Beni_Gr_Aug_2008

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					   A Grammar of the Dogon of Beni (Ben Tey)


                       Dogon language family
                               Mali


                              Jeffrey Heath
                          University of Michigan



                             draft dated July 2008
                not finished or definitive, use caution in citing
I will later add sample text, index, consecutive numbering, page breaks, etc.



                              author’s email
                       schweinehaxen@hotmail.com
Contents



1     Introduction.................................................................................... 1
    1.1 Dogon languages ........................................................................................ 1
    1.2 Beni language.............................................................................................. 1
    1.3 Environment................................................................................................ 2
    1.4 Previous and contemporary study of Beni ................................................ 2
      1.4.1 Fieldwork ............................................................................................. 3
      1.4.2 Acknowledgements ............................................................................. 3

2     Sketch ............................................................................................. 5
    2.1     Prosody........................................................................................................ 5
    2.2     Inflectable verbs.......................................................................................... 6
    2.3     Participles .................................................................................................... 7
    2.4     Noun phrase (NP) ....................................................................................... 7
    2.5     Postposition phrase (PP) ............................................................................ 7
    2.6     Main clauses and constituent order ........................................................... 8
    2.7     Relative clauses........................................................................................... 8
    2.8     Verb-chaining ............................................................................................. 9
    2.9     Interclausal syntax ...................................................................................... 9

3     Phonology ..................................................................................... 11
    3.1 General ...................................................................................................... 11
    3.2 Internal phonological structure of stems and words............................... 11
      3.2.1 Syllables ............................................................................................. 11
      3.2.2 Metrical structure............................................................................... 12
    3.3 Consonants ................................................................................................ 13
      3.3.1 Alveopalatals (c, j, n)) ........................................................................ 13
      3.3.2 Voiced velar stop g and g-Spirantization (g→ƒ) ............................ 13
      3.3.3 Velar nasal (N).................................................................................... 14
      3.3.4 Voiceless labials (p, f)....................................................................... 14
      3.3.5 Laryngeals (h, /) ................................................................................ 14
      3.3.6 Sibilants (s, s&, z, z&) ............................................................................ 14
      3.3.7 Nasalized sonorants (r<, w<, y<) ....................................................... 15
      3.3.8 Consonant clusters ............................................................................. 16
        3.3.8.1 Initial CC clusters ....................................................................... 16
        3.3.8.2 Medial geminated CC clusters ................................................... 16
    3.3.8.3 Medial non-geminate CC clusters.............................................. 17
    3.3.8.4 Medial triple CCC clusters ......................................................... 18
    3.3.8.5 Final CC clusters......................................................................... 18
3.4 Vowels....................................................................................................... 18
  3.4.1 Short and (oral) long vowels............................................................. 18
  3.4.2 Nasalized vowels ............................................................................... 19
  3.4.3 Initial vowels...................................................................................... 19
  3.4.4 Stem-final vowels .............................................................................. 19
  3.4.5 Vocalic harmony................................................................................ 19
3.5 Segmental phonological rules .................................................................. 20
  3.5.1 Trans-syllabic consonantal processes............................................... 20
    3.5.1.1 Nasalization-Spreading............................................................... 20
  3.5.2 Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs ............................................... 20
    3.5.2.1 Suffixal Vowel-Spreading.......................................................... 20
    3.5.2.2 Presuffixal V2-Raising ................................................................ 21
  3.5.3 Vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure.................. 22
    3.5.3.1 Vowel-Lengthening before verbal derivational suffix ............. 22
    3.5.3.2 Final-Vowel Shortening (bisyllabic noun stems) ..................... 22
    3.5.3.3 Syncope and Apocope ................................................................ 23
  3.5.4 Local consonant cluster and consonant sequence rules................... 23
    3.5.4.1 Derhoticization (/r</ to n)........................................................... 23
    3.5.4.2 Rhotic Assimilation .................................................................... 23
    3.5.4.3 /r...r/ > /l...r/ ............................................................................... 24
    3.5.4.4 {w w<} > /m/ .............................................................................. 24
    3.5.4.5 {r l} > /d/ .................................................................................... 25
  3.5.5 Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences .............................. 25
    3.5.5.1 VV-Contraction........................................................................... 25
  3.5.6 Local vowel-consonant interactions ................................................. 26
    3.5.6.1 Fluctuation between short high vowels {i u} ........................... 26
    3.5.6.2 Monophthongization (/iy/ to i˘, /uw/ to u˘)............................... 26
3.6 Cliticization............................................................................................... 27
  3.6.1 Phonology of ≡m$ ∼ ≡∅ ‘it is’........................................................... 27
3.7 Tones ......................................................................................................... 27
  3.7.1 Lexical tone patterns.......................................................................... 27
    3.7.1.1 At least one H-tone in each stem ............................................... 27
    3.7.1.2 Lexical tone patterns for verbs................................................... 28
    3.7.1.3 Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems............... 29
    3.7.1.4 Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals.................... 31
    3.7.1.5 Tone-Component location for bitonal noun stems ................... 33
    3.7.1.6 Tone-Component location for tritonal noun stems ................... 36
    3.7.1.7 Possibility of lexically all-low-toned nouns.............................. 38
  3.7.2 Grammatical tone patterns ................................................................ 39




                                                        3
        3.7.2.1 Grammatical tones for verb stems ............................................. 39
        3.7.2.2 Grammatical tones for noun stems ............................................ 39
        3.7.2.3 Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals ....................... 40
      3.7.3 Tonal morphophonology ................................................................... 41
        3.7.3.1 Autosegmental tone association (verbs).................................... 41
        3.7.3.2 Phonology of {HL} tone overlays ............................................. 41
        3.7.3.3 Tone-Grafting (1Sg possessor) .................................................. 42
        3.7.3.4 Initial-High-Tone Suppression (possessed nouns) ................... 42
        3.7.3.5 Atonal-Syllabic-Suffix Tone-Spreading.................................... 44
      3.7.4 Low-level tone rules .......................................................................... 44
        3.7.4.1 Contour-Tone Mora-Addition.................................................... 44
        3.7.4.2 Contour-Tone Stretching ............................................................ 45
        3.7.4.3 Final-Cv R-to-H Reduction........................................................ 45
        3.7.4.4 <LHL> to <LH> before low tone .............................................. 46
    3.8 Intonation contours ................................................................................... 46
      3.8.1 Phrase and clause--final nonterminal contours (⇑, ⇒, ⇒, ⇓, ⇒↓)
              46
      3.8.2 Lexically built-in intonational prolongation (⇒) ............................ 47
      3.8.3 Dying-quail word-final intonation (∴) ............................................ 47

4     Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology ..................... 49
    4.1 Nouns......................................................................................................... 49
      4.1.1 Simple noun stems............................................................................. 49
      4.1.2 Irregular human nouns (‘child’, ‘boy’, ‘girl’) .................................. 50
      4.1.3 Use of Singular and Plural suffixes with kin terms ......................... 51
      4.1.4 ‘So-and-so’ (ma&˘n, a$ma^˘n) ............................................................... 51
      4.1.5 Frozen Ci- or Cu- reduplication in nouns ........................................ 52
      4.1.6 Frozen initial a$- in nouns .................................................................. 53
    4.2 Derived nominals...................................................................................... 53
      4.2.1 Characteristic derivative (-gu@-)......................................................... 53
      4.2.2 Verbal Nouns ..................................................................................... 54
      4.2.3 Deverbal nominal with final i@˘ .......................................................... 55
      4.2.4 Uncompounded agentives ................................................................. 56
      4.2.5 Irregular reduplicated nominal (ti$-ti@ru$) ........................................... 56
      4.2.6 Expressive reduplication ................................................................... 56
    4.3 Pronouns.................................................................................................... 56
      4.3.1 Basic personal pronouns.................................................................... 56
      4.3.2 Demonstrative function of Nonhuman pronoun ku@ ........................ 58
    4.4 Demonstratives ......................................................................................... 58
      4.4.1 Demonstrative pronouns (‘this’, ‘that’)............................................ 58
      4.4.2 Demonstrative adverbs ...................................................................... 59
        4.4.2.1 Locative adverbs ......................................................................... 59




                                                           4
        4.4.2.2 Emphatic/Approximinative modifiers of adverbs..................... 60
      4.4.3 Presentatives....................................................................................... 60
    4.5 Adjectives.................................................................................................. 61
      4.5.1 Underived adjectives ......................................................................... 61
    4.6 Participles .................................................................................................. 63
    4.7 Numerals ................................................................................................... 64
      4.7.1 Cardinal numerals.............................................................................. 64
        4.7.1.1 ‘One’, ‘same (one)’, and ‘other’ ................................................ 64
        4.7.1.2 ‘2’ to ‘10’..................................................................................... 64
        4.7.1.3 Decimal units (‘10’, ‘20’, …) and combinations (‘11’, ‘59’, …)
                 66
        4.7.1.4 Large numerals (‘100’, ‘1000’, …) and their composites........ 67
        4.7.1.5 Currency ...................................................................................... 68
        4.7.1.6 Distributive numerals ................................................................. 68
      4.7.2 Ordinal adjectives .............................................................................. 69
        4.7.2.1 ‘First’ and ‘last’........................................................................... 69
        4.7.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix -nE@) ......................................................... 69
      4.7.3 Fractions and portions ....................................................................... 70

5     Nominal and adjectival compounds ............................................ 71
    5.1 Nominal compounds................................................................................. 71
      5.1.1 Compounds of type (x# n#) .................................................................. 71
      5.1.2 Compounds of type (x$ n#) .................................................................. 71
      5.1.3 Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type (x$ n#) .............................. 72
      5.1.4 Agentive compounds of type (x$ v&-Ppl)............................................ 72
      5.1.5 Compounds with -yi^˘ ‘child of’ ........................................................ 73
      5.1.6 ‘Woman’ (ya$-, ya$˘-), ‘man’ (a$r<a$-).................................................. 73
      5.1.7 ‘Owner of’ (Sg bç$Ngç@) ...................................................................... 74
      5.1.8 Loose and tight compounds with na@˘ (‘authentic’, ‘entire’) ........... 74
      5.1.9 Instrumental relative compounds (‘oil for rubbing’)....................... 75
      5.1.10 Other phrasal compounds................................................................ 75
      5.1.11 Unclassified nominal compounds................................................... 75
    5.2 Adjectival compounds.............................................................................. 75
      5.2.1 Bahuvrihi (“Blackbeard”) compounds (n# a^) .................................... 75
        5.2.1.1 With adjectival compound final................................................. 75
        5.2.1.2 With numeral compound final ................................................... 76

6     Noun Phrase structure ................................................................. 77
    6.1 Organization of NP constituents.............................................................. 77
      6.1.1 Linear order........................................................................................ 77
      6.1.2 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.) .............. 78
      6.1.3 Detachability (in relatives) ................................................................ 78




                                                           5
      6.1.4 Internal bracketing and tone-dropping ............................................. 78
    6.2 Possessives ................................................................................................ 78
      6.2.1 Nonpronominal NP possessor........................................................... 78
      6.2.2 Pronominal possessor ........................................................................ 81
      6.2.3 Recursive and embedded possession................................................ 84
    6.3 Noun plus adjective .................................................................................. 85
      6.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective .............................................................. 85
      6.3.2 Adjective-like quantifier ga$mbu@ ‘certain’ ....................................... 86
      6.3.3 Expansions of adjective..................................................................... 87
        6.3.3.1 Adjectival intensifiers................................................................. 87
        6.3.3.2 ‘Near X’, ‘far from X’ ................................................................ 90
        6.3.3.3 ‘Good to eat’ ............................................................................... 91
    6.4 Noun (or core NP) plus demonstrative.................................................... 91
      6.4.1 Prenominal ku@ .................................................................................... 91
      6.4.2 Postnominal demonstratives ............................................................. 91
    6.5 Noun plus cardinal numeral ..................................................................... 92
    6.6 Plural (be$) ................................................................................................. 92
    6.7 Definite (ku$, bu^˘)...................................................................................... 93
    6.8 Universal and distributive quantifiers ..................................................... 93
      6.8.1 ‘Each X’ and ‘all X’ (wo^y, da$¯-wo^y)............................................. 93
      6.8.2 ‘No X’ (ka^˘<)...................................................................................... 94

7     Coordination ................................................................................ 95
    7.1 NP coordination ........................................................................................ 95
      7.1.1 NP conjunction (X ya⇒↑, Y ya⇒) ................................................. 95
        7.1.1.1 Conjunction with final quantifier............................................... 96
      7.1.2 NP conjunction with be@⇒, be@⇒ ...................................................... 96
      7.1.3 “Conjunction” of verbs or VP’s........................................................ 96
    7.2 Disjunction ................................................................................................ 96
      7.2.1 ‘Or’ (ma⇒) with NPs and pronouns................................................ 97
      7.2.2 ‘Or’ (ma⇒) with adverbs ................................................................. 97
      7.2.3 Clause-level disjunction .................................................................... 97

8     Postpositions and adverbials........................................................ 99
    8.1 Tonal locatives .......................................................................................... 99
    8.2 Accusative ≡ni$ (≡n$) .................................................................................. 99
    8.3 Dative and instrumental .........................................................................100
      8.3.1 Dative ma^˘ ........................................................................................100
      8.3.2 Instrumental n)a^y ..............................................................................100
    8.4 Locational postpositions.........................................................................100
      8.4.1 Locative, allative, and ablative functions.......................................100
      8.4.2 ‘In, on, at’ (wo)................................................................................101




                                                           6
      8.4.3 ‘Inside, within’ (X pi@re$) ..................................................................101
      8.4.4 ‘on; on the head of’ (X ku@wo$) ........................................................102
      8.4.5 ‘On’ ([X ma@ni$˘] wo$) .......................................................................102
      8.4.6 ‘close to, near’ ([X do@su$] wo$) .......................................................103
      8.4.7 ‘in front of’ (X ji@re$) .........................................................................103
      8.4.8 ‘Behind, after’ ([X tu@lu$] wo$) ........................................................103
      8.4.9 ‘Beside’ ([X be@le$] wo$) ...................................................................104
      8.4.10 ‘Under’ ([X bo@lo$] wo$) .................................................................104
      8.4.11 ‘between’ ([X Y] bE@rkE$la$w) ........................................................105
    8.5 Purposive and causal postpositions .......................................................105
      8.5.1 Purposive gi&n (and variants) ‘for’ ..................................................105
      8.5.2 Causal dE@NgE$y and gi&n ‘because of’..............................................106
      8.5.3 Causal [[X ni^˘] wo$] .........................................................................106
    8.6 Other adverbials (or equivalents)...........................................................107
      8.6.1 Similarity (ga^y<⇒ ‘like’)................................................................107
      8.6.2 Extent (E$s i@<⇒ ‘a lot’, i$lla@ = dE^m⇒ ‘a little’) ...............................107
      8.6.3 Specificity ........................................................................................108
        8.6.3.1 ‘Approximately’ (ga^y<⇒) .......................................................108
        8.6.3.2 ‘Exactly’ (cç@k) ..........................................................................108
        8.6.3.3 ‘Specifically’ (te@⇒)..................................................................109
      8.6.4 Evaluation ........................................................................................109
        8.6.4.1 ‘Well’ and ‘badly’.....................................................................109
        8.6.4.2 ‘Appropriate, right’...................................................................109
      8.6.5 Manner..............................................................................................109
      8.6.6 Spatiotemporal adverbials ...............................................................110
        8.6.6.1 Temporal adverbs .....................................................................110
        8.6.6.2 ‘First’ (ku$yç@˘) ...........................................................................110
        8.6.6.3 Spatial adverbs ..........................................................................110
      8.6.7 Expressive interjection-like adverbials .........................................111
        8.6.7.1 ‘Straight’ (de@m⇒) ....................................................................111
        8.6.7.2 ‘Apart, separate’ (de@y<⇒) .......................................................112
        8.6.7.3 ‘Always’ (a$su@⇒) , ‘never’ (a$ba@da@) ........................................112
        8.6.7.4 ‘All together’.............................................................................112
        8.6.7.5 ‘All, entirely’ (so@y, na@Na@na$˘) ..................................................112
      8.6.8 Reduplicated (iterated) adverbials ..................................................113
        8.6.8.1 Distributive adverbial iteration ................................................113
        8.6.8.2 ‘Scattered, here and there’ (ka@lu$-ka@lu$, ko^l-ko^l, ç@r<ç$-ç@r<ç$) .113
        8.6.8.3 Other adverbs with iterated stem .............................................114

9     Verbal derivation ........................................................................115
    9.1     Reversive verbs (-rv@-) ............................................................................115
    9.2     Deverbal causative verbs (-wu@-, -lv@-, -rv@-, -gi@-)..................................116




                                                         7
 9.3      Intransitive -yv@- ......................................................................................118
 9.4      Passive suffix (-yE@y) ..............................................................................119
 9.5      Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation .....................................120
 9.6      Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs ..........................................120
 9.7      Denominal verbs.....................................................................................123
 9.8      Obscure verb-verb relationships ............................................................124

10     Verbal inflection......................................................................... 93
 10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs .................................................... 93
   10.1.1 Suffixes or chained verb stems? ..................................................... 93
   10.1.2 Overview of categories.................................................................... 93
   10.1.3 Verb-stem shapes............................................................................. 95
     10.1.3.1 Generalizations about verb-stem shapes ................................. 95
     10.1.3.2 Monosyllabic verbs................................................................... 95
     10.1.3.3 ‘Come’ (yE@) ............................................................................... 98
     10.1.3.4 ‘Bring’ (jE&˘$) ............................................................................... 98
     10.1.3.5 Traces of lexical tone distinctions in Cv verbs ....................... 99
     10.1.3.6 Cvy< verbs ..............................................................................101
     10.1.3.7 Bisyllabic verbs.......................................................................102
     10.1.3.8 Triisyllabic verbs ....................................................................103
 10.2 Positive indicative AN categories .......................................................105
   10.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect and stative)..........105
     10.2.1.1 Unsuffixed Perfective with all-low toned stem ....................105
     10.2.1.2 Perfective-1a ˘-rE$-. Perfective-1b -ti^- ...................................107
     10.2.1.3 Resultative -so^- .......................................................................110
     10.2.1.4 Experiential Perfect ‘have ever’ -ta^- .....................................111
     10.2.1.5 Recent Perfect -jE^- ..................................................................112
     10.2.1.6 Reduplicated Perfective (Ci$- plus {HL}, 3Sg -∅) ...............113
     10.2.1.7 Reduplicated Stative (Ci$- plus {HL}, 3Sg -w$) .....................115
   10.2.2 Imperfective positive system ........................................................117
     10.2.2.1 Unsuffixed Imperfective (unreduplicated) ............................117
     10.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Ci$-, 3Sg -m$) .............................121
     10.2.2.3 Marked Imperfective (-˘ra$-) ...................................................122
   10.2.3 Negation of indicative verbs .........................................................123
     10.2.3.1 Categories expressed by negative verbs................................123
     10.2.3.2 Negation of unreduplicated perfective-system verbs (-ri@-)..123
     10.2.3.3 Negation of imperfective-system verbs (-m$-do@-).................124
     10.2.3.4 Stative Negative (≡ra@- without reduplication) ......................125
 10.3 Pronominal-subject suffixes for indicative verbs ...............................126
   10.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixes .........................................................126
 10.4 Clause-final temporal particles ............................................................128
   10.4.1 Past ≡bE$- (≡bE^-) and its conjugated forms...................................128




                                                         8
   10.4.2 ‘Still’, ‘up to now’, (not) yet’........................................................133
 10.5 Imperatives and Hortatives ..................................................................133
   10.5.1 Imperative and Prohibitive............................................................133
   10.5.2 Imperative stem..............................................................................134
   10.5.3 Irregular imperative stems ............................................................137
   10.5.4 Imperative Plural (positive) -n$ (-ni$) .............................................138
   10.5.5 Prohibitive -rE@-, Plural -rE@-n$ (-rE@-ni$) ...........................................138
   10.5.6 Hortatives .......................................................................................139
   10.5.7 Third-person Hortative (-y@ ∼ -y$) and its negation (-rE@-y@)...........141
   10.5.8 Third person Hortative form with 1Sg subject reference............144

11   VP and predicate structure.......................................................147
 11.1 Regular verbs and VP structure ...........................................................147
   11.1.1 Verb types (valency)......................................................................147
   11.1.2 Valency of causatives ....................................................................148
   11.1.3 Verb Phrase ....................................................................................148
   11.1.4 Fixed subject-verb combinations..................................................149
   11.1.5 Idiomatic and cognate objects.......................................................149
     11.1.5.1 Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verb ....150
     11.1.5.2 Grammatical status of cognate nominal ................................153
   11.1.6 ‘Do’ or ‘be done’ ka@y<..................................................................153
 11.2 ‘Be’, ‘become’, ‘have’, and other statives ..........................................154
   11.2.1 Copula clitic ≡m$ (≡∅) ‘it is …’....................................................154
     11.2.1.1 Unconjugated positive forms .................................................154
     11.2.1.2 Conjugated positive forms (1st/2nd persons) .......................160
     11.2.1.3 Conjugated positive forms (3Pl ≡∅-bç@)................................161
     11.2.1.4 Unconjugated negative ‘it is not …’ (≡m$≡da@, ≡ra@) .............162
     11.2.1.5 Conjugated negative ‘it is not …’ forms (1st and 2nd persons)
               163
     11.2.1.6 Conjugated negative ‘it is not …’ forms (3Pl)......................164
   11.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles .......................165
     11.2.2.1 Existential (ya@)........................................................................165
     11.2.2.2 Locational quasi-verbs ...........................................................166
     11.2.2.3 Existential quasi-verbs with ya@ ..............................................167
   11.2.3 ‘Be in, on’.......................................................................................168
   11.2.4 Stative stance verbs ‘be sitting’, ‘be lying down’ .......................168
   11.2.5 ‘Doesn’t connect’ (di$mba$-w$≡ra@-) ...............................................169
   11.2.6 Morphologically regular verbs......................................................169
     11.2.6.1 ‘Remain’ (be@) ..........................................................................169
     11.2.6.2 ‘Become, happen’ (ta@Ngi@-).....................................................170
 11.3 Quotative verb and quasi-verb .............................................................170
   11.3.1 ‘Say’ (gu&y<-)..................................................................................170




                                                     9
 11.4 Adjectival predicates ............................................................................170
   11.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates with ‘be’ quasi-verb (bu^-) ...........172
   11.4.2 Adjectival predicates with ‘be’ clitic (≡m, etc.) ..........................175
   11.4.3 Negative adjectival and stative predicates (≡ra@-) ........................176
   11.4.4 Past forms of adjectival predicates (≡bE^˘-, ≡bE$-) ........................178
 11.5 Possessive predicates............................................................................180
   11.5.1 ‘Have’ (ya@ so@-, negative so$-lo@-) ..................................................180
   11.5.2 ‘Have possession of’ (so$-) ............................................................181
   11.5.3 ‘Belong to’ predicates (kç^˘<, yç^-m) .............................................181

12   Comparatives ............................................................................183
 12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives.................................................................183
   12.1.1 ‘More, most’ (mE@gE@) .....................................................................183
   12.1.2 ‘Surpass’ (la@wa@) ............................................................................185
   12.1.3 ‘Be better, more’ (i$re@w)................................................................185
 12.2 Symmetrical comparatives ...................................................................185
   12.2.1 Expressions with ga^y<⇒ ‘like’ ....................................................185
   12.2.2 ‘Equal; be as good as’ (ba@-) ..........................................................186
   12.2.3 ‘Equal(ly)’ (ci@-cE@w, cE@w-cE@w) ....................................................186
   12.2.4 ‘Equal(ly)’ (ba$⇒)..........................................................................187
   12.2.5 ‘Attain, equal’ (dç@-).......................................................................187
 12.3 ‘A fortiori’ (we^˘y) ................................................................................187

13   Focalization and interrogation..................................................189
 13.1 Focalization...........................................................................................189
   13.1.1 Subject focalization .......................................................................189
   13.1.2 Object focalization.........................................................................191
   13.1.3 Focalization of PP or other adverbial ...........................................193
 13.2 Interrogatives ........................................................................................193
   13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogative (ma) .................................................193
   13.2.2 ‘Who?’ (a&m) ..................................................................................193
   13.2.3 ‘What?’ (n$je@), ‘with what?’, ‘why?’ ............................................194
   13.2.4 ‘where?’ (a@n-da@˘, a@Ngo$y)..............................................................195
   13.2.5 ‘When? ...........................................................................................196
   13.2.6 ‘How?’ (a$Na^y) ...............................................................................196
   13.2.7 ‘How much?’, ‘how many?’ (a$˘Nga@) ............................................197
   13.2.8 ‘Which?’ (a&m, a$Ngu@) ....................................................................197
   13.2.9 ‘So-and-so’ (a$-ma^˘n).....................................................................198
   13.2.10 ‘Whatchamacallit?’......................................................................198
   13.2.11 Embedded interrogatives.............................................................198

14   Relativization.............................................................................199




                                                     10
 14.1 Basics of relative clauses .....................................................................199
   14.1.1 Tone-dropping on final word(s) of NP in relative clause ...........199
   14.1.2 Restrictions on the head noun in a relative clause.......................200
   14.1.3 Relative clause with conjoined NP as head .................................201
   14.1.4 Headless relative clause ................................................................201
   14.1.5 Preverbal subject pronominal in relative clause ..........................201
   14.1.6 Participial verb in relative clause..................................................202
     14.1.6.1 Participles of unsuffixed (Perfective/Imperfective) verbs ...202
     14.1.6.2 Stem-tone and stem-final vowel in participles......................204
   14.1.7 Relative-clause participle including positive AN morpheme .....205
   14.1.8 Relative-clause participles based on negative verbs ...................207
   14.1.9 Relative-clause participle including Past clitic ≡bE^- ...................209
   14.1.10 Relative clause involving direct verb chain ...............................211
   14.1.11 Final morphemes added to relative clause (non-tone-dropping)
             212
   14.1.12 Final morphemes added to relative clause (tone-dropping)......213
 14.2 Subject relative clause ..........................................................................214
   14.2.1 Ordinary subject relative clause....................................................214
 14.3 Object relative clause ...........................................................................216
   14.3.1 Ordinary object relative clause .....................................................216
 14.4 Possessor relative clause ......................................................................217
 14.5 PP relative clause..................................................................................219

