Access and Equity

Access and Equity What effect does school fee elimination have on enrollment? Most evidence suggests that enrollments often increase dramatically following the abolition of school fees or a reduction in school costs. However, there is also evidence from Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya that after this initial surge, enrollments taper off. Furthermore, evidence from Kenya suggests that when enrollments from both public and private schools are included, gross enrollment may have actually declined after the introduction of FPE. Most evidence suggests that enrollments often increase dramatically following the abolition of school fees or a reduction in school costs. Randomized evaluations on the impact of reducing costs, such as one in rural Kenya where textbooks and uniforms were provided and classrooms were built, show that dropout rates fell considerably and after 5 years, students had completed 15% more years of schooling, and more students transferred in, raising class size by 50% (Glewwe & Kremer, 2005). (The authors reviewed numerous scholarly research articles, supplemented with UNESCO and World Bank reports, which were all empirically based.) The effects of implementing FPE in 1994 in Malawi were dramatic: while primary school enrolment was about 1.9 million in 1993, enrolment surged to 3.2 million at the beginning of 1994, an increase of 68 percent. Clearly, reducing the direct costs of schooling to children’s families resulted in a greater willingness to send children to school (NSO & ORC Macro, 2003). (The Malawi DHS EdData Survey was nationally representative, covering 3,290 households, 2,048 parent/guardians, and 3,752 children.) The Priority Action Program (PAP) in Cambodia significantly reduced the costs of education for families by eliminating registration fees, fees for learning materials, and fees for tests. Between 1997/8 and 2004, the average costs for households decreased around 30-40%, depending on grade level. Enrollments increased 36.5% for primary schools after the introduction of PAP (Bray & Bunly, 2005). (This working paper was based on field research conducted in Cambodia in 2004. The data were collected through school surveys (n=116), focus group discussions (n=64), and interviews.) Fee abolition resulted in a 51% increase in enrollment in Malawi and a 70% increase in Uganda. In Tanzania, the net enrollment rate increased from 57% to 85%, and in Kenya, 1.2 million more children enrolled (Kattan & Burnett, 2004). (This report was composed of secondary sources and primary survey data taken from 79 countries regarding the types and status of various school fees collected. Details of the survey methodology are not included and the information is aggregated at the country level.) Enrollment increased by 88 percent in first grade when fees were abolished in Burundi. In some provinces, the impact on enrollment was particularly strong; for example, in Kirundo, the number of children increased from 17,236 to 42,091, while in Ngozi the first grade enrollment increased from 18,373 to 50,738 (Miller-Grandvaux & Feezel, 2005). (This USAID document is based on the findings of two Fragile States Assessments from July and September, 2005. Interviews were included as part of the research for this assessment, although no further details are provided about the methodology used or the source of the data.) The history of educational costs in Kenya seems to coincide with enrollment changes. After FPE in 1974, enrollments grew rapidly, changing from 62% in 1970 to 115% by 1980.The system subsequently experienced sharp drops in enrollment, first coinciding with the introduction of a new structure and curriculum in 1984/5 and then cost-sharing in 1988, in which parents were required to pay for all costs except salaries (Bedi et al., 2004). (This study included analysis of data collected from three Welfare Monitoring Surveys combined with district level data provided by the Ministry of Education. The surveys were collected across a span of 5 years and included approximately 50,000 individuals and 10,000 households in each survey.) Following fee abolition in 2002 in Zambia, overall enrollment increased by 15% from 2001 to 2003. The majority of this increase appears to be the result of students who had formerly dropped out returning to school. Among all grades, completion rates increased during this time by 10 percentage points (Cameron, 2005). (This paper utilized data from DHS surveys from fifteen countries and administrative data from three countries.) Randomized studies in Kenya and Mexico, as well as anecdotal evidence from East Africa, show reducing the cost of schooling (including subsidies conditional on school attendance) has sizable impacts on school participation (Glewwe & Kremer, 2005). (The authors reviewed numerous scholarly research articles, supplemented with UNESCO and World Bank reports, which were all empirically based.) After school fees were abolished in Lesotho, Grade 1 enrollment rose 75%; 16% more than was projected. Overall primary enrollment increased by 11%. In Malawi and Uganda, enrollment rose 68% with UPE in one year. Kenya showed more modest growth at 22% (Avenstrup et al., 2004). (This paper includes case studies of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Malawi based on a review of secondary sources.) In Ethiopia, fees were abolished in the East Gojam region in 1995. Enrollments increased by 20% the following year (Watkins, 2000). (Chapter of The Oxfam Education Report based on a variety of secondary sources.) In Nigeria following UPE in 1976, there was real growth of over 1000% in two years in a number of states; overall, there was a 400% growth rate in four months. The unexpected size of enrollment was partly due to a wider age span than should have been allowed (Csapo, 1983). (This article is based on a wide array of secondary sources, ranging from government statistics to newspaper articles.) In Uganda, enrollment increased from 3.4 million to 5.7 million, and two years after FPE was introduced enrollment grew to 6.5 million (Levine & Birdsall, 2005). (This brief was based on secondary sources; often the source of the information used is not provided.) Education outcomes in Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, and Uganda before and after introduction of free primary education Kenya 2002 2003 6,314,600 6,917,553 49.5 49.7 197,331 178,037 32 186,000 34 35 38.9 191,088 36 39(est) Lesotho 1999 2001/02 364,951 418,668 51.6 50.2 8,225 8,762 44.4 5,618 65 24 47.8 6,544 64 28a Malawi 1993 2001 1,795,451 3,187,835 47.2 48.6 26,333 53,444 68 17,471 103 11.4 60 31,989 100 24.6 Uganda 1996 2002 3,065,625 7,354,153 46.3 49.4 81,564 139,484 37.6 45,115 68 16.4b 52.7 69,990 105 23.5 Number of pupils Percent female Number of teachers Pupil to teacher ratio Number of classrooms Pupil to classroom ratio Share of national budget to education Education budget($millions) Primary education budget as share of total education budget (%) a. 2003 b. 1998/99 361.15 54.4 419.61 56.7 82.84 36(+sec.) 113.93 40(+sec.) 50 49 59 56 164.4 65.6 272.3 66.5 Source: National education statistics, UNESCO Institute for Statistics (as cited in Avenstrup et al., 2004, p. 14) Fee Removal: Effect on Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) in Selected Countries 140 130 120 110 100 90 GER (%) 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Cameroon (1999) Lesotho (2000) Malaw i (1994) Tanzania (2001) Uganda (1997) 70 90 106 108 122 134 128 89 84 