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UNDERLYING CAUSES OF POVERTY ANALYSIS REPORT RESOURCE POOR FEMALE YOUTH IN URBAN AND PERI- URBAN AREAS (VULNERABLE TO HIV/AIDS) Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 1. INTRODUCTION This report focuses on CARE Ethiopia‟s impact group resource poor urban and peri- urban female1 youth vulnerable to HIV and AIDS and specifically on the underlying causes of poverty assessment and analysis for the impact group, conducted in 2009. This analysis is the starting point for the design of a program that aims to have a long-term, sustainable impact on addressing urban youth poverty. The selection of this impact group recognizes that Ethiopia‟s is predominantly a young population, and that as in many developing countries, there is rapid urban and peri-urban growth. This means that there are increasing numbers of youth growing up in urban and peri-urban areas. Whilst CARE Ethiopia‟s past interventions and focus has largely been in rural areas, where around 80% of Ethiopia‟s population live, we recognize that trends in urbanization, in rural-urban migration and in rural environmental degradation and potentially, climate change, mean that increasingly, youth populations will be concentrated in urban areas. This presents both opportunities and challenges for the development of Ethiopia that need to be recognized and faced up to. The underlying causes of poverty and vulnerability (UCPV) assessment and analysis, conducted in 2009 aimed to learn more about the current situation of urban and peri- urban youth – who are the poorest youth in urban areas, what are they vulnerable to and why, are there differences between the situation of youth in urban or peri-urban areas, what are the challenges they face? This report describes the findings of the assessment. Following the assessment, CARE Ethiopia recognized that the impact group is still probably too wide a population for us realistically to be able to program for, and that we need to further define the impact group. A first step has been to focus on female youth ie. the program will work primarily, but not exclusively, with resource- poor urban and peri-urban female youth. This decision has been made based on a number of considerations: i) the relative vulnerability of female youth, as highlighted in our assessment, other studies and various vulnerability statistics ii) to align this impact group with CARE Ethiopia‟s strategic focus on women and girls‟ empowerment, and 2 with the other impact groups which explicitly target women and girls, and iii) the strong belief that by working with and through urban/ peri-urban female youth the „multiplier effect‟ i.e. the development of female youth‟s families and future children, will lead to a greater impact on the future development of Ethiopia. Other strategic issues being considered in relation to the impact group‟s definition at this point include: What should be the age range for „youth‟? We are currently using the government‟s definition of 15 to 29 years, but we also appreciate that many of the girls who migrate to urban areas, and who end up being amongst the most vulnerable, fall within the 10 to 14 age group (see below). 1 Note that the initial wording for the impact group was „resource poor urban and peri-urban youth‟ but a decision was made at a senior staff meeting and subsequent Program Design Team meetings in Feb and March 2010 to focus on female youth. The reasons are outlined elsewhere in this report but include: statistics show young girls and women‟s relative vulnerability to HIV, to un/ under-employment and other manifestations of poverty for urban youth; alignment with CARE‟s strategic focus on women‟s empowerment and other programs that focus on women and girls; gaps in programming deliberately, specifically targeted at female youth, especially most vulnerable groups. 2 Chronically food insecure rural women and pastoralist girls 2 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 What is our definition of „urban‟ and „peri-urban‟ and does this agree with the government‟s definition? Should we work only with „urban‟ youth given that over a 10 to 15 year time period, many currently „peri-urban‟ areas will become „urban‟ (at the same time as many currently „rural‟ areas will become „peri- urban‟). We recognize that there are many gaps in the analysis, and that whilst moving forward with program design, we need to do additional desk and probably field work, to further strengthen our analysis for the impact group. This process is being led by CARE Ethiopia‟s program design team for youth and is still ongoing. CARE‟s Unifying Framework3 CARE‟s Unifying Framework (UF) brings together a number of different programming concepts and principles into one framework that can help to understand and analyze the structural causes of poverty and vulnerability – causes that are often interlinked and reinforce each other. The framework recognizes that poverty and vulnerability can be manifested in human conditions – (lack of) access to resources and services and livelihoods‟ opportunities, social positions – social relationships and social/ cultural norms that discriminate or support inequality, and the enabling environment – the political, and institutional formal and non formal structures and systems that enable or hinder rights fulfillment and access to justice. CARE believes that unless we understand each of these different, often interrelated aspects of poverty, we will not design programs that can bring real, lasting change. The UF also recognizes that there is a „hierarchy‟ of causes of poverty and vulnerability: there are immediate causes, for example due to a sudden disaster or shock; there are intermediate causes, such as a lack of access to assets, income, resources or services that can help withstand shocks; and there are underlying or root causes that underpin poverty and vulnerability such as institutionalized discrimination or societal attitudes and norms that sustain abuse or misuse of power and prevent certain groups from claiming and fulfilling their rights. 2 UNDERLYING CAUSES OF POVERTY ASSESSMENT PROCESS The pilot UCPV assessment was completed in Bahr Dar town (pop x), the capital of Amhara region in February/ March 2009. A follow up assessment took place in April 2009 in Hamusit and Alem Bir towns – „peri-urban areas‟ some x km from Bahr Dar, also in Amhara region. The second assessment aimed to build on the Bahr Dar findings and identify the differences and/or similarities of poverty/vulnerability between urban and peri-urban areas. The objectives of the assessment were: 1) To deepen our understanding of the causes of poverty and vulnerability of urban and peri-urban youth and to identify sub-set populations of the most vulnerable youth. 2) To identify the potential target groups4 and stakeholders5 that we need to work with to achieve change for urban and peri-urban youth. 3 There are obvious links with other frameworks such as the CARE Strategic Impact Inquiry (SSI) „agency, relationships, structure‟ empowerment framework. 4 In CARE‟s program, target groups are groups of people, for example parents, traditional leaders or specific government offices, that may be targeted by the program since they are crucial to achieving an 3 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 3) To generate lessons for CARE Ethiopia and other country offices about how to undertake similar assessments and analyses in future. The assessment process included: Desk review conducted at national level to review the literature, identify policies and programs affecting urban and peri-urban youth and begin to identify key stakeholders. Task Force established with 15 CARE Ethiopia cross-project, multi-disciplinary staff to lead the process of planning and conducting the assessments Key questions and tools developed. Key questions were translated into Amharic. Tools included: Vulnerability analysis, Power analysis, Institutional analysis, Lifeline case study 3-day training conducted for participating staff (including CARE Ethiopia and partner staff) on PRA approaches, key questions and tools. 5-day pilot assessment conducted in Bahr Dar (on the urban/ peri-urban youth impact group). Based on the pilot lessons, the field assessment adopted the following process: Current and potential strategic partners joined the assessment teams in each location. Stakeholders meeting held with representatives from government and other agencies working with the impact group to introduce the program approach, the impact group and the purpose of the assessment, to plan the assessment and inform the field work through stakeholders‟ perspectives. Conducted key informant interviews with stakeholders and reviewed relevant local policies, studies, documents etc. Refined the key questions for the field work and developed field guidelines for the assessment teams, including facilitators‟ guide, tools and data analysis guidelines. Conducted field work using combination of FGDs, KIIs and case stories Analysed data through team reflection in the field using the unifying framework to organize findings Held feedback meetings on the initial findings of the assessments and analysis. This was done in Bahr Dar a few months after the assessment with CARE staff, government and NGO/ INGO participants. Field work teams and methodology Following the Bahr Dar pilot assessment, the assessments in Hamusit and Alem Bir were conducted by an interdisciplinary team, which included CARE Ethiopia UCPV task force members, CARE Ethiopia field staff and community facilitators from different projects and disciplines and staff from peer and partner organizations. The aim was not to conduct a statistically valid study, as in a baseline assessment, but to focus on collecting qualitative information about the situation of urban and peri-urban youth – including impact on youth UCPVs. They may benefit from the program but the program‟s success will not be measured based on the benefit to this group. 5 Stakeholders are defined in the program approach as groups of people that may affect or be affected by the program either positively or negatively, for example government offices or policy makers. However, the program‟s success or otherwise will not be measured based on its impact on this group. 4 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 their human conditions, social positions and the legal and institutional frameworks and structures that affect them. The urban/ peri-urban youth assessment was led by the Senior Governance Advisor in CARE‟s Program Development and Quality Support (PDQS unit). Partner staff included staff from Child Fund, staff from the Women‟s Affairs Bureau in Bahr Dar and two female youth Peer Educators from CARE‟s Getting Ahead project in Bahr Dar who had also participated in the pilot assessment. The methodology for the Bahr Dar and Hamusit and Alem Bir assessments included: Focus group discussions (FDGs) and case studies with: women and female youth, male youth, parents of youth, commercial sex workers, daily laborers, youth living with HIV, and chat chewers Key informant interviews (KIIs) with staff from HAPCO, Bureau of Women‟s Affairs, Bureau of Youth and Sport, Bureau of Labour and Social Affairs, and kebele micro-finance In Bahr Dar, 9 FGDs and 13 KIIs were held with 103 respondents (59 female and 44 male) in three kebeles and in Hamusit and Alem Bir, 6 FDGs and 5 KIIs were conducted with a total of 53 respondents (27 female and 26 male) Two stakeholders‟ meetings were also conducted in Hamusit and Alembir towns. Most of the analysis was done by the assessment teams „in the field‟ using the unifying framework as a guide. Each day the teams identified emerging issues, issues that needed cross-checking and/or gaps in information to be followed up the next day, and decided on the FGDs or KIIs needed to triangulate information. The next day‟s findings were then used to review and deepen the analysis. Study Limitations The study started off with a very broad remit – purporting to look at all the potential vulnerable groups of urban/ peri-urban youth, both male and female, and all the potential underlying causes of poverty and vulnerability e.g. related to livelihoods, social status and relationships, the institutional environment and so on of all these groups. This led us to identify a large number of vulnerable sub-groups, both male and female, and we did not have time to look in detail at the situation/ stories of all the groups; for example, the team did talk to commercial sex workers, but not to domestic workers; we talked to male daily laborers, but not to female daily laborers; we did not talk to „brokers‟ or to employers of commercial sex workers. Some of the findings were not adequately disaggregated e.g. between male and female youth or between rural youth who have migrated to urban areas and „native‟ urban youth. We had planned to conduct case stories where we „traced‟ migrant youth back to their home areas but this was not done and the team did not look in detail at the linkages between rural, peri-urban and urban areas, particularly with regard to rural-urban migration of youth. Further analysis also probably needs to be done to understand in more detail the differences between the poverty drivers for peri-urban and urban youth, and it is arguable whether findings from Bahr Dar and those peri-urban areas are representative of other urban and peri-urban settings such as Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, Dukam etc. Although we have not yet done field work in other areas, a review of the literature and discussions with other stakeholders suggests that at least some of the findings may be generally applicable. Finally, the original desk review did not adequately highlight all of the relevant literature, 5 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 particularly the research done by Population Council – this information would have been useful in refining the impact group and key questions prior to the assessment, 3. FINDINGS 3.1 BACKGROUND Urban youth demographics Ethiopia has an estimated population of almost 79 million and a population growth rate of 2.6% per year. Although it remains a predominantly rural country, with over 80% of the population still living in rural areas and largely dependent on agriculture, the urban 6 population is growing rapidly – at a rate of 4% per year . Towns across the country that were relatively small, rural centers 10 or 15 years ago are now fast developing peri- urban areas. Similar with many other developing countries in Africa, Ethiopia‟s 7 population as a whole is a young population. The CSA census in Ethiopia puts the population under 15 at around 33.2 million, approximately 45% of the total population and the youth population aged 15-29, at around 20.9 million, approximately 28% of the total population. Of the total youth population (15-29), the urban youth population numbers around 4.7 million, approximately 22% of the total. The reasons for the high population growth rates overall include a sharp reduction in 8 the under-5 mortality rate over the past 20 years coupled with a still-high total fertility 9 rate. In addition, there is still a high rate of early marriage and early childbearing in Ethiopia – some 40% of women surveyed in 2005 had had their first child below the age of 18 and about 16% of women between 15 and 19 years are either pregnant or already 10 mothers . However, there are signs of changing trends in relation to fertility particularly in Addis Ababa, and amongst young women and urban women generally. For example: Addis Ababa shows a relatively higher reduction in the total fertility rate than elsewhere Younger women aged 20-24 are marrying later than women who were the same age in the 1980s Urban women, aged 20-49 are marrying later than rural women (19.4 years compared to 16.1 years) Contraceptive prevalence in urban areas is much higher than in rural areas (47% compared to 11%) Young women and men aged 15-19 envision a much smaller ideal family size than 11 those over 25 (3.3 children vs. 5.1 for women and 3.8 children vs. 5.8 for men) 6 Various sources cited in Ringheim, Teller and Sines (2009), Ethiopia at a crossroads: Demography, gender and development; Policy Brief, Population Reference Bureau (PRB). 