15   Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses ...............................221
 15.1 Chaining ................................................................................................221
   15.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbs ........................................221
   15.1.2 Nonfinal chained verb with {HL} tone contour ..........................222
   15.1.3 Chains including a time-of-day verb ............................................222
   15.1.4 Chains including du$wç@- ‘leave’ ...................................................223
   15.1.5 Chains including a motion verb ....................................................223
   15.1.6 Chains including mç$˘lu@- ‘be/do/put together’ .............................224
   15.1.7 Negation of verb chains.................................................................225
   15.1.8 VP-chaining with Same-Subject ≡ni@ (≡n@) ...................................225
   15.1.9 VP-chaining with Same-Subject Sequential ≡na@y ......................226
   15.1.10 VP-chaining with Different-Subject ≡ni$ (≡n$) ...........................231
   15.1.11 Chaining with linker ti@ ................................................................232
   15.1.12 Chaining with ji@jE$⇒ ‘go with’ ...................................................233
 15.2 Adverbial clauses..................................................................................233
   15.2.1 Temporal adverbial clauses...........................................................233
     15.2.1.1 Noun-headed temporal relative clause (‘the time when …’)
              233
     15.2.1.2 ‘While X was VP-ing’ (-m$≡ba$y) ..........................................234




                                                      11
       15.2.1.3 ‘While X was VP-ing’ (-m$≡bE@-w$ ku@ n)a&y) ..........................235
       15.2.1.4 ‘While X continue(-s/-ed) to VP’ (-m$ ti@nE@m) ......................236
       15.2.1.5 ‘While VERB-ing’ (iterated Imperfective as adverb) ..........236
       15.2.1.6 'Before …' (ma$˘) .....................................................................237
     15.2.2 Spatial adverbial clause (‘where …’) ...........................................238
     15.2.3 Manner adverbial clause (da$y< … ‘how …’) ..............................238
     15.2.4 Headless adverbial clause .............................................................239
     15.2.5 ‘From X, until (or: all the way to) Y’...........................................239
     15.2.6 ‘As though …’ clause (ga^y<⇒)....................................................240

16    Conditional constructions .........................................................241
 16.1 Hypothetical conditional with de ‘if’ ..................................................241
   16.1.1 Extensions of de (de@ wo^y, de@ wo$ wo^y) .....................................241
   16.1.2 Clauses in -w$ ku$ de$ and in -w$ de$................................................242
 16.2 Alternative ‘if’ particles (ka@la$, ta@n)...................................................243
 16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents (‘whether X or Y …’) ........243
 16.4 ‘Unless’ antecedent ..............................................................................244
 16.5 Counterfactual conditional...................................................................244

17    Complement and purposive clauses..........................................247
 17.1 Quotative complement .........................................................................247
   17.1.1 ‘Say that …’ with inflectable ‘say’ verb (gu&y<-) ........................247
   17.1.2 Quotative clitic wa (after nasal: ba).............................................251
   17.1.3 Jussive complement.......................................................................252
     17.1.3.1 Embedded imperative.............................................................252
     17.1.3.2 Embedded hortative................................................................254
 17.2 Factive (indicative) complements........................................................255
   17.2.1 ‘Know that …’ complement clause ..............................................255
   17.2.2 ‘The fact that …’ (Definite ku$) ....................................................255
   17.2.3 ‘See (find, hear) that …’ ...............................................................256
 17.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complements ................................256
   17.3.1 Structure of Verbal Noun Phrase..................................................257
   17.3.2 ‘Begin’ (tu@mdi@-)............................................................................258
   17.3.3 ‘Prevent’ (ga$˘li@-)............................................................................259
   17.3.4 ‘Consent’ (a$wu@-) ...........................................................................259
   17.3.5 Obligational ‘must’ (wa@˘ji@bu$) ......................................................259
   17.3.6 ‘Dare’ (da$˘ri@-, su@˘sE@-)....................................................................260
   17.3.7 ‘Cease’, 'desist' (du$wç@-)................................................................260
   17.3.8 ‘Want’ (jç$rç@-, negative -mi$-ra@-)...................................................261
   17.3.9 ‘Forget’ (i$rE@-), ‘remember’ (i$li$-ri@-) .............................................262
   17.3.10 ‘Be afraid to’ (u@˘-yi@-) ..................................................................262
 17.4 Complements with bare combining form (direct chains)...................263




                                                   12
   17.4.1 ‘Finish’ (du$mdu@- ∼ du$mdi@-) ........................................................263
   17.4.2 ‘Help’ (ba$ri@-) .................................................................................264
   17.4.3 ‘Be able to, can’ (bE$rE@-) ................................................................264
 17.5 Purposive, causal, and locative clauses ...............................................265
   17.5.1 Verb with Purposive suffix (-ra@˘, -rE@˘) .........................................265
   17.5.2 Quasi-purposive clause in manner-adverbial form (da$y<)..........266
   17.5.3 Clauses ending in Purposive postposition gi&n .............................266
   17.5.4 Causal (‘because’) clause ..............................................................266
     17.5.4.1 Clause-initial sa@bu$ ‘because’.................................................267
     17.5.4.2 Clauses with final Purposive gi&n and variants......................267
     17.5.4.3 Clauses with final Causal dE@Nge$y .........................................268
     17.5.4.4 Clauses with final Causal ni^˘ wo$ ...........................................268
   17.5.5 Negative purposive (= prohibitive) clause ...................................268

18   Anaphora...................................................................................269
 18.1 Reflexive ...............................................................................................269
   18.1.1 Reflexive non-subject arguments .................................................269
   18.1.2 Reflexive possessor .......................................................................269
   18.1.3 Expressions with ‘head’ (ku^˘).......................................................270
   18.1.4 Expressions with na$Na$na@˘ ‘all’.....................................................271
 18.2 Logophoric and indexing pronouns.....................................................272
   18.2.1 True logophoric function...............................................................272
   18.2.2 Non-logophoric topic-indexing function......................................274
 18.3 Reciprocal .............................................................................................275
   18.3.1 Simple reciprocals (tu&˘) .................................................................275
 18.4 Restrictions on reflexives.....................................................................276

19   Grammatical pragmatics ..........................................................277
 19.1 Topic......................................................................................................277
   19.1.1 Topic (ka$y) ....................................................................................277
   19.1.2 ‘Now’ (nu@w<ç$y<, nE@˘) ...................................................................277
   19.1.3 ‘Also, even’ (ka@la$) ........................................................................278
 19.2 Presentential discourse markers...........................................................279
   19.2.1 ‘Well, …’ (ha@ya$) ...........................................................................279
   19.2.2 ‘But …’ (ga$˘) .................................................................................279
   19.2.3 ‘Lo, …’ (ja@ka$) ...............................................................................280
 19.3 ‘Only’ particles .....................................................................................280
   19.3.1 ‘Only’ (sa&y) ...................................................................................280
   19.3.2 ‘A mere …’ (lo@k) ..........................................................................281
   19.3.3 ‘If’ or ‘if (only)’ (ta@n) ...................................................................281
 19.4 Phrase-final emphatics .........................................................................282
   19.4.1 Clause-final ko&y ............................................................................282




                                                       13
  19.4.2 Clause-final de@ ...............................................................................282
  19.4.3 Clause-final ‘(not) at all!’ particles (pE@y, pE@s ) ............................283
19.5 Clause-final adverbial na$⇒ .................................................................283
19.6 Greetings ...............................................................................................284




                                                     14
1 Introduction




1.1     Dogon languages

This work is part of a larger project on a number of Dogon languages,
beginning with Jamsay. Dogon is a family of perhaps twenty languages, though
no complete survey has been undertaken. The family is considered to be part of
the vast Niger-Congo family, which includes Bantu, Mande (e.g. Bambara and
Boso), and West Atlantic (e.g. Fulfulde), but to date it has not been shown to be
particularly close to any other Niger-Congo branch.


1.2     Beni language

The present language is spoken in the following locations that are well-
separated from each other, allowing only sporadic contact (xx1).

(xx1)    a. villages of Beni and (to a lesser extent) nearby Gamni. Beni is
            about 3 km south and southeast of Dianwely Maoudé, a market
            town that itself is some 13 km south of Douentza. Beni is around N
            14º 52´ by W 2º 57´, Gamni around N 14º 51´ by W 2º 50´.

         b. village of Komboy, about 6 km south of Douentza, at the base of
            the same mountain ridge as the village of Fombori (2 km from
            Douentza).

     The language is referred to by its speakers, at least in Beni village, as be^˘n
te$y, literally “Beni’s language.”
     The Dogon variety spoken in Walo is fairly close genetically to that of
Beni, but the two are sufficiently divergent to require separate description and
lexicography. Both share a number of features with Nanga, and on a number of
important phonological and other variables Walo sides with Nanga against
Beni.
1.3   Environment

Gamni is reputed to be one of the oldest villages in the region south of
Douentza, others being Eweri (Iwel) and Gimel. Komboy is a small village said
to have been founded by a group of Dogon who fled (or were chased out) of
Beni at some point. I did not visit either Gamni or Komboy and have no precise
information about their history. The combined population of Beni, Gamni, and
Komboy was said to be around 3000 in 2004-5.
     Walo is said to be older than Beni. Walo and Beni were affiliated politically
prior to the arrival of orthodox Islam in the region. They are said to have
alternated the chiefdom, a new chief from Beni replacing a deceased chief from
Walo and vice-versa. Since the joint chiefdom was associated with ritual as well
as political life, the affiliation did not survive the arrival of orthodox Islam,
when the ritual objects were burned and the original ritual leadership
abandoned.
     Beni and Gamni constitute a compact, relatively well-defined linguistic
zone. The two villages are located in a stony plateau punctuated by deep
depressions and at least one large ravine (next to Beni), but the plateau is well
separated from the inselbergs whose cliffs rise sharply just east of Gamni. On
the other side, there is a moderately sharp descent from the stony plateau to the
plains in the valley containing such Jamsay-speaking villages as Dianwely
Maoudé and Dianwely Kessel, and extending south (to Anda) and north (to the
highway just east of Douentza). The village of Komboy is at the base of the
inselberg ridge on the opposite side of the valley. All three villages speaking
this language (Beni, Gamni, Komboy) subsist primarily on millet, which is
grown during the rainy season (June to September) and harvested around
October. Aside from livestock (cattle, sheep, goats), there is relatively little
productive agricultural work during the non-growing season. The people of
Beni and Gamni have contact with speakers of Jamsay, and to a lesser extent
with speakers of Nanga and Fulfulde. The children currently attend school in
Dianwely Maoudé (a three kilometer walk), where the majority language is
Jamsay, though new schools are being built in the villages. Students who
proceed to secondary school or to work in Douentza, or who have any
involvement with cattle, have extensive contact with Fulfulde speakers.


1.4   Previous and contemporary study of Beni

The existence of this language seems to have been previously unknown both to
western scholarship and to Dogon applied linguists in Bamako. This is not
surprising, given that no western linguist has (to my knowledge) done fieldwork
on any of the Dogon languages of the Douentza-Boni zone.




                                        2
1.4.1   Fieldwork

I began work on Jamsay in mid-2004. Jamsay is the major Dogon language of
the zone south of Douentza, with extensions to Mondoro and to near Koro. It is
therefore a kind of Dogon lingua franca in this area, and is widely spoken as a
second Dogon language by native speakers of Beni, Nanga, Najamba, and Tabi-
Sarinyere languages.
    During September 2004 I began surveying these four non-Jamsay Dogon
languages, spending one week for each in a representative village. Much of this
early work involved making contacts, and doing flora-fauna vocabulary (many
insects and plants are only collectible in the late rainy season). I returned to
Beni for 4-6 day visits on several subsequent occasions.
    Additional fieldwork on Beni was done in 2006-8 as part of the larger
project. Texts were recorded and transcribed, an extensive general lexicon
developed, and the grammar drafted.


1.4.2   Acknowledgements

Primary support is from the National Science Foundation. Additional support is
from the University of Michigan. The original Jamsay-focused project was
funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities.




                                       3
2 Sketch




In this chapter a few major features of the language are introduced. For all
topics raised, muchfuller coverage can be found in the following chapters.


2.1   Prosody

The great interest of Dogon languages is the grammaticalization of (usually
stem-wide) tone contours and also of more exaggerated word-final
“intonational” contours (prolongation, with or without slowly falling pitch as in
the dying-quail intonation).
     Beni has the usual stem-wide tone overlays, chiefly tone-dropping to all-
low tones (noun before adjective or demonstrative, non-possessor word in NP
when the NP functions as head NP of a relative clause, verb stem before
Negative inflectional suffix, verb in the unsuffixed Perfective).
     Beni also has the intonational prolongation feature (symbol ⇒) built into
some lexical stems, namely some of the expressive adverbials like de@m⇒
‘straight, directly’. It makes extensive use of phrase-final intonational features
(prolongation, rise or fall in final pitch) in parallelistic constructions (‘X or Y’,
polar interrogative ‘will you go, or will you not go?’).
     Of special interest is the use of exaggerated “intonational” prolongation in
verbal morphology, where 1Sg -y and 1Pl -y∴, and likewise 2Sg -w and 2Pl
⇒-w∴, differentiate singular from plural by means of exaggerated prolongation
of the stem-final vowel in the plural, accompanied by a slow decline in pitch. In
the independent pronouns, we get the same intonational effects not only in the
first and second persons plural (1Sg i@, 1Pl i@∴, 2Sg u@, 2Pl u@∴) but also in the
regular and logophoric third person (3Sg E@r<E@, 3Pl bu^˘, LogoSg a@, LogoPl a@∴).
In Jamsay, by contrast, this dying-quail intonation pattern is not present in the
pronominal system, but grammaticalized in the system of (NP and pronominal)
conjunction.
     The syllabic tones in Beni, whether lexical or grammatical, are H, L, <HL>,
<LH>, and bell-shaped <LHL>. There is no <HLH> syllable tone, and there are
no uncompounded {HLH} bisyllabic stems (of the sort found in Tabi-
Sarinyere).
     There are a fair number of lexical <LHL> tones in nouns and other non-
verb stems, chiefly in monosyllabic stems like bE&y$< ‘beard’. Other <LHL>
syllables arise due to affixation and ensuing tone sandhi processes. An example
of this is the 1Sg possessor form of nouns. Possessed nouns have an overlaid
{HL} tone contour, erasing the lexical tone, and this drops further to all-low
when the possessor ends in a low tone (or in dying-quail intonation). This full
tone-dropping does not occur with 1Sg possessor, but this morpheme is reduced
to a floating low tone preceding the possessed noun, and the low tone docks on
the left edge of the noun, resulting in a {LHL} contour on the possessed noun.
In cases like bE&y$< ‘beard’ that already consist of a lexically <LHL> syllables,
the possessed stem with the {HL} overlay is bE^y<, and the 1Sg form with the
extra L-tone on the left edge is therefore bE&y$< ‘my beard’, identical (to my ears,
but not always to those of my native-speaker assistant!) to the unpossessed
form.
     Because a possessor has tonal effects on a noun to its right, while an
adjective or demonstrative has tonal effects on a noun to its left, we must
consider what happens when the noun is caught in the cross-fire. In Beni, a
possessor has tonal scope over the entire sequence consisting maximally of a
noun, one or more modifying adjectives, and even a following numeral, so the
relevant possessed noun tone contour, {HL} or all-low, is overlaid on the full
sequence.


2.2   Inflectable verbs

The system of derivational and inflectional categories is similar to those of other
Dogon languages. The major suffixal derivations are Reversive (e.g. ‘untie’)
and Causative for verbs, and Inchoative and Factitive for adjectives. These
derivatives, or ordinary underived stems, are followed by an aspect-negation
(AN) suffix plus a pronominal-subject suffix, or by a modal suffix that also
includes pronominal-subject information.
    The principal AN categories are based on the intersection of Perfective and
Imperfective aspects with polarities (positive, negative). The core of the
indicative system therefore consists of the four poles Perfective (positive),
Perfective Negative, Imperfective (positive), and Imperfective Negative (there
is no morphological connection between positive and negative paradigms). For
the Perfective and Imperfective positive, there are both suffixally unmarked (i.e.
no AN suffix with audible segments) and suffixally marked versions, and some
forms can also have an initial reduplication. There are a few other marked
subcategories within the positive Perfective and Imperfective systems
(Experiential Perfect, Recent Perfect, Resultative). Suffixally marked modal
categories are Imperative and Hortative. Tense is not central to the morphology,
but an inflected Past clitic ≡bE^˘ may be added to certain verb forms.




                                         6
2.3   Participles

In a relative clause, the regular inflected verb is replaced by a noun-like
participle. The participle may contain an AN suffix, following any derivational
suffixes like Reversive. However, instead of a subject-pronominal suffix of the
sort that occurs in main clauses, a participle ends in a nominal suffix agreeing
with the head NP.
     In the Perfective (positive), the Participial suffixes are (animate) Singular
-m$, (animate) Plural -ma$, and Inanimate -w$. The first and third of these suffixes
are also used with modifyng adjectives, but Plural -ma$ is unique.
     A different set of participles is used in the Imperfective (positive), where
the (animate) Singular -m@ and (animate) Plural zero, along with the tone
contour and vocalism of the word as a whole, point to morphological identity
with Agentive nominals.


2.4   Noun phrase (NP)

For nouns, the main morphological feature is the opposition between (animate)
Singular -m, and zero both for (animate) Plural and for Inanimate
(undifferentiated singular and plural). (Many other Dogon languages have -m as
a human or animate Plural morpheme).
     Typical modifying adjectives have a three-way suffixal distinction, with -m
(Singular), zero (Plural), and -w (Inanimate). Such adjectives directly follow the
noun, and force tone-dropping on it. A numeral or determiner may follow the
adjective; numerals and the Definite morpheme ku$ do not force tone-dropping
on a preceding word, but demonstrative pronouns do.
     As previously indicated, a possessor may precede the noun and its
modifiers. The presence of a possessor forces overlay of a {HL} tone contour
(the high is limited to the initial syllable or mora), which becomes all-low when
the possessor itself ends in a low tone or in dying-quail intonation.


2.5   Postposition phrase (PP)

Postpositions include Dative ma^˘, Instrumental n)a^y ‘with’, and Locative wo.
The latter is atonal, and gets its tone by spreading from the final tone of the
preceding NP or pronoun.
     Further postpositions are created by combining Locative wo with a form
that functions like a possessed noun. For example, ‘behind X’ is expressed as
[[X tu@lu$] wo$], literally ‘in X’s rear’, where tu$lu@ ‘rear’ takes possessed-noun
{HL} tone contour.




                                         7
2.6     Main clauses and constituent order

Beni is verb-final. The basic order of nonpronominal constituents is SOV.
Pronominal objects and dative PPs immediately precede the verb unless
focalized or topicalized. There is no case-marking for subject NPs. Object NPs
including pronominals have an optional Accusative clitic ≡ni$ that sometimes
seems to mark object focus.


2.7     Relative clauses

Relative clauses in Beni are generally similar to those in Jamsay and other
Dogon languages (other than Tabi-Sarinyere). Any non-possessor words in the
head NP that have not already been tone-dropped drop their tones. If the head
NP contains a core NP (noun with or without adjectives) and a numeral, both
the core NP and the numeral simultaneously undergo tone-dropping. The
inflected verb of a main clause is replaced by a participle agreeing in nominal
features with the head noun. Since the usual subject-pronominal suffix on the
inflected verb has been ousted, some other mechanism is needed to express
subject pronominals (in non-subject relatives like ‘the man whom I saw’). This
is accomplished by placing the relevant independent pronoun before the verb.
The participle, in turn, may be followed by a Definite suffix, which has
semantic scope over the head NP. A rough schema for subject relatives (xx1.b)
and for non-subject relatives (xx1.c), to be compared with the schema for a
simple main clause (xx1.a), should clarify the basic structure without forcing
the reader to work through difficult actual examples at this stage. “.L” at the end
of a word gloss indicates that tones have dropped to all-low.

(xx1)     a. main clause
              [stone see-Imperfective-1SgS]
              ‘I see a stone.’

          b. subject relative
               [person-Pl.L    stone see-Imperfective-Pl Definite]
               ‘the people who see a stone’

          c. non-subject (in this case, object) relative
              [stone.L     1Sg       see-Imperfective-Inanimate    Definite]
              ‘the stone that I see’

      Relativization is covered in Chapter 14.




                                          8
2.8   Verb-chaining

Verbs and VPs may be chained together. In these cases, the final verb has its
regular inflected form. In a direct verb-verb chain, the nonfinal verbs are in the
combining form, which is also used in some inflectional forms, and the verbs
in question are immediately adjacent (i.e. in a compound-like structure). This is
typical of semantically tight combinations where each verb denotes an aspect of
a larger event structure (co-events). There are also looser chaining forms, where
one complete VP is chained to another by means of a clause-final particle like
na@y or other morpheme on the nonfinal VPs, and the eventualities denoted by
the various clauses may be spatiotemporally distinct. Both the direct verb-verb
chain, and (to a large extent) the looser construction with na@y, are associated
with same-subject (SS) sequences. The corresponding different-subject (DS)
clause-final subordinating particle is ni$, which suspiciously resembles the
Accusative morpheme used with direct-object pronouns and other NPs.
     Chaining (serialization) and switch-reference subordination is described in
detail in Chapter 15.


2.9   Interclausal syntax

VP chains and relativization account for a good part of the interclausal syntax,
since some matrix verbs like ‘can(not)’ use chains, and since many
spatiotemporal and manner adverbial clauses are special cases of relativization.
In addition, a subordinated clause (or VP) may be expressed with the verb in
verbal-noun form. There is also the usual range of factive (indicative),
purposive, and jussive complements.
    The basic clause-final ‘if’ particle in conditional antecedents is /de/, which
takes its tone from the preceding word.




                                        9
3 Phonology




3.1     General

Syllables and metrical structure are briefly covered in §3.2. The consonants are
presented in §3.3, followed by vowels in §3.4. The vowel-harmony system
(§3.4.5) is not much of a factor in the morphophonology. Segmental (i.e. non-
tonal) phonological processes are covered in §3.5, followed by remarks on
cliticization in §3.6. The tonology is §3.7, and intonation patterns (some of them
grammaticalized) are reviewed in §3.8.


3.2     Internal phonological structure of stems and words

3.2.1    Syllables

Monosyllabic words are Cv, Cv˘, or CvC, rarely Cv˘C.
     Verb stems are fond of the Cv shape. Nearly all monosyllabic verb stems
are of this monomoraic shape: dç@ ‘burn’, ma@ ‘shape (pottery)’, lo@ ‘go’. (The
vowel is lengthened before a derivational suffix such as Reversive or Causative,
but remains short before an inflectional suffix or when chained to another
following verb.) Even a rising tone does not force an additional mora: yE&
‘come’, nu& ‘hear’. We do get a long vowel in jE&˘$ ‘bring’ with its <LHL> tone.
     With a handful of exceptions, stems other than verbs require at least two
moras, so vowel-final monosyllabic stems are of the shape Cv˘, as in ku^˘ ‘head’,
na@˘ ‘big’.
     An exception is the defective noun na@ ‘time(s)’, which is always closely
combined with a following numeral or other quantifier: na@ ye&y ‘twice’. A
second, partial exception is na&˘ ‘hand’, which has a reduced form in the frozen
combinations na$ ba$na&y ‘left hand’ and na$ n)E&y ‘right hand’, but not in
spontaneously produced combinations such as na$˘ E$s u@ ‘good hand’. A third is
‘woman’, which has Singular ya&-m and Plural ya&˘, but takes the form ya$ before
an adjective or compound initial (in singular or plural contexts): ya$ di@y<a$-m
‘senior wife’ (lit. “big woman”), ya$-nç@r<u@ ‘(woman’s) co-wife’, ya$ E$su@-m
‘good woman’ (Pl ya$ E$si@-yE$). The term for ‘old woman’ is singular ya$ pE&-m
but (exceptionally long-voweled) plural ya$˘ pE&˘.
     Beni (like Najamba) has a large number of nouns ending in a final long
vowel with falling tone. For example, ‘meat’ is na$w<a^˘, compare Jamsay nç$w<ç@
and Tabi-Sarinyere na$ma@. Nanga has na$ma^ with the same tones as Beni but
with a final short vowel, while Walo and Najamba na$ma^˘ are identical to the
Beni form except for the lenition in Beni of *m to w<. Monosyllabic vowel-
final nouns in Beni have a contour tone (rising or falling) rather than high tone:
na&˘ ‘hand’, ku^˘ ‘head’, ni^˘ ‘water’, da&˘ ‘beeswax’. Adjectives (and compound
finals), however, allow high-toned Cv@˘, as in jo@˘ ‘many’ and na@˘ ‘entire (e.g.
tree)’.