76 Country (Elim ination Year) Year Before Fee Elimination Year After Fee Elimination Source: EdStats, 2006 However, there is also evidence from Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya that after this initial surge, enrollments taper off. Even though there was an initial increase in enrollment following FPE in Kenya, enrollments began to decline due to dropouts and transfer to private schools (in sampled schools, there was a 5% drop in enrollment one year after fees were abolished). In Nairobi between 2003 and 2004, enrollment declined 22.7% (UNESCO, 2005). (Multi-stage sampling was used within nine districts of Kenya, resulting in a sample of 162 schools. Focus group discussions were held with pupils, teachers, community members, and parents. Additionally, all headteachers completed a questionnaire, research teams completed a classroom observation checklist, and the district education officer was interviewed.) In Uganda, Tanzania, and Kenya, overall pupil enrollments have continued to rise in absolute terms (post UPE programs) although the rate of growth is falling (Alubisia, 2005). (This study included semi-structured interviews with an unspecified number of key education officials, development partners and civil society actors as well as school and community members. A total of 10 case studies were carried out: six in the informal settlements of Dar es Salaam, two in the slums of Nairobi and two in rural Kenya.) In Nigeria, following dramatic enrollment increases as a result of the launch of UPE in 1976, a decline in economic conditions and continuing teacher shortages led to a growing dropout rate by 1977/78. A year later, dropout rates had increased between 3% and 25% depending on the state (Csapo, 1983). (This article is based on a wide array of secondary sources, ranging from government statistics to newspaper articles.) Furthermore, evidence from Kenya suggests that when enrollment from both public and private schools is included, gross enrollment may have actually declined after the introduction of FPE. In some private schools in Kibera, Kenya, there was an initial decline in enrollment with FPE. Enrollments in government schools in Kibera increased 3,296, while estimates in private schools are that enrollment decreased 11,171, suggesting 8,000 fewer students enrolled since fees were abolished (Tooley et al., 2006). (Researchers conducted a school mapping project in Kibera, Kenya, which included speaking with school managers of both public and private schools as well focus group discussions with parents from private schools. Parents were recommended by the school manager and then self-selected, perhaps leading to biases.) In Mukuru and Kawangware, Kenya, the net loss enrollment following FPE because of the shift and closing of private schools could be as much as 6,000. “Even if these are over-estimates, at best we argue that the net impact of FPE would be simply a transfer of children from on sectorprivate- to another- government, rather than a net increase in enrollment. This suggests the need for a radical reappraisal of the impact of FPE, that takes into account its effect on private schools serving low-income families, instead of, as seems to be the case officially, only looking at enrolment in government schools” (Tooley, 2004, p. 5). (This briefing note is based on the author’s research in Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, India and China, the details of which were not provided in this note.) Knowledge Gaps: Little evidence is available about whether enrollment surges result in permanent increases in access, and whether or not those enrollment gains continue or taper off in the medium and long-term. It is also unclear why some FPE countries had a large increase in enrollment (i.e. Uganda and Tanzania) while others had very little change at all (i.e. Zambia, Ghana). Finally, it is important to further investigate how particular countries achieved UPE even with the existence of fees. Access and Equity Does fee abolition achieve UPE, or are there still out-of-school children? Even after school fee abolition, evidence suggests that a significant proportion of children do not enroll in school. There are numerous reasons why children do not enroll after school cost reduction, including high opportunity cost, traditional beliefs and values, or the lack of interest. In addition, hidden costs such as uniforms and supplies may still exist, preventing students from enrolling. Finally, the supply of places after fee abolition may be inadequate, keeping some children out of school. Even after school fee abolition, evidence suggests that a significant proportion of children do not enroll in school. Even with FPE, children were turned away because of limited space and facilities (UNESCO, 2005). (Multi-stage sampling was used within nine districts of Kenya, resulting in a sample of 162 schools. Focus group discussions were held with pupils, teachers, community members, and parents. Additionally, all headteachers completed a questionnaire, research teams completed a classroom observation checklist, and the district education officer was interviewed.) Under UPE programs, many children are still out of school: in Kenya 1.5 million children of school-going age (6-14 years) are out of school; in Tanzania, 1.6 million; and 13% are out of school in Uganda. Key determinates to school access and survival rates are household poverty level and parents’ marital status (Alubisia, 2005). (This study included semi-structured interviews with an unspecified number of key education officials, development partners and civil society actors as well as school and community members. A total of 10 case studies were carried out: six in the informal settlements of Dar es Salaam, two in the slums of Nairobi and two in rural Kenya.) Tanzania was approaching UPE as early as 1976, but as of 2002, 1.7 million children were out of school (O’Brien, 2002). (This advocacy article was based on secondary sources, comprised mainly of Oxfam reports and newspaper articles.) There are numerous reasons why children do not enroll after school cost reduction, including high opportunity cost, traditional beliefs and values, or the lack of interest. In addition, hidden costs such as uniforms and supplies may still exist, preventing students from enrolling. In Nigeria, even though school was ostensibly free, “parent/guardians whose 6-16 year-old children had never attended school were asked why their children did not go to school. The most commonly cited reasons were related to the costs of schooling, including the household’s need for the child’s labour, and the monetary cost of schooling. Other common factors were the perception that the child was too young or immature to attend school, and the distance to school. Similarly, among children age 4-16 who had once attended school but later dropped out during primary school, the most commonly cited reason was the monetary cost of schooling, followed by the need for the child’s labour at home, the child’s lack of interest in attending school, and the poor quality of schooling”(NPC [Nigeria] & ORC Macro, 2004, p. xxii). (The Nigeria DHS EdData Survey (NDES) surveyed a total of 4,701 households using 4 different questionnaires.) Despite UPE in Uganda, about 20% of students missed school because fees were due and they were unable to pay particular fees. In urban areas, this affected 36% of pupils while only 19% of rural pupils missed for this reason (Uganda Bureau of Statistics & ORC Macro, 