7 Central Statistical Agency (CSA); 2007 Census data. 8 Under 5 mortality has fallen from 217 to 123 deaths per 1,000 live births between the late 1980s and 2002- 2004; Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2005 cited in PRB Policy Brief. 9 Total fertility rate is the estimated number of children a women would have during her lifetime assuming current age-specific birth rates. The rate is estimated to have dropped from 6.4 to 5.4 between the late 1980s and 2002-2004.; Ibid 10 Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2005, cited in PRB Policy Brief. 11 Ringheim, Teller and Sines (2009), Ethiopia at a crossroads: Demography, gender and development; Policy Brief, Population Reference Bureau (PRB). 6 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Whilst countries can enjoy a „demographic dividend‟ or „bonus‟ when a relatively higher population of working-age adults (15 to 59) is able to support relatively smaller populations of children and the elderly, this will only happen if most of the working-age 12 population is actually economically active . If the youth population is not economically productive e.g. is unskilled and unemployed, this can threaten rather than enhance national stability and economic security. In Ethiopia, a significant percentage of the urban and peri-urban youth population is living in poverty and is vulnerable to a number of negative social, economic, environmental, health and educational outcomes. Definitions of „youth‟ The National Youth Policy of Ethiopia defines youth as people between ages 15 and 29 years old (MYSC 2004). In terms of defining the age range of a broad youth impact group, it seems to make sense for CARE Ethiopia to adopt the policy definition of youth as “young people, male and female between the ages of 15 and 29”. Using this age definition, in Amhara region specifically, where the UCPV assessment was conducted, around 28% of the population is between 15 and 29 years old, whilst the 13 region‟s urban youth population is around 872,000 (52% of whom are female) . During the UCPV assessment in Bahr Dar town, male youth, parents and youth organizations put youth in the age bracket from 18 to 35 years. However, female youth described themselves as being „young women‟ or „youth‟ as opposed to „girls‟ from the age of 15. There may be many reasons for the difference in perception; for example, girls are generally transitioning into puberty between 12 and 15 and are no longer seen as girls; girls are generally expected to take on household and other „adult‟ responsibilities from a younger age than boys; related to that, girls generally have less leisure and recreation time than boys and are possibly expected to „grow up‟ earlier. Similarly, male „youthfulness‟ may continue for longer than females, especially if the 14 young man is not married, or is unemployed . Therefore, whilst we may use the broad age definition it is important to understand the social norms and perceptions that define „youthfulness‟ and determine when someone has transitioned from a „child‟ to a „youth‟ or from a „youth‟ to an „adult‟. For example, in addition to the age-based classification, parents and young people in Bahr Dar also described a „youth‟ as someone who is „lacking clarity‟, „doesn‟t have a clear vision of the future‟ or „is drawn to temporary attractions‟. For female youth in particular, non-age related and socially constructed definitions of „youth‟ for example related to her physical development or „marriageability‟, may be as important or more important than age in determining who are the most vulnerable and marginalized sub-groups of young people 15 that should be CARE Ethiopia‟s „impact group‟. 16 Based on a CARE Ethiopia assessment of rural adolescent girls and a review of various 17 Population Council studies of adolescent girls in urban areas there is a suggestion that 12 Ibid 13 CSA (2007) population census data. 14 Based on comments by Rosa Singer. In Sierra Leone, for example, men may be described as „youth‟ well into their 30s as that society‟s definition of youth relates to their social and economic status rather than their age. 15 Based on comments by Rosa Singer and the „Adolescent Girls in Rural, South Gondar: A situational exploration of sexual-reproductive health and economic livelihood‟ study by same. 16 ibid 7 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 adolescent youth (10-19), and particularly early adolescents (10-14), should be considered as a particularly vulnerable sub-category of vulnerable youth. This might mean extending the age group for CARE Ethiopia‟s impact population to begin at around 10 years of age and possibly reducing the „top‟ age of the range down from 29 years. A Population Council study of adolescent girls in low income and slum areas of Addis 18 Ababa, Bahr Dar and Gondar found that early adolescent (10 to 14 years old) out of school girls are highly vulnerable; the vast majority (95% of those sampled) are living away from their parents and are socially isolated, most are migrants who have never been to school and most are working as child domestic workers. The study suggests that these girls are „arguably at high risk of abuse and exploitation, including sexual exploitation, and may end up in sex work‟ and are in need of focused, targeted support. The UCPV assessment did not disaggregate youth by age beyond the broad 15 to 29 years age range. Based on this and other Population Council studies cited below, we may need to consider expanding the definition and target youth group beyond the „age-based‟ policy definition. 3.2 TRENDS AND MANIFESTATIONS OF URBAN YOUTH POVERTY Despite continuing growth in the economy, 35% of Ethiopia‟s population still lives on less 19 that USD1.25 per day. In recent years, urban poverty in Ethiopia, defined as the percentage of the urban population living below the poverty line, has been growing at a faster rate than rural poverty. According to Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED) data, in 1999/2000 the percentage of the urban population living in poverty was 37%, whilst rural poverty stood at 45%. Between 1995/96 and 1999/2000, the level of urban poverty increased by 11.1% while rural poverty declined by 4.2% and in 1999/ 2000, it was estimated that urban poverty was growing at a rate of between 5 20 and 6% per annum . The trend is apparent across the country; over the same period (1995-2000) urban poverty increased in seven of the country‟s 11 regions, with the highest percentage increase in Gambella (57.4%) followed by Dire Dawa (34.6%), Tigray 21 (32.8%), Oromia (30.1%), Addis Ababa (20.7%), Harar (20.3%) and Somali (15.3%). In 22 Amhara region, the Amhara National Regional State (ANRS) Youth Study, states that 59% of urban youth have no source of income. Based on the UCPV assessments in Bahr Dar, Alem Bir and Hamusit, as well as on the desk review and other literature, common manifestations of poverty and vulnerability of urban and peri-urban resource-poor youth include: food insecurity; poor housing and 17 Population Council, Pathfinder and Center for Global Development 18 Ferede and Erulkar (2009); Adolescent Girls in Urban Ethiopia: Vulnerability and Opportunity; Population Council, Ethiopia, August 2009. 19 Ringheim, Teller and Sines (2009), Ethiopia at a crossroads: Demography, gender and development; Policy Brief, Population Reference Bureau (PRB). 20 Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED) (2002). Poverty Profile of Ethiopia. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and MoFED (2002) Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction Program (SDPRP), both cited in ICMC desk review on urban/ peri-urban youth for CARE Ethiopia. 21 Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED) (2002), Sustainable development and poverty reduction programme’ (SDPRP). Addis Ababa, Ethiopia cited in ICMC desk review on urban/ peri-urban youth for CARE Ethiopia. 22 ANRS Youth Study (both urban and rural), BoFED, 2007 8 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 sanitation; poor access to health, education, legal and other services; lack of ownership of personal and/or household assets; unemployment/ under-employment/ harmful employment; low or unstable income sources; relatively high HIV prevalence; addiction to alcohol, chat or other drugs; a high rate of illiteracy; exposure to violence generally, as well as gender based violence; social stigma, discrimination and/ or social isolation; and a relatively low participation in social and/ or political activities. Some of the main manifestations identified during the UCPV assessment are described below: Unemployment, irregular/low income/harmful employment UCPV assessment respondents in Bahr Dar associated youth poverty with being unemployed or having a low income. They described unemployed people and those with a low income as people without regular, paid employment and/or having an income level that was not enough to ensure food security (described as having an adequate or healthy diet), to cover medical or education costs or to pay for house rent. The FGD respondents, including parents and youth, included commercial sex workers, domestic workers and daily laborers as being amongst the poorest youth based on the irregularity of their income/ low income. Also during the Bahr Dar assessment, some of the young people living with HIV that the team spoke to categorized themselves amongst the poorest youth, again based on food insecurity, poor/ insecure housing and poor health; they have no security of tenure and fear being evicted when they fall ill, they cannot afford to eat properly or rent adequate accommodation and these living conditions keep them in a vicious circle of poor health and poverty. Poverty was not just associated with a young person‟s individual situation – poor youth were also defined as young people from families with low income. This included „migrant‟ youth from poor rural families as well as „native‟ youth from poor urban families whose income is based on petty trading, such as vegetable or injera sales, tailoring, selling talla, baking bread etc. Youth FGDs in Hamusit and Alem Bir identified various reasons for youth unemployment including: limited access to education by youth from low income families (and therefore poor educational qualifications), their geographic location (rural/ peri- urban, relatively remote, lacking in employment opportunities), lack of support from their families, lack of marketable skills to seek employment and lack of capital to initiate self employment (capital includes liquid assets-money and fixed assets-land). Limited employment opportunities in rural areas was one of the „push‟ factors identified during the UCPV assessments leading to youth migration to urban and peri-urban areas. Many youth from rural woredas in South Gondar (such as Farta and Estie) migrate to peri-urban areas such as Hamusit and Alem Bir, or on to Gondar or Bahr Dar looking for work. Whilst resource-poor male youth may migrate to towns or other parts of the country to engage in manual labor or join the military, poor female youth often migrate to find employment as domestic workers, work in bars and restaurants, or to find manual labour (see 3.4 below). UCPV respondents also suggested that landlessness and limited off-farm productive opportunities for youth in rural areas are contributing factors for rural-urban migration. Linked to the above, youth respondents in the UCPV suggested that poor urban youth lack the capital or other assets to be able to access credit or start up businesses and do not have the technical or business skills necessary to engage in income generating activities. Private micro-finance institutions generally require capital, or a 9 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 guarantor, which poor youth do not have and although government micro-financing services aim to target the poorest youth, these cannot meet the demand. Opportunities to gain technical and entrepreneurial skills to engage in IGAs are limited and services are not tailored to the circumstances of vulnerable youth (e.g. CSWs, PLWH, domestic workers). Some of the youth FGDs in Bahr Dar also suggested that access to such services to some extent depends on political affiliation. Follow up reference: Serneels, P (2007); The Nature of Unemployment in Urban Ethiopia – this is An IDEAS study for the Center for the Study of African Economies, Oxford University – it discusses the nature of male youth unemployment in urban Ethiopia Illiteracy/ Poor education The Bahr Dar, Alem Bir and Hamusit UCPV male and female youth FGD respondents also associated poverty with being uneducated or poorly educated. They identified the poor quality of their education as directly leading to unemployment, a lack of skills, poverty and vulnerability. The youth respondents said that the poor quality of education in some urban/ peri-urban schools is because schools lack resources, teachers lack skills, there are too many students and not enough teachers, and that school principals and teachers are not responsive to students‟ concerns. The same respondents, both male and female, mentioned a general lack of encouragement from their families for them to continue their education. Low availability of secondary education in rural areas means that many young people are forced to migrate to urban and peri-urban areas to continue their education. Economic pressure means that many families cannot afford to have their children board or rent accommodation in towns. At the same time, there is pressure on youth from poor rural families to work for pay rather than continue at school and children who have started school late and/ or have had to repeat school years may be reluctant to go back to 23 school when they would be joining a much younger peer group. Exposure to violence The UCPV assessments highlighted GBV in as an issue affecting primarily female youth. Male youth mentioned female‟s vulnerability to GBV, but did not raise GBV or violence generally as something to which they themselves were particularly vulnerable. Various commentators on the UCPV analysis so far have suggested that we should investigate further how GBV may affect young boys and men, and this could be done in the next stage of the analysis, as part of deepening our understanding of this issue generally. Various studies suggest that exposure to violence, including gender-based violence is one of the manifestations of vulnerability for urban and peri-urban youth. For example, youth FGDs in Bahr Dar and Hamusit/ Alem Bir suggested that girls who have migrated to towns to attend secondary school and are living in shared accommodation are particularly vulnerable to GBV. A 2008 study on violence against schoolgirls reported psychological violence and abuse, mugging and sexual harassment as being amongst the 24 most common forms of violence against girls on the way to and from school . The study 23 Rosa Singer, „Adolescent Girls in Rural, South Gondar: A situational exploration of sexual-reproductive health and economic livelihood‟, CARE Ethiopia, 2009. 