3.2.2   Metrical structure

Weak positions in metrical structure are characterized by raising and/or
reduction of short vowels. Metrical structure is not a major factor in Beni in
(uncompounded) noun, adjective, or numeral stems. The initial syllable is
arguably a strong position, and there are many bisyllabic stems with an initial
heavy syllable, e.g. bç$˘tç@ ‘sack’, jE@mbE@ ‘bag’. However, nouns like se$ge@re$
‘filtering basket’ show no phonological signs of strong and weak positions; in
particular, the second syllable of a trisyllabic stem is stable. However, in a
bisyllabic stem, a final short high vowel {i u} may be apocopated under some
conditions, e.g. CvCi > CvC (§3.xxx, below).
     In verbs, there are some suggestions of metrical structure insofar as some
types of nonmonosyllabic verb stems show alternations between final /a/ and a
somewhat unstable high vowel {i u}. Other Dogon languages often associate
the high vowel in such alternations with weak metrical position (the high vowel
may reduce to schwa, is subject to coloring by nearby consonants and vowels,
and may be deleted entirely). However, there is a cart-and-horse issue here;
does weak metrical position favor raising and lenition of a vowel, or does an
independently occurring vocalic alternation happen to feed into lenition of the
high-vowel alternant?
     In Beni, the verbs with a final-vowel alternation have final /a/ in the
Imperative, and final high vowel (or zero) throughout the remainder of the
paradigm, including forms where the final high vowel is “strengthened” by a
tautosyllabic final consonant. For example, ‘think’ has Imperative ma&˘na$,
combining form ma$˘ni@ (e.g. in chains), Perfective ma$˘ni@-ti^-, Imperfective
mi$-ma$˘ni@-m$, etc.
     In verbal derivation, there are some cases where the final vowel of a
bisyllabic input is raised before a derivational suffix, as in ta@ra@- ‘paste (on),
affix’, reversive ta@li@-ri@- ‘remove (something pasted or affixed)’, where the
second syllable of ta@li@-ri@- is our focus. However, there are several reversives
like go$lo$-ro@ ‘uncover (someone)’, ku@mjo@-ro@- ‘uncrumple’, etc., where no
raising of the second-syllable vowel is observed. So metrical structure plays a
relatively small role in Beni phonology.




                                        12
3.3     Consonants

The consonants are listed in (xx1).

(xx1)    Consonants

                      1      2      3    4      5   6      7     8     9

         labial       p      b      m    (f)        w      w<
         alveolar     t      d      n    s      l   r      r<
         alveopalatal c      j      n)   ((s&))     y      y<
         velar        k      g      N
         laryngeal                                               (h)   ((/))

          c is IPA [tS], j is [dZ], s& is [S], n) is [¯], y is [j].
          key to columns: 1) aspirated voiceless stops (c is affricated); 2) voiced
          stops; 3) nasals, 4) voiceless fricatives (including sibilants); 5)
          laterals; 6-7) respectively unnasalized and nasalized sonorants; 8-9)
          laryngeals


3.3.1    Alveopalatals (c, j, n))

As elsewhere in the northeastern Dogon language zone, there is some
fluctuation between {k g} and {c j} pronunciations before front vowels {i e E}.
Where both pronunciations have been recorded, I normalize the transcription as
{c j}.
    n) is fairly common before a vowel. Examples: nE&y n)E@ ‘eat a meal’, n)a$˘r<i@
‘hold near fire’, n)a@r<u$ ‘night’, and n)u$w<ç@ ‘do for a long time’.
    An interesting alternation of /y/ and /n)/ is intransitive yu$rç@ ‘(someone)
wake up’ and transitive n)u$˘r<u@ ‘wake (someone) up’. In other languages,
cognates have either a nasal element in both forms (Jamsay n), Walso nj), or a
non-nasal element in both forms (Nanga and Najamba w).


3.3.2    Voiced velar stop g and g-Spirantization (g→ƒ)

Spirantization of intervocalic /g/ to /ƒ/ is fairly common, though not obligatory,
when intervocalic within a word and flanked by vowels from the set {a ç}.
Thus ku$-da$ƒa@ ‘agemate’, dç$ƒç@ ‘state of being disdained’. One may consider /g/
to be phonologically basic.




                                         13
3.3.3   Velar nasal (N)

Aside from the homorganic clusters Ng and Nk, we get /N/ in a$Na^y ‘how?’, pa$Na@
(variant of pa$Nga@) ‘strength’, Na^y⇒ ‘thus’, du^N du$No@ ‘get dressed’, sç$Nç@r<ç$y
‘spinal cord’, and several other stems.
     Original *N has disappeared in e.g. na&˘-m ‘cow’ (*na$Na@), though it is
retained in na$Na$-na$˘r<u@ ‘butter (from cow’s milk)’, which may be borrowed
from the identical form in Jamsay. In sE@w<u@ ‘make thorn-branch fence’, we
seem to have w< for *N (Jamsay sa@Na@, Nanga sE@Ni@).


3.3.4   Voiceless labials (p, f)

As in other Dogon languages, /f/ is not a full-fledged consonant, and a
borrowed word containing it may show /p/. Thus ma$rpa^˘ ‘rifle’, ka$pe^˘
(alongside ka$fe^˘) ‘coffee’, pu$ru$-pu@ru$ ‘wheat-flour fritters’.
     I have recorded /f/ in some loanwords that I assume also have variants with
/p/: ce@˘fa$m ‘fever’, te@˘fa$ ‘fee paid to witness of livestock sale’, fa$rni^˘ ‘wheat-
flour fritters’, na@˘fi@gu$ ‘trouble-makers’, dç@fE$ ‘good-for-nothing adult’, na$fa^˘
‘usefulness’, ma@˘fE$ ‘red sauce’, sa@˘fa$ ‘evening prayer’, and a few others.
However, I also recorded /f/ in jç@fu$ (intensifier for ‘wet’)


3.3.5   Laryngeals (h, /)

/h/ occurs in loans, chiefly from Fulfulde (some of these were originally
Arabic). One of these is the important particle ha^l ‘until, all the way to’. Others
include hç@˘lE@ ‘trust (verb)’, ha$ra^m ‘a Muslim holy day’, hi@jji$ ‘pilgrimage to
Mecca’, hi@˘lE@ ‘dupe, trick’.
    /// (glottal stop) is found in gu@ru$/a@˘na$ ‘Koran (book)’, where it reflects
Arabic /, and in the semi-linguistic utterance ç@</ç$< ‘nope!’.


3.3.6   Sibilants (s, s&, z, z&)

Only /s/ is clearly established as a phoneme. Other sibilants {s& z z&) occur in a
few loanwords from French: a@la@z&e@ri^˘ ‘Algeria’, za@na@rma@ ‘gendarmes’, s&inwa^˘
‘Chinese’. There is no strong tendency to phonetically palatalize /s/ before front
vowels.




                                          14
3.3.7   Nasalized sonorants (r<, w<, y<)

These nasalized sonorants can be independent phonemes in (noninitial)
intervocalic position within words. In stems like ba$r<a@ ‘beat (tomtom)’, ka@w<a@
‘mash (to press out oil)’, E@w<E@ ‘milk (a cow)’, pi@˘y<i@ ‘confine’, di@y<a$ ‘old’, and
ga&y< ‘put’, the sonorant is the only nasal or nasalized segment. In such words,
Beni intervocalic w< corresponds to /m/ in some other languages, e.g. Beni
nu$w<i^˘, Jamsay ni&m, Nanga ni$mi^ ‘cow-pea’.
     y< and w< may also occur syllable-finally, though only y< is common here:
ga&y< ‘put’, ka@y< ‘do’, pE&w< (sound of fart).
     When a consonant from the set {r< w< y<} occurs in a word with a
preceding nasal or nasalized consonant, and no intervening non-nasal
consonant, the nasalization in {r< w< y<} may be attributed to Nasalization-
Spreading, which normally operates from left to right within a word. In such
cases, the sonorant is lexically unspecified for nasalization. Examples are
na$w<a^˘ ‘meat’, nE@w<E@ ‘taste’, na$r<a@ ‘mother’, jE$mE&y< ‘metal protrusions on
rifle cock’, mu$y<i@ ‘(shoulder) be dislocated’. However, the predictability of
nasalization is compromised by cases where /m/ reflects *mb, as in ma$ra@
‘become lost’ (cf. Walo m$ba$ra@), where the /r/ is not nasalized.
     In e.g. na$r<i$y<-w@< (for /na$r<i$y<i$-w<u@/) ‘expand (e.g. one’s herd)’, we
observe spreading of nasalization across the entire word, which includes a suffix
(elsewhere -w@). This is possible when there is no intervening nonnasal
consonant to block the spread from left to right.
     A syllable-final y< or w< in a nasalizing environment could be transcribed
with or without the nasalization diacritic. I generally transcribe without the
diacritic, except for verbs (in the citation form with final vowel apocopated),
since when suffixes are present the final semivowel is intervocalic and clearly
nasalized. Thus noun si$y<a&w ‘lover’, pronounced [si$j<a&w<], and verb
na$r<i$y<-w@< ‘expand (e.g. one’s herd)’.
     In a@w<y<i@ ‘(wound) swell’, E@w<E$y< ‘milk (noun)’, ji$r<e&y ‘rainy season’,
and some few other stems, there are two mutually reinforcing consonants from
the set {r< w< y<}. Given that Nasalization-Spreading primarily works from left
to right, if one must identify a (lexically) primary nasalized consonant it would
be the leftmost one.
     Initial /w</ was heard in certain words, suggesting a modest tendency for
nasalization to spread from the right to the onset of the word. Examples: some
pronunciations of the (undoubtedly borrowed) term for ‘rice or millet pancake’
(w<ç@˘n)u$, but also wo@˘nju$, etc.); the final element (not otherwise attested) in
kç$njç$-w<a$y<a&y< ‘strong, effervescent millet beer’ (cf. kç$njç@ ‘millet beer’);
w<a$˘r<u@ ‘(vine) spread out’. There is no general leftward Nasalization-
Spreading, as shown by examples like wç$mbi@ ‘uproot peanuts’ and ya$mdi@ ‘be
useless’. ‘Woman’ is ya&˘-m, plural ya&˘ (unnasalized).




                                          15
3.3.8     Consonant clusters

3.3.8.1    Initial CC clusters

Word-initial CC sequences are nasal-stop sequences N$g and m$b. N$g is seen in
demonstrative N$gu@ ‘this’ and in some other deictics, in N$go@ ‘not be’, and a few
Fulfulde loanwords like N$gu@˘rE$ ‘livelihood’. Initial m$b, which often alternates
with simple /m/, is illustrated by m$bo&˘ ∼ mo&˘ ‘mouth’ and m$ba&w ∼ ma&w
‘interethnic cousinhood’; intermediate pronunciations like [m$bo&˘] with a faint
oral release on the nasal are also observed.
     When spoken in isolation, or after a word ending in a consonant, the initial
nasal is syllabified separately. It is pronounced with low pitch in this position,
but arguably this is a phonetic pitch rather than phonological tone.


3.3.8.2    Medial geminated CC clusters

Geminated medial CC clusters are generally limited to Fulfulde (and other)
borrowings.
    Geminated clusters in words not likely to have been borrowed are:
       ll: i$lla@ ‘slightly’, ki@lli@ye@ ‘be lost to sight’, pE@lli@ ‘break or cut off’, i@lle@
             ‘lift from underneath’.
       nn: da$nni@ ‘hunt (verb)’, kç&nnç$ ‘ladle (noun)’ (variant of kç$tu@nç$).
    Other geminated clusters attested in probable loanwords are exemplified
below:
       bb: tç@bbE$-tç@bbE$ ‘spotted’.
       cc: hç@ccE@ ‘chew cud’.
       dd: sa@dda$ a$yi@ ‘be responsible for’.
       gg: lç@ggi@ ‘make dirty’.
       jj: hi@jji$ ‘pilgrimage to Mecca’.
       kk: ju@kkE@ ‘assess a fine’.
       mm: ju@mma$ ‘Friday prayer’.
       pp: si@ppE@ ‘describe’.
       rr: ya@rrç@˘rE$ ‘tolerance’.
       tt: mE@ttE@ ‘be desperate’.
       yy: la@yya$ ‘Feast of the Ram’
    There are no attestations of #ff, #hh, #ss, #ww.




                                              16
3.3.8.3   Medial non-geminate CC clusters

These clusters typically begin with a syllable-final sonorant. The following
syllable-initial consonant may be any full-fledged consonant phoneme. The
most common type is the homorganic nasal-stop cluster. Those found in native
vocabulary are:
         mb: tE@mbu$ ‘traditions’.
         nd: su@ndu$ ‘child’s medicine’.
         nt: bE$ntE@ ‘loincloth’.
         nj: kç$njç@ ‘millet beer’.
         Ng: ko@Ngo@ro@ ‘chew on (bone)’
         Nk: yo@Nku$ ‘soul’
     Attested in Fulfulde loanwords:
         mp: ha@mpE@ ‘chew (tobacco)’.
     There are no attestations for #nc.
     Other clusters that seem possible in native vocabulary are these:
         lg: je@lge@⇒ ‘dangling’.
     Other non-geminate CC clusters attested are found mostly in loanwords,
especially from Fulfulde. They include many combinations beginning with a
sonorant {y w r l}.
         yb: ha@ybE@ ‘watch over’.
         yk: ta@ykE@ ‘notice’.
         yl: le@yla$ ‘night of 27th of Ramadan’.
         yn: la@ynE@ ‘chant (invoking God)’.
         yr: bo@yri$ ‘porridge’.
         yt: se$yta^˘n ‘demon’.
         wd: ja@wdu$ ‘livestock’.
         wg: ti@wgu@ ‘be disoriented’.
         wl: da@wlE$ ‘renown’.
         wt: sa@wtE@ ‘be fed up’.
         wy: ç@wyi@ ‘(hen) brood’.
         w<y<: ja$w<y<i@ ‘branch out’.
         rb: da@rbo^y ‘sword’.
         rd: wi@rdu$ ‘saying one’s beads’.
         rg: dç$rgu@ ‘ransom’.
         rk: a$rkE@lE$ ‘armpit’.
         rm: ba@rma@ ‘pot’.
         rn: fa$rni^˘ ‘wheat-flour fritters’.
         rp: ma$rpa^˘ ‘rifle’.
         rs: mo@rsi@nE$ ‘large gunpowder horn’.
         rt: sa@rtu$ ‘deadline’.
         lb: a$lba@rka$ ‘thanks!’.




                                    17
          lc: a$lce^w ‘stirrup’.
          lj: a@lju@ma@˘rE$ ‘Friday’.
          lk: a$lka$mi@˘sa$ ‘Thursday’.


3.3.8.4    Medial triple CCC clusters

These are rare and occur only in Fulfulde loans. The attested clusters, illustrated
below, consist of a sonorant /y/ or /r/ plus a homorganic nasal-stop cluster.
         yNg: po@yNgo^l ‘illumination’.
         yNk: sç@Nç@yNkE$ ‘Songhay (people)’.
         rnd: bE@rndE$ ‘cattle disease’.
         rmb: ka$rmbu@ ‘horse’s muzzle’
     In poorly assimilated loanwords there are also a few cases like kç$mple^˘
‘(clothing) outfit’ (Fr complet).


3.3.8.5    Final CC clusters

None.


3.4     Vowels

3.4.1     Short and (oral) long vowels

The inventory of oral vowels is the same as for other Dogon languages.

(xx1)     short oral    long oral     nasal short   nasal long

              u         u˘            u<            u˘<
              o         o˘            —             —
              ç         ç˘            ç<            ç˘<
              a         a˘            a<            a˘<
              E         E˘            —             E˘<
              e         e˘            —             —
              i         i˘            —             i˘<




                                           18
3.4.2   Nasalized vowels

Phonemically nasalized vowels are fairly rare, though there are a fair number
with a-vowel. Examples below are sorted by vowel quality. Those with high
vowel seem to have an expressive or onomatopoeic character. I know of no
cases with /e/ or /o/ vocalism.
     ji^˘< ‘odor’, gi@˘< (or gi@y<)‘fart (noun)’, ci@˘<-ca$˘<-ci@˘< ‘creaking sound
(onomatopoeic)’, E$si@<⇒ ‘very much’ (intonational prolongation makes
identification of phonological length impossible), ji@˘<-ja$˘< ‘staggering or
stumbling along’ (expressive adverb), si^˘< ‘liquid animal fat (for sauce)’.
     su&˘< su@< ‘breathe’.
     kç@˘< ‘possession (of someone)’; jç^˘< jç@< ‘make a criticism’.
     cE^˘< ‘inheritance’.
     a< and a˘< : -ka&˘< ‘doers’ (agentive) as in si$rdi$-ka&˘< ‘magicians’; ga&˘<
‘putters’ (agentive) as in yu$˘ru$-ga&˘< ‘fortune-tellers who analyse fox tracks’,
pa@< ‘take (a step)’, a$ja&y< ja@< ‘sow (seeds) in a pit with manure’.


3.4.3   Initial vowels

Words may begin with any oral vowel quality. Examples are a@rwu@ ‘thunder
(verb)’, E@w<E$y ‘milk’, e@wye@ ‘sit’, o@su$ ‘road’, u$su@ ‘sun’, i$rE&y ‘ripe’, ç$ru@
‘fresh’. Long vowels are uncommon but attested: i@˘r<E@y ‘iron’


3.4.4   Stem-final vowels

A fairly large number of nouns end in a long vowel, often with a contour tone:
na$w<a^˘ ‘meat’, lE$mdE^˘ ‘tongue’


3.4.5   Vocalic harmony

The active vowel-harmonic sets in Dogon languages are {E ç} versus {e o},
whether analysed in terms of relative height or in terms of the feature [±ATR].
Typically vowels from the same set may co-occur, but mixing the two sets
(especially within an unsegmentable stem) is not allowed. High vowels {i u}
are extraharmonic and may combine with vowels of either set, while the
relationship of /a/ to the harmonic sets is variable. The languages differ as to
whether vowel harmony extends through to the end of words (i.e. from stem or
suffix, or vice-versa). In compounds, each stem may have its own harmonic




                                         19
character. Since nouns and adjectives have little suffixal morphology, the issues
generally apply only to verbal derivation and inflection.
    In Beni, uncompounded stems of all word-classes respect harmony at the
lexical level and do not mix the two active sets. To a large extent this is a trivial
consequence of the strong preference for repeating the same mid-height vowel
quality across a stem, as in jE@mbE@ ‘bag’, ce@˘le@ ‘do well’, sç@rç@ ‘sprinkle’, and
do$so@ ‘(rain) strike’. In other words, even combinations of /E/ with /ç/, or of /e/
with /o/, are uncommon. However, we do seem to have harmonic effects in the
nativization of loanwords such as pi@s to@le^˘ ‘pistol’ from French, and hç@˘lE@ ‘trust
(verb)’ from Fulfulde.


3.5     Segmental phonological rules

3.5.1     Trans-syllabic consonantal processes

3.5.1.1    Nasalization-Spreading

Nasalization (from a nasal or nasalized consonant) normally spreads from left to
right within a word, affecting the sonorants {r w y}, which become {r< w< y<}.
The spreading occurs over intervening vowels, but is blocked by an intervening
non-nasal consonant. Spreading is iterative within a word, so that e.g.
/n…r…w…/ becomes /n…r<…w<…/. I do not normally transcribe the
nasalization in word-final position in nouns and other non-verb words.
     In reversive verbs (§9.1), note pi@˘y<i@- ‘shut’, reversive pi@˘<-r<i@- ‘open’ (i.e.
‘un-shut’). A causative example is a@w<y<i@- ‘be swollen’, causative a@w<yi@-w<u@-
‘cause to swell’.
     An /m/ that reflects earlier *mb, perhaps still alternating dialectally with
mb, does not trigger Nasalization-Spreading (the original *b lives on as a
nasalization blocker. An example is ba@ma$ra$ ‘Bambara (people)’, where the /r/
is not nasalized.. There are also a few similar cases involving *Ng becoming or
alternating with /N/, like N$gu@-ru$ ∼ Nu@-ru$ ‘here’.


3.5.2     Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs

3.5.2.1    Suffixal Vowel-Spreading

Reversive suffix -rv@- occurs (disregarding nasalization of the rhotic to /r</) in
the forms -ri@- (interchangeable with -ru@-), -ro@-, and -re@-. The less common
surface forms -ro@- and -re@- continue the /o/ or /e/ vocalism of the input stem or
at least its final syllable (ku@mjo@-ro@- ‘uncrumple’, go$lo$-ro@- ‘uncover’,




                                           20
ne@Nge@-re@- ‘become uncaught’). The example pi@re@-ri@- ‘get unbogged’ shows
that -ri@- may occur even where the phonological conditions permitting -re@-
appear to be present. For the data, see §9.1.
     Causative -wu@- has invariant suffixal vocalism (§9.2). Minor Causative
suffixes are -rv@- and -lv@-, whose vocalism is consistent with that of Reversive
-rv@- (surface forms -ri@- and -re@- are attested), and -gi@- with high vowel. In
di$-re@- ‘bathe (someone)’ from intransitive di$ye@- ‘bathe’, and in si@-le@- ‘take
down’ from intransitive si@ge@- ‘go down’, the suffixal /e/ is carried over from the
intransitive stem-final vowel, even though its syllable is truncated in tthe
causative. Data in §9.2.
     Deadjectival inchoatives are tricky, since they do not necessarily involve
adding a suffix directly to the adjectival form. Focusing on the form of the
inchoative verb itself, we note that stem-wide vocalism limited to {o u} vowels
is associated with -lo@- ∼ -ro@-, i.e. with suffixal /o/ (du$gu@- ‘fat’, inchoative
du$gu$-lo@-; du$su@- ‘heavy’, inchoative du$su$-lo@-; ku@nju$m ‘coarse’, inchoative
ku@nju@-lo@-, o@ru$-m ‘smooth’, inchoative o@lo@-ro@-; nu&m ‘difficult’, inchoative
nu@m-do@-). There are some unusual cases where an /E/ or /a/ in the adjective is
associated with a shift to /e/ vocalism the suffix and in the stem itself in the
inchoative (E@ri$m ‘sweet’, inchoative e@le@-re@-; pi@lE@ ‘white’, inchoative pi@le@-re@-;
je@w<E$- ‘black’, inchoative je$m-de@-; pa@ru$m ‘sour’, inchoative pa@le@-re@-; ga@ru$-m
‘bitter’, inchoative ga$le$-re@-). We also get suffixal /e/ in si^m ‘pointed’,
inchoative si@m-de@-, i.e. in the one case where the adjective has only /i/
vowel(s). Other stems with an {E a}, and all stems with an /ç/ anywhere in the
stem, have /i/ in the suffix: gu$rç^- ‘long’, inchoative gu$lu$-ri@-; E$su@- ‘good’,
inchoative E@si@-li@-; a@su$m ‘half-sweet’, inchoative a@s i@-li@-, and a few others. See
§9.6 for more data.


3.5.2.2    Presuffixal V2-Raising

In verbal derivation, the final syllable of a CvCv- (or similar) input shifts to a
high vowel in some cases.
    In reversives, we get a shift from stem-final {E a} to a high vowel in several
cases (which also have /i/ as the suffixal vowel): pE@gE@- ‘nail (verb)’, reversive
pE@gi@-ri@- ‘remove (nail)’; pa@ga@- ‘tie’, reversive pa@gi@-ri@- ‘untie’, i$rE@- ‘forget’,
reversive i@li@-ri@- ‘remember; ta@ra@- ‘paste, affix’, reversive ta@li@-ri@- ‘unpaste,
remove (something affixed)’. I know of no reversives involving input stem-final
ç. When the input stem-final is {e o}, no shift occurs in this vowel before the
suffix: go$ro@- ‘cover’, reversive go$lo$-ro@- ‘uncover’; ne@Ngi@ye@- be caught in tree’,
reversive ne@Nge@-re@- ‘become uncaught’, pi@re@- ‘get bogged’, pi@re@-ri@- ‘get
unbogged’. For data see §9.1.




                                            21
     There is no shift in stem-final vowel quality before Causative -wu@- (§9.2).
With a different Causative suffix allomorph, we do get vowel raising in u$rç@- ‘go
up’, causative u$lu$-ru@- ‘take up’. Similarly, the two verbs with Causative -gi@-
(ka@wa@- ‘separate oneself’ and sa@ya@- ‘be dispersed’) delete the stem-final /a/,
presumably after first raising it to a high vowel: ka@w-gi@- ‘separate (X from Y)’,
sa@y-gi@- ‘disperse (others)’.
     Overall there is reasonable evidence for a process raising stem-final {E a ç}
in nonmonosyllabic stems to a high vowel (variably pronounced /i/ or /u/)
before a verbal derivational suffix other than Causative -wu@-.


3.5.3     Vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure

3.5.3.1    Vowel-Lengthening before verbal derivational suffix

Cv with short vowel is an acceptable shape for verb stems, e.g. tç@ ‘step on’.
Such short vowels are lengthened before derivational (but not inflectional)
suffixes: reversive derivative tç@˘-ri@- ‘remove foot from (something that one has
stepped on)’ but e.g. Perfective (inflectional) tç@-ti^˘- ‘stepped on’. Causative
examples include n)E@- ‘eat (meal)’, causative n)E@˘-w<u@- ‘feed, give food to’ and
nu@- ‘enter’, causative nu@˘-w<u@- ‘cause to enter’.
     Failure to lengthen was observed in irregular (frozen) causatives that
involve truncation of an intransitive Cv-yv- stem to Cv-, rather than an
underlying /Cv/ stem: di$-ye@- ‘bathe, take a bath’, causative di$-re@- ‘bathe
(someone)’; si@-ye@- ‘go down’, causative si@-le@- ‘take down’.


3.5.3.2    Final-Vowel Shortening (bisyllabic noun stems)

The noun ‘blacksmith’ is singular jE@mbE$-m, plural jE@mbE$˘ (note the long
vowel), and preadjectival jE$mbE$. If the final syllable of the plural were a
contour tone (rising or falling), we could explain its length by Contour-Tone
Mora-Addition (§3.xxx). However, this syllable has a simple low tone, and
occurs in a position where other nouns do not lengthen a final short vowel, e.g.
mu@˘ma$ ‘deaf-mutes’. Therefore I take jE@mbE$˘ with long vowel as lexically
basic. This requires recognition of a Final-Vowel Shortening rule to account for
jE@mbE$-m and jE$mbE$.
    I know of no other examples involving nonmonosyllabic stems of this type.
However, I also know of no precise counterexamples, i.e. another bisyllabic
stem with a shape like Cv(C)Cv$˘ with a (lexically) low-toned final long vowel.
    The noun a$rsE&˘ ‘(livestock) animal’ from original *(g)a$rsE$gE@, cf. e.g.
Jamsay and Nanga ga$s E$gE@ (ultimately from Arabic), preserves its long vowel in




                                          22
all contexts: singular a$rsE&˘-m, plural a$rsE&˘, preadjectival a$rsE$˘ (a$rsE$˘ E$su@-m ‘a
good animal’). This shows that there is no general rule shortening a final long
vowel in a bisyllabic stem.