2001). (This 2001 Uganda DHS EdData survey report surveyed a total of 4,217 households using 3 different questionnaires.) In Ugandan following UPE, for children who have never attended school, one reason cited was the household’s need for their labor. This was true for 24% of girls and 14% of boys (Uganda Bureau of Statistics & ORC Macro, 2001). (This 2001 Uganda DHS EdData survey report surveyed a total of 4,217 households using 3 different questionnaires.) In Uganda, despite fee abolition, monetary costs were cited as the reason for nonattendance by 48% of urban households versus only 22% in rural households. Overall, 23% of children were not in attendance, in part, due to cost (Uganda Bureau of Statistics & ORC Macro, 2001). (This 2001 Uganda DHS EdData survey report surveyed a total of 4,217 households using 3 different questionnaires.) Despite Malawi’s FPE drive in 1994, the monetary costs of schooling were cited more frequently as factors in children not attending primary school than non-monetary (labor-related) costs. Seventeen percent of children who have never attended school did not attend in 2002 partly because of the monetary costs of schooling (NSO & ORC Macro, 2003). (The Malawi DHS EdData Survey was nationally representative, covering 3,290 households, 2,048 parent/guardians, and 3,752 children.) Based on ten case studies in a wide range of schools in Malawi, there are three primary reasons children do not attend school. First, the need for child labor (such as protecting crops from monkeys or fishing) appears to be a primary reason for never enrolling school, high absenteeism, and dropping out. Along these lines, poverty prevented many children from attending as they did not have the proper clothes and had to devote much of their time to finding food. Cultural factors are a second critical issue, as many children miss school for long periods of time due to wedding celebrations, initiation rights, and traditional ceremonies. In Salima, the chief “suggested that schooling was an alienating process, estranging young people from their cultural roots and from the community” (p. 161). Third, parental and community interest in education was low in nearly every communities studied and the expected benefits of education were minimal (Chimombo, 2005). (This article was based on Malawi school case studies covering 5 years. The case studies were developed through data collection, including questionnaires, observations, interviews with policymakers, and focus group discussions and interviews with parents, teachers, students, committees, and local leaders. Schools were visited twice for approximately 4 days each; the visits were separated in time by approximately one year.) Despite ability to pay private school fees, some students in Kibera, Kenya exited private schools and entered free government schools with the introduction of FPE. Without this income, over 30 private schools were forced to close, leaving the poorest (who were often fully subsidized) without anywhere to attend school since government schools still had numerous hidden costs they could not afford (Tooley et al., 2006). (Researchers conducted a school mapping project in Kibera, Kenya, which included speaking with school managers of both public and private schools as well focus group discussions with parents from private schools. Parents were recommended by the school manager and then self-selected, perhaps leading to biases.) Twenty-two percent of Kenyan children were still not enrolled following FPE. This group is primarily comprised of nomadic families, girls, orphans, and other vulnerable groups (Princeton University, 2006). (This study involved interviews with national and local government officials, students, parents, teachers, school administrators, school management committees, and non- governmental organizations (NGOs) in Nairobi, Kwale and Garissa in Kenya. The sample size is unclear.) Interestingly, mandating uniforms was found to have a positive effect on enrollments in Grade15 in Mozambique. One potential explanation is that uniforms hide differences in SES and thus parents prefer to send their children to school in uniforms despite the cost. This suggests that the ability to afford uniforms may play a large role in enrollment, regardless of the existence of tuition fees (World Bank, 2005b). (This study included analysis of household data from a largescale survey as well as qualitative surveys of central, provincial, and district government officials in Mozambique. Parents and local stakeholders were also interviews.) In 1981, Egypt declared basic education to be free and obligatory. However, by 2000, 16% of children were still not in school, twice as many of which were girls. The foremost factors cited were the direct and indirect costs of school, which shifted from the second cause for non enrollment in 1994 to the first cause in 1997 and 2000 (Suliman & El-Kogali, 2002). (This article was based on the 1995 and 2000 DHS rounds in Egypt. The majority of the information used came from the 2000 round.) In Ethiopia, where primary schools do not charge fees, about 13% of youth were not in school as a result of other direct costs to schooling (World Bank, 2005a). (This Ethiopia Country Strategy Report (CSR) was based on a comprehensive review of scholarly secondary sources, household and school surveys and interview data. It covers issues up to 2001/2.) Even with FPE, drop-outs are high and need to be addressed. Factors listed in rural areas of Kenya included early marriage, school as uninteresting, and examination failure. In Malawi, cost is still listed as an issue: 26% dropout because of lack of money, 28% because they need to work, and 43.5% because they ‘had enough school’. Fourteen percent dropped out because they failed or had to repeat a grade, suggesting issues with quality. In Uganda, 55% of students dropped out because of costs even though FPE policies were in place (Avenstrup et al., 2004). (This paper included case studies of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Malawi based on a review of secondary sources). Malawi instituted a school fee waiver system that began in Standard 1 in 1991, and culminated with abolishing fees in Standard 4 in 1994, as a means to achieve education for all and to alleviate poverty. However, enrollments did not increase and the literacy rate continued to fall. Lack of publicity of the campaign, the need for uniforms, and the imposition of other fees prevented the system from having much impact. Only in 1994 did the United Democratic Front commit itself to removing tuition fees and eliminated mandatory uniforms. An analysis of the education sector was not completed before this step was taken (MacJessie-Mbewe, 2002). (This article was based on a review of the literature from Malawi, including government reports and donor documents.) In Burundi, where the government abolished school fees in 2005, not all parents enrolled their children in school. This is mainly due to (1) socio-cultural reasons, (2) they do not see the need, and (3) they are still using their children as labor despite a social mobilization campaign at the local administration level (IRIN News, 2006, April 7). (This newspaper article included excerpts from an IRIN interview with Andre Bampoye, the director of secondary education in Burundi's Ministry of Education.) Because FPE was a political agenda in Malawi, stakeholders were not consulted as to what form and direction the policy should take. Whether or not the policies