24 A Study on violence against girls in primary schools and its impacts on girls‟ education in Ethiopia (May 2008), Save the Children Denmark, Ministry of Education and Ministry of Women‟s Affairs 10 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 reports Amhara region as having the highest rate of sexual harassment of schoolgirls, mainly committed by non-schoolboys (e.g. jobless youth), unmarried men and married men, and identifies this as particularly an urban problem. Discussions with UCPV assessment respondents and with the legal support organization Actions Professions‟ Association for People (APAP) in Bahr Dar, which supports women affected by GBV, described most youth migrants from rural areas as falling into the 15 - 25 age group. Among this section of youth, APAP reported females aged from 15 to 20 years old as the most vulnerable to rape, labour abuse (usually as domestic workers) and psychological problems. APAP receive around 15 reported cases of GBV against women per month, whilst the local police reported an average of three cases per month, in Bahr Dar town. APAP suggested that there is relatively poor enforcement of GBV laws. Social norms discourage young women from reporting GBV and families would rather cover up the crime and hide either the perpetrator or the victim than face the „shame‟ of police visits or court appearances. Some youth respondents also felt there are inconsistencies in the application of the law, with outcomes dependent on the attitudes of law enforcement officials. These services are least accessible to youth such as domestic workers, who seldom have the social support or encouragement, or financial resources to access justice. High risk of HIV and AIDS According to an Amhara National Regional State (ANRS) Women‟s study the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate in Amhara region is 15.5% for urban areas and 5.6% for rural areas, significantly higher than the national average of 12.6% and 3% respectively. Women are 25 most affected, with a reported 8.3% prevalence rate in 2008 compared to men‟s 6.4% . A Population Council study on adolescents in low income and slum areas of Addis Ababa states that “the HIV epidemic in Ethiopia is increasingly urban and female with nearly 8% of urban females living with HIV, compared to 2% prevalence among urban 26 males and less than 1% infection among rural Ethiopians”. Differential infection rates are particularly extreme among younger age groups – for example, „among the 15 to 19 year old age group, for every HIV positive male there are seven HIV positive 27 females‟ . The HIV-AIDS Prevention and Control Office (HAPCO) office in Hamusit mentioned a lack of life skills training and information as one factor leading to exposure to HIV/AIDS in both male and female youth especially within the age bracket 15-29. However, they mentioned that vulnerability is magnified in female youth due to the fact that male youths can be reached relatively easily and encouraged to participate in various life skills and awareness trainings, whereas female youth are less easily accessible in public domains and as a result have a lower level of awareness and information. Most vulnerable females, including domestic workers and commercial sex workers are also notoriously „hard to reach‟ populations, with domestic workers in particular working long hours with little free time or time to socialize. As in the FGDs with youth, the HAPCO 25 Insert ref; ANRS Women‟s Study, BoFED 1997 EC i.e. 2004? Correct? 26 CSA (2005) cited in Erulkar and Mekbib (2007); Invisible and vulnerable: Adolescent domestic workers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Vulnerable Children and Youth Studies, December 2007; 2(3): 246-256 27 Ferede and Erulkar (2009); Adolescent Girls in Urban Ethiopia: Vulnerability and Opportunity; Population Council, Ethiopia, August 2009. 11 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 representative highlighted female youth who have migrated from rural areas for education and who live in temporary residences while attending school, as a group that are highly vulnerable to HIV. The representative stated that “(female students) are more concerned with avoiding unwanted pregnancy than protection from HIV.” As did parents of youth in Bahr Dar, the HAPCO representative suggested that youth exposure to pornography in video houses, an increase in chat and alcohol consumption, a feeling of hopelessness and lack of options, and peer pressure as some of the reasons for young people becoming engaged in promiscuous sexual behaviors that expose them to HIV and AIDS. Parents and young women in Bahr Dar mentioned the availability of pornographic films at “DSTV” houses as contributing to the erosion of social norms and especially sexual norms and behaviour, with young women in Bahr Dar talking openly about pressures on them to engage in „unusual‟ sexual practices. Addiction to Chat (and other drugs) and alcohol Bahr Dar is a centre for chat production and the growing problem of chat addiction was highlighted countless times during the UCPVAs. Male and female youth, parents and other respondents in the UCPV assessments all linked vulnerability to HIV and AIDS to youth‟s increasing use of chat and alcohol, which they felt directly led to promiscuous and risky sexual behavior. Respondents described male youth particularly as being vulnerable to chat and alcohol addiction. Addiction to chat has greatly increased in the past 10 years and is now seen as an epidemic. Whilst 10 years ago, chat was particularly associated with adult Muslims, it is now used by all groups and is increasingly seen as a particular problem amongst urban and peri-urban youth populations. At least one youth group in Bahr Dar mentioned the role of students, business people and better-off youth, in making chat chewing more acceptable to the majority of youth. Parents in Bahr Dar estimated that seven out of ten youth now use chat (including female youth) whilst youth respondents in Bahr Dar estimated that at least 60% of them chew chat. Parents, youth and PLWH respondents all linked chat addiction to poor health, promiscuity and unsafe sexual practices and vulnerability to HIV and AIDS. The same respondents also linked chat addiction to feelings of hopelessness, lack of motivation and lack of initiative amongst young people, and suggested that young people who are addicted to chat are also at risk of turning to crime to fund the habit. Both youth and parents criticized government policies that promote chat production as being „at the expense of the lives of youth‟. Parents felt that the government should be doing more to control production, marketing, trading and use of chat by making it less attractive to farmers to grow chat and by closing down chat houses. On the other hand, everyone recognizes that chat is an important income source for growing numbers of people in and around Bahr Dar – the farmer producers, the marketers, the sellers, the chat house owners etc – and that it is a valuable export industry for Ethiopia. The government has recently clamped down on chat houses in towns, including Bahr Dar, and many have been targeted and closed down by police. However, this is proving difficult to enforce. 12 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 A 2005 national survey of 20,434 in-school and out-of-school youths aged between 15 28 and 24 years concluded that a substantial proportion of out-of-school youth engage in risky sex and that the use of Khat and alcohol and other substances is significantly and independently associated with risky sexual behaviour among Ethiopian youths. Given the growing trend of chat usage amongst young people, particularly in urban and peri- urban areas and the problems associated with that highlighted during the UCPV assessment, this issue warrants further analysis and attention from CARE Ethiopia. Particularly in relation to the urban and peri-urban youth impact group, it is important that CARE Ethiopia has a clear „position‟ on chat that can inform programming and advocacy work. Follow up of some of the references below and discussions with the international NGO German Agro-Action, which actively advocates against chat in Ethiopia, may be a good starting point for further understanding and analysis around this issue. In addition to the above, useful references: Integrating education on alcohol use, gender norms and gender-based violence into community outreach; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia | Wednesday, August 01, 2007; Regional Practicum on HIV, Alcohol & Gender Norms http://eastafrica.usaid.gov/en/Article.1110.aspx Alcohol, and Khat Consumptions and HIV/AIDS Prevention, Care and Treatment in Ethiopia; PPT from the Addis Continental Institute of Public Health Prevention Summit in 2009. www.etharc.org/press/prev.../alcohol_khat_hiv_for_prevention_summit.ppt 3.3 GENDER DIMENSION TO URBAN/ PERI-URBAN YOUTH VULNERABILITY FGDs in Bahr Dar, Hamusit and Alem Bir, both with male and female youth, suggested that urban/ peri-urban female youth are relatively more vulnerable than male youth. The main reasons given were: female youth are less likely to find employment, and are more likely to be in low income or harmful employment such as domestic work or commercial sex work; female youth are relatively more vulnerable to HIV and AIDS; female youth are more vulnerable to gender-based violence. This finding is supported by the literature. For example, the 2005 National Labor Force Survey (CSA, 2005) found that, nationally, 29 twice as many unemployed youth were females (66%) as males (34%). This continues into adulthood, where unemployment is much higher amongst women than men – 28 Kebede, D., et al (2005) Khat and alcohol use and risky sex behaviour among in-school and out-of- school youth in Ethiopia; BMC Public Health 2005, 5:109 doi:10.1186/1471-2458-5-109; http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/5/109 29 Reference from UCPV Desk Review on Urban and Peri-urban Youth. 13 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 women over 25 are 85% less likely than men of that age to be employed and only one in 30 5 women earns cash income that she actually controls . Domestic workers are almost 100% female and predominantly migrants from rural areas. A Population Council study found that 87% of working female migrants living in slum areas of Addis Ababa were occupying low status professions, especially domestic 31 work . The study concluded that female migrants, and particularly those working as domestic workers, were particularly vulnerable compared to other migrant and native 32 adolescents. Another study of commercial sex workers found that domestic work was a pathway into commercial sex for a full 44% of the sample respondents. Again, these commercial sex workers were predominantly female migrants from rural areas. In term of educational level, again girls are disadvantaged. The Population Council study of adolescent youth in slum areas of Addis Ababa found that the boys had reached a 33 higher level of education compared to the girls in the study . The UCPV assessment in Bahr Dar, Hamusit and Alem Bir in Amhara region found that whilst the number of male and female students in the region is proportional at primary level, by secondary level the 34 share of girls (urban and rural) in education drops to 40% . When asked to give reasons for the relatively higher drop out rate amongst female students, women respondents in the ANRS Women‟s study gave the following first main causes: “girls are needed for housework” (42% of responses in urban areas, 42% in rural areas), “negative attitude of the community on females” (25% of responses in urban areas, 10% in rural areas) and “fear of rape on the way to or from school” (9% of responses in urban and 12% in rural 35 areas). Early marriage was cited in 16% of responses in rural areas . Girls‟ heavy domestic workload also contributes to the drop out of female students. In relation to HIV exposure, the Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey (2005) suggests that young women are particularly vulnerable to HIV infection compared to young men. The data shows an HIV prevalence level of 0.7% for female youth aged 15-19, compared to 0.1% prevalence for males of the same age group, and a prevalence rate among 36 females aged 20-24 almost three times higher than that of the same aged males. In Bahr Dar, both male and female youth FGDs considered that female youth are more vulnerable to the risks of HIV and AIDS than male youth for a number of interconnected reasons including: females‟ economic dependence on men leading to more frequent cross-generational sex, multiple partners and transactional sex; risks of females being raped; through entry into commercial sex work; and social and cultural norms and economic necessities that make it difficult for women to negotiate condom use. 30 Christiaensen et al., Capturing the Demographic Bonus in Ethiopia: Gender Development and Demographic Actions cited in PRB Policy Brief. 