of high costs of health care. The concern with respect to more private quality, delivered in a timely way, efficient, effective, and financing of health care is that this bargain will be weakened, caring, that is to say responsive to patients and their families. if not abandoned. Private delivery of health care is not intrinsically better; More importantly, the redistributive nature of Medicare nor is public delivery, by definition, superior under all points the way to how we might best sort through the circumstances. In fact, it is the very attempt to organize the perplexing debate about the prospect of (more) private debate around a sharp distinction between public and private financing of health services. Our challenge is to strike the 2 delivery that may be the problem. As Lester Salomon and appropriate balance between what is best for the individual others have noted, the complex array of delivery agents, patient and what is best for society in general, to balance motivated as they are by a complex range of incentives, defy individual and collective rights. simple categorization. This is particularly true in health care. Striking this balance is by no means easy. The decision On a more practical level, whether a service is delivered by the Government of Quebec to regulate the number of on a for-profit or not-for-profit basis or as a direct services eligible for private insurance coverage and the government service may matter little to the patient receiving number of physicians who can opt out of the public system the service (although it may matter a great deal to the is an example of a government attempting to strike just such individual health care provider, given that a shift to private a balance. Generally speaking, however, Canadians have delivery often means a shift from wages to profits). When we expressed a quite strong preference for pursuing our need health care services we are usually interested in how fast collective interest when it comes to health care. The current we can get them, how easy it is to find them, and how good challenge is to know what compromises we are willing and they are, not whether the service is delivered publicly or indeed are required to make to pursue this collective interest. privately. In other words, we may agree that the goal is Chevrolet care for all and that some of us can and will choose to buy a More Private Financing: Cadillac. However, we need to ensure that this does not Balancing Collective and Individual Interests reduce the supply or the quality of all other cars – easier said than done. Which brings us finally to the prospect of (more) private What then is the path though the maze? In the face of financing of health care. From the perspective of individual strong and perplexing claims about the evils of socialized Canadians, there is a quite reasonable desire to use whatever medicine or profits being made on the backs of the sick, we means necessary, including our own money, to avoid ill need to ask some hard questions, insist on some basic health and cure sickness (“Why can’t I pay for my own health distinctions, balance individual and collective interests, and care or health care for my family?”). From the perspective of 3 demand that the focus remain on caring and sharing. a single individual, being able to write a cheque for health care might make a great deal of sense – as long as you have the wealth to pay for it. Moreover, we probably ENDNOTES underestimate the sacrifices individuals are willing to make 1 to pay for health care if and when they have to. Patrick Fafard, Ph.D., is a faculty member in the School of Public From the perspective of the community, however, it and International Affairs, University of Ottawa and Research makes more sense to pool our risk, combine our resources Fellow, Canadian Policy Research Networks. He has served in and ensure that health care – something we cannot do senior positions with the Governments of Canada and without – is available to all. In fact, some go on to argue Saskatchewan including Executive Director of the Saskatchewan that, in return (and within certain limits), we should all be Commission on Medicare led by Ken Fyke. willing to make certain sacrifices with respect to the care we 2 receive (ageing hospitals; modest wait times for elective Salamon, Lester M., “The New Governance: Getting Beyond the surgery). To put this argument in more colourful terms, we Right Answer to the Wrong Question in Public Sector Reform.” J. are willing to trade away Cadillac care for some in favour of Douglas Gibson Lecture. School of Policy Studies, Queen’s Chevrolet care for all. University, 2005. Ultimately, Medicare is about redistributing wealth from 3 those of us who are relatively wealthy and healthy to those of This is a much abridged and modified version of Patrick Fafard, us who are neither. We know, for example, that the poor use Public and Private in Canadian Health Care: a guide for the the health care system more intensively than the better off. perplexed. Canadian Policy Research Networks, (forthcoming). 6 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue THE DESTRUCTIVE POWER OF MYTH Review of False Expectations: Politics and the Pursuit of the Saskatchewan Myth BY IAN PEACH, DIRECTOR, SIPP “Agriculture settlement can make very slender progress in any portion of that region.” – British scientist J. H. Lefroy, 1857 “It is not easy to forecast the future of wheat in Saskatchewan because the extent of the country adaptable to wheat growing is so vast that when it comes into production…the output cannot fail to run into figures both of quantity and money that imagination can hardly reach.” – C.P.R. pamphlet T hese two quotes succinctly express the gap between reality and myth that is the subject of Dale Eisler’s new book Eisler’s conclusion should be required reading for all students of Saskatchewan history. He correctly declares that False Expectations: Politics and the Pursuit of the Saskatchewan Saskatchewan is a success story. For him, it is a success Myth. As Eisler, a well-known former Saskatchewan because its people have built a “unique society and economy” journalist who is now a senior federal public servant, and created a socially cohesive community (with the cogently points out, the “Saskatchewan myth” of a land of regrettable and unacceptable exception of Aboriginal boundless potential is a conscious product of human peoples, a point which Eisler also makes), often against endeavour, an exercise in political propaganda that, as such, tremendous odds. I would add that Saskatchewan has largely is impossible to sustain. Eventually, and inevitably, the achieved its economic goals, when those goals are assessed people of the province must confront realisitically. Our economy is highly the reality of a land difficult to tame diversified, with agriculture now and challenging to wrest a livelihood For the most part, this book is a careful, representing only 7% of the out of. Yet the myth creates false well-researched exercise in retelling province’s GDP, and our level of expectations and a sense of Saskatchewan history and constructing a economic growth has been among the entitlement; when the expectations narrative framework around that history highest in Canada for many years are not met, the reaction is too often that gives it meaning and continuing now. Our cities and towns may not denial recrimination for those who relevance. be large, but many are vibrant are seen to be to blame for the failure, communities with much of value to rather than an acceptance that the offer their residents. Yet, as Eisler myth is more than a myth and a pride in what has been notes, the myth distorts our sense of accomplishment in accomplished. what the people of Saskatchewan have built and, as a In taking us through this cycle of expectations raised and consequence, distorts our political discourse. dashed, Eisler takes us through the history of our province, In the end, Eisler poses the key question for our province from the time before it was a province right up to its – “Has myth played a positive or negative role in the history centennial year. Eisler, a well-respected professional as both a of Saskatchewan?” Finding the right balance between myth journalist and a public servant, does allow his narrative to as inspiration and reality as perspective is, indeed, the key to wander onto tangents at times and even, on occasion, to hint a more rational democratic debate. at a partisan bias, but these are understandable imperfections On this note, Eisler gives us his final in a book-length work from a person whose first career was piece of wise counsel in the last to comment on Saskatchewan politics in the strictly sentence of the book: “Once we come constrained format of a newspaper column. For the most to terms with what we can reasonably part, this book is a careful, well-researched exercise in hope for ourselves and what we retelling Saskatchewan history and constructing a narrative already have, we might discover what framework around that history that gives it meaning and my uncle Frank understood long ago continuing relevance. – that the myth has become our reality.” Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 7 MEDIA PRESENTATION OF CRIME STATISTICS Interpreting the Rhetoric BY FRED BURCH, GOVERNMENT OF SASKATCHEWAN SENIOR POLICY FELLOW FOR 2006-07, SIPP Crime rates per 100,000 can be misleading and can foster negativity that has the potential to sway public opinion and attitudes and, subsequently, may affect expenditures and economic growth. Most Saskatchewan residents could confirm that, in casual conversation residents of other provinces have, for years, taken solace in reciting the frequent media references to high crime rates in Saskatchewan, and the west. Investors, medical specialists, and other professionals are just as susceptible to such rhetoric. S tatistics Canada has published police reported crime statistics since 1962. Changes in legislation, policies and – almost 400 more than the next highest, Manitoba.” Concerning violence in general, however, a look at the actual practices as well as social, economic and demographic factors numbers provides a different perspective. Saskatchewan are noted in each publication to assist in interpreting the data police reported 19,717 incidents, Ontario 93,788 and and to enhance the quality and comparability of the data set. Quebec 56,175. Graph One depicts these figures and the In 1988, Statistics Canada began using Census Metropolitan actual number of police reported violent crimes for all Area (CMA) populations in addition to provincial and provinces as listed in Table 3 of the 2005 report. territorial data to construct rates per 100,000 for selected Graph One : Violent Crime (Numbers) criminal incident categories. Although criminologists by Province - 2005 caution that general use of rates per 100,000 can be 100000 misleading, as not all segments of the population are at equal 90000 risk, this type of information can provide the public with an 80000 interesting and relatively safe comparative base if qualified 70000 appropriately, used consistently and presented 60000 50000 dispassionately. Presented without appropriate qualifiers or 40000 sensationalized beyond reasonable licence, however, “rates” 30000 can influence fear of crime, potentially affecting public 20000 1 policy decisions and expenditures. 