3.5.3.3    Syncope and Apocope

A short high vowel {i u} can be deleted at the end of an unsuffixed stem
(nouns, verbs, etc.), or at the end of a stem before a consonant-initial suffix
(verbs). The deletion is generally optional. Syncope denotes deletion before a
suffix, while Apocope is the term for word-final deletion not specifically
involving a following word. For a discussion of weak metrical positions, those
that lend themselves to reduction or deletion of a vowel, see §3.xxx, above.
     When the stem in question ends in …yi or …wu, the deletion is very
common and the variant without the final high vowel is the most common form
heard. For example, verb dE$wu@ ‘cover (something)’ is normally heard as dE&w,
both in the bare form (used in chaining) dE&w and in suffixed forms like
Perfective-1b dE&w-ti^˘-∅. Pronunciations dE$wu@ and dE$wu@-ti^˘-∅ are possible in
careful speech. The bisyllabic character of such verbs is better brought out in
e.g. Imperative dE&wa$ (with a vowel mutation) and Imperfective (di$-)dE$wu@-m$
‘he/she covers’. Other verbs with similar patterns include a$wu@- ‘receive’, da$˘yi@-
‘encounter’, and wa$yi@- ‘hold’, which are heard as a&w-, da&˘y-, and wa&y- in the
relevant environments.
     Of the other sonorants, /r/ is frequently associated with Syncope and
Apocope in similar positions. Examples are n)a$ri@- ‘call’, ba$ri@- ‘help’, and la$ri@-
‘chase’, which are often heard as n)a&r-, ba&r-, and la&r-.
     Nouns like ya$ru@ ‘cloudy weather’ have both full and reduced (ya&r)
pronunciations occur, with the full pronunciation favored in isolation and the
reduced pronunciation common before a consonant-initial word, as in ya&r go@-
‘cloudy weather go out (= end)’.


3.5.4     Local consonant cluster and consonant sequence rules

3.5.4.1    Derhoticization (/r</ to n)

3.5.4.2    Rhotic Assimilation

There are no synchronically clear cases. For a list of stems with /ll/, which in
other northeastern Dogon languages sometimes arise from */rl/, see §3.3.8.2.




                                            23
3.5.4.3   /r...r/ > /l...r/

Reversive verbs (§9.1) add -rv@- suffix to the stem. When the stem is of the
shape Cvrv with medial /r/, the output in most cases is Cvlv-rv- rather than
#Cvrv-rv- (xx1.a), converging with the output from input stem Cvlv (xx1.b).
This suggests that a dissimilatory shift of /r...r/ to /l...r/ has taken place in the
reversives in (xx1.a). That this is not fully productive is suggested by one
exception in (xx1.c), which involves a somewhat less common reversive (less
likely to be lexicalized).

(xx1)     input          gloss                   reversive          gloss

    a.    go$ro@-        ‘cover (person)’        go$lo$-ro@-        ‘uncover (person)’
          ta@ra@-        ‘paste, affix’          ta@li@-ri@-        ‘unpaste, detach’
          i$rE@-         ‘forget’                i$li$-ri@-         ‘remember’

    b.    kç@li@-        ‘hook, hang up’         kç@li@-ri@-        ‘unhook, take down
                                                                    (sth hanging)’

    c.    pi@re@-        ‘get bogged’            pi@re@-ri@ (go@)   ‘get unbogged’

     The Causative suffix allomorph -rv@- is responsible for a similar, though
rather frozen and isolated, alternation in u$rç@- ‘go up’, causative u$lu$-ru@- ‘take
up’.
     Similar alternations take place in Inchoative derivatives of adjectives,
where we get e.g. E@ru$-m ‘sweet’, inchoative e@le@-re@- ‘become sweet’, and gu$rç^-
‘long’, inchoative gu$lu$-ri@- ‘become long’; for more examples see §9.6.
     These alternations are typical of suffixal derivation, but not of AN
inflection. In particular, Perfective Negative -ri@- does not induce the shift of an
/r/ in the stem to /l/. Thus tE$rE$-ri@- ‘did not chop’, gu$ro$-ri@- ‘did not steal’,
ba$Ngi$ri$-ri@- ‘did not hide’, etc.


3.5.4.4   {w w<} > / m/

When a stem with shape like Cvwv- or Cvw<v- undergoes Syncope or
Apocope of the final vowel, the now syllable-final semivowel is converted to
/m/ under limited conditions. This may occur in conjunction with a shift in a
following consonant from {r l} to /d/ as well.
     The adjective a^m ‘plump’ has an inchoative derivative (‘become ADJ’)
a@w<a@- ‘become plump’. Here the alternation of /w/ with /w</ is clearly
conditioned by syllabic position.




                                            24
     Many other inchoatives are formed using Inchoative derivational suffix -lv@-
or less often -rv@- (§9.6). In the case of ‘black’, we get adjective jE@w<E$- but
inchoative je$m-de@- ‘become black’ (the /md/ cluster is pronounced [mnd] in
careful style). Likewise, ka@wa$- ‘spacious, wide (space)’ has inchoative ka@m-di@-
‘become (more) spacious’.
     A minor Inchoative suffix allomorph is -yv@-. For ‘cold’, the adjective is
ta^m while the inchoative is ta@w<-y<i@- ‘become cold, cool off’.
     /w/ does not shift to /m/ in adjectives with a following nominal suffix (Sg,
Pl). Thus ç^w ‘hot, fast’, Sg ç^w-m, Pl ç^w-yE$. The shift does not occur before
Reversive derivational suffix -ri@- (§9.1), to judge by the one known example:
dE&w ‘cover (object)’, reversive dE&w-ri@- ‘uncover (object)’. It does not apply
before the minor Causative suffix -gv@- in ka@wa@- ‘separate oneself’, causative
ka@w-gi@- ‘separate (X from Y)’.


3.5.4.5    {r l} > /d/

Negative clitics beginning with /r/, and verbal derivational suffixes beginning
with /r/ and perhaps /l/ shift the liquid to /d/ after a nasal.
    The most common case is Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@-. It becomes in e.g.
i@≡m$≡da@ ‘it isn’t me’, where it followed ‘it is’ clitic ≡m$, see §11.2.1.4.


3.5.5     Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences

3.5.5.1    VV-Contraction

Contraction of two vowels to one vowel occurs in verbal morphology.
      In verbs, the Imperfective-1 suffix appears as ˘-ra$-, i.e. as lengthening of a
stem-final vowel followed by /rE$/. The suffix could be represented as /-vra$-/
with an underspecified initial vowel (“v”) that contracts with a preceding short
vowel to form a long vowel with the quality features of the first vowel.
      The Perfective-1b suffix likewise appears as ˘-rE$-, and could be represented
as /-vrE$-/.
      There are no opportunities for VV-Contraction to arise in nominal
inflectional morphology, where the few suffixes are consonant-initial.
      Hiatus between vowels occurs in the noun i@-E&w<r<E$ ‘tree sp.’ (Spondias),
which may be reduplicative. Clearer cases of reduplication occur in verbal
morphology. The usual reduplicative syllable is an initial Ci$-, but when the verb
stem is vowel-initial (as in e@w-ye@- ‘sit’) we get reduplicated forms like
i$-e@w-ye$-w ‘he/she is sitting’, again with hiatus between the /i/ and the first /e/.
A brief glottal stop may occur in all such hiatus cases.




                                         25
3.5.6     Local vowel-consonant interactions

3.5.6.1    Fluctuation between short high vowels {i u}

There is much fluctuation between the two short high vowels, especially in
noninitial syllables of verb stems. While the same verb can be heard in different
variants in the same positions, some of the fluctuation involves assimilation to
an adjoining consonant, especially semivowels /y/ versus /w/ but also {j c n)}
versus {m}, and/or to a non-low front versus back rounded vowel in an
adjoining syllable (which vowel may itself be unstable).
     My general sense is that short high vowels in noninitial syllables of verb
stems tend toward unrounded [i] when no rounded or labial. Thus yç$li$-ri@-
‘(meat) become tender’ seems more common than yç$lu$-ru@- in spite of the
initial-syllable /ç/, while the causative yç$lu$-ru$-wu@- favors rounded vowels
because of the /w/ of the Causative suffix.


3.5.6.2    Monophthongization (/iy/ to i˘, /uw/ to u˘)

Syllable-final (i.e. word-final or preconsonantal) /iy/ monophthongized
phonetically to [i˘], and /uw/ likewise monophthongizes to [u˘]. In general I
transcribe /iy/ and /uw/ since this brings out the morphological structure more
clearly.
     Examples are the Perfective-1b combinations 1Sg -ti@-y$ [ti@i$] and 2Sg -tu@-w$
[tu@u$], and a few similar cases in verbal inflectional morphology. This
transcriptional system permits an orthographic distinction in the Perfective-1b
between 1Sg -ti@-y$ and 3Sg -ti^˘-∅ (the latter is from /-ti^-∅/ with the /i^/
lengthened to permit articulation of the contour tone), although the two are
homophonous phonetically.
     Further examples occur in combining forms of nonmonosyllabic verb stems
ending in sequences like /…iyi/ and /…iwu/. When the final short vowel
syncopates or apocopates, we get syllable-final /iy/ and /uw/, which then
monophthongize. This happens with e.g. dç$gi$yi@- ‘look up at’, ba$Ngi$-yi@- ‘hide
(oneself)’, and gç$nju$wu@- ‘turn around (and go back)’, which appear in some
contexts as e.g. [dç$gi&˘].
     Inanimate suffix -w may be added to adjectives that end in /u/, as in
yç$ru@-w$ ‘tender (e.g. meat)’, which is heard as [jç$ru^˘].




                                        26
3.6     Cliticization

3.6.1     Phonology of ≡m$ ∼ ≡∅ ‘it is’

The phonology of this clitic is complex and heavily morphologized, and I cover
it in the section on this clitic (§11.xxx).


3.7     Tones

Tones at the level of syllables are H[igh], L[ow], R[ising] = <LH>, F[alling] =
<HL>, and bell-shaped <LHL>. There are no <HLH> syllables. Angled
brackets are used to express contour tones within a syllable. Stem- or word-
level patterns involving more than one syllable, including at least one contour
tone, are expressed as e.g. H<HL> (H followed by F).
     Contour tones must have at least two moras. In other words, light Cv
syllables must be simple H or L. Heavy Cv: or CvC and superheavy Cv:C
syllables may be H, L, R, F, or <LHL>. There is no increase in duration for
<LHL> as opposed to F or R syllables; the three tone segments are articulated
over a similar duration, with the initial L-tone segment generally brief. Thus jE&˘$
‘bring’ does not have noticeably greater duration than e.g. cE^˘ ‘scale’, and ga&w$
‘tall’ is pronounced with a short vowel.


3.7.1     Lexical tone patterns

3.7.1.1    At least one H-tone in each stem

Except due to grammatically conditioned tone overlays, each stem must have
at least one H-tone segment, i.e., at least one H, R, F, or <LHL> syllable. This
applies to noun, adjective, numeral, verb, and adverb stems; it does not
necessarily apply to functional elements (such as pronominal clitics and clause-
final subordinating morphemes).
     For the possibility that some nouns might have no lexical high tones, see
§3.7.1.6. Whether lexical or not, even these nouns must have at least one high
tone element as surface forms (where not tone-dropped by morphosyntactic
factors).




                                          27
3.7.1.2    Lexical tone patterns for verbs

In their (lexically basic) bare form, regular verbs end in a H-tone. Nearly all
monosyllabic stems are H (and short-voweled). However, /yE&/ ‘come’ is a
lexically R-toned verb as seen in suffixal forms, though it appears as yE@ in its
bare-stem form. By contrast, ‘bring’ is jE@˘ with H-tone and long vowel before
suffixes, but jE&˘$ with <LHL> tone in its bare-stem form. Bisyllabic stems may
be HH or LH. Longer stems, many of which are suffixal derivatives of the
bisyllabics, may be all-H or LL(L)H. In other words, there are two basic
patterns: all-H, and a rising type (rare with monosyllables) that has a single final
H mora preceded by one or more L moras.
    All regular verb stems end in a short vowel, except that R-toned
monosyllables require two moras and therefore have a long vowel.
    Examples of lexical verb stems of one syllable (disregarding reduplicative
Ci-) are in (xxx).

(xxx)     stem           gloss                   comment

    a. H tone
        go@              ‘go out’
        nu@              ‘enter’
        n)E@             ‘eat (meal)’

    b. R = <LH> tone (only examples)
        /yE&/          ‘come’                    yE@ in independent position
        /nu&/          ‘hear’

    c. <LHL> tone (only example)
        jE&˘$          ‘bring’                   (jE@˘ before suffixes)

    d. HH bisyllables
        ti@wE@           ‘die’
        pa@ƒa@           ‘tie’

    e. LH bisyllables
        ji$yE@           ‘kill’
        wa$ra@           ‘do farm work’

    f. all-H longer stems
         pE@gi@ri@       ‘unbutton’
         to@go@ro@       ‘chew’




                                        28
    g. rising-tone longer stems
         bi$li$re@       ‘roll oneself (on the ground)’
         da$Ngi$ri@      ‘break in half’


3.7.1.3    Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems

Nouns are subject to the general rule that there must be at least one H-tone
segment in the stem, but are otherwise rather unconstrained. Unlike verbs,
nouns may end in a L or H tone segment.
    Examples of lexical stems of one syllable (disregarding reduplicative Ci-)
are in (xx1). The animate Singular (Sg) suffix -m present in some examples
does not affect the tone.

(xx1)     stem           gloss

    a. H tone
        yi@-m            ‘child’
        na@              ‘time(s)’
        na@˘             ‘entire plant’
        sE@˘w            ‘well-being’

    b. R = <LH> tone
        ya&˘             ‘women’ (Sg. ya&-m)
        po&˘             ‘knife’
        nE&m             ‘salt’

    c. F = <HL> tone
        ku^˘             ‘head’
        ko^˘             ‘scab’
        yu^˘             ‘millet’
        da^m             ‘gunpowder’

    d. <LHL> tone (all known examples except Cv&-y$ verbal nouns)
        o&˘$            ‘guinea-fowls’
        ç&˘$                                    $
                        ‘chiefs, Hogons’ (Sg ç&˘-m)
        dç&˘$           ‘Dogon’
        mi&˘$           ‘cut (wound)’
        go&˘$           ‘fire’
        gç&˘$<          ‘pigeons’
        bE&y$<          ‘beard’
        ba&y$<          ‘tibia of bird’s leg’




                                          29
        ti$-ta&˘$        ‘hyenas’                        $
                                             (Sg ti$-ta&˘-m)
        ci$-cE&˘$        ‘beetle, bug’
        ki$-ka&˘$        ‘grasshopper’
        si$-si&˘$        ‘grub, worm’
        ji$-jE&˘$<       ‘flies’
        ti$-ta&y$        ‘dancing ground’
        gi@-ga&˘$<       ‘crows’
        gu@-gu&˘$        (pe$re$-gi$re$ gu@-gu&˘$ ‘vinaceous dove’)
        tu$-tu&˘$        ‘termites’
        sa$wa$-se&˘$     ‘tall grass p.’ (Andropogon)

     Some rather complex tonal patterns occur in noun stems of two or more
syllables. However, these stems may be compounds historically. Regardless of
their history, and regardless of whether the putative components have
independent senses, the stems in (xx2) are structured prosodically by native
speakers as compounds. Hyphenation is omitted in (xx2), except for one case
involving vowel hiatus, but the natural prosodic break is suggested by spaces in
the tone formulae. If divided in the manner suggested, the tone contours of the
components are unremarkable. Angled brackets <…> are used for contour tones
within a syllable.

(xx2)   stem             gloss

    H <LHL>
       kç@rpE&˘$         ‘tree sp.’ (Piliostigma)
       sa@go&˘$          ‘ostriches’
       ti@Ngo&˘$         ‘hornbills’

    H <LH>L
       i@-E&w<r<E$       ‘tree sp.’ (Spondias; hiatus after /i@/)

    HH <LHL>
      pE@tE@pE&˘$        ‘grasshopper sp.’ (Oedaleus)

    HHH <LHL>
      sE@NE@r<E@s E&˘$   ‘grasshopper sp.’ (Kraussella)

    HH L<HL>
      pe@le@gi$re^˘      ‘doves’

    H L<HL>
       -sa@ke$le^˘       ‘tiny scorpions’ (compound final)




                                         30
    LH <LHL>
       a$r<a@we&y$       ‘tree sp.’ (Crataeva)

    LH HH
       po$ru@yo@lo@      ‘weaver (bird)’

    <LH> LH
       ma&yki$r<E@       ‘tree sp.’ (Maerua)

    L<LHL>
       yi$tE&˘$          ‘children’ (Pl of yi@-m)
       ya$tE&˘$          ‘female (lizard)’ (cf. ya$- ‘woman’)

    LL <LHL>
       kç$tç$kç&˘$       ‘lice’

    L<LH> HH
       go$ro&mgo@mjo@ ‘millipedes’

    <LH> <LHL>
       ba&˘kç&˘$         ‘glossy starling sp.’

    L<LH> HL
       jo$lo&mjo@ru$     ‘herb sp.’ (Xysmalobium)
       pe$le&mpe@ru$     ‘tall herb sp.’ (Aeschynomene)

    L<LH> <LH>L
       tu$tu&˘bE&ndE$    ‘herb sp.’ (Cassia)
       kE$rE&Nke&˘su$    ‘shellfish’


3.7.1.4    Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals

Adjectives are generally mono- or bisyllabic. The tone patterns (allowing for
possible accidental gaps) appear to be the same as for nouns.

(xx1)     stem           gloss

    a. all-high tone contour
         ni@na@y         ‘respectable’
         pi#lE@          ‘white’




                                         31
    b. {LH} tone contour
        /la&/          ‘other’ (la&-w, la&-m, la&˘)
        ma&˘           ‘dry’
        gç$lu@         ‘crooked’
        ko$ro&y        ‘empty, bare’
        bo$lo$ro&y     ‘half-ripe’

    c. {HL} tone contour
        ç^w            ‘hot’
        ka@la$         ‘new’
        E@ru$-         ‘sweet’ (E@ru$-m, etc.)
        ta^m           ‘cold’

    d. {LHL} tone contour
        mE$njE^-       ‘thin’ (mE$njE^-w etc.)
        sç$su^-        ‘nearby’ (sç$su^-w, etc.)
        so&˘ro$        ‘young’

     The inventory of numerals is more limited. The attested tone patterns are
illustrated in (xxx). There is no clear indication that numerals differ from nouns,
and adjectives, in their tonal possibilities.

(xx2)   stem             gloss

    a. all-high
         pE@ru@          ‘ten’

    b. {LH}
        ta$˘nu@          ‘three’
        ni&˘y            ‘four’
        nu$mu&y          ‘five’
        te$˘si&m         ‘nine’

    c. {HL}
        su@y<ç$y         ‘seven’
        ga@˘ra$y         ‘eight’

    d. {LHL}, in part
        tu$w<ç^-         ‘one’ (tu$w<ç@\\tu$w<ç^-m\\tu$w<ç@-yE$, cf. tu$w<ç^˘ ‘same’)




                                         32
3.7.1.5    Tone-Component location for bitonal noun stems

The bitonal contours are {HL} and{LH}. Both are well-attested as tone
contours for nouns and other non-verb stems. In some {LH} cases, one could
argue that the final high tone is secondary.
    There is no suspense about tone-component location when the stem is
monosyllabic, or a bimoraic (i.e. CvCv) bisyllabic (xx1).

(xx1)          stem              gloss

          <LH>
             bi&˘<               ‘tree sp.’ (Sclerocarya)
             gu&y<               ‘sedge’
             jç&˘<               ‘hares’ (Sg jç&˘<-m)
             sE&˘                ‘mongooses’ (Sg sE&˘-m)

          <HL>
             su^˘                ‘francolin (bird)’ (Sg su^˘-m)
             a^˘<                ‘bee’ (Sg a^˘<-m)
             o^˘                 ‘mice’ (Sg o^-m)

          LH
               wa$r<u@           ‘tree sp.’ (Anogeiussus)
               du$ru@            ‘spear for fruits’
               si$sE@            ‘father’s sister’

          HL
               lo@s u$           ‘duiker (mammal)’
               wa@ra$            ‘daba (hoe)’

    In bisyllabics of the types Cv˘Cv and CvCCv, the tone break is at the
syllable boundary (xx2).

(xx2)          stem              gloss

          LH
               pe$˘lu@           ‘tree sp.’ (Detarium)
               ka$˘ru@           ‘crack’
               ka$˘sa@           ‘wool (fabric)’
               ja$mba@           ‘betrayal’
               jç$lgç@           ‘foot-chain’




                                         33
        HL
             ja@˘su$               ‘shiftlessness’
             to@˘ru$               ‘idol’
             da@wlE$               ‘recognized value’
             sa@lgu$               ‘ablutions’

    However, when the second syllable of a bisyllabic stem has two moras,
there is a lexical choice between locating the tone break at the syllable
boundary, or in the middle of the final syllable (xx3).

(xx3)        stem                  gloss

        LH with break at syllable boundary
           ga$˘nju@m             ‘grass sp.’ (Brachiaria)
           sa$˘yu@˘              ‘wild fonio grass’
           ç$r<ç@˘               ‘(the) bush, outback’
           du$mdç@˘              ‘end (finish)’

        L<LH> with break in middle of final syllable
           pE$re&y             ‘caïlcédrat tree’
           ja$mse&y            ‘grass sp.’
           ç$sç&y              ‘tree sp.’ (Grewia)
           gu$˘gu&˘            ‘shrub sp.’ (Calotropis)
           a$ki&˘              ‘edible winged termites’

        HL with break at syllable boundary
           nç@r<ç$y              ‘néré tree’
           sa@wre$y              ‘herb sp.’ (Ludwigia)
           da@Nge$y              ‘grass sp.’ (Dactyloctenium)
           wu@ro$˘               ‘shrub sp.’ (Salvadora)

        H<HL> with break in middle of final syllable
          da@rbo^y            ‘single-edged sword’
          ka@˘fa^y            ‘sword’
          po@yNgo^l           ‘illumination (on horizon)’

     In bitonal trisyllabic stems that are not treated prosodically as composite, if
the final syllable has only one mora, the tone break is always at the final
syllable boundary (xx4). Some quadrisyllabic LLLH cases are also included in
(xx4), but they are most likely structured prosocially as LL-LH compounds.

(xx4)        stem                  gloss




                                           34
        LLH with final monomoraic syllabie
           ç$sç$rç@           ‘baobab tree’
           ke$rke$le@         ‘tree sp.’ (Dalbergia)
           ga$Nga$ra@         ‘herb sp.’ (Cassia)
           bi$ya$˘gu@         ‘guava’

        LLLH with final monomoraic syllabie
           do$Ngo$mdo$˘ru@    ‘burry herb sp.’ (Pupalia)
           ka$ma$kç$rç@       ‘vine sp.’ (Leptadenia)
           a$sa$pE$ru@        ‘herb sp.’ (Cassia)

        HHL
          ko@Ngo@lu$             ‘doum palm’
          ti@ta@wru$             ‘tree sp.’ (Boscia)
          sa@te@lle$             ‘tree sp.’ (Bauhinea)
          na@˘fi@gu$             ‘trouble-maker’

    However, there are a minority of trisyllabic {LH} noun stems that shift
tones after the first syllable (xx5). I suspect that most of these examples are
etymologically composite (L-HH with low-toned initial). a$nsa@˘ra@ is borrowed
and was probably contracted from *a$ni$sa@˘ra@ as in some other local languages.

(xx5)       stem                 gloss

        LHH
          cE$mku@su@             ‘tall herb sp.’ (Sesbania)
          sa$sç@Ngç@m            ‘grass sp.’ (Aristida)
          su$pu@rgu@             ‘nightjars’
          ta$wE@rE@              ‘ducks’
          a$nsa@˘ra@             ‘white people’

     As with bisyllabics, if the final syllable is bimoraic, there may be (in
theory) a lexical choice in trisyllabic nouns between breaking tones at the final
syllable boundary, or in the middle of the final syllable, though good examples
(not composite prosodically) are difficult to find. In most cases the break is in
the middle of the final syllable (xx6).

(xx6)       stem                 gloss

        LL<LH> or LLL<LH> with tone break in middle of final syllable
           ba$˘r<a$mba&m   ‘tall grass sp.’ (Panicum)




                                         35
             pu$tu$mpu&˘          ‘herb sp.’ (Commelina)
             E$sE$gE$rE&y         ‘lemon grass sp.’

          HH<HL> with tone break in middle of final syllable
            ba@la@Nga^l         ‘donkey-cart poles’

          HHL with tone break at final syllable boundary
            na@Na@na$˘             ‘all’


3.7.1.6    Tone-Component location for tritonal noun stems

Leaving compounds aside, {LHL} is moderately common as a tone contour for
nouns and other non-verb stems. There are also a few cases of {HLH}.
     Bisyllabic {LHL} may be realized as L<LH> (xx1.a) or <LH>L (xx1.b-c).
The difference between L<LH> and <LH>L usually correlates with syllabic
structure. If the final syllable ends in a long vowel, we get L<LH> (xx1.a); if
the final syllable is monomoraic, we get <LH>H (xx1.b). Judging from (xx1.c),
a final sonorant (or at least a final semivowel) is disregarded.