31 Erulkar et al (2006); Migration and Vulnerability among Adolescents in Slum Areas of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 9, No. 3, July 2006, pp. 361-374 32 Girma and Erulkar (2009); Commercial Sex Workers in Five Ethiopian Cities: A baseline survey for USAID targeted HIV prevention program for most-at-risk populations; USAID, September 2009. 33 Erulkar et al (2006); Migration and Vulnerability among Adolescents in Slum Areas of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 9, No. 3, July 2006, pp. 361-374 34 Amahara region Education Bureau semi-annual report, 2005/6 35 ANRS Women’s Study, Bahr Dar Need to cross-check this reference. 36 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey, 2005, CSA Addis Ababa and ORC Macro, Maryland, USA, September 2006 14 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Nevertheless, most girls do not have premarital sex - the Population Council found that amongst adolescent girls in urban Ethiopia, 60% had first had sex with a spouse or financé. 29% of sexually experienced girls had had first sex under „coercive conditions‟ and girls who had had sex before the age of 15, and who had first sex outside marriage, were significantly more likely to have experienced coerced first sex. The study found that amongst sexually experienced respondents, transactional sex for money „seemed to occur only occasionally‟ although other forms of transactional sex such as feeling obliged to „pay back‟ boyfriends for gifts or favours by sex, were more common. In the same study, 11% of ever married respondents worried that their husband would give them 37 HIV . Overall, the manifestations of vulnerability, coupled with traditional practices, social norms that discriminate, internalized and externalized expectations and power relations appear to have made resource-poor female youth in urban and peri-urban areas relatively more vulnerable than male youth. This is discussed further below. However, the following case stories from Hamusit show that it is possible for female youth from disadvantaged backgrounds to overcome these challenges and make a success of their lives. Terengo is a single-parent orphan from a peri-urban area, who grew up in a poor female-headed household. Despite these challenges, she completed 12th grade and now at 23, she dreams of further education and running her own business. Terengo Mequanit was born on 1978EC in Hamusit and is now 23, married with two children and living in Hamusit. She is the third of four children and has one brother and three sisters. Her mother was subject to forced, early marriage by her family when she was 12 and had two sons from her first marriage. When she was 24 she ran away, migrating to Hamusit where she met and married Terengo‟s father. After some years of their marriage Terengo‟s father died and her mother was left to raise her family through selling „tela‟. Although she had never had the chance of an education herself, somehow she managed to send all her children to school - Terengo passed 12th grade and her brother and two sisters are all educated and employed. Now Terengo‟s mother has stopped working due to illness and spends her time at home, looked after by one of Terengo‟s sisters. Although she completed high school, Terengo didn‟t get as good grades as she had hoped for. Her happiest day was her marriage to the man of her choice when she was 18, and she now has two sons aged four and two. Terengo‟s husband is a civil servant and Terengo works independently. For about eight months she managed to open a shop but could not keep it going because the location was not good. Within the next five years she hopes to have obtained an education and a diploma. She dreams of getting a government job or running her own business. Etenesh is a 20 year old female, also from Hamusit, also from a single parent, poor household. Etenesh‟s story highlights some of the typical challenges that poor, peri-urban young women face – in completing their education, in finding work, in finding a marriage 37 Ferede and Erulkar (2009); Adolescent Girls in Urban Ethiopia: Vulnerability and Opportunity; Population Council, USAID, Ethiopia, August 2009. 15 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 partner, in staying healthy - and the level of motivation and determination that are needed to overcome these challenges. Etenesh Gashawu is 20 years old, single and living in Hamusit. She is the oldest of seven children, three of whom have died of unknown causes. Her mother was 13 when she married her father who was 23 at the time. At that time the family had land and a number of cattle but many of these died in a disease epidemic and her father started selling handmade crafts in the market. This did not bring in as much income as before and because of this strain and the death of Etenesh‟s three siblings her parents finally divorced and her father left. Etenesh was in 10th grade, but after the divorce her mother became seriously ill and Etenesh, as the oldest, had to leave school and start to financially support her mother and younger siblings. She started selling “pastry” and tea on the streets; soon after she met with people from the Micro and Small-scale enterprises (MSE) office and they provided her with training on agro-processing. Etenesh completed the training 9 months ago but still has not started using the skills she obtained. Etenesh‟s mother recovered and started selling “tela” to support her children, but Etenesh did not want her mother to do this as it is not a respectable vocation. She stopped and Etenesh is again single handedly supporting the family. She rented a small shop in the town center and continued to sell tea and other snacks. At some point, Etenesh‟s mother arranged for her to get married to a man from a good family that she knew. The man lived in Addis and came to Hamusit to meet her. After the official engagement, Etenesh decided that they should both get tested for HIV. He got tested in Addis and she in Hamusit, and they were both negative. However, after he returned to Addis she heard from various people that he already had a wife in Hamusit. Etenesh met this girl and suspected that she might have HIV. She contacted her fiancé in Addis and stated that she‟d like both of them to get tested again, but then he sent her a message saying that he was leaving for Japan for work. She has never heard from him since. Etenesh‟s happiest moments in her life were when she was in school and her parents were together - “I was good in my studies”. Etenesh is supporting her sister in high school and hopes she will join the university. For herself, she dreams of being successful in business and earning enough to own a house and a car. 3.4 MIGRATION AND URBAN/PERI-URBAN YOUTH VULNERABILITY The UCPV assessment findings and literature cited in this document suggested that many of the most vulnerable youth in urban and peri-urban areas were migrants from rural areas. This initiated many discussions in the country office around to what extent the underlying causes of urban/peri-urban youth poverty and vulnerability originate in rural areas. Does this mean that to address the UCPVs for urban and peri-urban youth CARE Ethiopia should focus on working with rural youth, before they migrate to urban areas? Although there is probably room for further debate and analysis, at this stage the country office has decided that trends in urban population growth and rural-urban migration over the next 10 to 15 years are likely to mean that urban/ peri-urban youth poverty will be an increasingly urgent humanitarian and development issue for Ethiopia that CARE Ethiopia should work to address in the urban and/or peri-urban context (as well as in the rural context?). Vulnerability of migrant versus „native‟ youth 16 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 During the UCPV assessments, the team realized that many of the more vulnerable youth that they spoke to were migrants from rural areas. Respondents during FGDs and KIIs identified rural migrants as a distinct „sub-group‟ of most vulnerable youth and clearly linked rural poverty, rural-urban migration and urban youth poverty and vulnerability. At the same time, rural migrants were highly represented in the other „sub- groups‟ of vulnerable youth identified, particularly commercial sex workers and daily laborers. For example, all of the commercial sex workers that participated in the FGD in Bahr Dar were female migrants from South Gondar and other rural parts of Amhara region (Hamusit, Adet, Fogera) and the daily labourers the team spoke to had migrated from the Este and Adet rural woredas in South Gondar. A May 2008 study found that 77% of youth commercial sex workers in Amhara region were rural migrants (usually 38 between 16 and 17 years old) . Although the UCPV assessments did not purposefully disaggregate information between „migrant‟ and „native‟ youth, the suggestion that migrant youth are particularly vulnerable is supported by a number of Population council research documents. A Population Council study of adolescent girls in urban Ethiopia found that „significantly more of the migrants (59%) were classified in the lower economic status compared to the native 39 adolescents (47%).‟ The mean age at migration was 14 years old, and the main reasons for migration were for work (52%) and schooling (15%). Another study which looked at patterns of migration and vulnerability amongst adolescents (age 10-19) in low-income and slum areas of Addis Ababa found that migrants were more vulnerable than natives in terms of „lacking of parental presence, schooling and social connectedness‟ and suggested that such young people „most of whom are girls‟ are in need of increased 40 specific targeted support from NGOs and other development programs . The study contains important information about the relative status and well-being of migrant versus native adolescent youth. For example, migrants are significantly less likely to be living with a parent than natives, and are less likely to have ever attended school. Migrants are more likely to be working for pay and to be in low-status jobs such as domestic workers, shoe shiners or daily labourers, with average earnings of around 16 Birr per week, compared with native‟s 50 Birr per week. The migrants also appeared to have fewer sources of social support and were less likely to have been involved in any kind of 41 youth program than natives . The study highlighted that female migrant youth are particularly vulnerable, finding that from the adolescents sampled: i) considerably more girls had migrated to slum areas of Addis than boys (45% of girls compared to 23% of boys) and ii) whilst many had migrated from rural areas for educational or work opportunities, almost a 42 quarter had come to escape early marriage in their rural homes." 60% of the girls who had migrated to escape early marriage had done so during early adolescence (aged 10 to 14) and 66% came from the Amhara region, where early arranged marriage is common. 38 Situation Analysis of OVC in Amhara Region: With special reference to urban towns in Amhara Region, Amhara National Regional State, Bureau of Labour and Social Affairs, May 2008, Bahr Dar 39 Ibid 40 Erulkar et al (2006); Migration and Vulnerability among Adolescents in Slum Areas of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 9, No. 3, July 2006, pp. 361-374 41 Ibid 42 Ibid 17 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Escape from early marriage was also cited as a „push‟ factor for migration by female youth during the UCPV assessment in Bahr Dar. Note that in the Population Council study, migrants were distinguished from „short-term visitors‟ if they had arrived in Addis Ababa more than 12 months before the study. The study of commercial sex workers cited above also highlights the relative vulnerability of female migrants, finding that 86% of the commercial sex workers sampled in the study were migrants to the area, with roughly 27% having migrated the year prior to the survey. 41% of these were from rural areas, whilst 35% had 43 migrated from small towns (peri-urban areas?). Another Population Council study disaggregated rates of HIV positive young women by age and whether they were native or migrant to the urban setting. The study found that "young women who are migrants to the city are nearly twice as likely to be HIV-positive 44 as compared to young women who are native to the city". The Bahr Dar, Hamusit and Alem Bir UCPV assessment respondents identified some of the push and pull factors for rural-urban migration. Some of these are described further in the sections that profile the most vulnerable youth, and are investigated in various Population Council studies, particularly the study on migration and vulnerability among adolescents in slum areas of Addis Ababa. Not surprisingly, UCPV assessment respondents, who had migrated to urban areas, said that family poverty was one of the drivers or pushes for migration to urban areas. Male youth mentioned landlessness and lack of off-farm/ alternative income earning opportunities in rural areas forcing them to 45 seek employment elsewhere. A Population Council (2006) study which looked at the reasons for migration of adolescents into slum areas of Addis Ababa, found that for both male and female adolescents educational opportunities were the most common reason for moving, especially when educational facilities were not available or were too far from their home areas, or where parents could not afford to send them to school. Seeking work opportunities was the second most commonly cited reason. During the UCPV assessments, girl youth mentioned family breakdown due to divorce and/or disagreements within the family, for example arguments with a step mother or father, as another reason for migration. Again, this is a common reason cited in the Pop Council (2006) study. Also, in another study of commercial sex workers, the majority of 46 whom (86%) were rural migrants, almost one third were divorced or separated . Death of either both parents or the father was also mentioned during the UCPV as a factor leading to migration: “A child who loses his or her parents will spend the majority of his or her life getting abused by everyone. If the parents held land or other assets, on their death the children’s relatives will force or pressure them to migrate with the objective of grabbing 43 Girma and Erulkar (2009); Commercial Sex Workers in Five Ethiopian Cities: A baseline survey for USAID targeted HIV prevention program for most-at-risk populations; USAID, September 2009. 