10000 On July 20, 2006 Statistics Canada released “Crime 0 NL PEI N.S N.B Que Ont Man Sask Alta B.C Statistics in Canada, 2005”. All facets of the Canadian news media reported on the publication within 24 hours. Most Source: Statistics Canada, “Crime Statistics in presented a standard set of comments extracted from the Canada, 2005”, Cat. 85-002-XIE, Vol. 26, No.4, Table 3 highlights page. The articles were framed with narratives that provide a local or regional flavour and most included insights CBC Radio Saskatchewan used phrases such as “among from criminologists or public officials. A number of media the worst for murders…” and “…among the most crime- outlets, however, published fairly sensational bi-lines and ridden in the country…” to describe Saskatchewan and also phrases. Few readers will recall the insights or the actual data quoted the 1,983 violent crimes per 100,000 figure, noting but the emotions inspired by the rhetoric, will likely remain. this was “a rate nearly three times higher than the most What, then, was the “rhetoric” that dominated local peaceful provinces, Ontario and Quebec”. The subjective news reports of the Statistics Canada 2005 release? The page presentation by CBC Radio may have led the audience to one headline in the July 21, 2006 Regina Leader Post was, believe rates per one hundred thousand are actual numbers… “City’s crime rate falls”. The article notes that, “although “Saskatchewan had more violent crime than any province in (the) crime rate dropped, it (Regina) remained the second Canada”. most crime-ridden city in Canada …” and continued with, The Regina Leader Post article noted, “Saskatchewan also “Total crime was down 14.6 per cent, homicides 20 per cent” reported more homicides than any other province, 4.3 per followed by, “Saskatchewan reported more violent crime 100,000 people – up from 3.9 the previous year”. The rates than any other province at 1,983 per one hundred thousand are quoted accurately but the narrative is misleading. All but 8 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue the Atlantic Provinces and territories reported more coverage – may linger. homicides than Saskatchewan and four of Canada’s larger “Toronto’s murder rate”, notes CBC, “at 2.0 per 100,000 cities each recorded more homicides than the entire province. people, is half that of Regina and far below that of Saskatoon”. The actual numbers, 104 homicides in Toronto Graph Two : Homicide Rates (per 100,000) (CMA), 8 in Regina (CMA) and 9 in Saskatoon (CMA) are by Province "Hig h e st h o m ic id e ra te s in th e w e st, 2005" not mentioned. Graph Four depicts the actual reported 5 homicides in selected CMA’s over a three-year period. 4.2 4.3 Graphs Three and Four make no pretence at respecting 4 population size or density, socio-economic or demographic Canada (2.0) 3.3 factors. They are interesting, but of limited direct value to 3 2.3 policy makers. Each could, however, in conjunction with 2.1 2 1.7 1.7 subjective media presentation that complements the visual 1.3 1.2 image, directly influence public attitudes, fear of crime, and 1 subsequently, public policy decision making. 0 0 NL PEI N.S N.B Que Ont Man Sask Alta B.C Graph Four : Homicide (NUMBERS) in Selected CMA's - 2005 Source: Reproduced from Statistics Canada, “Crime Statistics in 110 Canada, 2005”, Cat. 85-002-XIE, Vol. 26, No.4, Figure 5 100 90 80 Graph Two shows the standard presentation of homicides 70 2003 in Canada that has appeared in various forms in Statistics 60 2004 50 Canada publications since 1987. The title “Highest homicide 40 2005 rates in the west” was added in 2004. The visual image, and 30 20 title, appears to speak for itself and, at face value, lends 10 support to an overly negative portrayal of life on the prairies. 0 But is this truly what Statistics Canada expects their audience, a a to g l ry n n n r ea ve aw in pe o to oo ga on ilt tr eg u on ni tt at al on co r am R To in O sk m C an M or the media, to conclude from the data? W Sa H Ed V Source: Statistics Canada, “Crime Statistics in Canada”, Table 4 in reports Graph Three : Homicide (Numbers) 2003-2005, Cat. 85-002-XIE, Vol. 24-6, 25-5, 26-4 by Province - 2005 250 21 8 Other “non-traditional” approaches also leave a 200 considerably different impression. Three are outlined below. The Toronto CMA covers approximately 5,900 square 150 kilometres and the Regina CMA 3,400 square kilometres. If 109 100 98 the Regina CMA was expanded to include the Moose Jaw 100 CMA and points between (but maintained its eastern 49 50 43 boundary) the geographic size would be approximately the 20 9 0 9 same as Toronto’s CMA. Although a single homicide is tragic, 0 “Regina” residents would find it difficult to comprehend over NL PEI N.S N.B Que Ont Man Sask A lta B.C 100 homicides in an area between Moose Jaw and Edenwold. Source: Statistics Canada, “Crime Statistics in For the citizens of the Toronto CMA, it is a reality. Canada, 2005”, Cat. 85-002-XIE, Vol. 26, No.4, Table 3 Further, a homicide every month and a half (Regina CMA) is cause for concern, but one every three and a half Graph Three presents the actual number of homicides in days (Toronto CMA) is more unsettling. Presenting the data 2005 by province . Presenting the data in this fashion does not in a “homicides per month” or “by square kilometres” is provide an image that is more, or less, valuable than Graph unscientific, but not any more so than the Toronto Star’s Two. Both graphs, however, evoke a distinctly different comment that “someone in Toronto was less than half as likely emotional response depending on ones’ home community. to be murdered as someone in Edmonton” (based on 2 Although the “rates” or “numbers” quickly will be forgotten, homicides per 100,000 compared to 4.3 per 100,000). The the mental image – particularly when reinforced by media overall homicide rate for Saskatchewan was also 4.3 per Media Cont’d on PAGE 10 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 9 Media Cont’d from PAGE 9 100,000. A similar comparison could be made between confirm that, in casual conversation residents of other Saskatchewan’s rate and Ontario’s (1.7 per 100,000). But are provinces have, for years, taken solace in reciting the frequent these differences statistically significant, and are they any media references to high crime rates in Saskatchewan, and more informative than using simple percentages? the west. Investors, medical specialists, and other Using percentages, the statement that Saskatchewan’s professionals are just as susceptible to such rhetoric. violent crime rate was “nearly three times higher than the For the most part, Canadian journalists, working under most peaceful provinces Ontario and Quebec,” becomes considerable pressure, captured the essence of the 2005 more incredulous. There were 304,274 violent crimes twenty-six page “Crime Statistics in Canada 2005” report – reported in Canada in 2005; 19,717 in Saskatchewan or 6% and did so within incredibly short timeframes. Subtle of all violent crimes in Canada, and changes made by Statistics Canada 93,788 in Ontario, or 31% of all If the Regina CMA was expanded to that first appeared in 2004, however, violent crimes. The percent of include the Moose Jaw CMA and points may tend to excuse reporters. For Canadian homicides occurring in each between (but maintained its eastern example, although the publications province is also similar; 6.5% occurred boundary) the geographic size would be have reported high rates in the west in Saskatchewan, 33% in Ontario. approximately the same as Toronto’s CMA. for various crime types for decades, Returning to the Regina and Although a single homicide is tragic, 2004 was the first year where the Toronto CMA’s, a question to consider “Regina” residents would find it difficult to descriptive heading “Highest is, what decrease / increase would comprehend over 100 homicides in an area homicide rates in the west” appears result in the Toronto CMA reporting a between Moose Jaw and Edenwold. above the graph depicting homicide higher rate than the Regina CMA? rates per 100,000. The combined Using the 2005 reported homicides image and textual message provides and population figures, a 25% reduction in reported for an almost irresistible headline. If media representatives homicides in the Regina CMA (8 to 6) would produce a rate could see beyond these ready made “key messages” and per 100,000 of 2.97. The Toronto CMA would require an occasionally present the actual numbers along with the rates, increase of 50% in the number of reported homicides (104 compare similar sized regions, and avoid subjective to 159) to generate a rate per 100,000 of 2.99. Regions with commentary the coverage would be more meaningful. smaller denominators, are almost certain to have higher rates Attempting to devote public funds to serious problem areas when compared to significantly larger populations. will be a more difficult task if Saskatchewan taxpayers are led Total population, as the “denominator” when calculating to believe their communities are “crime ridden” and that a crime rates, has been questioned by social scientists for other “get tough on crime” approach is all that is needed. reasons; it may represent a false image of risk: “The traditional homicide rate is not what people think it is, REFERENCES namely an accurate measure of the occurrence of violence 1 2 within a population.” If the result is intended to provide an See for example, Roberts, J. V. (2001) Research Summary indication of risk, the denominator should attempt to reflect Vol. 6 No.6 November, “Public Fear of Crime and Perceptions of those at risk – for example young disadvantaged males. One the Criminal Justice System: A Review of Recent Trends”, Ottawa: problem associated with using general-population census Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness Canada. figures as the comparison baseline, is that crime is not 2 A detailed critique of problems with using the total randomly distributed throughout the general population - 3 population in the denominator appears in, Andresen M., Jenion “different groups commit different crimes at different rates.” G., Jenion M, (2003) “Conventional Calculations of Homicide A similar problem exists with the numerator. In other Rates Leads to an Inaccurate Reflection of Canadian Trends” publications, Statistics Canada reports, “… because of the Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice January; small number of homicides in these communities and their Vol. 45, Iss.1. relatively small populations, a small increase in the number 3 of homicides in these areas will have a large impact on the Gold, A. D., (2003) “Media Hype, Racial Profiling, and 4 rates”. Good Science.” Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Rates per 100,000 can be misleading and can foster Justice July 2003 Vol. 45, Iss.3. negativity that has the potential to sway public opinion and 4 attitudes and, subsequently, may affect expenditures and Statistics Canada, “Homicide in Canada 2003” Juristat, Cat. economic growth. Most Saskatchewan residents could no. 85-002-XPE, Vol. 24, no. 8, p. 4. 10 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue THE 100 PERCENT SOLUTION How to Handle Non-renewable Natural Resource Revenues under Equalization BY BRIAN LEE CROWLEY, PRESIDENT, ATLANTIC INSTITUTE FOR MARKET STUDIES The federal government’s Expert Panel on Equalization (Canada 2006) has done the country a huge service by reiterating the need to move equalization away from special political deals and back to a rational, formula-driven approach. Just as important, and this has not yet received the attention it deserves, the Expert Panel has underlined that natural resource revenues are different from other kinds of revenues and should be treated differently, at least for purposes of defining the standard to which equalization-receiving provinces should be equalized. T he federal government’s Expert Panel on Equalization (Canada 2006) has done the country a huge service by bread. They are properly considered income for the purposes of providing public reiterating the need to move equalization away from special services. political deals and back to a rational, formula-driven Non-renewable resource royalties are quite approach. Just as important — and this has not yet received different. When these resources are sold and the attention it deserves — the Expert Panel has underlined a royalty is levied on that sale, all that has that natural resource revenues are different from other kinds changed is that the province has a cash asset of revenues and should be treated differently, at least for instead of an asset in the ground. The purposes of defining the standard to which equalization- trouble is, equalization does not make the receiving provinces should be equalized. distinction between income and the While the Expert Panel was right to single out natural proceeds from the sale of a capital asset. It resource revenues, it has not found the best way to integrate treats royalty revenues the same as it treats them into the overall formula. Non-renewable natural personal, corporate and sales taxes. resource revenues are not like income or sales taxes. Such (Boessenkool 2002, 5) taxes, and most other revenues, are renewable. They flow from the endlessly renewed efforts and activities of people. Thus, in counting non-renewable natural resource revenues Renewable natural resources, such as forest products or as part of the “fiscal capacity” of equalization-receiving hydro-electric power, if husbanded properly, can provide a provinces, the equalization formula treats that money as reasonably sustainable long-term flow of income. income, rather than assets — as new value created, rather But non-renewable natural resource revenues come from than a simple transformation from one form of asset into the sale of finite resources. As one AIMS author puts it in this another. By treating resource revenues this way and accounting example, non-renewable natural resource deducting them from equalization payments, Ottawa in revenues should be treated not as “income” to the provinces, effect forces recipient provinces to act irresponsibly with their but as the sale of an asset: assets and to spend them as ordinary income. Additionally, non-renewable natural resource revenues The revenue from bread that Bill the Baker have another peculiar quality. As former Alberta finance sells is income — it affects the profits and minister Jim Dinning likes to say, non-renewable natural losses of the bakery. However, if Bill sells resource revenues are non-reliable, subject to wild one of his ovens, the money from that sale fluctuations in commodity prices. But government spending does not enter the income statement. This has a rather different character: it is highly reliable. sale is a balance sheet transaction, because Governments hire employees, all of whom expect to be paid all Bill has done is to exchange a physical regularly, have benefits and pensions and need a place to asset (the oven) for a financial asset (the work – all long-term spending commitments. Since these cash from the sale). employees are highly unionized and their contracts are quite Taxes on personal and corporate income as inflexible, they are likely to be quite stony faced if well as sales are like revenue from the sale of governments plead low natural resources prices at bargaining 100 Percent Solution Cont’d on PAGE 12 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 11 100 Percent Solution Cont’d from PAGE 11 time. But if prices — and, therefore, government revenues — the equalization program effectively to force all recipient are high, they certainly expect a cut. provinces to act in this way. That is why it is a mistake to treat non-renewable natural resource revenues as if they were just like income or sales The 100 Percent Solution taxes. Spending commitments made when prices are high The solution to this problem appears relatively become a nightmare for governments when prices fall. The straightforward. In calculating both the ten-province asperity of the equalization conflict between Ottawa and standard up to which equalization-receiving provinces are to provinces that are rich in non-renewable resources is due in be brought and their equalization entitlements, Ottawa large part to the high prices these resources fetch in the should look at what the provinces actually do with their non- marketplace today. The resource-rich provinces wish to renewable natural resource money. If a province spends such spend these revenues, but unless they act carefully and revenues to finance ordinary program spending, that money deliberately, they will simply sow the seeds of miserable and should count toward its fiscal capacity and should feed draconian budget cuts when the inevitable price collapse through to the calculation of the ten-province standard. comes. If, on the other hand, a province acts responsibly and If it is correct that non-renewable natural resource treats its non-renewable resource revenues as the asset they revenues must be treated as capital, it follows that they are, this should be reflected in the way those revenues are should be reinvested, so as to confer long-term benefits on treated under equalization. For each province’s citizens – the example, if the money goes to ultimate owners of the resource. [I]t is a mistake to treat non-renewable natural reduce provincial debt, it should That means such revenues should resource revenues as if they were just like income not be counted in the province’s be used exclusively for two things. or sales taxes. Spending commitments made fiscal capacity. If it goes into a One is debt reduction. Since when prices are high become a nightmare for heritage-type fund, as Alberta has debt is only deferred taxes, a huge governments when prices fall. The asperity of the done with some of its revenues, debt is a big disincentive to equalization conflict between Ottawa and only the revenues generated by that business investment in their provinces that are rich in non-renewable fund, not the capital endowment of provinces. Servicing a billion resources is due in large part to the high prices the fund itself, should be counted dollars’ worth of debt costs the these resources fetch in the marketplace today. in the province’s fiscal capacity. average province roughly $80 As an example, when all non- million a year, year after year. renewable resource revenues and a Reduce debt by a billion dollars, and over 20 years a province three-year average from fiscal years 2003/04 to 2005/06 are could spend a further $1.6 billion on public services without used to determine the provinces’ fiscal capacity, the gap the need for deficits or higher taxes, or having to depend on between the seven equalization receiving provinces and taxpayers in the rest of the country to finance the large Alberta, the province with the highest fiscal capacity, is over transfers they receive to pay for needed public services. $4,000 per capita. This is primarily due to the inclusion of The second option for using these revenues responsibly all revenues from the province’s non-renewable natural is the creation of a heritage or trust fund. This creates an asset resources. that smoothes out the huge fluctuations in natural resource Suppose instead we assume that all provinces treated revenues, while creating an asset that can be invested in their resources royalties responsibly — in other words, as things that confer long-term benefits, like genuine assets — and the equalization formula recognizes this fiscal infrastructure, medical research, and top flight facilities for responsibility. As Figure 1 shows, the disparity between the our schools, colleges and universities. highest and lowest fiscal capacities of the provinces after The problem, of course, in dealing with non-renewable equalization is reduced to just over $1,200 per capita. natural resource revenues and equalization is that many Alberta’s huge but temporary non-renewable natural resource provinces do act irresponsibly and spend such revenues as if revenue windfall does not artificially inflate its fiscal capacity. they were ordinary provincial income. While the revenues Only income from the province’s Heritage Fund, not the last, they effectively boost the province’s spending capacity, underlying assets, are counted toward its fiscal capacity. This but at the cost of creating an inequity whereby some is exactly as it should be, since the province would be doing provinces can afford to offer richer services than others the responsible thing on behalf of present and future simply by running down their capital assets to finance generations of Albertans by investing the windfall as a current consumption. Such abuse, however, is no reason for financial asset rather than spending it as ordinary revenue. 