reflected citizens’ needs is in doubt, as they may have had other problems that were a greater priority such as food shortages of health concerns. In fact, a study by Khaila et al. (1999) found that in most communities, the primary problems that were cited were lack of food and lack of health facilities. Education was barely mentioned. This could indicate that in light of FPE, education was no longer a problem, yet it was not listed as a factor toward improved well-being except once (as cited in Kadzamira & Rose, 2003). Finally, the supply of places after fee abolition may be inadequate, keeping some children out of school. The province of Kirundo, Burundi turned away 29,500 pupils after fees were abolished due to the lack of capacity (Miller-Grandvaux & Feezel, 2005). (This USAID document is based on the findings of two Fragile States Assessments from July and September, 2005. Interviews were included as part of the research for this assessment, although no further details are provided about the methodology used or the source of the data.) Kenya’s enrollments had a modest growth at 22%- despite an expected growth of 25%. The Kenyan MOE attributes this to an underestimation of the effect of distance as well as a shift toward private schools (Avenstrup et al., 2004). (This paper includes case studies of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Malawi based on a review of secondary sources.) Knowledge Gaps: How actively do education stakeholders facilitate the enrollment of children after FPE? What additional policies are needed to enroll children who remain out-of-school even with cost reduction? Would elimination of the hidden costs of school, such as free uniforms provision, be more effective than the elimination of tuition fees? Access and Equity What effect does fee abolition have on drop-out, survival, and retention? No clear or significant pattern appears to exist regarding how FPE affects drop-out, retention, and survival rates. While drop-out, completion, and survival rates have both increased and decreased, persistence through primary school has remained low. Regardless of cost reduction, many students exit the education system before attaining literacy. Moreover, repetition and completion can be difficult to assess because of automatic promotion policies that were initiated alongside fee abolition. Despite these policies, some children are still repeating grade levels. No clear or significant pattern appears to exist regarding how FPE affects drop-out, retention, and survival rates. Drop-Out Rates in Selected FPE Countries Primary Drop-Out Rates (%) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Year Cameroon (1999) Lesotho (2000) Tanzania (2001) Repetition Rates in Selected FPE Countries Primary Repetition Rate (%) 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Year Cameroon (1999) Kenya (2003) Lesotho (2000) Tanzania (2001) Uganda (1997) Survival Rates in Selected FPE Countries Survival Rate to Grade 5 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Year Cameroon (1999) Lesotho (2000) Malawi (1994) Tanzania (2001) Primary Completion Rates in Selected FPE Countries Primary Completion Rate 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 19 98 19 99 20 00 20 01 20 02 20 03 20 04 20 05 Cameroon (1999) Kenya (2003) Lesotho (2000) Tanzania (2001) Uganda (1997) Year Source: EdStats Data, 1998-2004. The year listed in parentheses is the year fees were abolished in each country. Some missing values were filled in using data from the knowledge map. While drop-out, completion, and survival rates have both increased and decreased, persistence through primary school has remained low. Regardless of cost reduction, many students exit the education system before attaining literacy. Post-UBE, twenty-seven percent of Nigerian pupils who dropped out did so before completing first grade or just after (NPC [Nigeria] & ORC Macro, 2004). (The Nigeria DHS EdData Survey (NDES) surveyed a total of 4,701 households using 4 different questionnaires.) The World Bank estimates that 6-9 years of formal school is needed to attain sustainable literacy skills. Despite successful UPE campaigns in some countries, a large portion of the poor and most vulnerable children still drop out before literacy is reached (Archer & Fry, 2005). (This report was based on the results of a research project that included a detailed survey of 67 adult literacy programs, across 35 countries, and then feedback from 142 policymakers and educators, across 47 countries. Details of the survey content are not included.) In Cameroon, the number of non-repeating students increased 59% in the first year of fee abolition (Kattan, 2006). (This working paper was based on the findings from a survey of World Bank task team leaders. Ninety-three countries responded to the primary school questions and 76 responded to the lower secondary questions.) From Malawi: “In 1994, over one million pupils enrolled in Grade One but the numbers dropped by 41% to 590,167 in Grade Two the following year. Only 289,251 pupils made it to Grade Five in 1999—a 71% drop. Only 18% of all children enrolled in primary school complete the full eight years of primary education. Between 1998 and 1999 the survival rate increased to about 30% (although still very low). Most disconcerting is that about a third of the learners drop out between first and second grade (before most can read and write)” (Kattan & Burnett, 2004, p. 57). (This report was composed of secondary sources and primary survey data taken from 79 countries regarding the types and status of various school fees collected. Details of the survey methodology are not included and the information is aggregated at the country level.) Although 1.3 million students entered Grade 1 in Malawi in 1994 as the first FPE cohort, only 300,000 completed primary school on time in 2002 (Kattan & Burnett, 2004). (This report was composed of secondary sources and primary survey data taken from 79 countries regarding the types and status of various school fees collected. Details of the survey methodology are not included and the information is aggregated at the country level.) In Malawi, “the GER for Standards 1-4 is 167 percent (1999/2000), but is only 70 percent for Standard 5-8. The low GER in upper primary reflects the fact that a large proportion of the children eventually drop out…” By the end of Standard 8, approximately 60% of all students have dropped out of school (World Bank, 2004, p. 5). (This Malawi Country Status Report is based on an extensive and comprehensive review of scholarly secondary sources, household and school surveys and interview data.) After Uganda eliminated school fees, enrollment tripled from 1997 to 1999, and continued to increase from 2000 to 2003 both in absolute terms and relative to population growth. However, the completion rate, which was approximately 50% in 2001, was expected to increase as the surge in enrollments progressed through levels of education. However, due to high repetition rates as well as high drop-out rates (which increased from 12% to 20% in 2004), the completion rate fell (Cameron, 2005). (This paper utilized data from DHS surveys from fifteen countries and administrative data from three countries.) In Malawi, existing drop-out and repetition rates mean that half of all school starters left before grade 3, and less than 20% will complete primary school. They are likely leaving before obtaining basic numeracy or literacy skills (Kadzamira & Rose, 2003). (This paper relies on