44 Erulkar A (2007); „Dimensions of girls‟ vulnerability in rural and urban Ethiopia‟, presentation made at Gender Dimensions of HIV and Adolescent Programming in Ethiopia‟, Addis Ababa, April 11, 2007. 45 Erulkar A. (2006); Migration and Vulnerability among Adolescents in Slum Areas of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 9, No. 3, July 2006, pp. 361-374 46 Girma and Erulkar (2009); Commercial Sex Workers in Five Ethiopian Cities: A baseline survey for USAID targeted HIV prevention program for most-at-risk populations; USAID, September 2009. 18 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 these assets for themselves.” (KII Forum for Street Children). In the same Pop Council study of commercial sex workers, among the 15 to 19 age group, 57% had lost at least one parent and 16% were double orphans. In relation to female youth in particular, escape from early or arranged marriage was also mentioned during the UCPV assessment, although this was not highlighted by the sex workers that the team spoke to. However, the Pop Council (2006) study on migration and vulnerability found that almost one quarter of migrant girls reported that they had migrated to escape early marriage in their home areas. Youth respondents in the UCPV assessment also mentioned the hard way of life and lack of facilities in the rural areas as leading them to migrate and the commercial sex workers we spoke to in Bahr Dar mentioned that the promise of an „easier life‟ and access to basic services such as electricity and water were major „pull‟ factors for them to migrate. The same girls mentioned that peer pressure from those who have already migrated was also a „pull‟ factor for them (see case story in section 3.5 below) and this is supported by the Pop Council (2009) study which found that over half of the respondents had been pressured by peers/ friends to enter sex work (see below). Issues for further consideration: So far, the examples are presenting a very negative picture (similar to other UCPVAs): It is important that in understanding this impact group better, we also use an „appreciative inquiry‟ approach where we try to discover examples of positive behaviours and positive change in the lives of youth and identify what kind of support is needed to support and encourage these positives This could be done (as in the pastoralist girls analysis) by conducting a small number of case stories that illustrate examples of youth who have migrated successfully. Note that the Pop Council (2006) study of rural migrants found that 13% of girls who had come to Addis for schooling had still never been to school and that 19% of those who had migrated for work had still never worked. This means that a significant number had managed to realize their aspirations. 3.5 PROFILES OF VULNERABLE YOUTH Commercial sex workers Commercial sex workers are considered as one of the most-at-risk-populations for HIV. A 2008 study by The Wise-Up Project found that the average age of sex workers has remained at around 22 years since 2002 (reduced from around 31 years of age in the 47 late 1980s) . The report‟s analysis indicated a significant increase in sex workers‟ mean number of clients per week from three in 2002-2005 to five in 2008. The analysis showed a worrying trend in sex workers inconsistent use of condoms with non-paying partners – from 70% in 2002 to 56% in 2008. This echoes the concerns of a recent study of most-at-risk populations in Amhara region which highlighted the risks of the infection 48 spreading from high-risk groups to the general population . 47 Condom use among female sex workers in Ethiopia, 2002-2008, The Wise-Up Project. Note that the 2002&5 data included street and venue-based CSWs whilst the 2008 data only included venue-based. 48 Magnitude of and risk factors for HIV infection among most-at-risk-populations in Amhara region, Ethiopia, Feb. 2009 19 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 A Population Council study of over 2,000 commercial sex workers (CSWs) in five 49 Ethiopian cities cites various studies demonstrating HIV prevalence of between 17% to 50% for CSWs in urban areas, and one study indicating a prevalence of 73% among CSWs attending STI clinics in Addis Ababa. 86% of the CSW respondents were migrants to the area. The mean age of the sex workers in the study was 22, with 71% aged 15-24 and 33% aged 15-19. Respondents were youngest in Bahr Dar, with 48% below age 20. One third had never been to school, with the main reasons cited including poverty/ inability to afford schooling, parental disapproval and death of parents. Among those aged 15-19, 41% were single orphans whilst 16% had lost both parents. 45% of the sex workers had experienced non-consensual first sex whilst 7% had experienced violence by their regular partners in the last month and 10% had experienced violence with at least one of their last five clients. Professions prior to sex work included domestic work (44%), waitressing (21%) or working in a bar (16%) and most cited negative circumstances as a pathway into sex work including „escaping other exploitative forms of work such as domestic work (39%), the need to support children (32%), following divorce (29%), following school 50 drop-out or non-attendance (28%), and after death of a parent (22%)‟ . Of the CSWs in the study who had been married, 87% were divorced. Around half of the respondents reported that they had been pressured by peers/ friends to enter sex work, whilst 2% reported pressure from family members. Younger girls (15-19) were more likely to be pressured by friends than girls aged 25 and over. The UCPV assessment interviews with CSWs in Bahr Dar support many of these findings. One of the commercial sex workers in Bahr Dar described her experience of moving from her home area in a rural woreda of South Gondar. “When I reached grade 6, I had to move to another far Woreda where there is a school. I rented a house and had to travel home every weekend to bring food. The distance was long and I hated to walk all that way on foot. Besides, the food was not fresh. Then I saw girls who migrated from my home area returning with good clothing, and they told me very good things about city life like the opportunity of getting money easily. So I decided to drop out and migrate to Bahir Dar. But the situation I am in now is on the contrary. “ The UCPV assessment interview with a group of commercial sex workers in Bahr Dar provides an insight into the challenges that this group faces: Commercial sex workers – “We are poverty” The UCPV team in Bahr Dar spoke to a group of 21 commercial sex workers. All are migrants from peri-urban and rural areas, from around Bahr Dar, North and South Gondar and Wollo (Hamusit, Adet and Fogera). Most are from poor families and do not have close family members in Bahr Dar. Most are around 17 and 18 years old, below grade 8 and illiterate. The women had come to Bahr Dar looking for work. Some of them had started as domestic workers but had left either because of abuse by their employers, overwork, low or no pay and arbitrary deductions of pay. Having left their employers’ homes they had nowhere else to go and became 49 Girma & Erulkar (2009); Commercial Sex Workers in Five Ethiopian Cities: A baseline survey for USAID targeted HIV prevention program for most-at-risk populations; USAID 50 Ibid 20 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 involved in commercial sex work. Others had been met at the bus station in Bahr Dar when they arrived for the first time from their home areas by “brokers” who had persuaded them to work as commercial sex workers on the promise of high pay. As sex workers, the women have to move from kebele to kebele for work and because of this and the stigma attached to them, their “hosts” (usually women, who provide accommodation and manage the workers) seldom notify the kebele administration that they are living with them. Unless they are registered with the kebele the women can’t get an ID and so cannot access social services from the kebele, such as sexual and reproductive health services, microfinance services etc. The women said that they have no security of tenure and can be made homeless at any point. As well as their vulnerability to STIs and HIV the sex workers feel highly vulnerable to violence. They do not feel protected because of weak law enforcement by the police and the possibility of revenge by the perpetrators. They said that clients pay more for sex without a condom and that many of their clients are poor themselves and don’t care about the consequences of HIV. The women said that there are few alternative work opportunities available to them in town because of their illiteracy and low education. On the other hand, they don’t want to go back to their rural homes because life is hard there and they will be stigmatized if they go back (they would be considered to be HIV positive). The women said that they don’t have any social support networks, even amongst themselves, because they are all from different places, and that there are no formal or informal institutions working with them to organize better access to resources and services. During the FGD, one commercial sex worker said “enga nene dhinte malte” (We are poverty). The sex workers told the assessment team about “KosheKosh”, a village (described as a “camp”) near the center of Bahir Dar town, where many sex workers live. When the assessment team visited the village, they found crowded, shared houses, with limited shared toilet facilities, water and cooking areas. Most of the young women at the village were between 15 and 35 years old. Some had their children with them and some were clearly sick. There were also male youths at the entrance and exit of the camp, suggesting that they also are engaged in commercial sex work, although the team did not follow this up. The CSWs themselves and the Forum for Street Children- FSC (a local NGO) all highlighted the key exploitative role played by the brokers at the bus terminals who persuade migrant women to engage in sex work. FSC is trying to address this by covering the cost of transportation and a police escort for girls who agree to return back to their home area. Although police are officially assigned to the bus station in Bahr Dar to help control brokers, the team were told that the level of protection of migrants and control of the brokers varies according to the attitudes of individual officers. Possible issues for further investigation: Any variations in vulnerability depending on the type of sex work girls are engaged in e.g. street-based, brothel based, hotel or bar-based, home-based etc. The role of brokers and/or „pimps‟ The vulnerability of boys and male youth to commercial sex work – although the need for this at this point in program design should be carefully considered given 21 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 the focus of the program on female youth, and the fact that we know that the vast majority of CSWs are female. The laws affecting the legal and social protection of CSWs. Opportunities for strengthening social support networks amongst CSWs. Additional studies cited in the Population Council (2009) study of commercial sex workers in five Ethiopian cities that might be useful to review include: - Aklilu et al (2001). Factors associated with HIV-1 infection among sex workers of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, AIDS, 15:87-96 - Alem et al (2006). Unprotected sex, sexually transmitted infections and problem drinking among female sex workers in Ethiopia, Ethiopian Journal of Health and Development, 20 (2): 93-98 - DKT Ethiopia (2008). Study of condom use and behaviour among venue-based sex workers and their clients in 10 towns in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; DKT unpublished report, October. - Erulkar AS and Ferede A. Social exclusion and early unwanted sexual initiation in poor urban settings in Ethiopia, International Perspectives in Sexual & Reproductive Health. - Family Health International (FHI) and Addis Ababa City Administration Health Bureau (AACAHB) (2002); „Mapping and census of female sex workers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia‟; FHI Unpublished report, August - Mehret M et al (1990a); „HIV infection and related risk factors among female sex workers in the urban areas of Ethiopia’; Ethiopian Journal of Health and Development, 4(2):163-170 - Mehret M et al (1990b); „HIV-1 infection and some related risk factors among female sex workers in Addis Ababa’; Ethiopian Journal of Health and Development, 4(2):171-176 Domestic workers The Population Council‟s study on adolescent girls in low income and slum areas of Addis found that 95% of the respondents aged 10-14 were living without parents, with most working as child domestic workers. Among girls who had ever worked for pay, 51 52 72% were in domestic work . In an earlier study of 676 female respondents in low income and slum areas of Addis, about 15% were in domestic work. 97% of these workers had migrated into Addis, 82% of these from rural areas. No males reported being domestic workers. The study compared female domestic workers with other adolescent girls and found that domestic workers were less likely to be educated or live with parents, had lower self esteem and fewer friends and lower levels of HIV knowledge than the other girls. Most of these girls lived with their employers and compared to other adolescent workers, they worked longer hours - an average of 64 hours per week - and were paid significantly less than other adolescent workers - an 53 average of 52 Birr or around US$6 per month compared to an average of US$11 for female non-domestic workers and US$18 for working adolescent boys. 51 Ferede and Erulkar (2009); Adolescent Girls in Urban Ethiopia: Vulnerability and Opportunity; Population Council, Ethiopia, August 2009 52 Erulkar and Mekbib (2007) ; Invisible and vulnerable : Adolescent domestic workers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Vulnerable Children and Youth Studies, December 2007; 2(3): 246-256 53 Ibid 22 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Because of their long hours, limited social networks and restrictions placed on them by their employers, these girls are „hard to reach‟ – the same study found that the girls who were domestic workers were less likely to have participated in any existing youth programmes than other adolescent girls. Lessons from current programming suggest that the most successful approach so far is to try to identify and recruit them via house to house visits. The „Biruh Tesfa’ project of the Ministry