12 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue Figure 1: Ten Province Standard Fiscal Capacity and Equalization Payments, by Province, Excluding Non-renewable Natural Resource Revenues, Fiscal Year 2006/07 ($ per Capita) 8,000 7,000 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000 0 NL PE NS NB QC ON MB SK AB BC Own Source Fiscal Capacity Equalization Note: Fiscal capacity and equalization payments are based on a three-year average of fiscal years 2003/04 to 2005/06. Sources: Courchene 2005; Canada 2006; provincial budget documents for fiscal year 2005/06; and author’s calculations. Conclusion Expert Panel muddied the waters by treating renewable and Our proposed approach to non-renewable natural resource non-renewable resources in the same way, even though they revenues would allow the federal government to honour its differ in principle. Moreover, the Panel failed to understand promise not to count such revenues in calculating provinces’ the transformative power for equalization-receiving provinces equalization entitlements (subject only to the condition that of a principled treatment of non-renewable natural resource these revenues be treated as capital, not income), removing a revenues. Ottawa can and should do better on equalization major source of conflict between the provinces over natural reform. resource revenues and how to integrate them into equalization. It would also introduce a dynamic element into the equalization program, actually rewarding provinces for sound management of their assets. REFERENCES Boessenkool, Ken. 2002. Ten Reasons to Remove Non-renewable Ottawa can and should build on the Expert Resources from Equalization. Halifax, NS: Atlantic Institute for Panel’s recommendation to return to a formula- Market Studies. driven approach to equalization, as well as on its recognition that non-renewable natural resource Canada. 2006. Expert Panel on Equalization and Territorial revenues have a special character. But the Expert Formula Financing. Achieving a National Purpose: Putting Panel muddied the waters by treating renewable and non-renewable resources in the same way, Equalization Back on Track. Ottawa: Department of Finance. May. even though they differ in principle. Courchene, Thomas J. 2005. “Resource Revenues and Equalization: Five-Province vs. National-Average Standards, Ottawa can and should build on the Expert Panel’s Alternatives to the Representative Tax System, and Revenue- recommendation to return to a formula-driven approach to Sharing Pools.” Paper prepared for the Expert Panel on equalization, as well as on its recognition that non-renewable Equalization and Territorial Formula Financing. Ottawa. natural resource revenues have a special character. But the September. Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 13 THE SUPREME COURT From the Outside BY JOHN D. WHYTE, SENIOR POLICY FELLOW, SIPP In 2005–2006 there were two events that placed in public discourse the question of the Court’s rightful place in the broader political order. The first was the new, somewhat innovative, way of appointing new members to the Court and the second was the brief stir caused by a member of parliament who attacked the presumption of Supreme Court judges when they decide on the validity of laws and public administration on the basis of unwritten constitutional principles. W hat is important about a nation’s top court is the way that it shapes the nation’s law – not only by the reflect not the distant and abstract values of efficient and fair markets and effective regulation, but palpable and personal substantive results of its decisions, but the tenor of its values – questions of how to reconcile personal autonomy reasoning. How a supreme national court practices law – with the needs of social cohesion and social conformity. In how it thinks about law – as evidenced by its members’ this way, Canadian courts speak to the legitimacy of many modes and theories of legal justification is politically aspects of public regulation of personal liberty and personal significant. It shapes an understanding of what the rule of choices, and they set limits on the normative social vision of law means in our political society and, as well, determines the the state. It is this effect of Charter of Rights decisions that level of legitimacy that is granted to the court – and to the has made the work of the Supreme Court of Canada so laws, especially the Constitution, that the court applies. political – so subject to popular reaction. In 2005 – 2006 there were two events, apart from the We so highly value judicial independence – the actual decisions delivered by the independence to decide cases Supreme Court, that placed in Under the Charter, court decisions reflect not the according only to judges’ sense of public discourse the question of distant and abstract values of efficient and fair the law – that we have given the Court’s rightful place in the markets and effective regulation, but palpable and judges secure, long-term broader political order. The first personal values – questions of how to reconcile appointments. In Canada, we was the new, somewhat personal autonomy with the needs of social cohesion also sense that electing judges is innovative, way of appointing and social conformity. In this way, Canadian courts inconsistent with the core idea of new members to the Court and speak to the legitimacy of many aspects of regulating legalism in that currying electoral the second was the brief stir personal liberty and personal choices and they set favour distorts law’s meaning. caused by a member of limits on the normative social vision of the state. How, then, should we give parliament who attacked the institutional recognition to the presumptuousness of Supreme political significance of judging? Court judges when they decide cases concerning the validity In recent decades in Canada we have sought to reflect the of laws on the basis of unwritten constitutional principles. public values of judicial decision-making through It is usual to place responsibility for a heightened constructing quasi-public judicial nomination processes that political awareness of the Supreme Court’s role on the will identify people whose training, achievements and coming into force of the Canadian Charter of Rights and experience make them particularly suitable for judicial Freedoms as part of the constitutional amendments of 1982. appointment. As valuable has this has been, it is a pale But, for over a century before 1982 courts had been regularly version of political accountability compared to the interrupting, on the ground of constitutional breach, crucial disputatious American process of Senate confirmation of regulatory projects of governments, as well as governmental persons nominated for federal judicial appointment. But in initiatives to implement specialized administrative structures. recent years in Canada, the American process of legislative Nevertheless, the new Charter agenda of liberty, group rights, confirmation has had its allure. For some, the harsh tones due process and equal treatment has caused courts to bring and open politics of the American confirmation process have constitutional judgment to bear on the moral questions of seemed a sensible match to the political conflict that has personal entitlement, state responsibilities and the conditions attended some Charter decisions in Canada. of democratic justice. Under the Charter, court decisions When it came time last Fall to appoint a replacement for 14 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue Justice John Major on the Supreme Court, the Liberal parliamentarians by constitutional lawyer Peter Hogg. He set government, following the Canadian strategy of tampering tight restrictions on any questioning that might have with the way judges are nominated, created a committee of illuminated constitutional philosophy. Instead, he instructed nine persons to consider names suggested by the government parliamentarians to explore Justice Rothstein’s wisdom, and to select three persons one of whom the government compassion, collegiality, energy, courtesy, literacy and more-or-less committed itself to appoint. The committee was rationality, all of which, while perfectly attractive attributes in given just six names to review but it seems that the committee a judge, or in anyone, were not only beyond discernment in was licensed to seek other names and, if it thought it the context of this sort of hearing, but were far less necessary, add a new name to the group it recommended. In meaningful to the nation than the question of what values fact, it did consider additional persons but, in the end, the Justice Rothstein saw the constitution bringing to Canadian committee suggested three names from the short list of six political society. given it. On balance, one would Professor Hogg was, of course, have to say that this was a process of correct in telling parliamentarians limited significance; the appoint- that they were not to ask Justice ment was hugely shaped by the Rothstein how he would decide a government’s exercises