scholarly articles, World Bank documents, and Ministry of Education data.) The Malawi Ministry of Education reports that primary school completion is only 40% (Edwards, 2005). (This article was based on numerous secondary sources, largely including government statistics and scholarly articles.) In Uganda, about 60% of primary school students drop out by Grade 4 (Watt & Rowden, 2002). (This report was based on secondary literature and undisclosed research, but often provided facts and figures without referencing the source of the information.) After the introduction of FPE in Uganda, the survival rate decreased from 59% to 37% (Avenstrup et al., 2004). (This paper included case studies of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Malawi which were based on a review of secondary sources). Dropout rates in primary school in Malawi fell from 24% in 1994/5 to 17% in 1999, and repetition rates decreased from 27% to 14% in this same time period. Still, at these rates, it takes the average child 13 years to complete an 8-year cycle of primary school. Almost half of the children who begin primary school drop out before grade 5, and many are not functionally literate or numerate (Government of Malawi, 2000; as cited in Kattan & Burnett, 2004). Despite post-FPE enrollment gains in Malawi, in 1997/8 the enrollment rate in Standards 5-8 was nearly half that of Standards 1-4. This is likely due to extremely high drop-out rates. Dropouts in Malawi are the result of costs of schooling (both direct and indirect), illness of family members, and lack of interest (Kadzamira and Chibwana, 2000; as cited in Al-Samarrai & Zaman, 2002). In Uganda, FPE improved the probability that a student would start school by age 8 by about 10%, for both boys and girls. However, only 33% of the 1997 cohort had reached Grade 6 by 2002, and only 22% had reached Grade 7 by 2003 (Ugandan MOE, 2003; as cited in Grogan, 2006). Nikabuuka (2004) found that the number of students who should have taken the Uganda Primary School Leaving Examination in 2003 was far below what was expected given the FPE cohort size, suggesting that students were not progressing steadily or successfully through the system (as cited in Grogan, 2006). Transition rates to secondary declined in Uganda and Kenya after UPE. Conversely, Tanzania experienced increased transition to secondary school and decreasing drop-out rates. However, all three countries still have high drop-out and low completion rates (Abagi & Bunyi, 2002; as cited in Alubisia, 2005). Nearly 200,000 pupils dropped out of school in Malawi six months after FPE was implemented, for a drop-out rate during that time frame of 7% (Masache, 2000, as cited in MacJessie-Mbewe, 2002). According to the Ministry of Education in Malawi in 1997, “the repetition rate was 15%, dropout rate was 17%, and the survival rate from standard 1 to standard 8 was 20%” (p. 100) (as cited in MacJessie-Mbewe, 2002). Moreover, repetition and completion can be difficult to assess because of automatic promotion policies that were initiated alongside FPE. Despite these policies, some children are still repeating grade levels. Even though repetition was outlawed in Kenya , 8.1% of boys and 7.4% of girls had repeated their classes (UNESCO, 2005). (Multi-stage sampling was used within nine districts of Kenya, resulting in a sample of 162 schools. Focus group discussions were held with pupils, teachers, community members, and parents. Additionally, all headteachers completed a questionnaire, research teams completed a classroom observation checklist, and the district education officer was interviewed.) In Uganda, after the institution of FPE and automatic promotion, repetition rates declined from 17% to 9%. Similarly, completion rates improved from 35% to 55% in 2000; however due to promotion policies it cannot be known if these students are competent at a completion level or have merely been promoted through the education system (Murphy et al., 2002). (Education Notes from the Human Development Network at the World Bank; the source of most of the evidence is not provided, including the data on learning outcomes.) In Kenya, primary completion rates increased from 62.8% in 2002 to 76.2% in 2004. Also, after the government banned grade repetition, fewer pupils are repeating classes – the repetition rate declined from 13.2% in 1999 to 9.8% in 2003 ("More pupils completing primary education", 2006). (This newspaper article relied on data from the Ministry of Education in Kenya.) Knowledge Gaps: It is unclear how FPE affects education indicators in the short, medium, and long-term, and whether there are consistent patterns across countries. This is complicated by differences in the way the indicators are calculated and compiled. It is also unclear who is benefiting from increased access in terms of retention and survival rates, and whether FPE has led to meaningful learning for those who were enrolled for a short while. Access and Equity How does school fee elimination affect equity? In most cases, eliminating school fees appears to substantially increase the enrollment of girls and impoverished children and appears to help close equity gaps, although national averages may mask regional differences. However, the elimination of school fees appears to have unintended consequences on equity as well. Although access to education has increased for some due to fee abolition, large inequities are still present. Wealthier parents that pay for extra tutoring and/or secondary fees, or chose private schools, may unintentionally increase disparities between groups. In most cases, eliminating school fees appears to substantially increase the enrollment of girls and impoverished children and appears to help close equity gaps, although national averages may mask regional differences. Girls benefited more than boys from fee abolition in Kenya, and increased enrollments in urban areas were generally children from the slum areas. Children with special needs, who had initially been kept at home, were also sent to school (UNESCO, 2005). (Multi-stage sampling was used within nine districts of Kenya, resulting in a sample of 162 schools. Focus group discussions were held with pupils, teachers, community members, and parents. Additionally, all headteachers completed a questionnaire, research teams completed a classroom observation checklist, and the district education officer was interviewed.) In Kenya, gender parity was reached nationally, but varied widely by district. In some cases girls were enrolled more, and in others boys were (UNESCO, 2005). (Multi-stage sampling was used within nine districts of Kenya, resulting in a sample of 162 schools. Focus group discussions were held with pupils, teachers, community members, and parents. Additionally, all headteachers completed a questionnaire, research teams completed a classroom observation checklist, and the district education officer was interviewed.) FPE in 2002 in Kenya had a large impact on pastoralist enrollment, increasing enrollment by 28% (national average was 22.3%). However, in several largely pastoralist districts, boys’ enrollment increased approximately 30% whereas for girls enrollment only increased around 5% (Sifuna, 2005). (This study consisted of a review of existing documents and field work in seven arid and semi-arid regions, with a sample of 62 primary schools. Focus group discussions were held with School Management Committee members, headteachers and administrators were interviewed, and 178 senior teachers