of Youth and Sports and its Regional Bureaus in Addis Ababa and Amhara region, supported by the Pop Council, targets out-of-school slum-dwelling adolescent girls (10-19) including rural-urban migrants, domestic workers and orphans. The project mobilizes the girls into girls‟ clubs led by adult female mentors from the community and has recruited domestic workers by going house-to-house, sometimes several times, to convince employers to allow the girls to attend. During the UCPV assessment in Bahr Dar, although the team did not specifically seek out domestic workers, during discussions with APAP, they suggested that many of the girls they support with legal advice and support are domestic workers seeking to leave abusive employers, or who have been subjected to sexual or other violence by their employer and/ or employer‟s children. The Pop Council (2007) study on adolescent domestic workers in Addis Ababa suggested that these girls are „more susceptible to unwanted sex, including sex at the hands of their employers‟, although the data was inconclusive. Whilst the literature suggests that adolescent female domestic workers are a highly vulnerable and significant sub-group of urban and peri-urban youth, the hiring of rural girls, often extended family relatives, for domestic work is the norm for many urban households. Many employers, as well as the girls‟ families, believe that they are providing an opportunity for the girl and don‟t consider that domestic work is „child labour‟. Under Ethiopian law it is illegal to engage a child below the age of 14 in wage labour and there are special provisions for working children aged 14-18 including the number of hours that they should work (maximum of seven per day). However, the Pop Council 54 (2007) study found that over a third of the girls had stared work before age 14 . Since the UCPV assessment in Bahr Dar did not specifically look at domestic workers, CARE Ethiopia probably needs to do more analysis around this group before deciding whether, how, where to target them. A good starting point would be further review of the Pop Council literature and discussion both with Pop Council and the Ministry of Youth and Sports and regional bureaus. Discussions with CARE Ethiopia‟s own staff based in Addis may also be an interesting entry point for finding out more about this sub-population. Possible ways forward for deepening the analysis for this group: Discussions with female adolescent domestic workers in Bahr Dar Discussion/ survey with Addis-based CARE Ethiopia staff Follow up with Ministry and regional Bureaus of Youth and Sports and Population Council re. existing research and current programmes targeting domestic workers 54 Ibid. Note that this study also found that 39% of working adolescent boys had also started work before age 14. The study also contains other information about adolescent boys in slum areas of Addis. 23 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Additional key references/ information sources for review cited in the Pop Council (2007) study „Invisible and Vulnerable: Adolescent domestic workers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia‟ include: - Federal Negarit Gazeta of the FDRE (2006). Working conditions of young workers. Proclamation no. 377/2003, Labour (Amendment), 10th year, no. 12, Addis Ababa, 26 February, pp.2475-2478 - Burns et al (2004); Reaching out-of-school youth with reproductive health and HIV/AIDS information and service; Youthnet Issues Paper no.4, Arlington, VA: Family Health International - Erulkar et al (2006); Differential use of adolescent reproductive health programming in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Journal of Adolescent Health, 38, 253-260. - International Labour Organization (ILO) (2004). Stop exploitative child domestic labour. Press release: ILO, Ethiopia Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, Save the Children and ANPPCAN-Ethiopia, 12 June. Youth living with HIV and AIDS Youth living with HIV and AIDS were mentioned in Bahr Dar as being another „sub- group‟ of vulnerable youth. However, they are not a discrete group but are included in and cut across other vulnerable groups of youth such as commercial sex workers. One of the groups most vulnerable to HIV and AIDS i.e. secondary and tertiary students, are also relatively less vulnerable than other groups of youth to other risks such as unemployment. However, youth with HIV and AIDS may be more likely to be resource- poor and living in poverty than other youth. The UCPV team in Bahr Dar spoke to a group of eight young people and adults living with HIV and AIDS. The respondents were mostly living at subsistence level and have an irregular income from activities like drink selling, wood selling, daily labouring and aid from NGOs. To them being poor means being sick, since being healthy is the key to being productive and self-reliant (tena matatina ke alga lay mewall). They also linked poverty to being uneducated and lacking in knowledge and awareness, being addicted to chat, cigarettes and alcohol and living in unsanitary and unhygienic conditions. They told the assessment team that they are living in a vicious cycle whereby the virus leads them to poverty and their poor livelihoods, living conditions and social stigma again makes them vulnerable to poor health, low self esteem, destructive behaviours and ultimately to increasing risk of AIDS. Although the group emphasized that there is less stigma attached to PLWH now compared to even two years ago, there is still discrimination. An example given was that they find it difficult to access financial services: people do not want them to join savings and credit groups since they “are too much of a risk” nor do they want to act as guarantor for them to get a loan from an institution. Community saving and credit groups provide loans for non-members but not to those living with the virus, unless viable collateral is provided. Without access to financial services, the group felt that young PLWH would remain dependent on external aid. Unlike the other youth the Bahr Dar team interviewed, the PLWH focus group consider the kebele to be very important to them as a venue for networking and connecting with service providers and as a place to voice and report challenges they face and to demand services. 3.6 SOCIAL POSITIONS OF VULNERABLE URBAN/ PERI-URBAN YOUTH 24 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 This section summarises some of the UCPVs related to the social positions of vulnerable youth. UCPV assessment respondents in Hamusit and Alembir related perceptions of youth to their socioeconomic status; if a youth is from an economically well-off family then he/she has the highest chance of being a productive citizen (i.e. completing school without interruption, being self-disciplined, obtaining employment and not falling into addictions). The perception is that youth that belong to low income families (such as single parent families, families where no-one is in formal employment, where one or more parent is chronically ill) are more likely to drop out of school, engage in the informal sector for employment and be forced to migrate from their homes in search of employment. Youth that have employment/income are considered to be productive and as such are given respect and value. As mentioned above, male and female youth respondents in Bahr Dar, Hamusit and Alem Bir suggested that females are relatively more vulnerable than males. One of the main reasons that they identified was traditional cultural attitudes towards girls at different levels (fathers, family, peers, community) which discourage young women from having a role outside the home and seek to restrict them to the domestic domain. A Women‟s Affairs Office representative in Hamusit suggested that these attitudes lead to girls‟ relatively limited mobility and high domestic workload that in turn limits their access to educational opportunities and leads to female students‟ lower levels of academic attendance and success at higher grades. These attitudes and the limitations they impose contribute to girls‟ low self-esteem and low expectations of themselves, particularly in the public sphere. Fear of rape, sexual assault and sexual harassment whether in school, to and from school, or in the work place (for example, in the case of domestic workers) and society‟s general acceptance of GBV in various forms (rape, abduction, domestic violence), particularly against young women, also contributes to girls‟ vulnerability. The prevalence of early marriage, considered by the Ethiopian government as a form of GBV, was mentioned as a driver for girls‟ migration to peri-urban and urban areas (to escape early marriage). These marriages are more likely to involve marriage to a much older man, and to end in divorce, leading to increasing vulnerability. The focus on marriage as a means of economic security for girls results in their almost total economic dependence on males. A discussion paper by the Fogera Women‟s Affairs Office (WAO) on „The Causes of HTPs‟ states the following as the sustaining factors of early marriage; - There are financial leverages for marrying off a girl to a rich family for dowry - Parents want to strengthen social relations - To fight social stigmatization (a girl that is not married is called names and marginalized) - To protect girls from being sexually active at a young age, before marriage (which carries serious social stigma) - Parents are recognized and praised for throwing big wedding parties - Parents want to see grandchildren These factors reflect embedded beliefs and norms about a woman‟s expected role which inhibit her from participating in making decisions on issues that will bring about massive changes in her life. But they also reflect the very valid concerns of poor families, especially poor rural families, about how best to protect their own and their daughter‟s economic security. 25 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Female youth in Bahr Dar also suggested that they have fewer support networks or opportunities for social networking than male youth. For example, adolescent boys in low income and slum areas of Addis are almost four times more likely than girls to have a place in the neighborhood, other than home or school, to meet their same sex friends, 55 and one-fifth as likely to say they fear being raped. Any of the opportunities that girls do have for making social connections, for example through youth centres or church- related activities, may not be available to the most vulnerable amongst them. For example, commercial sex workers in Bahr Dar said they have no social connections even between eachother, and cannot trust or rely on eachother. Likewise, young female domestic workers are largely „hidden‟, overworked by their employers and without the means of making social contact with others. Both male and female youth in Bahr Dar mentioned the lack of recreation centres for young people. Young women's low social status also contributes to their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. For example, even if a young woman married to a much older man, or a commercial sex worker, is aware about HIV/AIDS, and has access to condoms she may not be able to negotiate HIV testing or to negotiate the use of condoms with her husband or male partners. Both parents and youth suggested that changes in social norms are negatively affecting parent-youth relationships and peer-to-peer relationships. Examples of changes included the increasingly acceptable use of chat and changes in sexual behaviour. Even in urban areas, early and arranged marriages were common 10 years ago, whereas nowadays sexual relationships before marriage are normal. From this perspective, early and arranged marriage could be seen as a positive way of protecting young women from stigma and securing their future social and economic status, whilst sex before marriage may be considered to entail multiple partners, lack of security and exposure to HIV and AIDS. Youth‟s low self esteem, „feelings of hopelessness‟ and lack of vision for the future were often mentioned by youth and parents in relation to youth. They linked these feelings to being unsuccessful in their education, to unemployment and to addictions to chat and other drugs. At the same time, youth and parent respondents also said that youth have much higher expectations than before in terms of material possessions and are less prepared to „start small‟ than their parents were. Despite appreciating that they have more freedoms than their parents did, male youth in Bahr Dar complained about the general negative perceptions and low expectations of young people held by their parents and also by the community in general. 3.7 ENABLING ENVIRONMENT FOR URBAN AND PERI-URBAN YOUTH This section gives an overview of some of the perceptions of youth about the institutional and political structures and systems that affect them, and also highlights some of the key institutions and stakeholders responsible for working with urban youth. This section should be enriched with the information provided and presentation from 55 Erulkar AS, Mekbib T, Simie N, Gulema T. (2004). Adolescent life in low income and slum areas of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. 