of discretion particular case that might soon in establishing the small group of come before the Supreme Court. names that the Committee could That question might lead to the consider and, consequently, there inference that the nominee was was not a broad review of potential making decision commitments in candidates once the list left the exchange for approval which control of federal ministers. would be a stark abridgement of Furthermore, although we have no the rule of law. It would also lead direct evidence of what drove the litigants to believe that the judge Committee’s recommendations, the had a closed mind on issues that selection reflects notions of will come before him, whereas geographic even-handedness as judicial decision-making is based much as anything else. This stage of both on deep neutrality and on the appointment process does not open-minded application of legal seem a significant advance over the precepts to real and current careful work that has usually been contexts. However, the sound done by the federal Commissioner advice not to deal with actual legal of Federal Judicial Affairs and the controversies should not have Prime Minister’s Office, although foreclosed explorations of judicial there was increased transparency philosophy and constitutional with respect to the fact that a values. For instance, in his most judicial selection process was taking Photos courtesy of Philippe Landreville. Copyright of the Supreme Court famous decision as a member of place. of Canada. the Federal Court of Appeal – a The Harper government, when decision on the patentability of an it came to power, accepted the three names submitted by the oncomouse, a genetically altered mouse – he wrote that the Committee and named for appointment Justice Marshall policy questions surrounding the scope of patent protection Rothstein, a judge of the Federal Court of Appeal. It was were not for the court to address. Depending on what he decided to subject this proposal to parliamentary review – for actually meant by this claim, it could be a sound stance for a Canada, a novel (but, in the end, an ersatz) confirmation judge to take, but it seems to reflect a very limited view of process. Sadly, this process cannot be said to have contributed statutory interpretation. These ideas of legitimate judicial to an understanding of the judicial function or the values that reasoning, if explored, would inform legislators – and guide it. The process was devoid of enquiry into what, for Canadians – about what sort of judicial reasoning we might Justice Rothstein, comprises the constitutional philosophy or get from Justice Rothstein. Professor Hogg in his cautionary the moral authority that will lie behind his judicial words seems to have driven the parliamentary review of the development of constitutional meaning. The empty process nominee away from these important issues. may have been the result of the introductory lecture to The Supreme Court Cont’d on PAGE 17 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 15 MAD COW POLITICS Mad Cow Watch goes Blind in North America DR. SYLVAIN CHARLEBOIS, FACULTY OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION, UNIVERSITY OF REGINA, AND SIPP POLICY FELLOW With the discovery of the seventh BSE case in Canada, study of the disease and monitoring clearly represents a far more reasonable course than the “business as usual” tack prevailing in the industry and in the Canadian policy approach since the initial Canadian BSE crisis. Canadian consumers deserve better protection. C anada’s largest market for beef, the United States, has lately postponed plans to allow more imports of Canadian an old bag of feed produced before the bans or accidents that occurred in feed mills may have caused the disease to spread. cattle over the age of 30 months, in light of this country’s The possibility of maternal transmission of BSE, from cow to latest seventh case of bovine spongiform encephalopathy calf, was also mentioned after the latest case was found. As we (BSE) found in a very young animal in July 2006. It would move along with our learning process on BSE and seem, however, that worries from the Canadian beef industry international trades concerning food safety, a guessing game will be short lived, since Japan recently lifted its six-month is hardly an astute strategy for reassuring our trading ban on U.S. beef, clearing the way for meatpackers to gain partners. Indeed, surveillance of the disease itself has become lost market share in the land of the rising sun. In order to an even more important issue. achieve that, they need, of course, Canadian cattle. Surely, Canada will be testing over 50,000 cases this year, a there is renewed optimism in the cattle industry these days, great improvement from 3,000 a few years go, but it is still and any future BSE case far from enough. Increased seems to have little or no monitoring across the affect at all on industry supply chain would not officials. Finding more only serve the purpose of BSE cases in Canada managing risks, it would should be expected, but help us understand how more work to manage the disease is contracted future cases is certainly and how it evolves over required. time. Although the CFIA This summer, the U.S. recently strengthened feed announced that it will cut control in Canada, the feed its mad-cow testing industry needs to be better program by almost 90 per scrutinized. Monitoring cent, after data collected will lead to more evidence- over two years showed a based analysis, which is very low level of the Illustration courtesy of Matt Zerr, graphics editor for The Carillon, University of Regina. essential for scientific disease in the domestic research. It would also herd. This would suggest that North American authorities allow the supply chain to equip itself for future threatening are perhaps becoming nonchalant about the BSE scare diseases that could someday strike the cattle industry. without knowing much about the disease itself. The last Methods to detect the disease should also be reviewed. Canadian BSE case in July was born five years after the feed For example, a Canadian company based in Alberta is ban that prevented parts from cattle and other ruminants confident it has a cheap, ground-breaking test for mad cow from being used in feed for ruminants. For years, the disease. The only approved BSE test in Canada has to be Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA) argued that the performed post-mortem on the animal. It is now 1997 feed ban would eradicate most latent BSE cases from technologically possible to test live animals and detect the Canadian herds. With this last case, some have suggested that disease at an early stage so as to perhaps halt it. Similar 16 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue technologies exist in the United States and Europe. These process for both the industry and Canadian consumers. The would decrease the costs of monitoring capabilities while focus now should also be on learning, not just on managing increasing our monitoring capacity and accuracy, and, at the risks. Canadian consumers deserve better protection. In same time, vastly increase our enhancing our BSE knowledge of the disease itself. Over the last three years, we have realized that the monitoring strategy, scientists Over the last three years, we Americans are the “canaries,” signalling to us when it will acquire better knowledge have realized that the Americans are is time to take action. Since the Americans are of the disease itself, and our the “canaries,” signalling to us reluctant to test all of their cattle for BSE, Canada is trading partners will have when it is time to take action. Since synchronistically also not ready to do so, and the CFIA better reassurance of the the Americans are reluctant to test adamantly defends current food safety policies. quality of our products. With all of their cattle for BSE, Canada is the discovery of the seventh synchronistically also not ready to do so, and the CFIA BSE case in Canada, study of the disease and improved adamantly defends current food safety policies. It has no other monitoring clearly represents a far more reasonable course choice but to do so. The CFIA applies rigorous methods to than the “business as usual” tack prevailing in the industry manage domestic risks, both for the industry and consumers. and in the Canadian policy approach since the initial Better monitoring, though, would democratize the entire Canadian BSE crisis. The Supreme Court Cont’d from PAGE 15 It is hard to see that the innovations developed for the The first is that there is nothing legally adventurous in Supreme Court’s most recent appointment provide a useful understanding the constitutional text to have been shaped by template for future appointments. However, it is likely to be basic principles of political ordering and to seek to understand many years until another appointment and, in that time, the the meaning of that text through recourse to the constitution’s appropriate response to the felt need for greater political purpose – or its basic projects, or its principles – can only be accountability may become clearer. sound interpretive practice and good law. The Chief Justice, The other moment of political attention came in May in her speech to a foreign audience, was attempting to convey when MP Maurice Vellacott attacked the Supreme Court on a sense of the intellectual challenge of adjudicating Canadian the basis of a speech given by Chief Justice McLachlin (it constitutionalism. In doing so she described perfectly appears that Mr. Vellacott based his comments on a press acceptable strategies for gaining understanding and to have report of a speech the Chief Justice gave in New Zealand) in described her as assuming the mantle of divinity was unfair. which she described the Supreme Court’s resort in some cases On the other hand, how a supreme court justifies its to unwritten constitutional principles as bases of decisions or decisions – by reference to what interpretive guides – is a as sources for understanding the normative projects of the matter of intense political interest and Mr. Vellacott only Constitution. However carefully the Chief Justice may have pointed out the Canadian Supreme Court’s fairly recent resort explained how unwritten constitutional principles can to ideas at the most abstract level – ideas that are not explicitly influence decisions, Mr. Vellacott saw judges as claiming God- expressed but can only be inferred from general constitutional like powers. Admittedly, the God metaphor is effective in relationships – to justify its decisions. Both abstraction and conveying the sense that Supreme Court judges are both absence of direct textual warrant do, of course, expand unbounded in their powers and above any form of interpretive power and elevate the role of subtle and, perhaps, accountability. The Canadian Bar Association saw Mr. personal discernment in adjudication. Furthermore, theories Vellacott’s accusation that judges exercise God-like power as a of interpretation with respect to a national constitution are misrepresentation of the Chief Justices’ words and injurious to meant to be examined, debated and criticized. This is exactly the reputation of the Supreme Court. The Bar Association what was, unfortunately, foreclosed in the parliamentary called on Prime Minister Harper to remove Mr. Vellacott review of Justin Rothstein’s nomination and what Mr. from his position as chair of a parliamentary committee as Vellacott may have been seeking to engender. Canada needs acknowledgment of the extent to which he had breached the to stop shrinking from the debates that would allow standards of commentary on the judicial branch. Canadians to understand the processes by which their There are two sensible reactions to Mr. Vellacott’s attack. constitution is shaped. Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 17 POINT - COUNTERPOINT To Elect or Appoint: A Debate on Canadian Senators BY DAVID E. SMITH, SIPP SENIOR POLICY FELLOW, AND IAN PEACH, SIPP DIRECTOR In a political system where election to office is the exception and appointment the rule, be it for governor general, prime minister and premiers, ministers, or judges, what makes election to the Senate an improvement which its proponents treat as self-evident? In Electing Senators, Context is All-important DAVID E. SMITH R ichard Rose, the British political scientist, once wrote that the prize in social science research should go not to the concerns, while senators would adopt (as now) a more national viewpoint? (U.S. Senator William Fulbright may person who gives the best answers but to the person who asks have been from Arkansas, but his reputation was as a the best questions. The aptness of that epigram is borne out politician of national and international prominence). Who by the discussion that surrounds Stephen Harper’s might be attracted to campaigns for a seat in the upper announced intention to make Canadian senators elected. chamber? Would party professionals, who critics have long Leaving aside anything else the prime minister has said about complained are favourites for appointment, now be the upper house, such as introducing terms in place of the favourites for election? Which considerations would existing age limit for senators, is there a question for which determine whether a candidate chose to enter a House or a electing senators provides an answer? Senate contest? Would the upper chamber be the preferred That Canada is the only federation in the world whose entry point, or would potential senators have to earn their legislature has an appointed upper stripes in the Commons before house; or that appointment in the the party battalions backed them Are we, as a society, sure that we really want a Senate twenty-first century may offend for the second chamber? Even if, with the legitimacy to use the full scope of its existing democratic sensibilities—these are in their relations with the powers, possibly to stymie the House of Commons? statements of fact. The question Commons, popularly sanctioned Are we clear about why we would need a second that needs to be asked in response senators were to maintain the elected body? What effect would an elected second to the PM’s proposal is this: What constitutional self-restraint that chamber have on political decision-making in kind of upper house would best marks appointed senators, Canada? serve Canada’s constitutional would not the dynamic of arrangement of power? In a parliamentary bicameralism in political system where election to office is the exception and Canada be permanently changed? appointment the rule, be it for governor general, prime Obviously, it is unreasonable to expect the prime minister and premiers, ministers, or judges, what makes minister to answer these and similar questions when he election to the Senate an improvement which its proponents makes a proposal such as he has to elect senators. But then, treat as self-evident? it is equally unreasonable – or perhaps the better word is, So unquestioned are the assumptions that neither the inexplicable – to propose constitutional change on the fly. mechanics nor possible consequences of senatorial contests Once upon a time in Canada, constitutional changes of this are explored. For instance, would these elections be magnitude would warrant a White Paper followed by public conducted using the plurality voting system, the one so discussion. Think of the documents on constitutional widely criticized today for its exclusionary effects in House of amendment over the signatures of the Guy Favreau or E. Commons campaigns—that is, where middle-class, middle- Davey Fulton, Ministers of Justice in the 1960s. Somehow – aged white men are the prime beneficiaries? Would elections and this is not a Conservative predilection only since the be at large or would there be senatorial districts? Would MPs, Martin Government on occasion was equally with their constituency interests, become more local in their undiscriminating – the distinction between political and 18 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue constitutional change has been lost. Piecemeal changes that do not respect this principle, but Canada is a constitutional monarchy with authority which take the people as the constituent power, make the residing in the Crown. The coherence of the constitution constitution incomprehensible. Canadians need to study their derives from this fundamental principle. At the same time, constitution, agree on the principle they wish it to embody this is the source of the problem, since constitutional and then enunciate that principle clearly. Only then should monarchy rests largely on the unwritten constitution. they proceed to institute change where it is deemed desirable. Electing Senators: Beware the Law of Unintended Consequences IAN PEACH T his summer, Prime Minister Harper not only set in to limit the Senate’s powers to block the will of the House of motion a process to amend the Constitution to limit the Commons would need to be drafted. As well, at least seven terms of Senators to eight years, he stated his intention to provinces would have to concur with an amendment to select have a procedure for electing Senators in place by the time of Senators by election before it could become law and we can the next federal election. While the Prime Minister’s advisors safely assume that Premiers would have views on the questions are likely correct that creating limited terms for Senators is a it raises. Should Canadians not also have an opportunity to minor constitutional amendment that Parliament can make fully explore the implications of the Prime Minister’s proposal alone, the election of Senators is an idea of a very different and consider alternatives? character. Discussion of the election of Senators will The election of Senators also triggers a discussion of inevitably lead to a renewal of calls for a “Triple-E” Senate, a equality of representation in the Senate. One of the key major change to that chamber that requires some degree of complaints about the current Senate, especially from the provincial concurrence. If Mr. Harper is serious about having Conservative heartland of Alberta, is that it replicates, rather Senators elected in the next federal election, he needs to begin than counter-balances, the Central Canadian dominance of a serious intergovernmental, and public, the House of Commons. Proposals to make discussion on Senate reform now. the Senate a “House of the Provinces,” with Constitutionally, the unelected Senate equal representation of each province, have has virtually the same powers as the a far longer history in Canada than does the democratically elected House of discussion of electing Senators. Would the Commons. It has long been a convention people of Canada’s new economic of Parliamentary government in Canada powerhouses in the “hinterlands” really that the Senate only exercises its powers want a Senate with its current composition on the rarest of occasions, however, legitimated by the election of Senators? As because they lack the democratic with the effectiveness question, Premiers legitimacy to challenge a decision of the will no doubt have views on this matter and House of Commons. For the most part, our constitutional amending formula tells Canadians seem happy with this us that their views count. arrangement, certainly happier than they It would seem almost inevitable that would be with the alternative of the Photo courtesy of Kathy Jaster-Haacke. any concrete proposal to elect Senators will current Senate exercising its constitutional renew the debate about the other two “E”s of powers. Electing Senators, however, brings an end to the “Triple-E” – equality of representation and effectiveness of the reason the Senate is so deferential to the House of Commons. chamber. This is as it should be – serious Senate reform can- Are we, as a society, sure that we really want a Senate with the not be a piecemeal enterprise, undertaken in the absence of legitimacy to use the full scope of its existing powers, possibly intergovernmental discussion and, more importantly, mean- to stymie the House of Commons? Are we clear about why ingful public debate. If the Prime Minister is sincere in his we would need a second elected body? What effect would an desire to reform the Senate in the near future, and there is no elected second chamber have on political decision-making in reason to believe he is not, now is the time for him to initiate Canada? discussions on a comprehensive Senate reform with his fellow For Parliament to function effectively, these issues need to