(xx1)        stem                 gloss

          a. L<HL>, ends in long vowel
              o$mdo^˘             ‘tamarind’
              ku$ro^˘             ‘wild grape’ (Lannea)
              mç$˘r<ç^˘           ‘wild date’ (Balanites)
              ji$mbe^˘            ‘shrub sp.’ (Feretia)
              E$njE^˘             ‘chickens’ (Sg E$njE^-m)
              ce$Ngu^˘            ‘agama lizards’ (Sg ce$Ngu^-m)

          b. <LH>L, ends in short vowel
              ke&rsu$              ‘grass sp.’ (Cynodon)
              yu&˘ru$              ‘sand foxes’

          c. <LH>L, ends in CvC syllable
              kE&˘lE$y           ‘tree sp.’ (Cola)

    However, there is something circular about the correlation of tone contour
with final vowel length. This is because a word-final short-voweled /Cv^/ can be
easily lengthened to Cv^˘ by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (§3.xxx). One could
therefore posit underlying /o$mdo^/ etc. for (xx1.a), with the same syllabic and




                                          36
moraic structure as e.g. ke&rsu$ in (xx1.b). The animate nouns ‘chickens’ and
‘agama lizards’ in (xx1.a) have singulars with suffix -m after a short vowel.
      I can cite one example of <LH><HL>, namely ya&mbo^m ‘tree sp.’
(Gyrocarpus), but this is most likely treated as a compound by native speakers
(its tone contour is correct for possessive-type compounds).
      Examples of the {LHL} contour with noun stems of three or four syllables
are in (xx2). If the final syllable is short, we get LHL (xx2.a). If the final
syllable has a long vowel, we get LL<HL>. The sparse data on noun with a final
short vowel plus semivowel are too sparse to allow generalizations (xx2.c-d).

(xx2)      stem                 gloss

        a. LHL or LLHL, ends in short vowel
            ma$Ngo@ro$         ‘mango’
            se$ku@ru$          ‘bush sp.’ (Hibiscus)
            ga$˘ni@˘kç$        ‘tree sp.’ (Celtis)
            la$s a@˘su$        ‘rifle’
            sa$r<a$ku@yç$      ‘squirrels’
            ta$ba$tE@ru$       ‘colubrid snake sp.’
            wo$go$to@ro$       ‘donkey cart’

        b. LL<HL> or LLL<HL>, ends in long vowel
            mu$mu$r<u^˘     ‘scorpions’
            E$du$nu^˘       ‘owls’
            a$sa$gu$sç^˘    ‘tree sp.’ (Combretum)

        c. LHL, ends in short vowel plus semivowel
            ka$na@r<a$y          ‘watermelon’

        d. LLL<HL>, ends in short vowel plus semivowel
            ç$˘r<ç$ka$ma^y<    ‘tree sp.’ (Crataeva)

     So much for {LHL} contours. The other tritonal pattern, {HLH}, is much
less common. The examples known to me are in (xx3).

(xx3)      stem                 gloss

        H<LH>
           ba@˘r<a&m            ‘acacia tree sp.’
           bi$s e&m             ‘acacia tree sp.’

        HH<LH>




                                        37
               po@ru@yo&m               ‘bush sp.’ (Pergularia)

     We can summarize the analysis of tone-element positioning in nouns as
follows: the tone breaks are located as far to the right as possible, but there is
some variation as to whether break points occur at syllable or mora boundaries
in cases where the two can be distinguished.


3.7.1.7     Possibility of lexically all-low-toned nouns

Most {LH} toned animate nonmonosyllabic noun stems that end in a short
vowel are arguably lexically low-toned with a final high tone added by
phonological rule (to satisfy an output constraint against all-low stems). The
examples in (xx3.a) simply add Singular -m to the final-high-toned stem. By
contrast, those in (xx3.b), which constitute a majority, have singulars with final
rising tone (with the high tone on the suffixal -m). One could argue that the
stems in (xx3.b) lack a lexical tone.

(xx3)          plural            singular              gloss

          a. wa$ru@              wa$ru@-m              ‘antelope sp.’
             mu$nju@             mu$nju@-m             ‘Mossi’ (ethnicity)
             te$Nu@              te$Nu@-m              ‘Tengou’ (ethnicity)
             bi$r<i$-pi$gi$ri@   bi$r<i$-pi$gi$ri@-m   ‘spotted skink sp.’
             gu$lç@              gu$lç@-m              ‘slave’

          b. a$w<a@              a$w<a&-m              ‘aardvark’
             a$wa@               a$wa&-m               ‘snake’
             u$lu@               u$lu&-m               ‘whiptail lizard’
             a$nja@              a$nja&-m              ‘tree snake sp.’
             a$r<a$-mç$rç@       a$r<a$-mç$rç&-m       ‘grey heron’
             se$ru$-ku$w<a@      se$ru$-ku$w<a&-m      ‘crowned crane’
             i$nje@              i$nje&-m              ‘dog’
             ni$-ni$w<E@         ni$-ni$w<E&-m         ‘cat’
             pE$rE@              pE$rE&-m              ‘sheep’
             ko$lo$ro@           ko$lo$ro&-m           ‘genet (mammal)’
             a$sE$mbE@           a$sE$mbE&-m           ‘striped skink’
             sa$r<a$-ga$la$ra@   sa$r<a$-ga$la$ra&-m   ‘mongoose sp.’
             a$bu$˘lo@           a$bu$˘lo&-m           ‘spotted skink sp.’
             a@-ku$Ngu$rç@       a@-ku$Ngu$rç&-m       ‘giant tortoise’




                                               38
     If we were to decide to represent these stems as all-low-toned lexically,
there would be no reason not to do the same for inanimate nouns and kin terms
that have a {LH} contour with the high tone on the final mora.


3.7.2     Grammatical tone patterns

3.7.2.1    Grammatical tones for verb stems

Verb stems have a combining form that is used in bare form in verb chains, and
is also used before several (positive) inflectional suffixes. Verbs are lexically
either all-high toned {H}, or have a rising tone pattern {LH} with the rise on the
final syllable.
     In the Perfective Negative (suffix -ri@-), and in the unsuffixed Perfective,
regular verbs undergo tone-dropping to all-low tones. The exception is the
irregular verb jE&˘$- ‘bring’, which preserves its unique <LHL> contour in both of
these morphological contexts.
     Modifications of the tone contour of the combining form also occur in
several other inflections. In the unsuffixed Imperfective, monosyllable and
bimoraic bisyllabic shift to all-high stem tones if not already lexically all-high.
Within the perfective system, the reduplicated Perfective and the reduplicated
Stative have a {HL} tone contour overlaid on the stem (following the
reduplicative segment).
     Significant tonal changes also occur in the imperative and hortative forms.


3.7.2.2    Grammatical tones for noun stems

When they are present, tone contours overlaid on noun stems completely erase
lexical tones.
     Nouns undergo tone-dropping to all-low tone contour when followed by a
modifying adjective or by a demonstrative pronoun; see §xxx. Thus i$se^˘
‘village’, i$se$˘ E$su@ ‘a good village’, i$se$˘ N$ga@ ‘that-Distant village’. There is no
tone-dropping before Definite ku$.
     If a noun has escaped tone-dropping from such NP-internal factors, if the
NP functions as head NP of a relative clause, the noun drops its tones.
Therefore in a relative like ‘a village that I know’ or ‘the village that is on top of
the hill’, i$se^˘ ‘village’ will appear as i$se$˘ even without a following adjective or
demonstrative; see §14.xxx.
     In some kinds of compounds, a nominal compound initial drops its tones;
see Chapter 5 passim.




                                           39
     Nouns, or rather core NPs (also including, for example, an adjective) have a
basic {HL} tone contour when preceded by a possessor. Here the high tone
element is confined to the first syllable of a bisyllabic or longer noun, or to the
first mora of a monosyllabic noun (Cv˘ or CvC). This {HL} contour is clearly
heard when the possessor ends in a high tone, as in u@ i@se$˘ ‘your-Sg village’.
When the possessor ends in a low tone, or in dying-quail intonation (plural
pronominals), the high-tone element of the {HL} contour is suppressed and we
get an all-low tone contour, as in u@∴ i$se$˘ ‘your-Pl village’. I prefer not to
describe this as (stem-wide) tone-dropping, since I see the resulting all-low
contour as the accidental by-product of combining {HL} possessed-noun
contour with an idiosyncratic tone-assimilation process applying (locally) to the
first syllable of the possessed noun.


3.7.2.3   Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals

An adjective not followed by another adjective or by a demonstrative has its
regular tones in most syntactic enviroments, as do all cardinal numerals.
      An adjective that is followed by another modifying adjective in the same
NP drops its tones, as a noun would in the same position. Therefore only the
final word in a core NP (noun plus adjectives) escapes tone-dropping.
      If a demonstrative pronoun follows a core NP, the final word in the core NP
is tone-dropped.
      Numerals do not interact tonally with a preceding core NP. However, a
demonstrative pronoun following the numeral forces simultaneous tone-
dropping on both the numeral and on (the last word of) the core NP. Therefore
in e.g. [[house.L big] [two] ‘two big houses’, there is no tonal interaction
between the numeral and the core NP, and both have the same tones they would
have elsewhere. However, in e.g. [[[house.L big.L] [two.L]] that] ‘those two big
houses’, the demonstrative forces tone-dropping on both ‘big’ and ‘two’.
      Any modifying adjectives and/or numerals in a NP are bundled together
with the noun in constituting the scope of the possessed-noun tone contour
required by a preceding possessor. Since the possessed-noun tone contour is
{HL}, which in some contexts ends up as all-low, and since the initial high-tone
element in {HL} never extends beyond the first syllable of the noun, the effect
is that a modifying adjective or a numeral in the tonal scope of a possessor
always appears in all-low toned form.
      A modifying adjective or a numeral that has dodged all of these bullets is
still subject to stem-wide tone-dropping when the NP in question is the head of
a relative clause.




                                        40
3.7.3     Tonal morphophonology

3.7.3.1    Autosegmental tone association (verbs)

Verbs, whether underived or suffixally derived (e.g. causative, reversive), may
have a lexical all-high {H} or rising {LH} tone contour. In the {LH} case, the
break between the low-toned portion and the high-toned portion is at the onset
of the stem-final syllable. In cases like wa$s a@- ‘remain’ and its causative
wa$s a$-wu@- (the latter often subsequently apocopated to wa$s a$-w@), we see that
the {LH} contour is (re-)applied to the derived trisyllabic stem, there being no
tonal trace of an earlier cycle with a high tone on the /sa/ syllable.
    As in e.g. Jamsay, this suggests an autosegmental analysis with {LH} on a
tonal tier separate from the segmental tier.


3.7.3.2    Phonology of {HL} tone overlays

The {HL} tone overlay of possessed nouns is phonologically rather simple. If
the possessed noun in question has more than one syllable, the high tone is
located on the initial syllable and the low tone is spread out over the remaining
syllables. Thus in u@ tu@Ngu$ru$m ‘your-Sg stool’, the initial high tone is
coterminous with the syllable [tuN].
     If the possessed noun is monosyllabic, the {HL} contour is, as we would
expect, realized as a falling tone: u@ bE^y< ‘your-Sg beard’, phonetically [u@bE@j$<]
with the low tone on the final semivowel. It helps that all monosyllabic nouns
that can be possessed have at least two moras (na@ ‘time(s)’ is short-voweled but
is always followed by a quantifier and is not normally possessed).
     Although a modifying adjective following the noun is included in the scope
of the possessed-noun tone contour required by the possessor, the boundary
between the noun and the adjective is still recognized. Therefore a monosyllabic
noun like n)E&y ‘meal’ has falling tone in (xx1.c), even though an adjective
follows. If the boundary between the noun and the adjective were not
recognized, so that the segmental string /n)Eydumdç˘/ was treated as a unit, we
would have expected that the tone break between the high and the low of the
{HL} contour would have occurred at the syllable boundary (#u@ n)E@y du$mdç$˘),
as in e.g. u@ a@rsE$˘ ‘your animal’.

(xx1)     a. n)E&y
             meal

          b. u@        n)E^y
             2SgP      meal.HL




                                         41
              ‘your-Sg meal’

          c. u@       n)E^y          du$mdç$˘
             2SgP     meal.HL        last.L
             ‘your-Sg last meal’


3.7.3.3    Tone-Grafting (1Sg possessor)

The only clear case of a floating tone that must be grafted (or dock) onto an
adjacent morpheme is the 1Sg possessor morpheme. Possessors precede
possessed nouns, and the latter have an overlaid possessed-noun {HL} contour
with the high tone on the first syllable (or the first mora of a monosyllabic
stem).
    The 1Sg possessor morpheme is a floating low tone, so when it is grafted
onto the left edge of the possessed noun, the posssessed noun ends up with
{LHL}. If the noun is monosyllabic, this produces a <LHL> syllable. If the
noun has more than one syllable, we get rising tone on the first syllable, then
low tones starting with the stecond syllable.

(xx1)         noun         gloss       possessed {HL} ‘my …’

          a. na&˘          ‘hand’      na^˘             na&˘$

          b. tu@Ngu@ru@m   ‘stool’     tu@Ngu$ru$m      tu&Ngu$ru$m

          c. ba$na$ku^˘    ‘cassava’ ba@na$ku$˘         ba&na$ku$˘

     The articulatorily and perceptually difficult case is (xx1.c), because the 1Sg
possessor form has a rising tone on a nonfinal monomoraic syllable. On
occasion the high-tone element spills slightly into the onset of the second
syllable, which makes it easier for an addressee to catch the {LHL} contour. I
have also noticed pronunciations, especially in elicitation, where an initial
voiced consonant, especially {b m}, is slightly prolonged, again making it
easier to hear the tone contour.


3.7.3.4    Initial-High-Tone Suppression (possessed nouns)

A possessed noun, with or without a following adjective and/or numeral, is
subject to the overlaid {HL} tone contour required by a preceding possessor




                                         42
(noun or pronoun). The high tone element is confined to the first syllable (or to
the first mora of a monosyllabic noun).
       When the possessor NP is a pronoun or a noun or core NP (not ending in a
numeral, Plural be$, or Definite ku$), and ends in a low tone or (for plural
pronouns) in dying-quail intonation (fsymbol ∴), the initial high-tone element
on the possessed noun is suppressed. Therefore instead of […L][HL(L…)],
we get […L][L(L…)], the possessed noun ending up entirely low-toned. Thus
i$se^˘ ‘village’, u@ i@s e$˘ ‘your-Sg village’ showing the {HL} overlay, but u@∴ i$s e$˘
‘your-Pl village’ with dying-quail intonation, and a@r<a$-m i$s e$˘ ‘[a man]’s
village’ with final low tone on the possessor.
       The possessor may be a core NP including an adjective, as long as there is
no following Definite morpheme or quantifier. Therefore ‘village’ does have its
initial high-tone suppressed, and therefore ends up as all-low, in (xx1).

(xx1)   [a$r<a$      di@y<a$]      i$se$˘
        [man.Pl.L big.Pl]          village.L
        ‘a great men’s village’ (a village of great men)

     This suppression does not occur when the possessor NP ends in a numeral,
in Plural be$, or in Definite ku$, in spite of the low tones of these particles, so we
get audible {HL} on i@s e$˘ in (xx2.a-c).

(xx2)   a. [a@r<a$     ta$˘nu@] i@se$˘
           [man.Pl three] village.HL
           ‘a village of three men’

        b. [[a@r<a$-m ku$]     i@se$˘]
           [[man-Sg Def] village.HL
           ‘the man’s village’

        c. [u@      le@su$      be$]       i@se$˘
           [2SgP uncle.HL Pl]              village.HL
           ‘your-Sg uncles’ village’

    Presumably the suppresion would also not occur after a demonstrative
pronoun ending in a low tone. However, all demonstrative pronouns end in a
high tone, so the issue is moot.
    See §6.2.1 for more detail.




                                          43
3.7.3.5    Atonal-Syllabic-Suffix Tone-Spreading

The 3Pl pronominal-subject suffix has a wide range of allomorphs depending on
the AN category (-bç@, -yE$, etc.). Of interest here is the 3Pl Perfective-1b form
-ti@-ya$. The Perfective-1b suffix is /-ti^-/ (3Sg -ti^˘-∅ with an extra mora added,
1Sg -ti@-y$, 2Sg -tu@-w$, etc.). The general tonal structure of verbal inflectional
suffixes suggests that 3Pl -ya (like most other pronominal-subject suffixes) is
atonal, acquiring its tone from the preceding morpheme. To get from /-ti^-ya/ to
-ti@-ya$, the low-tone element of the falling tone in /-ti^-/ must be delinked from
the Perfective-1b suffix and must be transferred to the 3Pl ending -ya.
      Arguably, the same thing is going on in the Recent Perfect, with suffix
/-jE^-/. The 3Pl form appears as -j-a^˘, which could be derived from /-jE^-a/ via
/-jE@-a$/.
      A similar process may be at work in a suffix -ma, which occurs both as yet
another 3Pl subject allomorph, in Experiential Perfect -ta@-ma$ (§10.xxx), and as
a Participial suffix for (animate) Plural head NP in perfective relative clauses
(§14.xxx). The Experiential Perfect suffix is /-ta^-/. The other suffixes that occur
in the Experiential Perfect and in this type of relative clause have forms like -m$
and -w$, and these suffixes all appear to be atonal (acquiring tone from the
preceding morpheme). This suggests that 3Pl Experiential Perfect -ta@-ma$ is
derivable from /-ta^-ma/, parallel to the examples given earlier in this section.


3.7.4     Low-level tone rules

3.7.4.1    Contour-Tone Mora-Addition

At the end of a word, a mora is added to a final short-voweled Cv syllable to
allow a contour tone to be articulated.
    This happens in verbal morphology, when an aspect-negation (AN) suffix
of the shape /-Cv^-/ is followed by 3Sg (zero) pronominal-subject ending. The
relevant suffixes are Perfective-1b /-ti^-/ (§10.xxx) and Recent Perfect /-jE^-/
(§10.xxx). The 3Sg forms are heard as -ti^˘-∅ and -jE^˘-∅, respectively, which
show the extra mora in the form of vowel length. For the underlying short
vowel of the AN suffixes, cf. e.g. 3Pl Perfective-1b -ti@-ya$ and 2Sg Recent
Perfect -jE@-w$.
    All similar cases in verbal morphology involving falling tone. In nouns and
adjectives, examples with rising as well as falling tone can be adduced.
‘Woman’ has singular ya&-m, whose suffixal sonorant is sufficient to carry to
final high-tone element, but in the unsuffixed plural /ya&/ there is no such
cushion, so the vowel is lengthened and we get ya&˘ ‘women’. Adjective /sa$la^/




                                        44
‘small, little’ has (animate) Singular sa$la^-m (equivalent to sa$la@-m$), but
unsuffixed (animate) Plural sa$la^˘.
     There is no lengthening of vowels in non-final syllables. Contour tones are
rare in monomoraic nonfinal syllables, but they can be created secondarily by
adding the 1Sg possessor morpheme (floating low tone) to a noun. The result is
a noun whose first sylalble begins with LH tones, as in u&ro$ ‘my house’ (u@ro$
‘house’). Speakers have difficult articulating the contour tone on the first
syllable (the high-tone element may spill into the onset of the second syllable),
but I have never observed lengthening of the first-syllable vowel to accomodate
the contour tone.


3.7.4.2   Contour-Tone Stretching

In cases where a vowel-final stem is followed by an atonal suffix consisting of a
(sonorant) consonant, such as 1Sg -y, 1Pl -y∴, 2Sg -w, or 2Pl -w∴ in inflected
verbs, or (animate) Singular -m for nouns and adjectives, the tone of the stem-
final vowel spreads to the end of the syllable. This is phonetically trivial when
the tone in question is a simple high or a simple low. When it is a contour tone
(falling, rising, or <LHL>), the final tone element gravitates toward the
suffixal sonorant. For example, Recent Perfect -jE^- combines with (atonal) 2Sg
-w as -jE@-w$, where the pitch drop is roughly coterminous with the final
semivowel. Likewise, in ya&-m ‘woman’ from noun stem /ya&/ plus (atonal)
animate Singular /-m/, the high tone peaks on the suffixal nasal.


3.7.4.3   Final-Cv R-to-H Reduction

A few nouns have a final rising tone in the Singular with -m, but a final high
tone in the unsuffixed plural. Example: i$nje&-m ‘dog’, plural i$nje@. See (xx3) in
§4.1.1, below.
      It seems reasonable to posit lexical representations of the form /i$nje&/ with a
rising-toned short final vowel. When a suffix consisting of a sonorant consonant
is added, the rising tone is articulated over the now bimoraic final syllable, as in
i$nje&-m, see Contour-Tone Stretching (§3.7.4.xxx), above. When there is no
suffixal consonant, the rising tone cannot be articulated since the final syllable
is monomoraic. If it were a falling tone, the vowel would simply be lengthened
by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition, and this option would theoretically be
possible for a rising tone as well. Instead, the vowel remains short and the tone
is simplified from <LH> to just H.




                                         45
3.7.4.4    <LHL> to <LH> before low tone

Consider the suffixal paradigm of the adjective ‘short’ (xx1).

(xx1)         form        pronunciation        category

          a. gç&˘$-w      [gç$ç@w$]            Inanimate
          b. gç&˘$-m      [gç$ç@m$]            (animate) Singular
          c. gç&˘-yE$     [gç$ç@jE$]           (animate) Plural

      Since Inanimate -w and Singular -m are atonal, the adjective stem proper
must be analysed as /gç&˘$/ (i.e. /gç$ç@ç$/ compressed into two moras). The forms
                   $
gç&˘$-w and gç&˘-m simply spread the <LHL> tone over the three moras including
the suffixal sonorant; see Contour-Tone Stretching (§3.xxx). However, a minor
tone rule is needed to account for gç&˘-yE$. The suffix -yE$ is always low-toned
and therefore must have an intrinsic low tone. In gç&˘-yE$, therefore, underlying
<LHL>L is realized as <LH>L, as the final low tone element of the <LHL>
syllable merges with the low tone of the suffixal syllable.
                                                     $
      Another example of this is jE&˘$- (i.e. /jE$E@E/) ‘bring’ in 3Sg Hortative jE&˘-y$
(i.e. /jE$E@-y$/) and the homophonous 1Sg unsuffixed Perfective jE&˘-y$.


3.8     Intonation contours

3.8.1     Phrase and clause--final nonterminal contours (⇑, ⇒, ⇒, ⇓, ⇒↓)

Especially in texts transcribed from recorded dialogues, I use arrows to suggest
the terminal intonation of a clause.
     In many cases, intonation functions in Beni as in English to characterize the
pragmatic relationship between a phrase or clause and others that it adjoins.
Dogon discourse is rich in parallelistic phrasing. A final pitch rise (⇑) and/or
prolongation (⇒) is typical of nonfinal phrases in such parallel constructions; I
use ⇒ to indicate that both prolongation and at least somewhat higher than
usual pitch are present. The final phrase in the parallelistic progression typically
has neutral or unusually low final pitch; the latter is indicated by ⇓. Where the
final phrase ends with intonational prolongation in addition to a low pitch, I use
⇒↓.




                                          46
3.8.2   Lexically built-in intonational prolongation (⇒)

Many expressive adverbials have a lexically built-in intonational prolongation,
symbol ⇒. This is distinct from vowel length, as seen especially in cases like
de@m⇒, where the prolonged segment is the final nasal, not the vowel. For
examples of expressive adverbials, see §xxx.


3.8.3   Dying-quail word-final intonation (∴)

This final intonation involves exaggerated prolongation, and (especially when
the final syllable begins with a phonological high tone) a slow decline in pitch.
     In Beni, this intonation is associated with plural pronouns. It applies to
three of the four plural independent pronouns: 1Pl i@∴, 2Pl u@∴, and
Logophoric Plural a@∴. All three of these person categories distinguish the
plural from the corresponding singular pronoun only by this intonational effect
(1Sg i@, 2Sg u@, Logophoric Singular a@). The dying-quail intonation is clearly
audible since the pronouns have high tone phonologically. For example, u@∴
could be written phonetically as something like [u@u#u$], where [u#] has a mid
pitch. The 3Pl pronoun bu^˘ does not have the same exaggerated dying-quail
intonation, though it has a long vowel with falling tone. The form bu^˘ is also the
Definite Plural morpheme at the end of animate plural NPs. The 3Sg E@r<E@ is
unrelated.
     The dying-quail intonation extends into verbal suffixal inflection, but only
for the 1Pl and 2Pl categories. Here, again, 1Pl and 2Pl are distinguished from
their singular counterparts only by this intonation effect. The slow pitch decline
is heard most clearly when the final syllable begins with a high tone, as in 1Pl
Perfective-1b -ti@-y$∴, cf. 1Sg -ti@-y$.
     The dying-quail intonation is not used in NP conjunctions in Beni as it is in
Jamsay.




                                        47
4 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology




4.1        Nouns

4.1.1       Simple noun stems

Inanimate nouns (including flora terms) have no regular singular/plural
distinction. Thus ti$w<E&y< ‘tree’ may denote a single tree or a number of trees.
These nouns appear as simple stems with zero suffix.
     Most animate (including human) nouns take Singular -m suffix and zero
Plural suffix. For exceptional animate nouns that do not allow Singular -m,
including several kin terms, see §4.xxx.

(xx1)       Nominal Suffixes

            -m (animate) Singular
            -∅ (animate) Plural, Inanimate

    The Sg -m suffix may follow a vowel or a semivowel. It is omitted when
the noun is followed by an adjective or demonstrative pronoun (in this case, the
noun is also tone-dropped).