responded to questionnaires.) Following FPE in Malawi, primary education expenditures became more pro-poor. The poorest quintile was receiving a slightly greater proportion of educational expenditures (25%) given the proportion of the primary age population in that quintile (24%). Previous to FPE, the wealthy quintiles received proportionally more funding. Although spending has evened out among economic groups, there are still very wide ranges among different regions (Al-Samarrai & Zaman, 2002). (This working paper was written using household survey data from the 1990/91 Household Expenditure and Small-Scale Economic Activities and the 1997/98 Malawi Integrated Household Survey, which had a sample size of 6,586.) School fee abolition in Uganda helped close the gender gap and improve primary enrollment for the poor: “For all 6-12 year old children, attendance for children in the bottom quintile was only about 46% as compared to 82% for the top quintile. By 1997, differences in attendance based on income had narrowed significantly; primary attendance was still lagging behind at 78% for the bottom quintile, but significantly closer to the 89% achieved by the top quintile” (Deininger, 2003, p. 295). (Data for this article were derived from the 1992 Uganda Integrated Household Survey, which includes data on 10,000 households and approximately 50,000 individuals, and the 1999/2000 Uganda National Household Survey, which included 6,000 households and 30,000 individuals.) Participation of the poor, rural, and females in East Timor increased substantially after the costs of schooling were reduced. Fees were abolished along with PTA contributions and compulsory uniforms. Regression analyses confirmed that household expenditures/resources had a weaker relationship to enrollment after costs had been substantially reduced. The significant difference between educational expenditures for boys’ and girls’ enrollment also disappeared with this change (Bing Wu et al., 2002). (The principal sources of data included the Indonesian Susenas Survey from 1995 and 1999 and the TLSS 2001. Details from the surveys were not provided in this report.) In 1990/1, the richest quintile in Malawi had a gross enrollment rate that was double the poorest quintile. By 1997/8, the gap had been eliminated (Al-Samarrai & Zaman, 2002). (This working paper was written using household survey data from the 1990/91 Household Expenditure and Small-Scale Economic Activities and the 1997/98 Malawi Integrated Household Survey, which had a sample size of 6,586.) When a phased-approach toward FPE was initially introduced in Malawi in 1991, it did not remove gender inequities in the education system. Between 1990/1 and 1994/5, the percentage of new entrants that were girls increased only minimally, from 45% to 46%. Furthermore, in both time periods, girls received only half of the spending on education that boys received (MacJessie-Mbewe, 2002). (This article was based on a review of the literature from Malawi, including government reports and donor documents.) In Uganda, “over time, the implementation of UPE meant that primary education expenditure has become more progressively distributed as well as more pro-girl. In 2002 the poorest 20% of the children attending primary school received well over 24% of the expenditure and the richest 20% received only 12% (Appleton, undated). Similarly, the shared primary school expenditure by both girls and boys, at all levels of income, has evened out” (Pillay, 2006, p. 168). (This article is based on a variety of secondary sources, including statistics from the Ministry of Education in Uganda.) In Uganda, the enrollment of girls increased from 63% to 83%; among the poorest quintile, enrollment of girls increased from 46% to 82% (Levine & Birdsall, 2005). (This brief was based on secondary sources; often the source of the information used is not provided.) However, the elimination of school fees appears to have unintended consequences on equity as well. Despite enrollment gains, FPE also magnified the inadequate state of most pastoralist schools, a continued lack of supplies, and extremely high pupil teacher ratios (Sifuna, 2005). (This study consisted of a review of existing documents and field work in seven arid and semi-arid regions, with a sample of 62 primary schools. Focus group discussions were held with School Management Committee members, headteachers and administrators were interviewed, and 178 senior teachers responded to questionnaires.) Even if fees, or lack thereof, are the same for all households, the indirect costs may vary. For example, the distance to the nearest school will be larger in rural areas (Gertler & Glewwe, 1989). (This working paper was based on data from the 1985-1986 Peru Living Standards Survey; focusing on rural children aged 10-18 who were enrolled in secondary school but had not yet completed.) In Burundi following fee abolition in 2005, interviews revealed that schools with a large Tutsi population transferred children to less-favored, neglected schools with a large Hutu population (Miller-Grandvaux & Feezel, 2005). (This USAID document is based on the findings of two Fragile States Assessments from July and September, 2005. Interviews were included as part of the research for this assessment, although no further details are provided about the methodology used or the source of the data.) Although fee abolition is expected to free up funds among households who no longer have to pay, the opposite might actually be true among poorer households. In many of these households, children were simply not attending school at all, and thus the household was not expending any finances on education. Now that education is supposedly free, they are attending school and other costs are being incurred such as clothes or school supplies. In Malawi, the poorest households spend 6% of their total financial resources per child in primary school, compared to only 2.5% among the upper quintile (Kadzamira & Rose, 2003). (This paper relies on scholarly articles, World Bank documents, and Ministry of Education data.) Low quality education for some students means that these pupils must stay in school longer to learn basic skills, increasing the direct and indirect costs to families (Kadzamira & Rose, 2003). (This paper relies on scholarly articles, World Bank documents, and Ministry of Education data.) Eliminating school fees does not necessarily lead to equity, since unregulated voluntary contributions (non fees) can introduce as much inequity as well-designed formal fees (Crouch, 2003). (This article was based on data taken from numerous sources including government statistics, World Bank and UNESCO reports, statistical databases, and non-governmental organization data. Data were not collected systematically but rather included countries where information could be found. The data were reviewed for trends and numerous statistical analyses were performed.) Higher enrollments due to fee abolition can lead to increasingly limited classroom resources. Once in this situation, vulnerable groups are the most affected (Tiongson, 2004). (A brief review of recent education reforms using case studies and empirical literature.) Overcrowding in classrooms since FPE is pushing out children with special needs (Avenstrup et al., 2004). (This paper included case studies of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Malawi which were based on a review of secondary sources.) Wealthier parents that pay for extra tutoring, can afford