26 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 the Addis Ababa University and the Addis Ababa Bureau of Youth and Sports at the one- day stakeholders workshop held in April 2010. Youth policy environment The current policy environment both at federal and regional levels is favourable to ensuring the inclusion of youth in social, economic and political development agendas. Ethiopia‟s first National Youth Policy was formulated in 2004, with the broad objective of encouraging the active participation of youth in the economic, social, and cultural life of the country. The policy clearly articulates the youth‟s role, participation and value in various areas of development and addresses a wide range of issues ranging from HIV/AIDS to environmental protection and social services, although the most central elements relative to the government‟s poverty alleviation program the Plan for Accelerated Development to End Poverty (PASDEP) relate to education, training and 56 the employment of youth . Within the broad framework of PASDEP, the youth policy promises to facilitate the growth of self-employment and formal/informal employment opportunities and to create an enabling environment for youth to benefit from education and training, including adult education. The new education policy focuses on producing a skilled labor force, with the Technical Vocational Education and Training (TVET) program as a central part of this strategy while the labor law codifies the practice of apprenticeships and allows for contracts to be entered with youth who are at least 14 years of age. Additionally, a national youth development package acknowledges the critical areas for youth development and problem areas such as unemployment, lack of social services, limited arenas for youth participation etc. Female youth are also given specific policy attention, and the government has ensured that women‟s rights are clearly articulated in the 1994 Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. The constitutional rights conferred on women not only include equal rights with men (in marriage, ownership of land, employment and participation in development policies), but also include the recognition of the need for affirmative action measures for women (Article 35.3) and recognition of the State‟s responsibility for the prohibition of harmful traditional practices that infringe on women‟s rights (Article 35.4). Since many youth are engaged in the informal sector, particular attention is being given to the role of micro and small enterprises development (MSED). The MSED Strategy underpinning PASDEP pays particular attention to female-operated enterprises, school dropouts, and unemployed youth. Under this strategy the Government will provide entrepreneurship and business management training, appropriate technology research, market support, information and counseling, business support services, and help with 57 access to credit and basic infrastructure for MSEs. Regarding the protection of vulnerable youth, whilst legal frameworks are there for the protection of youth, the main issue identified by commercial sex workers, Womens‟ Affairs and APAP is the poor implementation/ enforcement of laws related to GBV, including rape and domestic violence. An APAP representative in Bahr Dar said 56 MOFED (2006) cited in ICMC Consultants (2009) Desk review for urban and peri-urban youth for CARE Ethiopia 57 ICMC Consultants (2009) Desk review for urban and peri-urban youth for CARE Ethiopia 27 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 that victims are often not aware of their rights, and fear of revenge also prevents them from reporting crime or pursuing offenders to court; there is weak and inconsistent application of the law by the police against GBV offenders and the extent to which cases are pursued depends on the attitudes of male officials, some of whom, because of their own biases, are reluctant to follow up on issues that they consider are related to women‟s rights. Young women and other at-risk and vulnerable youth are also reluctant to report cases of domestic violence for fear of bringing shame on their families or losing dignity or respect in their communities. At the same time, there is a general societal „tolerance‟ of GBV that makes people reluctant to report family members who are perpetrators of these crimes. Areas for further analysis/ inclusion: Summary of key policy provisions for youth generally and female youth specifically Reference and summarise the government‟s Youth Policy, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Ethiopia is signatory) and the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) recommendations on adolescence, which Ethiopia supports. These are calls to action and accountability and part of an enabling environment. Overview of specific policy and legal instruments that protect the rights of vulnerable youth e.g. commercial sex workers, domestic workers, daily labourers – for example, policies to protect household domestic workers e.g. employer‟s requirement to register domestic workers, or the right of commercial sex workers or domestic workers to have a formal ID card from the kebele. Policy and legal instruments that specifically enshrine youth‟s rights to land and other resources Youth access to land This is mentioned here mainly in relation to migration of rural youth to urban areas, since one of the key drivers mentioned by male youth particularly in Bahr Dar, Hamusit and Alem Bir is the limited availability of land in rural areas. Limited opportunities to engage in on-farm activities and limited off-farm income generating or employment opportunities leads many youth to leave their home areas and seek employment of some kind in urban and peri-urban areas. When land redistribution and land certification was undertaken in Amhara in 1997, youth that were not of the required age at that time (18) were not considered in the redistribution process. This has resulted in them being landless when they came of age, and most of them have remained landless since. This process also largely contributed towards the current levels of landlessness of women and female youth (see box below). As stated by a respondent from the Land Use and Administration Bureau in Hamusit “The existing land proclamation does not prioritize the youth. The proclamation puts the youth in the fourth place in the order of priority to get land.” Youth access to micro-finance services and income generating opportunities Another issue emphasized throughout all the UCPVAs with youth was the lack of access to resources or opportunities for establishing income generating activities (IGAs) or small scale businesses. Lack of off-farm productive opportunities in rural areas is a major 28 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 push factor for rural-urban migration. Yet when these young people, most of whom lack academic or technical/ vocational qualifications, arrive in urban areas, they have few options but to engage in the informal sector for employment i.e. daily laboring, CSW, petty trading, domestic servants etc. In cases where young people would like to engage in self-employment they can seek the services of institutions such as the Micro and Small-scale Enterprises Development office (MSED) whose role is to provide skills training and seed capital for young entrepreneurs. However, the requirement for a capital guarantor („wass‟), and sometimes a guarantor who is a government employee, means that resource poor youth generally cannot take up this service. Government lending services such as credit associations are perceived as politically affiliated and not for the poorest. Vulnerable youth such as daily labourers or commercial sex workers have no chance of accessing these kinds of services and generally the services are not „youth friendly‟ i.e. tailored to young people‟s resource- situation. There are few or no private loan services providing tailored services to support young people to start up income generating activities and most young people do not have the capital or collateral needed to guarantee a loan. Note that lack of start-up business capital/ micro-finance was cited by over 33% of urban youth in the ANRS study 58 as a reason for unemployment . Many of the youth respondents felt that they do not have the necessary technical, business or life skills to establish successful small businesses or income generating schemes anyway. The Amhara Savings and Credit Association (ACSI) is currently trying to establish a loan service in Bahr Dar which is accessible to youth. They aim to provide loans to high school dropouts and others who fulfill their criteria (i.e. those with kebele I.D and that can provide a guarantee or collateral). ACSI reported that there is a high default rate, mostly because the microfinance institutions that organize the youth groups into cooperatives do not provide the necessary capacity building support to ensure that the youth groups have the skills that they need to organize themselves and to manage the loan. ACSI also highlighted the problem of weak institutional linkages between different stakeholders working with youth that could support these kinds of efforts and provide coordinated support e.g. Youth Associations, Microfinance institutions. The kebele associations provide a number of services for youth, including micro financing services to support start up of income generating activities. Examples of micro- financing packages in Bahr Dar include: Building construction materials production and sales in Bahir Dar town Wood and metal works Food preparation and sales Urban agriculture such as poultry, dairy, vegetable production Service provision related to dry waste disposal, car parking, etc Textiles In order to benefit from these packages, youth can group themselves either into a “Shirkina” organization (which can be formed by two or more people, and which is 58 Amhara National Regional State Youth Study (no date) 29 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 expected to pay tax) or a “Sira Mahiber” (which must have > 10 members all of whom are unemployed, and which does not have to pay tax). However, kebele representatives interviewed during the UCPV in Bahr Dar admitted that the demand from young people for the micro-financing packages is much greater 59 than the capacity of the government programs to provide them and that the packages are not yet fully being implemented. During the study there were also reports that the support provided via these packages is not enough. One of the FGDs gave an example where youth groups organized to produce cement blocks had no linkages to a regular or adequate supply of cement and therefore they were not able to keep up production. The same FGD also claimed that the youth groups did not have any proper supply chains set up with local building constructors and there was no market for their product. They recommended that packages need to strengthen links between input providers, youth producers, markets and consumers. Even after vocational training there may be no access to land/ work space or financial services for youth to start or develop a business. One of the youth FGDs gave an example where a group of 20 of them were allocated land for a business but the plot they were given was too small so they had to give up (“the government creates ideas but doesn’t follow them through”). This finding is supported by the ANRS Youth study which found that limited access to credit services, lack of market and advisory services, and absence of working and selling premises are major hindrances identified by youth as limiting business growth. The kebele representatives suggested that there should be greater focus on identifying, allocating and certifying plots of land in or near the town for youth to cultivate or for production and sale of products in the town (e.g. along the Abay river). Institutions working with Youth Non-state actors working with youth, mentioned by respondents in Bahr Dar included: OSSA; Beza (Anti-AIDS organization); Jerusalem Childrens‟ Fund; Population Council; Dawn of Hope; Mekdim; and in Hamusit/ Alembir, CHAD-ET (whose work includes support to migrant youth), World Vision and Noraid. Other actors include APAP, working with vulnerable youth who need legal advice and support, CARE Ethiopia, working with orphans and vulnerable children (PC3 project) and the Family Guidance Association Ethiopia, working in Bahr Dar and other parts of Amhara region on sexual reproductive health and creating safe spaces for youth. Regarding the Population Council, as is clear from this report, they have done a huge amount of research into vulnerable youth in urban areas in Ethiopia, particularly in Addis Ababa and in Amhara region, and have also supported programs of the Ministry of Youth and Sports, working with migrant girls in urban areas including Addis Ababa and Bahr Dar (for example, the Biruh Tesfa project mentioned above, funded by USAID/PEPFAR and UNFPA). Note that this section can be enriched with information from the April 2010 workshop in Addis Ababa with stakeholders working with urban and peri-urban youth. 59 The ANRS Youth Study found that only 10% of urban youth had benefited from credit and savings services. 30 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 A more thorough stakeholder mapping was conducted during the workshop that identified actors working with youth, geographic locations, sectoral areas of focus and target (sub-group) of youth. It would be useful to build on this workshop to identify where some of the gaps are in terms of addressing both UCPVs and most vulnerable sub-groups of youth. It would also be useful to include some of the learning from these actors (including CARE Ethiopia) around youth programming when we move into the next stage of program design for our selected impact groups. NB: Recommend we attach the workshop report as an Annex to this report. Some of the state actors mentioned during the UCPV assessments included: Youth and Sport Office, Bureau of Labour and Social Affairs, Micro and Small Enterprises Development Office, Women‟s Affairs Office, Environmental Protection & Land use & Administration Office, M&E Expert., HAPCO and the Youth Associations. In many cases, the groups identified particular individuals, such as the Head of Women‟s Affairs, as supporting them, rather than systematic support through an institution. During the UCPV assessments with youth, the youth respondents ranked their relationships with government at every level (kebele upwards), with youth associations, savings or micro- finance associations and with idirs relatively lowly. The kebele-based youth associations are perceived by many youth as being politically affiliated and there is a general perception that preference is given to politically affiliated youth to access support and opportunities such as micro-finance schemes or land for establishing small scale businesses. Youth association leaders were also described as being older, politically- affliated and unrepresentative of the majority of youth. Membership of the Bahr Dar Zone Youth Association is open to all youth from urban and some peri-urban kebeles aged between 15 and 29. The Association currently has around 5,000 members in Bahr Dar. The association works at both zonal and kebele level and its activities include: facilitating an enabling environment for youth investors; organizing youth groups and facilitating credit services for establishing micro and small enterprises; working with other local CBOs to support orphans; and working with the police and courts to promote child protection and youth justice. The Association leadership is voluntary and does not deliberately set out to be representative of specific groups of youth, although there are women leaders. The Bureau of Labour and Social Affairs (BLSA) is not specifically youth-focused but runs various programs that target youth, particularly OVCs (orphans and vulnerable children). They also provide support to disadvantaged groups, including disabled groups, and provide guidance and counseling for those vulnerable to social problems. Although the Bureau works with children