(xx2)        gloss           Singular            Plural              before adj

      a.     ‘European’      a$nsa@˘ra@-m        a$nsa@˘ra@          a$nsa$˘ra$
             ‘man’           a@r<a$-m            a@r<a$              a$r<a$
             ‘left-hander’   ba$ri@ya$-m         ba$ri@ya$           ba$ri$ya$
             ‘mountaineer’   tç@rç$-m            tç@rç$              tç$rç$
             ‘farmer’        wo$Ngu$ro$-wa$ru@-m wo$Ngu$ro$-wa$ru@   wo$Ngu$ro$-wa$ru$
             ‘deaf-mute’     mu@˘ma$-m           mu@˘ma$             mu$˘ma$

      b.     ‘blacksmith’    jE@mbE$-m           jE@mbE$˘            jE$mbE$
             ‘Fulbe’         pu@lç$-m            pu@lç$˘             pu$lç$

      c.     ‘animal’        a$rsE&˘-m           a$rsE&˘             a$rsE$

      d.     ‘woman’         ya&-m               ya&˘                ya$
             ‘person’        nu&-m               nu&˘                nu$
          ‘hawk’           ti$-te^-m            ti$-te^˘          ti$-te$

    e.    ‘Messor ant’ ci$-cE$r<u^-m            ci$-cE$r<u^˘      ci$-cE$r<u$
          ‘agama lizard’ ce$Ngu^-m              ce$Ngu^˘          ce$Ngu$

    f.    ‘(a) Dogon’      dç&˘$-m              dç&˘$             dç$˘
          ‘chief’          ç&˘$-m               ç&˘$              ç$˘
          ‘hyena’          ti$-ta&˘$-m          ti$-ta&˘$         ti$-ta$˘

    g.    ‘Jamsay’         ja$msa&y-m           ja$msa&y          ja$msa$y

     In (xx2.a), the plural ends in a short vowel, matching the short vowel of the
singular. In (xx2.b), by contrast, the plural has a final long vowel that is
shortened in the singular before -m. Here we might take the long vowel as
lexical, and assume shortening in the singular before suffix -m (but only if the
stem is non-monosyllabic). In (xx2.c), however, the shortening before suffix -m
does not occur, so the phonology is messy. In (xx2.d), the stem is monosyllabic
(disregarding reduplicative syllables) and the singular has a short vowel that
becomes long in the plural. This lengthening is attribute to Contour-Tone Mora-
Addition (§3.xxx), since in the plural there is no final sonorant to carry the
second tone element. In (xxx.e), the stem is non-monosyllabic, but ends in a
contour-toned syllable, specifically an F-tone (i.e. <HL>). Again, in the plural
but not the singular (or the low-toned presuffixal form), the contour tone
requires an added mora. In (xxx.f), the stem (disregarding reduplicative
syllables) is of Cv&˘$ type with <LHL> tone, which requires a long vowel even
before Singular -m and in the preadjectival low-toned form. (xx2.g) shows that
Sg -m may directly follow a semivowel without an intervening epenthetic
vowel.
     In the examples given above, there is no tonal change between singular and
plural. However, most nonmonosyllabic animate nouns that end in a short high-
toned vowel in the (unsuffixed) plural form show rising tone when Singular -m
is added: a$wa@ ‘snakes’, singular a$wa&-m. See §3.7.1.7 for discussion of
phonological representations.


4.1.2    Irregular human nouns (‘child’, ‘boy’, ‘girl’)

As an uncompounded noun, ‘child’ has the forms in (xx1). The singular has
suffix -m as expected. The plural is irregular, though it begins in the same yi
segmental sequence. Since /yi/ in yi$tE&˘$ has L-tone, yi$tE&˘$ may have originated as
a noun-adjective sequence. As compound final with human reference, we get
-yi^-m (with F-tone) and regular plural -yi^˘ in terms for ‘boy’ and ‘girl’ (xxx.b).




                                         50
(xxx)    a.   ‘child’         yi@-m                  yi$tE&˘$

         b.   ‘boy’           a$su$w<E$-yi^-m        a$su$w<E$-yi^˘
              ‘girl’          ya$˘-yi^-m             ya$˘-yi^˘

    For -yi^˘ as compound final with nonhuman reference (e.g. ‘seed/fruit of
X’), see §5.xxx.


4.1.3    Use of Singular and Plural suffixes with kin terms

Many kin terms (and a few other nouns) have a distinctive morphosyntax; I
refer to them as “inalienable” although they may occur in unpossessed as well
as possessed forms.
     Most kin terms do not use the Singular suffix /-m/ in either possessed or
unpossessed forms. Instead, the unsuffixed form is interpreted as singular, and
Plural particle be$ is added to mark plurality. Thus na$r<a@ ‘mother’, plural na$ra@
be$ ‘mothers’, possessed u@ na@r<a$ ‘your-Sg mother’ and u@∴ na$r<a$ be$ ‘your-Pl
mothers’.
     In the terms for ‘cross-cousin’ and ‘younger sibling’ (usually same-sex but
not always), Sg suffix /-m/ appears consistently in possessed forms. It is usually
absent in unpossessed forms, though I did record ti$ye&-m as a variant of ti$ye@ for
‘cousin’.

(xx1)     gloss                   singular                plural

    a.    ‘(a) cousin’            ti$ye@, ti$ye&-m        ti$ye@ be$
          ‘your-Sg cousin’        u@ ti@ye$-m             u@ ti@ye$ be$

    b.    ‘younger sibling’       o$njo@                  o$njo@ be$
          ‘your-Sg y. sibling’    u@ o@njo$-m             u@ o@njo$ be$

   The term for ‘child’ (Sg yi@-m, Pl yi$tE&˘$), which is in essence a common
noun that can also be used (with a possessor) as a kin term, has Sg -m in
unpossessed and possessed forms (yi@-m ‘a child’, u@ yi^-m ‘your child’).


4.1.4    ‘So-and-so’ (ma&˘n, a$ma^˘n)

The ‘So-and-so’ noun, denoting a variable personal name, is a$ma^˘n or ma^˘n (as
in Jamsay). It is common in descriptions of generic activities, as in a text about




                                         51
name-giving ceremonials (baptisms) where the generic father is quoted as
saying ‘I want the newborn child to be called So-and-so.’


4.1.5   Frozen Ci- or Cu- reduplication in nouns

Examples of a more or less frozen initial Ci- or Cu- reduplication are given in
(xx1). The form is Cu- when the following syllable has has vowel quality u or o
(but not ç).

(xx1)   Ci$- and Cu$- nouns

        form                    gloss             related form or comment

    a. insects/arthropods
         ki$-kE@˘-m             ‘beetle, bug’
         ki$-ka@˘-m             ‘grasshopper’
         ki$-kE$r<u^-m          ‘Messor ant’
         ki$-kE@w<E$-m          ‘mosquito’
         ni$-nç$˘r<ç&y<-m       ‘spider’
         tu$-tu@˘-m             ‘termite’

    b. birds/bats
        ki$-ki@s i$-m           ‘bat; swift’
        ti$-te@-m               ‘hawk’

    c. other fauna
         ku$-kç$su@-m           ‘viper sp.’
         ni$-ni$w<E&-m          ‘cat’
         ti$-ta@˘-m             ‘hyena’

    d. plants and plant parts

    e. body parts and similar
        ki$-ki$le@˘             ‘shade’
        gi$-gç$li^˘             ‘below knee’
        ki$-ka$ra@              ‘armpit’
        su$-so@˘                ‘sweat’
        ti$-tç$s i^˘            ‘calf (of leg)’
        ti$-tç&w                ‘elbow’

    f. verbal concepts




                                         52
           ku$-ko@˘                 ‘fear’
           ti$-ti@ru$               ‘mission’         verb ti@- ‘send’

      g. weather, time, space
          ti$-ta&m                  ‘cold weather’

      h. artefacts
           di$-de^˘                 ‘statuette’
           tu$-tu$˘lu@              ‘chief’s horn’

      i. substances
           ku$-ku$mbo@              ‘smoke’
           pi$-pç$tu@               ‘filthy ground’


4.1.6      Frozen initial a$- in nouns

An original *a$- prefix of unclear meaning may survive in the ‘so-and-so’ noun
a$-ma^˘n with variant ma^˘n, and in one or two other nouns like a$je$ru@ ‘wrestling’.
However, the possibility of these being Jamsay loans cannot be ruled out. In
some other cases where Jamsay has initial a$, the Beni form lacks this vowel:
ke$Ngu^-m ‘agama lizard’, pa$ra^˘ ‘millet-cake meal’, tE@mbu$ ‘tradition(s)’
(Jamsay a$-ce&˘N or ce&˘N, a$pa$la@, a$tE^m).


4.2      Derived nominals

4.2.1      Characteristic derivative (-gu@-)

The Characteristic nominal derivational suffix is -gu@-. The animate singular is
-gu@-m and its plural is -gu@.

(xx1)           stem        gloss              Characteristic   gloss

      a. mostly nominal
              da&y      ‘wealth’               da$y-gu@-m       ‘rich person’

      b. mostly adjectival
              lç@gç$       ‘filth’        lç$ƒç$-gu@-m          ‘dirty’
              te$re@       ‘intelligence’ te$re$-gu@-m          ‘smart, intelligent’




                                            53
4.2.2    Verbal Nouns

The regular Verbal Noun suffix is -i^˘. With a monosyllabic Cv- or Cv˘- stem we
get Cv&-y$ with short stem vowel). For longer stems (which always end in a short
vowel), the -i^˘ replaces the final vowel.
     The presuffixal syllables drop tones to all-L. This is automatic with non-
monosyllabic stems. Most monosyllabic stems respect the rule, hence Cv$-i^˘, but
there are a few exceptional monosyllabic stems with H-toned Verbal Noun
(Cv@-i^˘).
     With monosyllables, the -i^˘ suffix shows a tendency to reduce to -y^. One
can transcribe either Cv$-i^˘ or Cv$-y^, for example dç$-i^˘ or dç$-y^ ‘arriving’. I still
hear three tonal components (L, H, L), so if we transcribe Cv$-y^ we must add
that the two moras manage to express three tone components.
     The rare semivowel-final verb-stem type, namely in ga&y< ‘put’ and ka@y<
‘do’, has a <LHL> Verbal Noun pattern Ca$-i^˘ (or Ca$-y^), indistinguishable from
that of Ca(˘)- stems.
     Examples of verbal nouns are in (xx1).

(xx1)    gloss                    combining form          VblN

    a. nonmonosyllabic
        ‘hide’                    ba$Ngi@-                ba$Ng-i^˘
        ‘hit’                     su@yç@-                 su$y-i^˘
        ‘tie’                     pa@ga@-                 pa$g-i^˘
        ‘shout’                   pi@ye@-                 pi$y-i^˘
        ‘winnow in wind’          n)E$r<i$y<i@-           n)E$r<i$y<-i^˘

    b. monosyllabic
        ‘drink’                   nç@-                    nç&-y$
        ‘go’                      lo@-                    lo&-y$

    c. irregular monosyllabic verbs
         ‘come’                yE@-                       yE&-y$
         ‘bring’               jE&˘$-                     jE&-y$

    d. Cvy< stems
        ‘put’                     ga&y<                   ga&<-y$<
        ‘do’                      ka@y<                   ka&<-y$<

    A number of verbs have a high-frequency cognate nominal that is often
used instead of the Verbal Noun. However, even here the regular Verbal Noun
is also in use, especially in combination with the cognate nominal (i.e. in




                                             54
compound form). For example, the phrase ja@y ja$ya@- ‘fight a fight’ with cognate
nominal ja@y ‘(a) fight’ has a verbal noun ja$y-[ja$y-i^˘] ‘fighting fights’, where
the cognate nominal takes the form of a (low-toned) compound-initial.


4.2.3   Deverbal nominal with final i@˘

A number of nouns or adjectives have a high tone and final i@˘, suggesting that
this was once a regular suffixal derivation. In (xx1.a), the noun is still clearly
related to the verb or other stem from the same word-family. In (xx1.b), the
noun is isolated, and whether it belongs with (xx1.a) even historically is
unclear. Adjectives (or perhaps compound finals) are in (xx1.c).

(xx1)        stem             gloss                related forms

        a. yo@ri@˘            ‘(s) stroll’         ya$ri$yi@- ‘take a stroll’
           o$ro$su$-pa@gi@˘   ‘woman’s wrap’       pa@gi@- ‘tie’
           ya$-pe@mbi@˘       ‘woman’s wrap’       pe@mbi@- ‘gird (with rifles)’
           ti@mbi@˘           ‘lid’                ti@mbi@- ‘cover’
           su@˘r<i@˘          ‘rest (noun)’        su@˘r<u@- ‘rest, relax’
           tu@mbi@˘           ‘small mound’        tu@mbu@- ‘make (mound)’
           u$su$-dE@r<i@˘     ‘daytime’            dE$r<E@- ‘spend mid-day’
           tu@mdi@˘           ‘beginning’          tu@mdi@- ‘begin’
           u@su@ri@˘          ‘question’           u@su@ru@- ‘ask (question)’

        b. te@˘li@˘           ‘wooden bed’         —
           tu@ni@˘            ‘mortar’             (Nanga tu@ndi@ etc.)
           bi@ni@˘            ‘ladder’
           u$ro$-je@Ngi@˘     ‘neighbors’

        c. mç@˘li@˘           ‘collective (feast)’ mç$˘li@- ‘gather’
           ku@si@˘            ‘private (field)’
           tu@mbi@˘           ‘massive (rock)’

      There are also a few instrument nominals with low-toned stem and suffix
-i^˘, like E$mbi^˘ ‘tweezers’ (verb E@mbi@- ‘hold by pinching’), di$˘si^˘ ‘file (tool)’
(verb di$˘se@- ‘file’), and perhaps i$ni$r<i^˘ ‘name’. However, in Beni this is also
the productive verbal noun formation.




                                           55
4.2.4    Uncompounded agentives

Agentives have the form of participles, with Sg suffix -m and unsuffixed plural.
Most agentives include a compound initial (§5.xxx). In these agentives, the verb
has {LH} tone and ends in a high vowel, specifically /u/ in the unsuffixed Plural
(§5.xxx).
    I can cite one uncompounded noun with agentive sense in common use, but
it does not have the same morphological structure as the productive Agentive
compound construction (xx1).

(xx1)    verb        gloss       agentive         agentive plural

         da$nni@-    ‘hunt’      da&nna$-m        da&nna$


4.2.5    Irregular reduplicated nominal (ti$-ti@ru$)

The noun ti$-ti@ru$ ‘mission, commissioned task’ (also in Jamsay) is irregularly
related to the verb ti@- ‘send (sb, on a mission)’.


4.2.6    Expressive reduplication

The clanging of empty tin cans, or the noise made by several hardened hides
being transported, can be called ko$ro@-ka$ra$-ko$ro@ ‘noise, din’. This
onomatopoeic term is shared with Jamsay. The components do not occur
individually.


4.3     Pronouns

4.3.1    Basic personal pronouns

The basic morphological series are those in (xx1).

(xx1)    a. independent (also used for preverbal subject [e.g. in relative
            clauses], and optionally for object)
         b. accusative (optional for direct object)
         c. pronominal-subject suffix on verbs
         d. possessor form, also used for complements of postpositions




                                          56
     The basic forms are given in (xx2). 3Sg and 3Pl are animate categories
(including humans and animals), while Inan[imate] applies to plants and non-
living things.

(xx2)   Personal Pronouns

                                                subject
                   independent   Accusative [_Verb] [Verb-_]               poss/PP

    a. 1Sg         i@            i@≡ni$         i@        -y$              ∅
       1Pl         i@∴           i@∴≡ni$        i@∴       -y$∴             i@∴

    b. 2Sg         u@            u@≡nu$         u@        -w$              u@
       2Pl         u@∴           u@∴≡ni$        u@∴       -w$∴             u@∴

    c. 3Sg         E@r<E@@       E@r<E@≡ni$     E@r<E@    [see below]      E@r<E@
       3Pl         bu^˘          bu^˘≡ni$       bu^˘      [see below]      bu^˘

    d. Inan        ku@           ku@≡nu$        ku@       [see below]$     ku@

    e. 3ReflSg a@                a@≡ni$         a@        [see below]      a@
       3ReflPl a@∴               a@∴≡ni$        a@∴       [see below]      a@∴

    The morphology is rather simple and regular. In both first and second
persons, there is a singular/plural split defined by vowel-length and tone (the
singular has a short vowel and H-tone, the plural has a long vowel and F-tone).
The accusative is ≡ni$ except for 2Sg u@≡nu$ and Inanimate ku@≡nu$, where the
short u@ of the first syllable has induced rounding in the suffixal syllable.
    Of interest is the use of E@r<E@ as all-purpose nonsuffixal 3Sg morpheme. It is
evidently cognate to Jamsay E$nE@, which however is an anaphoric 3Sg
pronominal (used for reflexive possessor and as a logophoric).
    In the verbal suffixes, the animacy opposition is neutralized, so 3Sg and
Inan[imate] have the same forms. For this 3Sg/Inan category, and even more so
for 3Pl, the form of the verbal suffix depends on the AN category. This is seen
in (xx3), using lo@- ‘go’ and (for the Perfective-1b) da$mbi@- ‘push’. For fuller
discussion of pronominal-subject suffixes, see §10.xxx.

(xx3)   category                     3Sg/Inan            3Pl

    a. Perfective-1a                 lo@˘-rE$-∅          lo@˘-r-a$˘
       Perfective-1b                 da$mbi@-ti^˘-∅      da$mbi@-ti@-ya$
    b. Imperfective                  li$-lo^-m           li$-lo@-yE$




                                           57
      c. Perfective Negative         lo$-ri@-∅         lo$-r-a@
      d. Imperfective Negative       lo^-m-lo@         lo^-m-nE@


4.3.2    Demonstrative function of Nonhuman pronoun ku@

examples from texts




4.4     Demonstratives

4.4.1    Demonstrative pronouns (‘this’, ‘that’)

Animate and inanimate demonstrative pronouns are shown in (xx2).

(xx1)    form (Sg)       gloss                            Pl form

      a. mu&˘            ‘this’ (proximal, Sg)            mu&˘ be$
         N$gu@           ‘this’ (proximal, Inan)          N$gu@ be$

      b. -m ku@          ‘that’ (near-distant, Sg)        -m ku@ be$
         -∅ ku@          ‘that’ (near-distant, Inan)      -∅ ku@ be$

      c. m$ba@           ‘that’ (distant, Sg)             m$ba@ be$
         N$ga@           ‘that’ (distant, Inan)           N$ga@ be$

      d. -m ku$          ‘that’ (discourse-definite)      -∅ ku$ be$
         -∅ ku$          ‘that’ (discourse-definite)       " " "

    The Animate Singular suffix -m is not used on the noun stem before mu&˘
or m$ba@. Example: ya&-m ‘woman’, ya$ mu&˘ ‘this woman’, ya$ m$ba@ ‘that woman’.
One could argue that the m of mu&˘ and that of m$ba@ are actually instances of the
(animate) Singular suffix /-m/, but since the demonstratives can be used
absolutely (mu&˘ ‘this one’, m$ba@ ‘that one’), and since they are not dropped in
the plural, I take the m to be part of the demonstrative. Before Near-Distant ku@
and Definite ku$, /-m/ is present on animate singular nouns.: ya&-m ku$ ‘that
(aforementioned) woman’, cf. plural ya&˘ ku$ be$.
    Tone-dropping occurs on a modified noun before all of the deictic
demonstratives: Proximal, Near-Distant, and Distant. Tone-dropping does not




                                         58
occur before Definite ku$. Tones alone oppose Near-Distant from Definite NPs
(xx2).

(xx2)     a. na$˘-m       ku@
             cow-Sg.L NearDist
             ‘that cow (e.g. near you)’

          b. na&˘-m       ku$
             cow-Sg       Def
             ‘that (same) cow (e.g. that we were talking about)’

     The Plural is expressed by adding be$. For mu&˘ and m$ba@, the noun (if
present) has the same form as in the singular: ya&-m ‘woman’ and plural ya&˘
‘women’, with demonstrative ya$ mu&˘ ‘this woman’ and plural ya$˘ mu&˘ be$
‘these women’. For Near-Distant ku@, the plural is expressed by adding ku@ be$ to
the regular plural form of the noun (with tones dropped): ya$-m ku@ ‘that
(aforementioned) woman’, plural ya$˘ ku@ be$ ‘those (aforementioned) women’
(the plural is based on ya&˘ ‘women’ with long vowel).

check texts on combo of plural noun with Definite


4.4.2     Demonstrative adverbs

4.4.2.1    Locative adverbs

The adverbs in (xx1) are the most common all-purpose spatial adverbs based on
demonstrative stems, and may be used to indicate specific, well-defined
locations. The forms with -da@˘ (sometimes pronounced -ra@˘, though not by all
speakers) denote a more general space (xx1.b).

(xx1)     a. N$gu@-ru$ ∼ Nu@-ru$          ‘here’
             N$ga@-ru$ ∼ Na@-ru$          ‘there’ (deictic)
             ya^˘                         ‘there’ (discourse-definite)

          b. N$gu@-da@˘                   ‘around here; on this side’
             N$ga@-da@˘                   ‘around there; on that side’
             ya@-da@˘, ya@-ra@˘           ‘around there’ (discourse-definite)
             ku@-da@˘, ku@-ra@˘           ‘there’ (discourse-definite)




                                          59
4.4.2.2    Emphatic/Approximinative modifiers of adverbs

ja@˘ti$, a regional emphatic (e.g. Fulfulde), can be added to a demonstrative
adverb: N$gu@-ru$ ja@˘ti$ ‘right here’, ya^˘ ja@˘ti$ ‘right there (in that same place)’.
      For approximate location, there are expressions like be$le$ N$gu@-ru$ ‘around
here’ and (especially for younger speakers) ta$Nga$y N$gu@-ru$ ‘around here’.
      For ‘the near/far side of X’ (with reference to the deictic center and to a
fixed location X), we get expressions involving a motion verb ‘reach’ or ‘pass’
(xx1).

(xx1)     a. i&r<a$         [be@˘ni$ u@       dç&˘-rE$        ma$˘]    bu$-∅
             1SgP.field.F [Beni 2SgS reach-Perf1a before] be-3Sg
             ‘My field is this side of Beni.’ (lit. “… it is before you reach Beni”)

          b. i&r<a$         [be@˘ni$ la@wa@˘-rE$-w     de@] bu$-∅
             1SgP.field.F [Beni      pass-Perf-2SgS if]      be-3Sg
             ‘My field is on the far side of Beni (lit. “… it is when you have
             passed Beni”)


4.4.3     Presentatives

The presentative morpheme is u@Ngo$y, used with following ‘be’ quasi-verb, a
stance or motion verb, or a VP denoting an activity. A subject NP generally
precedes u@Ngo$y, presumably as a topicalized NP. However, a subject NP can
optionally follow u@Ngo$y if there is at least one other constituent separating the
subject NP from the verb. Non-subject NP’s (if not topicalized) follow u@Ngo$y.

(xxx)     a. ç&˘$-m       u@Ngo$y         bu$-∅
             chief-Sg     here’s!         be-3Sg
             ‘Here’s the chief!’

          b. u@Ngo$y      y-E^˘
             here’s!      come.Impf-3PlS
             ‘Here they come!’

          c. u@Ngo$y       e@wye^-y
             here’s!       sit.Impf-1SgS
             ‘Here I am, sitting!.’ (= ‘I’m sitting over here!’)

          d. u@Ngo$y        bi@rE@             bi@rE^-m
             here’s!        work(noun)         work.Impf-3SgS




                                          60
             ‘Here he/she is, working!’

         e. M u@Ngo$y                bi@rE@    bi@rE^-m
         e′.      u@Ngo$y    M       bi@rE@    bi@rE^-m
             M here’s!       M       work(noun) work.Impf-2SgS
             ‘Here is M (personal name), working!’


4.5     Adjectives

4.5.1    Underived adjectives

The forms in (xx1) are those used in modifying function after a noun. There is
frequently a three-way distinction between Inanimate -w, (animate) Singular
-m, and (animate) Plural -yE$ (xx1.a). In another important set of forms, the Inan
form is unsuffixed, versus Singular -m and Plural -yE$ (xx1.b). If the stem itself
ends in /m/, both the Inan and Sg forms are unsuffixed, or at least have no
audible suffix (xx1.c). A few adjectives have -m suffix in the Inan as well as Sg
forms, versus Pl -yE$ (xx1.d). There are a few adjectives with a noun-like
unsuffixed plural instead of Pl suffix -yE$ (xx1.e). A number of other adjectives
have incomplete paradigms, generally because their meaning does not apply
meaningfully to animate beings, or occasionally applies meaningfully only to
such beings (xx1.f).
     The suffixes -w and -m are atonal, so the tone of the final syllable of the
adjectival stem proper simply fills out the relevant syllable including the suffix;
see Contour-Tone Stretching (§xxx). The suffix -yE$ is always low-toned. In
gç&˘-yE$ ‘short-Pl’ from /gç&˘$-yE$/, the <LHL> stem syllable reduces to <LH>
before the low-toned suffix (§3.xxx).