escalating secondary fees, or choose private schools, may unintentionally increase disparities between groups. “Another aspect of the disparity between the sectors is that, in spite of having more years of schooling, private school pupils completed the primary level at an earlier age than pupils of the government schools. The mean ages of pupils in the various primary grade levels were in every case higher in the government schools, and higher by more than 1 year within the urban sample. This implies that the households using the private schools were likely to gain more from the child-minding function of the school—since this is of more economic values in the case of younger children—and to lose less by foregoing children’s labour, the value of which increases with their age” (Urwick, 2002, p. 137). (This article was based on data from both an urban and a rural chiefdom area in Nigeria, each with a large number of private schools. Children were sampled from all grade levels in the schools and interviews were conducted with the heads of the household, with 151 urban households and 159 rural households sampled.) Families in urban areas often pay for private tutoring to supplement their child’s education. Since rural families cannot afford either the direct cost or the opportunity cost of private tutoring, this exacerbates inequalities (Lerotholi, 2001). (This study was based on a review of Lesotho government records and reports, qualitative evidence from 5 primary and 5 secondary schools, and informal interviews with an unspecified number of parents.) The restructuring of finance in Uganda because of fee abolition suggests fee increases have occurred at the secondary level, which many families cannot afford (Deininger, 2003). (Data for this article were derived from the 1992 Uganda Integrated Household Survey, which includes data on 10,000 households and approximately 50,000 individuals, and the 1999/2000 Uganda National Household Survey, which included 6,000 households and 30,000 individuals.) The elimination of school fees produces a windfall for prosperous households, as other costs keep poorer children out of school while the wealthier families no longer have to pay for what they could already afford (Behrman & Knowles, 1999). (The main source of data was the 1996 Vietnam Social Sector Financing Survey, which surveyed 1,905 household, as well as several schools and communes. Data from previous modules of the survey were used to supplement the data.) Demand for secondary education in Malawi also increased following FPE because a secondary degree became conditional for employment now that primary degrees were becoming commonplace (Kadzamira & Rose, 2003). (This paper relies on scholarly articles, World Bank documents, and Ministry of Education data.) Although expenditures are more equitable at the primary level in Uganda, they are less so at the secondary level. Consequently, poor households must pay for secondary education. The inability of poor families to afford these fees is evidenced by under enrollment in secondary education. In 1992, the ratio of the enrollment of the wealthiest quintile to the poorest quintile in secondary school was 3.6; as of 2000, it was 7.5, more than double the rate before UPE. (This is, however, a decline from a ratio of 9.0 in 1997, the year fees were abolished) (Pillay, 2006). (This article is based on a variety of secondary sources, including statistics from the Ministry of Education in Uganda.) In Kenya, parents continue to see primary school towards secondary school. For poor parents, secondary school after primary school is not a reality given fees and lack of supply (King, 2005). (This article is based on a variety of secondary sources, including government documents from Kenya.) Inequality may increase if the entry of the marginalized poor into government schools promotes an exodus of children from rich households into private schools (Bray, 2003). (This article was composed of secondary sources.) In Kenya, after school fees were eliminated in 2003 and enrollment surged by 1.3 million new pupils, private school enrollment rose by 34% as well-to-do parents transferred their children (Chinyama, 2006). (This newspaper article from UNICEF provides a glimpse of personal stories related to schools fees and a brief summary of the Nairobi Conference.) In Tanzania, there is a strong correlation between students who receive private tutoring and those who pass the primary school leaving exam. If needed instruction becomes available only through the private sector, this could lead to increasing marginalization of the poor (Mbelle & Katabaro, 2003; as cited in Wedgwood, 2007). For additional information on private tutoring, please see How do parents respond to educational quality? Knowledge Gaps: How does fee abolition affect the socio-economic composition of particulars schools, regions, and schooling patterns on a national level? Why do a significant number of parents switch their children to private schools after FPE? Can this phenomenon be compared to trends in wealthier countries such as the US, where the elite continue to purchase educational benefits for their children in order to give them a competitive edge? If parents will always seek a way to give their children an advantage, is it even possible to ever create an equitable education system? Is government-provided education also exacerbating inequalities, in that wealthier (usually urban) regions are receiving disproportionate funding? Access and Equity Is data on access, enrollment, and attendance reliable? Although gains from FPE are often measured in enrollment rates, enrollments may be overreported or inaccurate and enrollment figures may be different from actual attendance. Also, transfers from private schools suggest that many children were already in school prior to fee abolition but were not officially counted. Although gains from FPE are often measured in enrollment rates, enrollments may be over-reported or inaccurate and enrollment figures may be different from actual attendance. Enrollment figures do not include whether or not the child actually attended school and can therefore be misleading (Burke & Beegle, 2004). (This article was based on the Kagera Health and Development Survey in Tanzania. This article reflects the findings from 628 households, which had at least one child between the ages of 10 and 15, out of over 800 households sampled.) In Tanzania prior to fee abolition, hours of school attendance are different from enrollment and therefore have different predictors. Hours of attendance were impacted by: mother’s presence in the household (positive); orphanhood (girls only, negative); mothers education (girls, positive); father’s education (boys, positive); recent mortality of an adult in the house (boys only, negative); household wealth (positive); urbanicity (girls only, positive); and percentage of children helping with farm labor (girls only, strongly negative) (Burke & Beegle, 2004). (This article was based on the Kagera Health and Development Survey in Tanzania. This article reflects the findings from 628 households, which had at least one child between the ages of 10 and 15, out of over 800 households sampled.) Over-reporting and grade repetition can cause gross enrollment rates to exceed 100% even when many children never enroll. Statistics on the percentage of children who have completed 4 years of schooling are more appropriate for assessing UPE. In 1999, 80% of children in low-income countries completed 4 