First Ministers and with the Canadian public. be addressed and it is likely that new constitutional provisions Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 19 RESTORATIVE JUSTICE A Movement Gaining Momentum OTTO DRIEDGER, PROFESSOR EMERITUS, UNIVERSITY OF REGINA Restorative justice is an initiative to address the problems arising from the present justice system. We need to look beyond the present system based on rationalism and the assumption that a “reasonable person” would change his/her behaviour when the punishment fits the crime. R estorative Justice has become a major concept and basis for initiatives that flow from its principles. Con- consequences as the corrective initiatives. Restorative justice emphasises relationship, taking tributions to the development of restorative justice as a major responsibility, addressing issues of the victim, rehabilitation, factor in justice services have come from several significant treatment and integration of the offender and cohesion of the sources. community. On cohesion of the community, this means Restorative Justice has its roots in justice as formulated addressing social issues in the community, policing’s role not and practised in communities before industrialization and only of enforcing the law, but equally important keeping the urbanization became major factors in human history. peace - as their designation as “peace officers” implies. Community justice was based on safety of the There are a number of streams of initiatives that have community, maintaining a cohesive and positive community, contributed heavily to the restorative justice movement. relationships, accountability and social order. There were The longest standing initiative is one that gained also some major problems with community justice. momentum shortly after the Second World War. This is Assumptions of guilt could be wrong for when rehabilitation, treatment and a number of reasons such as superstition, Community justice was based on safety of integration of the offender into prejudice and status. Another problem the community, maintaining a cohesive and society became an important was that not all persons were treated positive community, relationships, account- principle and programs were equally. In addition, offenders could ability and social order. There were also designed to implement these become life long debtors or slaves to the some major problems with community jus- principles. Programs such as victim when the victim was powerful or tice. Assumptions of guilt could be wrong probation, parole, counselling, if the damage was beyond what any for a number of reasons such as superstition, social and sport activities, training person could repay in a lifetime. prejudice and status. Another problem was and education opportunities were The modern justice system that not all persons were treated equally. implemented. The role of prisons addressed many of the problems with was also changed from persons earlier community justice patterns. being incarcerated for punishment With the solutions to the problems, many of the positive to being incarcerated as punishment. elements in community justice were also abandoned. A second initiative came from the academic community. Restorative justice is an initiative to address the problems Criminology in the field of sociology provided important arising from the present justice system. One author suggests analyses of social issues that impinged on individuals and that we need to “change lenses”. That is, look beyond the societies that resulted in increases in fragmentation or present system based on rationalism and the assumption that disintegration of communities and/or societies, resulting in a “reasonable person” would change his/her behaviour when increased social problems including increased criminal the punishment fits the crime. Restorative justice also activity. Criminologists examined the age old question of addresses issues facing victims who are generally ignored why people engage in criminal behaviour. It was found that except as witnesses in the classic current justice system, which identifying causes of crime was elusive, but one could quite does not deal with relationships and generally advises clearly identify correlates of crime. In other words, there were offenders not to take responsibility. The traditional criminal social and societal conditions under which criminal activity justice system depended on deterrence and fear of increased in societies. In the mid 1970s, a sub discipline of 20 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue Victimology emerged that addressed the implications of crime retaining perspective. This is even more important for a on victims. person having spent substantial time in prison after criminal A third important dimension is provided by aboriginal behaviour. communities. These initiatives came largely from New Persons released on warrant expiry who are desirous of Zealand and North America but also from Australia and positive integration into the community have the possibility South America. The contributions include a focus on the of having a Circle of Support and Accountability formed with importance of Circles - healing, talking, sentencing circles are them. A Circle is generally composed of five or six persons in examples - family group conferencing and inclusive the community who are willing to commit to such a project. community processes to deal with deviant behaviour. The They agree to meet with the core member. The Circle is a importance of spirituality and getting in touch with one’s friendship group that generally meets once a week with the inner being and the Creator have lead the way in secular core member and can meet more often, particularly in the society, moving in the direction of acknowledging the beginning, in order to assist the person to get settled. importance of spirituality. This has made is easier for Forming trusting relationships is an important aspect of the mainstream Faiths to also get a hearing. process. A final stream is Christian initiatives. This includes There are generally around 100 Circles in Canada at any practical approaches such as victim/offender mediation, the one time. In Saskatchewan, there are presently four Circles importance of reconciliation, forgiveness based on operating in Regina and several in Saskatoon and in Prince accountability, Community and institutional chaplaincy have Albert. addressed the issues of the connection between spirituality, An example is the very first Circle that was established in the community, victim and offender. Hamilton some two decades ago. When Charlie returned to One of the more recent developments based on the the community on warrant expiry, Hamilton was on edge principles of restorative justice are Circles of Support and about his return. 24-hour surveillance was put on his Accountability (COSAs). apartment. The pastor of a downtown street church was asked COSAs were developed when if he could arrange a support group persons began to be discharged from COSAs were developed on a set of for Charlie. This is a story that has prison after serving their full term, that understandings about human nature and been written up in its own right. is, until warrant expiry. After warrant based on some important principles. ...[I]t Suffice it to say that a support and expiry discharge, there was no authority was understood that persons coming into a accountability group was to provide support or service to the hostile community with no positive contacts developed and Charlie did not go person. Generally an ex offender in this were likely to connect with persons he/she back to prison until he died within situation had been in prison a long time knew, which were generally negative, and the last year. This experience made and had no positive contacts in the the possibility of re-offending was increased. both professionals and the community. Being considered community recognize that there dangerous offenders - even if they had was great potential in such support not been officially designated as such - the community feared and accountability groups. At any given time, there are for its safety. We do not have space to provide an extensive approximately 100 such Circles in Canada. record of the development here. Evaluations have been done in Ontario and across COSAs were developed on a set of understandings about Canada. It is established that COSAs assist persons in human nature and based on some important principles. reintegration and fewer warrant expiry persons return to First, it was understood that persons coming into a hostile offending and those who do re-offend do so after more time community with no positive contacts were likely to connect in the community or are involved in lesser offences. with persons he/she knew, which were generally negative, and There is great potential with COSAs. A former the possibility of re-offending was increased. Secondly, it is Commissioner of Penitentiaries suggested that it should be an generally recognized that most human beings have circles of objective to have every person discharged from prison have a support and accountability: family, friends, clubs, faith Circle. community, etc. The phrase “no one is an island” is commonly used. Thirdly, it is human to move toward Become a SIPP Member today! activities, involvements and connections that are Visit our website at questionable, even though they may not be criminal. Our www.uregina.ca/sipp/membership.html. social and psychological networks of people assist us in Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 21 DEBUNKING THE MYTH The Rural-Urban Divide in Sasktchewan BY MARK PARTRIDGE AND ROSE OLFERT, DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS, UNIVERSITY OF SASKATCHEWAN The Myth underlying the Rural-Urban Divide ignores this interdependence between rural and urban Saskatchewan, to the detriment of both. Cities owe their very existence to rural citizens, being their service centers. Likewise, many urbanites choose to live in rural communities for “lifestyle” purposes and commute back to the city. D ale Eisler’s recent book, False Expectations: Politics and the Pursuit of the Saskatchewan Myth noted the central most comprehensive measure of growth and vitality and one that is dear to our hearts in Saskatchewan. role of Myth in Saskatchewan’s psyche. One myth that needs More specifically, a map of Saskatchewan shows debunking for the benefit of this province is the Myth of widespread population losses in rural areas over the 1991- conflicting economic interests that underlies the Rural- 2001 period (a similar pattern would apply to most decades th Urban divide. in the second half of the 20 century). But if we place 100km Vividly evident at election times, deeply-rooted rings around the nine urban centers of at least 10,000 people, perceptions that rural and urban futures lead down different we see the signs of positive rural spill-overs from the urban paths in Saskatchewan (and Canada), are part of the reason areas. Urban centred growth benefits the surrounding rural for the rural-urban divide. Saskatchewan’s rural communities areas. About 85 percent of Saskatchewan’s population lives have struggled for decades, while the largest cities have within the 100km rings, and about 73 percent of the prospered. province’s rural population (rural is defined here as the Urbanites may perceive rural areas as taking too many population that does not live in the nine centres with government resources away from pressing urban needs. 