(xx1)    Adjectives

         gloss               Inan              Sg                  Pl

      a. Inan -w, Sg -m, Pl -yE$
          ‘big, adult’       di@y<a$-w         di@y<a$-m           di@y<a$-yE$
          ‘spacious’         ka@wa$-w          ka@wa$-m            ka@wa$-yE$
          ‘good’             E$su^-w           E$su^-m, E$s i^-m   E$si@-yE$
          ‘fat, thick’       du$gu^-w          du$gu^-m            du$gu@-yE$
          ‘heavy’            du$su^-w          du$su^-m            du$su@-yE$
          ‘long, tall’       gu$rç^-w          gu$rç^-m            gu$rç@-yE$
          ‘small, young’     da^˘-w            da^˘-m              da^˘-yE$
          ‘short’            gç&˘$-w               $
                                               gç&˘-m              gç&˘-yE$




                                          61
   ‘red’                ba@r<a$-w          ba@r<a$-m        ba@r<a$-yE$
   ‘black’              jE@w<E$-w          jE@w<E$-m        jE@w<E$-yE$
   ‘thin’               mE$njE^-w          mE$njE^-m        mE$njE@-yE$
   ‘soft (skin)’        yç$ru^-w           yç$ru^-m         yç$ru@-yE$
   ‘lightweight’’       n)E$r<u^-w         n)E$r<u^-m       n)E$r<u@-yE$
   ‘nearby’             sç$su^-w           sç$su^-m         sç$su@-yE$
   ‘bad, ugly’          mç$su^-w           mç$su^-m         mç$su@-yE$

b. Inan -∅, Sg -m, Pl -yE$
    ‘hot, fast’        ç^w                 ç^w-m            ç^w-yE$
    ‘distant’          wa^˘w               wa^˘w-m          wa^˘w-yE$
    ‘empty, bare’      ko$ro&y             ko$ro&y-m        ko$ro&y-yE$
    ‘respectable’      ni@na@y             ni@na@y-m        ni@na@y-yE$
    ‘tight’            E^w                 E^w-m            E^w-yE$
    ‘young’            so&˘ro$             so&˘ro^-m        so&˘ro@-yE$
    ‘skinny’           ko@mbo@             ko@mbo@-m        ko@mbo@-yE$
    ‘living’           u@w<ç@              u@w<ç@-m         u@w<ç@-yE$
    ‘old’              pE&˘                pE&-m            pE&˘-yE$
    ‘white’            pi@lE@              pi@lE@-m         pi@lE@-yE$
    ‘new’              ka@la$              ka@la$-m         ka@la$-yE$
    ‘flat’             pa$ta$pa@ta$        pa$ta$pa@ta$-m   pa$ta$pa@ta$-yE$
    ‘easy, cheap’      na$˘r<a^˘           na$˘r<a^-m       na$˘r<a@-yE$
    ‘unripe, raw’      ce$su@              ce$su@-m         ce$su@-yE$
    ‘crooked’          gç$lu@              gç$lu@-m         gç$lu@-yE$

c. m-final with Inan -∅, Sg -∅, Pl -yE$
   ‘plump’             a^m           a^m                    a^m-yE$
   ‘cold, slow’        ta^m          ta^m                   ta^m-yE$

d. Inan -m, Sg -m, Pl -yE$
    ‘sweet; sharp’     E@ru$-m             E@ru$$-m         E@ru$-yE$
    ‘bitter’           ga@ru$-m            ga@ru$-m         ga@ru$-yE$
    ‘smooth, sleek'    ç@ru$-m             ç@ru$-m          ç@ru$-yE$

e. unsuffixed plural

   ‘other’              la&-w              la&-m            la&˘
   ‘blind’              ji$mdu@            ji$mdi@-m        ji$mdu@

f. no inanimate form

   ‘runty’              —                  cE@tE@-m         cE@tE@




                                      62
      g. no animate forms

         ‘half-ripe’          bo$lo$ro&y        —         —
         ‘weak, diluted’      se$re@            —         —
         ‘deep’               wç@r<ç$-w         —         —
              (variant wo@r<o$-w)
         ‘coarse’             ku@nju$m          —         —
         ‘dense’              u@li$             —         —
         ‘full’               ba^˘              —         —
         ‘pointed’            si^m              —         —
         ‘ripe, cooked’       i$rE&y            —         —
         ‘rotten’             ç$mbu@            —         —
         ‘half-bitter’        a@su$m            —         —
         ‘dry; hard’          ma&˘              —         —
         ‘foul (odor)’        gç^m              —         —
         ‘difficult, costly’ nu&m$              —         —
         ‘sour, salty’        pa@ru$m           —         —

    The Inanimate forms of adjectives are also used, with a tonal change, as
predicate adjectives for any pronominal category of subject. See §11.xxx.
    The two semantically adjective-like elements meaning ‘many, much’ are
jo@⇒ and ba&y$<⇒. Both are syntactically (expressive) adverbials, though like
adjectives they immediately follow the element they have scope over. They
have no suffixal morphology and do not impose tone-dropping on a preceding
noun: u@ro$ jo@⇒ (u@ro$ ba&y$<⇒) ‘many houses’.


4.6    Participles

Participles are forms of verbs with adjective-like suffixes that agree with the
head NP of a relative clause. The forms are rather complex and depend on the
aspect-negation category of the verb. For the morphology, see §14.111.




                                           63
4.7     Numerals

4.7.1     Cardinal numerals

4.7.1.1    ‘One’, ‘same (one)’, and ‘other’

The numeral for ‘1’ is based on a stem tu$w<ç@ with a presuffixal form tu$w<ç^-
(note the L<HL> tone contour). It is treated as a modifying adjective, so a
preceding noun drops tones and omits its own inflectional suffix (the L<HL>
contour is likewise characteristic of adjectives). Examples: na$˘ tu$w<ç^-m ‘one
cow’ (na&˘-m ‘cow’), a$r<a$ tu$w<ç^-m ‘one man’ (a@r<a$-m), ku$r<u$ tu$w<ç@ ‘one
stone’ (ku@r<u$).
    In the sense ‘(the) same’ (indicating identity or other substantive sameness),
the Inanimate form is tu$w<ç^˘ with L<HL> tone, and the animate forms are the
same Singular tu$w<ç^-m and Plural tu$w<ç@-yE$ as in the numeral function. The
‘same’ function is most common in predicates, either as a modifier of a
predicative noun (xxx.a) or as an adjectival predicate (xxx.b).

(xxx)     a. [nu$       mu&˘      be$]      [nu$        tu$w<ç@-yE$]
             [person.L Dem        Pl]       [person.L one-Pl]
             ‘Those people are the same (e.g of a single extended family).’

          b. [kç@rç@bç@rç$ ya@˘]    [pu@lç$˘       ya$˘]     tu$w<ç^˘
             [Songhay      and]     [Fulbe         and]      same.be
             ‘Songhay and Fulbe (ethnicities) are the same.’

     Warning: English ‘same’ in the discourse-anaphoric sense (‘that same dog
that I mentioned before’) is expressed using Anaphoric ku$.


4.7.1.2    ‘2’ to ‘10’

The forms of these simple numerals are in (xx1).

(xx1)     gloss          form

          ‘2’            ye&y
          ‘3’            ta$˘nu@ ∼ ta&˘n
          ‘4’            ni&˘y
          ‘5’            nu$mu&y
          ‘6’            ku@ro$y
          ‘7’            su@y<ç$y




                                           64
        ‘8’           ga@˘ra$y
        ‘9’           te$˘si&m
        ‘10’          pE@ru@

     Numerals ‘6’ to ‘8’ have a fixed HL tone pattern with final y (or y<), a
pattern that is conspicuous when reciting the numeral sequence.
     With numerals other than ‘1’, a preceding modified noun has its regular
tones (no tone-dropping occurs).
     With a preceding noun and before a pause (or in isolation), numerals with
final-syllable R-tone (i.e. ‘2’ to 5’ and ‘9’) regularly omit the final H-tone
component and appear with all-L-tone: na&˘ ye$y ‘two cows’, u@ro$ nu$mu$y< ‘five
houses’. The lexical R-tone reappears if there is a following modifier, like the
demonstrative in na&˘ ye&y bu^˘ ‘those two cows’, u@ro$ nu$mu&y< ku$ ‘those (same)
five houses’. The lexical tone is also usually audible when an NP ending in the
numeral is followed quickly by a verb or other clause-internal constituent: na&&˘
ye&y sE$w<E$-y< ‘I slaughtered two cows’. The lexical tone is also audible in
isolation (e.g. in counting sequences): ye&y ‘two’.
     Both the preservation of the tone of a preceding modified noun, and the
dropping of the final R-tone of the numeral prepausally after a modified noun,
distinguish noun-numeral combinations (for numerals ‘2’ and up’) from
ordinary sequences of noun plus modifying adjective (including ordinals, and
the numeral ‘1’). A further difference is that the numerals do not take the

(xxx)   a. na&˘     ye$y
           cow      two.L
           ‘two cows’

        b. na$˘        pE&˘-m
           cow.L       old-Sg
           ‘(an) old cow’ (na&˘)

        c. tç$rç$        tu$w<ç@
           mountain.L one
           ‘one mountain’ (tç@rç$)

This sharply distinguishes numerals (except ‘1’) from ordinary modifying
adjectives, including ordinals (§4.xxx), which force tone-dropping on the
modified noun.
    This sharply distinguishes numerals (except ‘1’) from ordinary modifying
adjectives, including ordinals (§4.xxx), which force tone-dropping on the
modified noun.The shift to all-L-tone in e.g. ‘two cows’ is a characteristic of
numerals not shared by regular modifying adjectives or by the numeral ‘1’: note




                                       65
the final R-tone in the adjectives in tç$rç$ pE&˘ ‘old mountain’ and tç$rç$ tu$w<ç@
‘one mountain’.


4.7.1.3    Decimal units (‘10’, ‘20’, …) and combinations (‘11’, ‘59’, …)

The decimal terms, based on pE@ru@ ‘10’, are in (xx1). pE@ru@ is modified in various
ways when compounded with a following single-digit numeral to produce ‘20’
through ‘90’.

(xx1)     gloss           form

          ‘10’            pE@ru@
          ‘20’            pE$ri@-ye&y
          ‘30’            pE@-ta&˘n
          ‘40’            pE@-ni&˘y
          ‘50’            pE@-nu$mu&y<
          ‘60’            pE$r-ku@ro$y
          ‘70’            pE$r-su@y<ç$y<
          ‘80’            pE$r-ga@˘ra$y
          ‘90’            pE$r-te$˘si&m

      If one recites the list out loud, as one would do in counting, one notices
more readily that adjacent decimal terms have similar forms of pE@ru@-. Thus ‘30’
through ‘50’ begin with pE@-, while ’60’ through ‘90’ begin with pE$r-. The tonal
difference between these two variants correlates inversely with the first tone
component of the following single-digit numeral, so we get H-toned pE@- before
a L-initial numeral in ‘30’ to ‘50’, and L-toned pE$r- before a H-initial numeral
in ’60’ through ‘90’. However, there is no phonological basis for the loss of r in
pE@- and its preservation in pE$r-. Note that in ‘30’ and ‘90’ the following
numeral begins in t.
     As with the numerals ‘2’ to ‘9’ (see just above), a modified noun preceding
a decimal numeral has its regular lexical tones (xx2.a-b). If the decimal numeral
itself ends in an R-toned syllable (‘20’ through ‘50’), the R-tone reduces to
L-tone prepausally and in isolation (xxx.a) but not before another constituent.
Examples are in (xx2).

(xxx)     a.    u@ro$    pE$ri@-ye$y
               house     ten-two
               ‘twenty houses’

          b. na&˘         pE@-nu$mu&y<     ku$




                                           66
              cow       ten-five            Anaph
              ‘those (same) five cows’

     A decimal term may be combined with a single-digit (‘1-9’) numeral to
produce compound numerals like ‘11’ and ‘59’. The morpheme sa^˘ follows
the single-digit numeral; I gloss it as ‘plus’ but it is confined to numerals.

(xx2)     a. pE@rE@       [tu$w<ç@ sa^˘]
             ten          [one     plus]
             ‘eleven’

          b. pE@-nu$mu&y<    [te$˘si&m      sa^˘]
             ten-five        [nine          plus]
             ‘fifty-nine’

          c. u$su@      [pE@-ta&˘n       ta&˘n      sa^˘]
             day        [ten-three       three      plus]
             ‘thirty-three days’


4.7.1.4    Large numerals (‘100’, ‘1000’, …) and their composites

The key stems are in (xx1). They can be considered to be nouns, and (like any
countable noun) can be followed by any of the numerals given above.

(xx1)        gloss          form

          a. ‘hundred’      tE@˘mdE@rE$ (<Fulfulde)

          b. ‘thousand’     mu$su@

          c. ‘million’      mi$lyç^˘< (<French)

     Like other numerals ‘2’ and up, these numerals do not force tone-dropping
on a preceding modified noun: na&˘ tE@˘mdE@rE$ ‘(one) hundred cows’, na&˘ mu$su@
‘(one) thousand cows’, na&˘ mi$lyç^˘< ‘(one) million cows’.
     The archaic term su$Ngu@ is still used among older people for ‘80’ in
connection with currency (see below).
     These nouns may be directly followed by a single-digit numeral ‘2’ to ‘9’
denoting the number of higher units: tE@˘mdE@rE$ ye&y ‘two hundred’, mu$su@ ta&˘n
‘three thousand’. A single-digit numeral ending in R-tone drops to L-tone under
the usual conditions, hence e.g. tE@˘mdE@rE$ ye$y prepausally.




                                           67
   Numerals involving more than one level (‘1-99’, hundreds, thousands)
normally require repetition of a modified noun (xxx).

(xxx)     [pE$rE@    mu$su@      ye&y] [pE$rE@   tE@˘mdE@rE$   nu$mu&y<]
          [sheep     thousand two] [sheep        hundred       five]
          [pE$rE@      pE$ri@-ye&y]
          [sheep       ten-two]
          ‘two thousand, five hundred, (and) twenty sheep’

     When there is no modified noun, ya@˘ ‘and’ is optionally used between a
hundred (or thousand) term and a ‘1-99’ term. In careful speech, it is grouped
prosodically with the following component (xxx). Although there may be
prosodic breaks after the two nonterminal right brackets in (xxx), these breaks
are associated with nonterminal intonation (i.e. anticipating more to come), so
the final R-tones in ye&y and nu$mu&y< are audible.

(xxx)     [mu$su@     ye&y ⇑]      [tE@˘mdE@rE$    nu$mu&y< ⇑]
          [thousand two]           [hundred        five]
          [ya@˘       pE$ri@-ye&y]
          [and        ten-two]
          ‘two thousand, five hundred, (and) twenty’


4.7.1.5    Currency

The official unit is the CFA franc. In all native languages, the unit for currency
expressions less than one million CFA francs is the riyal, equivalent to five
CFA francs. Thus ‘100’ when referring to money means ‘100 riyals’, i.e. ‘500
CFA francs’. The noun meaning ‘riyal’ is bu@˘du$, shared with Fulfulde, Jamsay,
and some other regional languages. ‘5 CFA francs’ is therefore bu$˘du$ tu$w<ç@,
’10 CFA francs’ is bu@˘du$ ye&y, etc.
    For very large amounts, mi$lyç^˘< ‘million’ is used, meaning ‘one million
CFA francs (not riyals)’.


4.7.1.6    Distributive numerals

A numeral may be iterated to denote price per unit, or other distributive numeral
(e.g. ‘ten each’, ‘ten by ten’, ‘ten at a time’).

(xxx)     ma@Ngo@ro$    [pE$ri@-ye&y    pE$ri@-ye&y]     ti@yE@-yE$
          mango         [ten-two        ten-two]         sell.Impf-3PlS




                                         68
          ‘They sell mangoes for twenty riyals (=100 francs) each.’

    With ‘1’, the form is invariant tu$w<ç@-tu$w<ç@ even with animate referents
(xxx). Compare animate singular tu$w<ç^-m.

(xxx)     na&˘-∅      tu$w<ç@-tu$w<ç@          yE$-bç@
          cow-Pl      one-one                  come.Perf.L-3PlS
          ‘The cows came one by one.’


4.7.2     Ordinal adjectives

4.7.2.1    ‘First’ and ‘last’

These ordinals differ in form from the bulk of ordinals (on which see just
below). They both end in ç@˘, which is otherwise not observed with numerals or
with modifying adjectives. As with ordinary adjectives, a modified noun drops
its tones before ‘first’ and ‘last’.

(xxx)     a. u$ro$        ku$yç@˘
             house.L      first
             ‘the first house’

          b. u$ro$        du$mdç@˘
             house.L      last
             ‘the last house’

    Human Sg forms are seen in nu$ ku$yç@˘-m ‘the first person’ and nu$
du$mdç@˘-m ‘the last person’. The plurals are nu$ ku$yç@˘ and nu$ du$mdç@˘.

4.7.2.2    Other ordinals (suffix -nE@)

All other numerals have an ordinal with suffix -nE@. Slightly irregular forms are
ta$y-nE@ ‘third’ and pE$r-nE@ ‘tenth’. Representative examples are in (xx1).
Ordinals behave morphosyntactically like modifying adjectives and induce
tone-dropping on a preceding noun: u$ro$ ye$y-nE@ ‘the second house’.

(xx1)         form                                  gloss

          a. single-digit numeral
               ye$y-nE@                             ‘second’
               ta$y-nE@                             ‘third’




                                          69
             ku$ro$y-nE@                           ‘sixth’
             pE$r-nE@                              ‘tenth’

        b. decimal
            pE$ri$-ye$y-nE@                        ‘twentieth’

        c. decimal plus single-digit numeral
            pE$rE$ tu$w<ç$ sa$˘-nE@                ‘eleventh’

        d. huindred
            tE$˘mdE$rE$-nE@                        ‘hundredth’

        e. hundred plus ‘1-99’ numeral (two levels)
            tE@˘mdE@rE$ ya$˘ pE$ri$-ye$y-nE@   ‘hundred and twentieth’


4.7.3   Fractions and portions

‘Half’ is pE@kE@rE$. (Someone’s) ‘share’ of a whole is ke$ri$ye^y, e.g. ke$ri@ye$y ‘my
share’. The noun or adjective ‘some, certain (ones)’ is ga$mbu@ (variant ga&m),
see §6.3.2.




                                         70
5 Nominal and adjectival compounds




5.1     Nominal compounds

Many compounds are expressed with the initial X in its regular (lexical) tone,
and the final N in all-L tone (tone-dropped), schematically (x# n$). This is
indistinguishable from the possessive construction with any possessor X other
than a first or second person pronoun.

(xxx)    a. be@˘ni$     ya$˘
            Beni        woman.Pl
            ‘the women of Beni’

         b. i$se^˘        ç$˘-m
            village       chief-Sg.L
            ‘village chief’

5.1.1    Compounds of type (x# n#)

5.1.2    Compounds of type (x$ n#)

In this pattern, the initial drops its tones, while the final has its regular lexical
tones. The initial may denote the source, location, substance, or other
characteristic of the referent denoted by the final noun.

(xxx)    a. ma$rpa$˘-gi$ye@
            rifle.L-dance
            ‘rifle dance (dance in which rifles are shot off)’ (ma$rpa^˘)

         b. E$njE$-su$wç@
            chicken.L-excrement
            ‘chicken excrement’ (E$njE^-m)

         c. ku$˘-u$ru$yi@˘
            head.L-pain
            ‘headache’ (ku^˘)

         d. su$kç$rç$-ki$lo^˘
             sugar.L-kilo
             ‘kilo of sugar’ (su@kç@rç$)

        e. pE$rE$-ku^˘
           sheep.L-head
           ‘sheep’s head’ (pE$rE$-m)

        f.   i$njE$-u@ro$
             dog.L-house
             ‘doghouse’ (i$njE&-m)


5.1.3   Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type (x$ n#)

This (x$ n#) pattern is also used when the final is a verbal noun and the initial
denotes the logical complement (usually a direct object), as in (xxx.a). It is also
used in agentives with incorporated complement initial (see §5.xxx).

(xxx)   a. na$w<a$-ku$wi@-y$
           meat.L-eat-VblN
           ‘eating meat’

5.1.4   Agentive compounds of type (x$ v&-Ppl)

In this pattern, the initial drops its tones, while the final has {LH} tone contour.
Examples with ordinary noun as compound initial are in (xxx).

(xxx)   a. ma$Ngo$ro$-ti$yi@-m
           mango.L-sell.Agent-Sg
           ‘mango seller’ (ma$Ngo@ro$ ti@yE@-)

        b. a$rsE$˘-be$re@-m
           animal.L-tend.Agent-Sg
           ‘herder, shepherd’ (a$rsE&˘ be$re@-)

        c. we$re$-da&nna$-m
           gazelle.L-hunt.Agent-Sg
           ‘gazelle-hunter’ (we@re@-m da$nni@-)

    The plurals are ma$Ngo$ro$-ti$yu@, a$rsE$˘-be$re@, and we$re$-da&nna$, respectively.
    Examples with cognate nominals as compound initials are in (xxx).




                                           72
(xxx)   a. yo$gu$-yç$gu@-m
           running.L-run.Agent-Sg
           ‘runner’ (yo@gu$ yç$gç@-)

        b. bi$rE$-bi$ri@-m
           work(noun).L-work.Agent-Sg
           ‘worker’ (bi@rE@ bi$rE@-)


5.1.5   Compounds with -yi^˘ ‘child of’

With a nonhuman referent, a compound with L-toned initial followed by -yi^˘
‘child’ can denote the fruit or other product (of a plant), or other small object
closely associated with a larger object. The larger entity may be unmarked, or
may itself be a compound with -na@˘ (§5.xxx).

(xxx)   a. mç$˘nç$˘-yi^˘
           wild.date-child
           ‘wild date ’ (mç$˘nç^˘ or mç$˘nç$˘-na@˘ ‘wild date tree’)

        b. nu$m-na$˘-yi^˘
           ?-big-child
           ‘small round grinding stone’ (held in hand for grinding on nu$m-na@˘
           ‘large flat grinding stone’)

    These compounds are distinct from simple possessor-possessed
combinations involving yi^-m ‘child’ or related forms, like that in (xx2). Here
the possessor has its regular tones, while the possessed noun has a
superimposed {HL} or all-L contour.

(xxx)   u@ro$      yi$tE$˘
        house      children.L
        ‘the children of the house’


5.1.6   ‘Woman’ (ya$-, ya$˘-), ‘man’ (a$r<a$-)

‘Woman’ is singular ya&-m, plural ya&˘. The short-voweled form ya$ is used as a
compound initial (or preadjectival noun form) in ya$-gu$rç^-m ‘adolescent girl’,
ya$-sa@gta@ra@-m ‘full-grown woman’, ya$-pE&˘-m ‘old woman’, ya$ da^˘-m ‘junior
wife’, ya$ di@y<a$-m ‘senior wife’, ya$-nç$r<u@ ‘co-wife’, ya$-bi@ri@m ‘betrothal’,
ya$-[ta$l-i^˘] ‘bridal procession’ and ya$ ka@la$-m ‘new bride’. The phonologically




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more regular long-voweled preadjectival form ya$˘ is less common but occurs in
ya$˘ yi^-m ‘girl’ and ya$˘ ku^-m ‘unmarried woman’.
     ‘Man’ is a@r<a$-m, plural a@r<a$. It has the regular form a$r<a$ as compound
initial or before an adjective: a$r<a$ pE&-m ‘old man’, a$r<a$ ku^-m ‘bachelor’, etc.
     As modifying adjectives (‘female’, ‘male’), the same forms used
independently in the senses ‘woman’ and ‘man’ are used, with appropriate
agreement.


5.1.7   ‘Owner of’ (Sg bç$Ngç@)

The noun bç$Ngç@ ‘owner’ occurs with a preceding possessor NP, which requires
tone-dropping or {HL} tone contour in the usual way (bç$Ngç$, bç@Ngç$). The
plural is with be$.

(xxx)   a. u@ro$        bç$Ngç$
           house        owner.L
           ‘home-owner (head of household)’

        b. wo$go$to@ro$  bç$Ngç$          be$
           cart          owner.L          Pl
           ‘cart-owners’

        c. [u$ro$     ta$˘n      N$gu@]             bç@Ngç$
           [house.L three.L Prox.Inan]              owner.HL
           ‘the owner of these three houses’

        d. [u@ro$      ku$]    bç@Ngç$
           [house      Def] owner.HL
           ‘owner of the (aforementioned) house’


5.1.8   Loose and tight compounds with na@˘ (‘authentic’, ‘entire’)

With flora terms, adding -na@˘ to the L-toned noun as compoun d initial
unambiguously denotes the entire plant. -na@˘ is often omitted since the most
common reference is to the entire plant, but without -na@˘ the noun can also
loosely denote the fruit or other part.

(xxx)   a. ç$sç$rç$-na@˘
           baobab.L-entire
           ‘baobab tree’




                                         74
5.1.9     Instrumental relative compounds (‘oil for rubbing’)

A loose compound in the form of a relative clause with nonspecific 3Pl
“subject” is used to define a type of object by its typical function.

(xxx)     a. ni$˘-nç@-yE$
             water.L-drink-Impf.3PlS
             ‘drinking water’

          b. ni$˘-di$ye@-yE$
             water.L-bathe-Impf.3PlS
             ‘water for bathing’


5.1.10 Other phrasal compounds

5.1.11 Unclassified nominal compounds


5.2     Adjectival compounds

5.2.1     Bahuvrihi (“Blackbeard”) compounds (n# a^)

In this type, the initial has its usual tones, while the final has a {HL} tone
overlay. In the uncommon case where the final has more than two tones, the H
spreads to the penultimate syllable, leaving just one L-toned syllable.


5.2.1.1    With adjectival compound final

Examples are in (xxx).

(xxx)     a. a$r<a$     pi$re@-du@gu$-m     ku$
             man.L      belly-fat.HL-Sg Def
             ‘the big-bellied (=pot-bellied) man’ (du$gu@)

          b. a$r<a$     pi$re@-du@gu$-yE$
             man.L      belly-fat.HL-Pl
             ‘big-bellied men’




                                            75
          c. pi$re@-pa@ta@pa@ta$-m
             belly-flat.HL-Sg
             ‘flat-bellied’ (pa$ta$pa@ta$)

          d. ku^˘-ko@ro$y-m
             head-empty-Sg
             ‘empty-headed’ (ko$ro@y)


5.2.1.2    With numeral compound final


(xxx)     a. na$˘      ku^˘-ni^˘-m
             cow.L     head-four.HL-Sg
             ‘four-headed cow’ (ni&˘)

          b. gi$re@-tu@w<ç$-m
             eye-one.HL-Sg
             ‘one-eyed person’ (/tu$w<ç^/)




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6 Noun Phrase structure




6.1        Organization of NP constituents

6.1.1       Linear order

The ordering of elements within NPs is indicated in (xx1).

(xx1)       Order within NP

      a. prenominal possessor
         b1. possessor NP
         b2. pronominal possessor (with kin terms)
         b2. Inanimate ku@ ‘its’ in discourse-anaphoric sense

      b. noun

      c. modifying adjective(s)

      d. cardinal numeral (or distributive)

      e. deictic demonstrative pronoun ‘this/that’

      f.    Definite morpheme ku$ (ku@)

      g. Plural be$

      h. universal quantifier ‘all’ (da$<-wo^y)

     The primary ordering relationships can be seen in (xxx). (xxx.a) has all
slots filled except that for numerals. A numeral does occur in (xxx.b).

(xxx)       a. a@˘ma@du$ u$ro$     di$y<a$w< N$gu@     ku$      be$ da$<-wo^y
               Amadou house.L big.L          Prox.Inan Def      Pl all
               ‘all of those big houses of Amadou’

            b. u@          u@ro$    di$y<a$w<     ta$˘nu@   ku$
               2SgP        house.HL big.L         three     Def
             ‘your-Sg three big houses’


6.1.2    Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.)