years of education (Glewwe & Kremer, 2005). (The authors reviewed numerous scholarly research articles, supplemented with UNESCO and World Bank reports, which were all empirically based.) Estimates of enrollment increases as result of school fee removal (reportedly from 2.6 million to 5.2 million in Uganda in 1997; an additional 1.5 million in Tanzania in 2002) may not be accurate. The data that they are based upon is unclear, and other policy initiatives such as perpupil grants may create incentives for schools to over-report (Glewwe & Kremer, 2005). (The authors reviewed numerous scholarly research articles, supplemented with UNESCO and World Bank reports, which were all empirically based.) Also, transfers from private schools suggest that many children were already in school prior to fee abolition but were not officially counted. Research in Kibera suggests that the number of children who were not enrolled in school prior to FPE was overestimated. Unofficial private schools have existed in vast numbers, and reports from other sources have estimated there to only be 15-44 such schools, although 76 exist. Many of the children attending these schools may be unaccounted for in enrollment records, and thus the impact of FPE may not be as high as expected (Tooley et al., 2006). (Researchers conducted a school mapping project in Kibera, Kenya, which included speaking with school managers of both public and private schools as well focus group discussions with parents from private schools. Parents were recommended by the school manager and then self-selected, perhaps leading to biases.) The percentage of private schools that were not on the official lists in Kenya were 61% in Kibera, 96% in Mukuru, and 87% in Kawangware – illustrating how much enrollment figures may be underestimated (Tooley, 2004). (This briefing note was based on the author’s research in Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, India and China, the details of which were not provided in this note.) In Lagos, official records indicated that ½ the children are not enrolled in school, while research by Tooley suggests that perhaps only ¼ are not in school due to the existence of unrecognized private schools (Bartholomew, 2005). (This opinion piece was based largely on the findings of researcher James Tooley from Nigeria.) Knowledge Gaps: Lack of information exists about attendance rates following FPE, data on the number of students who transferred from private schools following FPE, comparisons of the number of children in different types of schools prior to and post FPE, and the quality of national level data under conditions of extreme policy change and educational reform. Some of these concerns with the quality of data may explain why no consistent information on the patterns of repetition and drop-out emerge. Access and Equity What long term trends exist towards reaching UPE apart from fee abolition? In some cases, countries have reached UPE even with fees. Although many countries experience enrollment surges with fee abolition, there is not much evidence showing that fee abolition has a cause and effect relationship with long term achievement of education for all. In some cases, countries have reached UPE even with fees. In Mozambique, prior to fee abolition, enrollments were already quite high (World Bank, 2005b). (This study included analysis of household data from a large-scale survey as well as qualitative surveys of central, provincial, and district government officials in Mozambique. Parents and local stakeholders were also interviewed). South Africa’s school fee policy since the end of apartheid has proven to have little impact on enrollments. Even with school fees, enrollments are near universal levels in primary schools. Furthermore, the policy has prevented the middle class from flocking to private schools. However, disparities in the quality of schools are high and families appear to sort themselves into schools based on race and social class (Fiske & Ladd, 2003). (This paper used school level data provided by the Eastern and Western Cape Departments of Education to generate calculations. Interviews with policymakers and school principals supplemented the data.) Although many countries experience enrollment surges with fee abolition, there is not much evidence showing that fee abolition has a cause and effect relationship with long term achievement of education for all. Using case studies from countries which reached UPE early in their development, Mehrotra (1998) looked for commonalities which may explain the conditions that led to UPE. He found that, when compared to other countries in the region, UPE countries had the following characteristics: (1) primary education was the responsibility of the state (as opposed to private institutions); (2) high public expenditures on education, as a proportion of GDP and total public expenditure; (3) equitable allocation of resources by level of education, in that primary schools received a higher proportion and tertiary education a smaller proportion than average for the region; (4) unit costs were kept low and internal efficiency was high- access expanded but not to the detriment of quality; (5) reduction of costs (there were no tuition fees in any country except Korea); (6) reduction of indirect costs when possible; (7) mother tongue as the language of instruction in early primary years; (8) better and closer facilities and more women teachers to support the enrollment of girls; and (9) simultaneous improvement in health services and nutrition. (This paper was based on secondary sources, including multilateral agencies and ministries of education, from Sri Lanka, Kerala state in India, Korea, Malaysia, Botswana, Mauritius, Zimbabwe, Barbados, Costa Rica, and Cuba.) According to a study by Luis Crouch across a large number of countries using broad comparisons of 1990s data, “there is no systematic, direct, and simple relationship between the presence of fees and the achievement of EFA goals such as access and completion…fees and EFA-goal achievement are not related in any clear way…while there may be a clear enrollment relationship in the short run, observable via before and after comparisons in countries such as Uganda and Malawi, a broad look at all countries for which data is available does not show any simple relationship between the fee regime and a variety of EFA goals” (Crouch, 2003, p. 3). (This article was based on data taken from numerous sources including government statistics, World Bank and UNESCO reports, statistical databases, and non-governmental organization data. Data collection was not done systematically but rather included countries where information could be found. The data were reviewed for trends and numerous statistical analyses were performed.) Internationally, the argument in favor of abolishing school fees has been that school fees are the primary cause of non-enrollment of learners, and that once abolished, enrollment increases drastically (i.e. ,Uganda, Malawi, and Kenya). Proponents of school fee abolition point to South Africa, where enrollment is extremely high despite the existence of school fees (Fleisch & Woolman, 2003; as cited by Veriava, 2005). Knowledge Gaps: Little information exists on whether FPE affects medium or long-term upward trends in enrollment. Also, little detailed research exists on how national policies, economic conditions, and other contextual factors interact with school fees to effect long-term school enrollment in developing countries.