based on the Convention for the Rights of the Child (CRC), it does not have a specific youth strategy and admits that current capacity does not allow the institution to address the widespread social problems that exist. There is still lack of clarity on the respective roles and responsibilities of the Bureau of Labour and Social Affairs and the Bureau of Youth and Sport – responsibility for women and youth-tailored support packages have recently moved from the former to the latter. According to the Bureau, the National Action Plan for women and children is outdated and has not been revised in relation to the CRC. The Bureau of Youth and Sport has a regional plan for youth development based on the National Youth Policy and regional youth development packages of different kinds have been developed. The BYS has signed a memorandum of understanding with the 31 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Bureau of Women‟s Affairs to mainstream youth issues in their respective development plans and to coordinate implementation efforts. The BYS highlighted the following gaps in policy implementation: Poor mass mobilization and awareness creation amongst youth No coordinated structures extending down to the kebele level to support policy implementation Poor commitment by some offices on policy implementation Poor capacity by some organizations in policy implementation Policy does not give priority to youth in land redistribution Credit services are not youth friendly (ie. collateral and fixed assets are required to access credit) and do not address the demands and needs of youth who want to start up small scale income generating schemes or micro enterprises The BYS highlighted that there is no systematic or coordinated mechanism for youth to voice their concerns or to hold government or other service providers accountable to youth. Even if there were, the BYS felt that there may be limited capacity to respond to such concerns. With regard to more vulnerable youth (e.g. PLWH, commercial sex workers, disabled youth) although they are mentioned in the policy, there are few specific government programmes tailored to these groups. These groups (apart from HIV and AIDS groups) tend not to have strong organizations or movements supporting them. The HIV-AIDS Prevention and Control Office (HAPCO) currently has the mandate to formulate the government‟s policy on HIV and AIDS prevention and control. Part of this mandate involves organizing groups of HIV and AIDS affected people in income generating activities (IGAs) and policy/advocacy work. HAPCO includes university students as a group vulnerable to HIV and AIDS, along with street children and unemployed youth. The reasons given by the HAPCO representative included: students are increasingly being target as a most-at-risk group for HIV&AIDS; street children are vulnerable to rape, many are rural migrants and become involved in commercial sex work (encouraged by brokers); unemployed youth cannot access recreational centres (and there are few recreational centres) and many therefore spend their time in chat houses – this leads them to addiction, poor behavioural choices and vulnerability to HIV. HAPCO works with commercial sex workers providing peer education, condom provision, support for IGAs and organization for protection against abuse by clients. They also provide HIV/AIDS awareness training to youth in the workplace and provide targeted support to female youth, with a focus on rural migrants. There are currently few reported state institutions working with commercial sex workers. One factor is that they are usually not officially recognized by the kebeles and youth associations. The commercial sex workers‟ FGD mentioned one individual from the Womens‟ Affairs Bureau who is supporting them, but this is through her own initiative rather than because of any structured support from the Bureau. In a later interview with this woman, she admitted that there is no budget allocated specifically to working with sex workers. The team did not find out if they target domestic workers in any way. The government has recently introduced an initiative to try to reduce the influence of brokers on migrants by organizing the brokers into legal entities and providing them 32 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 with awareness raising on child protection and related issues. A child protection unit under the Bahr Dar police has been established in the Bahr Dar bus station, the point of arrival for most rural migrants. This unit is supposed to provide advice to migrants on the dangers of becoming involved in commercial sex and to facilitate their return back to their home area if they want to go back. However, there are reports that this is not working: that (male) representatives from the unit support the brokers‟ service rather than convince migrants to return home; that female migrants are raped by male brokers and other men working in the bus station; that whilst legal brokers are only allowed to work in the bus station up to 4pm, after that others working in the bus station persuade rural migrants arriving late to engage in commercial sex work. 3.8 UNIFYING FRAMEWORK FOR URBAN/ PERI-URBAN YOUTH The matrix overleaf is the latest version of the analysis for the urban/ peri-urban youth group, based on CARE‟s unifying framework. This matrix was initially developed during the Bahr Dar assessment and has been revised a number of times based on feedback from stakeholders, discussions within CARE Ethiopia, and a „hierarching exercise‟ by the urban/ peri-urban youth program design team. Note that the matrix is not disaggregated by male or female youth, by migrant or native youth, by street youth and those with shelter, or by sub-groups of vulnerable youth such as CSWs or domestic workers. It has been suggested by various reviewers that we disaggregate the UCPVs and develop separate matrices for these (and possibly other) distinct sub-groups. In addition to the comments and suggestions throughout this report, other gaps in the analysis identified by the DRD-PQ, by the Program Design team and stakeholders at the April 2010 workshop include: HIV/AIDS Analysis for each of the sub-groups, the extent to which they are vulnerable, infected or and/or affected by HIV and/or handicapped. Whether HIV is a driving factor of migration. E.g. are children / youth forced to drop out of school to take care of a PLHIV at home and can this lead to migration at some point? Are children forced to look for work in cities to replace the incomes from an HIV infected bread winner in the household? Role of Brokers Who are the “brokers” and how do they operate. Are they operating individually or in groups? Is their “head hunting” starting in cities only (e.g at bus stations) or does it even start earlier in rural areas? Role of brokers specific to each sub group e.g. sex workers, domestic workers, daily labourers (how are daily labourers recruited?) Policies/ legal framework Information on the Ministry of Education (e.g. vocational training policies, catch-up program for youth that dropped out of school, etc) and Ministry of Health (SRH programs for youth, programs for addicted youth?, etc). Information on legal protection of those people who are engaged in the daily labor, commercial sex work and domestic work Government policies/ strategies related to rural-urban migration Government policy for land allocation for youth IGAs in urban areas Migration 33 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Working definition of „migration‟ for this impact group e.g. „permanent‟/seasonal migration, forced/ voluntary migration Whether links are maintained with the rural home and family members for migrants and what these links are. Are the youth bringing or sending money? For what? Are they physically visiting? For how long? How is the frequency of visits / contacts evolving over time? Reducing? Increasing? Do they get visits from family and friends? How about links between native urban vulnerable youth and their parents? Trends Trends in family breakdown due to divorce, in rural and urban areas Trends in youth rural-urban migration, which youth are migrating and why, to what scale? Working definitions Define „unemployment‟ - who are the unemployed? – daily labourers, informally employed….. Define the terms „urban‟ e.g. residing in urban areas e.g.. Nazareth, AA, Bahr Dar etc, and „peri-urban‟ – where are these locations? The suggestion is to use the Ethiopian government‟s definitions of „urban‟ and avoid terms like „peri-urban‟ unless specifically defined in government policy 34 CONSOLIDATED FRAMEWORK : URBAN AND PERI-URBAN YOUTH Human condition Social position Enabling environment Immediate Unemployment/ harmful employment Hopelessness, low self esteem, lack of Financial & other services not tailored to causes Low/ irregular income initiative and motivation vulnerable youth e.g. CSWs, PLHIV Limited or no capital or assets Family‟s low expectation/ aspiration for Political affiliation of youth influences Lack access to basic services (adequate youth allocation of resources housing, education, health) Lack of voice/ power in family & community Limited private investment for business/ Few employment or income generating Increasing acceptability of chat employment generation for youth opportunities Lack of youth clubs/ recreational centers Increasing availability of chat Intermediate Lack of life skills Stigma & discrimination (CSWs, PLHIV) Ministry of Youth and Sport & other bodies causes Low vocational, technical or entrepreneurial Exploitation of female migrant youth by responsible for youth are under-resourced skills (i.e. marketable skills) brokers, (for sex work, domestic work) Limited technical & financial assistance to Relatively low educational attainment High domestic workload of female youth youth for IGAs Lack of secondary education facilities for Low priority to female youth‟s 2y/ further Limited vocational, life skills training and rural youth forcing migration for schooling education, esp. domestic workers, CSWs services to encourage entrepreneurship Lack of access to credit/ microfinance for Absence of social networks for youth esp. Legal protection and justice systems not IGAs female youth e.g rural migrants, DWs, accessible or responsive to vulnerable Awareness of HIV/ STDs transmission, risks, Limited access to info/ awareness on rights female youth (e.g. CSWs, domestic treatment not leading to behaviour change for vulnerable youth e.g. DWs, CSWs workers, victims of GBV) Underlying Demographics/ Rapid population growth/ Traditional attitudes limit female youth‟s Vulnerable youth lack ability to claim causes over-population (rural and urban areas) opportunities and empowerment (early/ resources and services (lack political space) Landlessness/ limited access to land driving forced marriage, GBV, gender division of Lack of enforcement of legal protection & migration from rural areas labour, work opportunities) justice for vulnerable youth e.g. female Limited access to land for business/ IGAs High prevalence & tolerance of HTPs and youth GBV victims, orphans (urban) GBV Some national laws e.g. on early marriage, Few/no off-farm productive livelihood Cultural and social barriers to tackling GBV not practically enforced at regional level opportunities driving migration of youth Overlaps/ lack of coordination in roles and Female youth economic marginalization and responsibilities for policy implementation dependence on men (e.g. MYS, MLSA, Women‟s Affairs) Promotion of chat as cash/ export crop & limited will/ ability to control production or trade 4.0 SUB-GROUPS, TARGET GROUPS AND STAKEHOLDER ANALYSIS As already noted, a more thorough analysis of sub-groups, target groups and stakeholders is needed. A starting point for this is the analysis done at the April 2010 workshop with stakeholders in Addis. Based on the UCPV assessment findings, the initial analysis is shown below. Sub-groups of most vulnerable resource-poor youth would include female youth, rural-urban migrants (male and female), commercial sex workers, domestic workers, daily labourers, with youth living with HIV/AIDS, youth who are single or double-parent orphans and disabled youth being included in these other vulnerable groups; the target population may include parents and partners, schools and youth clubs and associations, and the kebele offices and government offices with direct responsibility for youth affairs; and stakeholders may include employers of youth, informal institutions and organizations such as Parent-Teachers Associations, idirs and formal institutions such as the police and other government offices and private service providers responsible for service provision to youth and others in urban/ peri-urban areas. Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 Figure 1: Impact group, Sub groups, Target and Stakeholder Mapping Teacher Association PTA Agriculture & Rural Development Education Bureau Bureau Land Use Admin office Bureau of youth & Sport Resource-poor youth in urban & peri- urban areas Women’s Police vulnerable to HIV Affairs Office Parents or Health Bureau Guardians Female rural migrants; CBOs (Idirs) Commercial sex Women’s, workers; Youth & PLHIV Domestic workers Associations Employers of Kebele Education DWs and & Training Bureau ACSI CSWs MSE office Bureau of Woreda & Kebele Labour & Girls Club ‘Set temari Administration HAPCO amakari committee” Social Affairs 37 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 ADDITIONAL REFERENCES Most of the key references are listed in the body of the report. Additional references not included but which are HIGHLY RECOMMENDED READING are: UNFPA and Pop Council (2005); THE ADOLESCENT EXPERIENCE IN-DEPTH: USING DATA TO IDENTIFY AND REACH THE MOST VULNERABLE YOUNG PEOPLE This contains a wealth of informative data on urban and rural adolescents (10-24) from demographic and health surveys and is essential reading. Methods for understanding urban poverty and livelihoods; Arjan de Haan, Michael Drinkwater, Carole Rakodi and Karen Westley This is a 2002(?) paper for DFID that explores participatory tools for urban livelihoods analysis; it contains an example from an urban program in Madagascar Finally….. Other trends that Rosa Singer suggested investigating further include how the following factors might be interlinked to the situational, local trends of vulnerable youth: 1) Environmental factors – like drought and erosion 2) World food crisis and local food insecurity 3) World economic crisis and Ethiopia‟s economic situation 38 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 39 Situation analysis and UCPV assessment, Urban and peri-urban female youth, March 2010 40
"UNDERLYING CAUSES OF POVERTY ANALYSIS"