10,000+ population) is inside the 100km rings. Ruralites often feel that they don’t get their deserved respect The Myth underlying the Rural-Urban Divide ignores as key producers of raw materials and stewards of the this interdependence between rural and urban Saskatchewan, province’s natural environment. to the detriment of both. Cities The entire Great Plains region, About 85 percent of Saskatchewan’s population owe their very existence to rural including Saskatchewan, has lives within the 100km rings, and about 73 citizens, being their service centers. exhibited persistently declining percent of the province’s rural population (rural Saskatoon and Regina would not rural population. This regardless of is defined here as the population that does not have gained prominence if it were whether the state or province is live in the nine centres with 10,000+ not for their agricultural history. governed by “conservative” or population) is inside the 100km rings. Today, urbanites also benefit from “liberal” ideologies. The primary rural communities being the cause is increasing agricultural stewards of much of our land, productivity which implies an ever-shrinking demand for green space, water, and natural recreational opportunities. rural labour. The lack of compensating mountains, lakes, Likewise, many urbanites choose to live in rural communities oceans, and pleasant winters hastens the decline of most for “lifestyle” purposes and commute back to the city. Urban Great Plains rural communities. employers need the rural workforce, while other firms such Yet, our research suggests that rural areas capture as food processors or urbanites locate in ex-urban significant benefits of urban growth, a trend that appears to communities for lower land and labour costs. The typical be stronger in Canada than in the U.S. In particular, urban resident may not appreciate these factors. Canadian cities greater than 500,000—such as Winnipeg Rural residents also regularly overlook their symbiotic and Calgary—have the largest positive spread effects into relationship with their city cousins. Besides being a market nearby rural communities, though cities as small as 10,000 for their products, cities are an essential source of jobs for also generate positive spill-overs in their vicinity. These rural commuters, critical for sustaining rural communities. benefits are observed in terms of population growth, the best The reality of 21st century Saskatchewan is that most rural 22 Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue communities lack the critical mass to induce their own would require: economic growth without linking to urban “growth poles.” Over time rural communities losing population fall below Recognizing that vibrant urban centres with cultural threshold sizes for critical services such as schools, clinics, and amenities and diversity are our engines of growth. retail. Losing services induces further out-migration—a New governance arrangements that allow both urban vicious circle that has been repeated over and over across the and rural residents to participate in decisions of mutual Great Plains. Access to urban employment through interest—zoning, economic development, and commuting has been shown to be the most effective way to infrastructure. stem this tide in Canada. Infrastructure investments that effectively move All Saskatchewan residents benefit when their rural people (not just goods) between rural areas and cities. communities are more viable, as rural decline has many Better planning at the urban/rural interface to hidden costs. Not only are many rural residents forced to manage rural-urban conflict, protect valuable green make unwanted relocations to urban centers, but cities bear space, and better plan the location of roads, water, significant costs. First, they need to construct new sewage, etc. infrastructure while an already existing rural infrastructure is An effective immigration policy based on an being abandoned. Second, the resulting urban growth may acknowledgement that the probability of attracting and manifest itself as sprawl that denigrates the environment and retaining immigrants is highest in strong, vibrant urban increases congestion. centres. Finally, rural decline inevitably leads to calls for Targeted strategies (such as tourism) to address the government subsidies, which are often poorly designed, while challenges faced by communities beyond the reach of the resulting higher taxes put the province at a disadvantage. urban growth benefits. While it must be recognized that it All is not lost by any means. A recent report by the is impossible to “save” every community, strategic efforts Conference Board of Canada, Canada’s Hub Cities: A Driving will be more successful than current unfocussed Force of the National Economy, detailing the important role of approaches. cities like Saskatoon and Regina, supports our findings. Given that urban-led growth is the reality of 21st century Canada, how do we ensure that our urban centres are attractive places for native and immigrant populations? How do we harness this growth so that all Saskatchewan residents—rural and urban alike—benefit? First, policies based on the historic misconception that agriculture and rural prosperity are synonymous have served neither farmers nor rural communities well. Both farm policy and rural policy are too important to be thrown together in some sort of catch-all policy that is bound to fail. Further, we must avoid gimmicks and schemes that involve attempts to increase ‘value-added’ in the rural economy through publicly subsidized Photos courtesy of Audio Visual Services at the University of Regina and Don Hall Photography. /mandated enterprises. Though clearly there are strategies that are profitable for individual businesses, we A better understanding of the positive interdependencies have over 50 years of experience with contrived efforts that are between rural and urban areas can expose the Myth of expensive and too narrowly focused to turn the tide in most conflicting economic interests underlying the Rural-Urban rural communities. Divide for what it is. When one prospers, the other gains as Foremost among strategies with higher probabilities of well. When all Saskatchewanians and Canadians cooperate, it success are those that harness the urban engines of growth and is to everyone’s benefit. ensure that the benefits spread beyond the urban centres. This Fall 2006 - SIPP Policy Dialogue 23 “A Living Tree: The Legacy of 1982 in Canada’s Political Evolution” Presented by April 17, 1982 in many ways marked the culmination of Canada’s constitutional evolution as a self-governing, liberal democratic federation. Yet the evolution of our constitutional and DATE: May 23 - 25, 2007 political norms have not, in fact, ended with the proclamation of the 1982 Constitution; LOCATION: Regina, SK instead, it may even be accelerating as a consequence of the new constitutional principles enshrined in the text of that Act. REGISTRATION OPENS JANUARY 2007 In honour of the 25 anniversary of the proclamation of the Constitution Act, 1982, the th Saskatchewan Institute of Public Policy (SIPP) is organizing the conference “A Living Tree: The Legacy of 1982 in Canada’s Political Evolution” to be held in Regina, May 23-25, 2007. SIPP seeks to advance the public policy discourse on Canada’s continuing constitutional development by providing a forum in which scholars, practitioners, and the policy community can openly evaluate the impact that the 1982 Constitution has had on public policy and democratic politics in Canada to date and how it might continue to influence our evolution as a political community. For more information on this conference, please visit SIPP’s website at www.uregina.ca/sipp or call (306) 585-5777. Registration will open January 2007. SIPP Event Calendar 2006-07 October 2006 January 2007 October 25th - SIPP Armchair Discussion with Registration opens for SIPP Conference “A Living guest speaker, Tony Penekitt (Mr. Penekitt’s new Tree: The Legacy of 1982 in Canada’s Political book Reconciliation First Nations Treaty Making in Evolution”. Details and registration forms are British Columbia is available for purchase at this available on SIPP’s website, www.uregina.ca/sipp event) Start of 2007 President’s Leadership Program Release of SIPP Student Public Policy Essays from the 2005-2006 SIPP Student Essay Contest February 2007 Release of SIPP Policy Dialogue, winter edition November 2006 April 2007 SIPP Members’ Night April 30th - Submissions deadline for the 2006- November 14th - SIPP Saskatoon events “The Last 2007 SIPP Student Essay Contest Straw”, with Prof. Murray Fulton; and “Internationalization and Governing Canadian May 2007 Agriculture and Food” with Prof. Grace Skogstad May 23-25 - SIPP conference, “A Living Tree: Registration opens for the 2007 President’s The Legacy of 1982 in Canada’s Political Leadership Program Evolution” will take place at Hotel Saskatchewan December 2006 June 2007 SIPP Christmas Reception Release of SIPP Policy Dialogue, spring edition
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