6.1.3    Detachability (in relatives)

6.1.4    Internal bracketing and tone-dropping

The noun stem (simple or compound), plus any modifying adjectives,
constitutes the core NP. Within the core NP, leaving aside the tonal effects of a
possessor NP, all nonfinal words drop their tones. For example, in the
sequence [noun adj1 adj2], only the final adjective preserves its lexical tones.
    A demonstrative pronoun (but not a Definite morpheme) also forces tone-
dropping on a preceding noun (or whatever word, noun or adjective, occurs at
the end of the core NP). If the demonstrative is preceded by both a core NP
(noun with or without adjectives) and a numeral, both the numeral and (the final
word of) the core NP are tone-dropped.


6.2     Possessives

There is no morphological difference between alienable and inalienable
possessors (though there are some other features that set off kin terms from
other human nouns).
    Possession is marked by a possessor pronominal or NP preceding the
possessed noun, and by a tonal change in the possessed noun. For 1Sg
possessor, the possessor is segmentally zero but there is a unique tonal pattern
on the noun.


6.2.1    Nonpronominal NP possessor

There is no possessive (genitive) marking on the possessor, which has its
normal form and is simply juxtaposed to a following possessed noun. The latter,
however, undergoes a tonal change to {L} (i.e. tone-dropping) or to {HL} if not
already in this form lexically.
    When the possessor is a nonpronominal NP ending in a noun, modifying
adjective, or cardinal numeral, the final tone of this NP determines the tone of
the possessed noun. If the NP ends in H-tone (including R-tone), the possessed
noun has {HL} contour, with the H component on the first syllable (or the first
mora of a monosyllabic stem). If the NP ends in L-tone (including F-tone), the




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possessed noun has all-L contour. In other words, the possessed noun is
basically L-toned, but the final tone of the preceding NP is carried over onto its
first mora. In the following examples, the lexical tone of the possessed noun is
shown in parentheses after the free translation.
     In (xxx), the possessor NP ends in L-tone, so the possessed noun has all-L
tone.

(xxx)   a. a@˘ma@du$ u$ro$
           Amadou house.L
           ‘Amadou’s house’ (u@ro$)

        b. a@˘ma@du$ ya$-m
           Amadou woman-Sg.L
           ‘Amadou’s woman (=wife)’ (ya&-m)

        c. a@˘ma@du$ i$njE$-m
           Amadou dog-Sg.L
           ‘Amadou’s dog’ (i$njE&-m)

        d. a@˘ma@du$ wo$go$to$ro$
           Amadou    pushcart.L
           ‘Amadou’s pushcart’ (wo$go$to@ro$)

        e. [ya&˘         ga@˘ra$y]   i$njE$-m
           [woman        eight]      dog.L
           ‘the dog of (the) eight women’ (i$njE&-m)

        f.   [ya$          da^˘-m]     i$njE$-m
             [woman.L small-Sg] dog.L
             ‘the dog of (the) small woman’ (i$njE&-m)

   In (xxx), the possessor NP ends in H-tone, so the possessed noun has the
{HL} pattern.

(xxx)   a. ya&-m      u@ro$
           woman-Sg house.HL
           ‘(the) woman’s house’ (u@ro$)

        b. ya&-m      i@njE$-m
           woman-Sg dog-Sg.HL
           ‘(the) woman’s dog’ (i$njE&-m)




                                       79
        c. ya&-m              wo@go$to$ro$
           woman-Sg           pushcart.HL
           ‘(the) woman’s pushcart’ (wo$go$to@ro$)

        e. [ya&˘           ye&y]    i@njE$-m
           [woman.Pl       two]     dog-Sg.HL
           ‘the dog of (the) two women’ (i$njE&-m)

        f.    [ya$          pE&-m]     i@njE$-m
              [woman.L old-Sg]         dog-Sg.HL
              ‘the dog of (the) old woman’ (i$njE&-m)

     If the possessor NP ends in a postnominal particle (Plural be$ or Definite
ku$), the possessed noun has {HL} contour, even though it is preceded by a
L-tone. This suggests that {HL} is morphologically the most basic tone contour
for possessed nouns, and (by implication) that the all-L pattern seen above is the
result of a local morphophonological tone-spreading rule.

(xxx)   a. [nu&˘     ye&y    ku$]      i@njE$-m
           [person two       Def]      dog-Sg.HL
           ‘the dog of the two people’ (i$njE&-m)

        b. [u@ro$       be$]     yi@tE$˘
           [house       Pl]      children.HL
           ‘(the) children of the houses’ (yi$tE&˘$)

    The phonology of the {HL} contour is illustrated in more detail in (xxx). In
(xxx.a), there is no audible change since the lexical form happens to already
have a {HL} contour. In (xxx.b-d) we do have audible changes. The
monosyllabic stems in (xxx.b) end up with F-tone. The nonmonosyllabic
examples have H-tone on the first syllable, whether this first syllable is short
(CV-), heavy (CVC-, CV:-), or superheavy (CV:C-) (xxx.c-e).

(xxx)        gloss            lexical form       {HL} possessed form

        a. ‘house’            u@ro$              u@ro$
           ‘road’             o@su$              o@su$
           ‘water’            ni^˘               ni^˘

        b. ‘women’            ya&˘               ya^˘
           ‘person’           nu&-m              nu^-m




                                         80
        c. ‘fabric’           o$ro$su@         o@ro$su$
           ‘children’         yi$tE&˘$         yi@tE$˘

        d. ‘mango’            ma$Ngo@ro$       ma@Ngo$ro$
           ‘stool’            tu@Ngu@ru@m      tu@Ngu$ru$m
           ‘dog’              i$njE&-m         i@njE$-m
           ‘kola nut’         go&˘ro$          go@˘ro$

        e. ‘short hoe’        da$˘mba^˘        da@˘mba$˘


6.2.2   Pronominal possessor

A pronominal possessor is expressed by the same form used as independent
pronoun and as preverbal subject (optionally also for direct object), except that
the 1Sg form is segmentally zero. This is also the case with postpositional
complements, .
    The possessor forms are in (xx1). They are identical to the forms used as
postpositional complements, reflecting the close relationship between
possessor-possessed and complement-postposition relationships (§8.xxx).
Except for the zero 1Sg, these forms are also identical to those used as
independent pronoun, as preverbal subject pronominal, and optionally as direct
object.

(xx1)   category         possessor form (preceding possessed noun)

        1Sg              (zero)
        1Pl              i@∴
        2Sg              u@
        2Pl              u@∴
        3Sg              E@r<E@
        3Pl              bu^˘
        Inan             ku@
        3ReflSg          a@
        3ReflPl          a@∴

    The tonal pattern of the noun depends on which pronominal possessor is at
hand, as summarized in (xx2). Except for the special case of 1Sg possessor, the
pronominal data are consistent with those seen for nonpronominal NPs above.
Specifically, if the possessor ends in a H tone segment, the possessed noun has
{HL} tone contour, while if the possessor ends in a low tone (3Pl) or in the




                                          81
dying-quail intonational feature (with final low pitch), the possessed noun has
all-L tones.

(xx2)   possessors                                    possessed noun

        a. 1Pl i@∴, 2Pl u@∴, 3Pl bu^˘, 3ReflPl a@∴ all-L
        b. 2Sg u@, 3Sg E@r<E@, 3ReflSg a@, Inan ku@ {HL}
        c. 1Sg (segmentally zero)                   {LHL}

    The 1Sg possessor is segmentally zero, but is expressed by a {LHL} tone
overlay on the possessed noun. The initial L of {LHL} is arguably the real 1Sg
possessor morpheme, i.e. a foating L-tone that “docks” on the onset of the
possessed noun, while the residual …HL is identical to the {HL} associated
with the other singular possessors. However, the details of tone association for
the 1Sg differ from those valid for the other pronouns with {HL} possessed
noun. Consider the data in (xx3).

(xx3)                                           possessed, after …
        stem         gloss         …2Sg               …1Pl              …1Sg

    a. yu^˘          ‘millet’      u@   yu^˘          i@∴   yu$˘        yu&˘$
       ku^˘          ‘head’        u@   ku^˘          i@∴   ku$˘        ku&˘$
       si^w          ‘hoe’         u@   si^w          i@∴   si$w        si&w$
       E&˘           ‘well’        u@   E^˘           i@∴   E$˘         E&˘$
       bE&y$<        ‘beard’       u@   bE^y<         i@∴   bE$y<       bE&y$<

    b. a@˘ra@        ‘rice’        u@   a@˘ra$        i@∴   a$˘ra$      a&˘ra$
       e$nji^˘       ‘roselle’     u@   e@nji$˘       i@∴   e$nji$˘     e&nji$˘
       da$˘mba^˘     ‘short hoe’   u@   da@˘mba$˘     i@∴   da$˘mba$˘   da&˘mba$˘
       go&˘ro$       ‘kola nut’    u@   go@˘ro$       i@∴   go$˘ro$     go&˘ro$
       ba$rme&y      ‘corn’        u@   ba@rme$y      i@∴   ba$rme$y    ba&rme$y

    c. u@ro$         ‘house’       u@   u@ro$         i@∴   u$ro$       u&ro$
       ka$ra@        ‘mat’         u@   ka@ra$        i@∴   ka$ra$      ka&ra$
       be@re@        ‘stick’       u@   be@re$        i@∴   be$re$      be&re$
       E$mE&y<       ‘sorghum’     u@   E@mE$y<       i@∴   E$mE$y<     E&mE$y
       du$ru@        ‘long pole’   u@   du@ru$        i@∴   du$ru$      du&ru$
       mo$bi^l       ‘vehicle’     u@   mo@bi$l       i@∴   mo$bi$l     mo&bi$l

    d. tu@Ngu@ru@m   ‘stool’       u@ tu@Ngu$ru$m i@∴ tu$Ngu$ru$m tu&Ngu$ru$m
       ma$Ngo@ro$    ‘mango’       u@ ma@Ngo$ro$ i@∴ ma$Ngo$ro$ ma&Ngo$ro$




                                          82
    e. ba$na$ku^˘     ‘cassava’    u@    ba@na$ku$˘      i@∴   ba$na$ku$˘    ba&na$ku$˘
       gi$ga$sa^˘     ‘pioche’     u@    gi@ga$sa$˘      i@∴   gi$ga$sa$˘    gi&-ga$s a$˘
       ka$na@r<a$y    ‘melon’      u@    ka@na$r<a$y     i@∴   ka$na$r<a$y   ka&na$r<a$y
       ç$sç$kç@rç$    ‘throat’     u@    ç@sç$kç$rç$     i@∴   ç$sç$kç$rç$   ç&sç$kç$rç$
       ku$ku$yç@      ‘hair’       u@    ku@ku$yç$       i@∴   ku$ku$yç$     ku&ku$yç$

    f.   bi$ya$˘ku@   ‘guava’      u@ bi@ya$˘ku$         i@∴ bi$ya$˘ku$      bi&ya$˘ku$

    In the 1Sg forms, we observe the following:

(xx4)    a. a monosyllabic stem has <LHL> tone (xx3.a).
         b. in bisyllabic and longer stems: the initial syllable has R-tone and
                   the rest of the word is low-toned

      However, phonetically, when the initial syllable is monomoraic, the high-
tone component is pushed to the right by the low tone of the 1Sg possessor
morpheme, and the high tone may spill slightly into the onset of the second
syllable. This is understandable, since a nonfinal monomoraic syllable makes it
difficult to clearly articulate both the low and high components of an initial-
syllable rising tone. Possibly in connection with this, I have noticed occasional
pronunciations of the 1Sg possessor form where an initial voiced consonant,
especially {b m}, is slightly prolonged, so that e.g. be&re$ ‘my stick’ approaches
phonetic [´$b˘e@re$].
     For human and other animate nouns, the tone overlays apply to the entire
input noun, including Sg -m (xx5.a) and the regular plural form (xx5.b).

(xx5)                                              possessed, after …
         stem         gloss         …2Sg                 …1Pl                …1Sg

    a. i$njE&-m       ‘dog’         u@   i@njE$-m        i@∴   i$njE$-m      i&njE4-m
       pE$rE&-m       ‘sheep-Sg’    u@   pE@rE$-m        i@∴   pE$rE$-m      pE&rE$-m
       ya&-m          ‘woman’       u@   ya^-m           i@∴   ya$-m         ya&-m$
       yi@-m          ‘child’       u@   yi^-m           i@∴   yi$-m         yi&-m$

    b. ya&˘           ‘women’       u@   ya^˘            i@∴   ya$˘          ya&˘$
       yi$tE&˘$       ‘children’    u@   yi@tE$˘         i@∴   yi$tE$˘       yi&tE4˘
       pE$rE@         ‘sheep-Pl’    u@   pE@rE$          i@∴   pE$rE$        pE&rE$
       i$njE@         ‘dogs’        u@   i@njE$          i@∴   i$njE$        i&njE$

    The application of the {HL} possessed-noun contour extends to the end of
the core NP, i.e. includes any modifying adjectives (xx6.a-b). It also extends to




                                           83
a following cardinal numeral (xx6.c-d). In the examples, the scope of the
possessed-noun {HL} tone contour is indicated by brackets.

(xxx)   a. u@        [u@ro$         di$y<a$-w]
           2SgP      [house.HL      big-Inan.L]
           ‘your-Sg big house’

        b. u@       [u@ro$       di$y<a$-w$       ba$r<a$-w]
           2SgP     [house.HL    big-Inan.L       red-Inan.L]
           ‘your-Sg big brown house’

        c. u@        [u@ro$          pE$ru$]
           2SgP      [house.HL       ten.L]
           ‘your-Sg ten houses’

        d. u@        [u@ro$        di$y<a$-w       pE$ru$]
           2SgP      [house.HL     big-Inan.L      ten.L]
           ‘your-Sg ten big houses’


6.2.3   Recursive and embedded possession

Complex possessed NPs of the type [X’s Y’s Z] are normally bracketed as
[[X’s Y]’s Z]. The [X’s Y] NP has its normal tones, which may be {L} or {HL}
depending on what X is, or {LHL} with (segmentally zero) 1Sg possessor.
Since ‘X’s Y’ always denotes a third person entity, it requires tone-dropping on
the following possessed noun Z. Examples are in (xxx).

(xxx)   a. na&r<a$            bç$˘
           1SgP.mother.LHL father.L
           ‘my mother’s father’

        b. [u@      na@r<a$]         bç$˘
           [2SgP    mother.HL]       father.L
           ‘your mother’s father’

        c. [a@˘ma@du$  na$r<a$]       bç$˘
           Amadou      mother.L       father.L
           ‘Amadou’s mother’s father’




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6.3     Noun plus adjective

6.3.1    Noun plus regular adjective

A noun may be followed by one or more modifying adjectives. For this purpose,
ordinals (‘first’, ‘second’, …) function as modifying adjectives. The adjectives
agree with the noun in nominal features (animate Singular and Plural,
Inanimate). In fact, many adjectives overtly distinguish animate Plural (no
suffix) from Inanimate (suffix -w), whereas both categories have zero suffix
with nouns.
    Simple examples are in (xx1). When an adjective is added, the noun drops
to all-low tones (xx1.b-c). When two adjectives follow, the noun and the
nonfinal adjective drop tones (xx1.d).

(xx1)    a. ma$Ngo@ro$
            ‘mango’

         b. ma$Ngo$ro$ du$gu^-w
            ‘(a) big mango’

         c. ma$Ngo$ro$ ba@r<a$-w
            ‘(a) red (= ripe) mango’

         d. ma$Ngo$ro$ du$gu$-w      ba@r<a$-w
            ‘(a) big red mango’

     When tone-dropped in this context, most monosyllabic vowel-final noun
stems (Cv˘) maintain their long vowel, even though vowel length is (by
definition) no longer needed to articulate a contour tone. Thus ni^˘ ‘water’ keeps
its long vowel in e.g. ni$˘ ç^w ‘hot water’ and ni$˘ ta^m ‘cold water’, as does ku^˘
‘head’ in e.g. ku$˘ du$gu^-w ‘big head’. The noun na&˘ ‘hand’ is regular in most
combinations, e.g. na$˘ du$gu^-w ‘big hand’, but it does shorten its vowel
exceptionally in na$ ba$na&y ‘left hand’ and na$ n)E&y ‘right hand’.
     When they occur without an adjective, most animate nouns have Singular
-m, opposed to a suffixless plural. When an adjective follows the noun, the
Singular suffix disappears (or rather, it is expressed on the adjective). Different
patterns of final vowel length are observed. In both (xx2.a) and (xx2.b), the
plural is of the form Cv˘ with long vowel, but the other forms show that ‘cow’
has a true underlying long vowel while ‘woman’ has a short vowel. The long
vowel in ya&˘ ‘women’ is therefore attributable to Contour-Tone Mora-Addition
(§3.xxx). In (xx2.c), the stem has a simple tone and therefore keeps its final
short vowel throughout. In (xx2.d), the stem ends in a contour tone, so its final




                                        85
vowel is lengthened in the plural, again by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition. In
(xx2.e), the long vowel in the plural is not attributable to this process since the
final syllable has a simple (not contour) tone, which points to a lexical final
long vowel. This vowel is shortened in the Singular and in the presuffixal forms
by a rule applying only to nonmonosyllabic stems. For more on these
alternations see §4.1.1.

(xx2)       gloss           Sg          Pl         ‘good X-Sg’        ‘good X-Pl’

        a. ‘cow’            na&˘-m      na&˘       na$˘ E$s u^-m      na$˘ E$s i@-yE$

        b. ‘woman’          ya&-m       ya&˘       ya$ E$su@-m        ya$ E$s i@-yE$

        c. ‘left-hander’    ba$ri@ya$-m ba$ri@ya$ ba$ri$ya$ E$su^-m   ba$ri$ya$ E$si@-yE$

        d. ‘agama lizard’ ce$Ngu^-m cE$Ngu^˘ cE$Ngu$ E$su^-m          cE$Ngu$ E$s i@-yE$

        e. ‘blacksmith’     jE@mbE$-m jE@mbE$˘ jE$mbE$ E$s u^-m       jE$mbE$ E$s i@-yE$


6.3.2   Adjective-like quantifier ga$mbu@ ‘certain’

This adjective indicates a part or a subject. The pronunciation varies from
ga$mbu@ to ga&m. It is treated syntactically like a cardinal numeral, so both
ga$mbu@ and the preceding NP keep their usual tones.

(xxx)   a. nu&˘        ga$mbu@       lo@˘-r-a$˘,
           person      certain       go-Perf-3PlS
           nu&˘        ga$mbu@       wa@s a@˘-r-a$˘
           person      certain       remain-Perf-3PlS
           ‘Some people went away, some (=others) stayed.’

        b. yu^˘       be@le@     ga$mbu@        n)E@-n,
           millet     part       certain        eat-and,
           be@le@     ga$mbu@      du$wç^˘-y
           part       certain      leave.Perf.L-1PlS
           ‘We ate some of the millet and left some (=the rest).’




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6.3.3     Expansions of adjective

6.3.3.1    Adjectival intensifiers

Like all Dogon languages and others in the zone, Beni is rich in interjection-like
or stem-iterated intensifiers for adjectival and some other senses. The closest
English equivalents are those seen in phrases like brand new and dead drunk,
but the Beni intensifiers are more distinctive phonologically (by intonational
prolongation or some form of iteration or reduplication), and generally do not
also occur as ordinary nouns or other stems. There is no sharp distinction
between these intensifiers, which may co-occur with a semantically more
ordinary adjective (or other stem) with the same general sense, and expressive
adverbials, which are more autonomous.
    The first and largest batch of examples are full-stem iterations
(reduplications), mostly all-high toned (xx1.a-c). The pattern Cv@Cv@-Cv@Cv@ is
found when C2 = C4 is an obstruent, versus Cv@C-Cv@C when C2 = C4 is a
sonorant. Minor patterns are listed in (xx1.d-f). In most cases the stem is a
“nonsense” syllable not found elsewhere in the lexicon. Under “comment” I
give the ordinary lexical item often associated with the intensifier.

(xx1)         form                   gloss                  associated stem

          a. CvCvC-CvCvC, all-high tone
              pa@r<a@y-pa@r<a@y ‘shiny new’                 ka@la$ ‘new’
              ka@la@N-ka@la@N   ‘very dry’                  ma&˘ ‘dry/hard’

          b. CvCv-CvCv, final C = obstruent, all-high tone
              bE@du@-bE@du@      ‘very fine (powder)’       bu@tç$ ‘fine’
              bE@du@-bE@du@      ‘very supple (hide)’       yç$ru@ ‘supple’
              bç@du@-bç@du@      ‘very soft’
              cE@tu@-cE@tu@      ‘very short’               gç&˘$- ‘short’, cE@tE@
                                                            ‘runty’
              ci@ti@-ci@tu@      ‘nauseating’               (2nd /i/ influenced by
                                                            the preceding /c/)
              ka@tu@-ka@tu@      ‘very bitter’              ga@ri$m ‘bitter’
              ku@su@-ku@su@      ‘glare at’
              ku@su@-ku@su@      ‘very black’               jE@w<E$- ‘black’
              le@ge@-le@ge@      ‘sharply pointed’          si^m ‘pointed’
              pu@la@-pu@la@      ‘very hot’                 ç^w ‘hot’
              tu@ka@-tu@ka@      ‘very dusty, lots of dust’ ku$-kç$rç&y ‘dust’
              te@gu@-te@gu@      ‘very dusty, lots of dust’ ku$-kç$rç&y ‘dust’
              pa@ru@-pa@ru@      ‘very white’               pi@lE@ ‘white’




                                             87
c. CvC-CvC, final C = sonorant, all-high tone
    bo@m-bo@m          ‘very thick (linear object)
    bu@y<-bu@y<        ‘very red’                  ba@r<a$- ‘red’
    ce@w-ce@w          ‘very lightweight’          n)E$r<u@ ‘lightweight’
    di@m-di@m          ‘very straight’             de@m⇒ ‘straight’
                                                   (adverb)
    de@m-de@m          ‘very straight’             de@m⇒ ‘straight’
                                                   (adverb)
    do@N-do@N          ‘furious, seething’         cE@lE$ ba$r<a@ ‘be angry’
    du@y-du@y          ‘very rotten’               ç$mbu@ ‘rotten’
    ga@y<-ga@y<        ‘very full (sated)’         ba@ ‘(meal) sate (sb)’
    ga@y<-ga@y<        ‘very tight (rope)’         E&w$ ‘tight (rope)’
    ge@N-ge@N          ‘very tight (tomtom)’       E&w$ ‘tight (rope)’
    ka@y<-ka@y<        ‘very crowded’              E@Ngi@ ‘(market) be
                                                   crowded’
    ka@y<-ka@y<        ‘very hard’                 ma&˘ ‘hard’
    ke@y-ke@y          ‘very tight (tomtom)’       E&w$ ‘tight (rope)’
    ke@y-ke@y          ‘very hard’                 ma&˘ ‘dry/hard’
    ku@y-ku@y          ‘very stocky’
    pe@y-pe@y          ‘very unripe (fruit)’       ce$su@ ‘unripe’
    pe@m-pe@m          ‘very tight (garment)’      E&w$ ‘tight (rope)’
    pa@l-pa@l          ‘very hot’                  ç^w ‘hot’
    pe@w-pe@w          ‘completely used up’        du$w<ç@ ‘be finished’
    pu@l-pu@l          ‘brand new’                 ka@la$ ‘new’
    se@l-se@l          ‘very tall’                 gu$rç^- ‘long, tall’
    sE@l-sE@l          ‘very long and thin’
    sE@l-sE@l          ‘very long and thin’
    so@l-so@l          ‘very long’                 gu$rç^- ‘long, tall’
    ta@w-ta@w          ‘very hot (sun)’            ç^w- ‘hot’
    ta@w-ta@w          ‘very fast’                 ç^w- ‘fast’
    te@m-te@m          ‘fully inflated’            pi@te@ ‘be inflated’
    E$sE$-[tE@w-tE@w]  ‘very unfertilized (field)’ E@sE@ ‘be unfertilized’
    E$sE$-[tE@w-tE@w]  ‘very bland (meal)’         E@sE@ ‘be unfertilized’

d. CvC-CvC, final C = sonorant, rising tones
    ta&y<-ta&y<        ‘very sweet’                 E@ri$m ‘sweet’

e. CvCv-CvCv, final C = sonorant, LH-LH toned
    lo$ro@-lo$ro@      ‘clean-shaven (head)’
    le$re@-le$re@      ‘cleaned up completely’




                                88
            nE$w<E@-nE$w<E@           ‘very smooth/sleek’       o@ru$-m ‘smooth,
                                                                sleek’
            ci$r<E@-ci$r<E@           ‘very thin’               mE$njE@- ‘thin’

        f. CvCvCv-CvCvCv, LLH-LLH toned
            cE$r<i$y<E@-cE$r<i$y<E@ ‘brand new’                 ka@la$ ‘new’

    A more modest number of intensifiers show more unusual, partially
reduplicated forms (xx2). Some of these clearly share phonological material
with the semantically related ordinary term (‘very sour’, ‘very heavy’, ‘foul,
stinking’, and ‘very sweet’, and perhaps a@sa@s a@ ‘very bright’ if related to the
word-family including noun E@sE$ ‘light’). Others are unrelated to any ordinary
lexical item.

(xx2)       form              gloss                 associated stem

        a. type v@1Cxv@2Cxv@2
             i@sa@s a@       ‘well-branched’       ja$w<y<i@- ‘ramify’
             o@yo@yo@        ‘very bright (light)’ E@sE$ ‘light’ (noun)
             a@sa@s a@       ‘very bright (light)’ E@sE$ ‘light’ (noun)

        b. type Cv$Cxv@Cxv@Cxv@ (with r</n and r/l alternations)
             du$su@su@su@  ‘very heavy’           du$su@ ‘heavy’
             cE$r<E@nE@nE@ ‘very cold’            ta^m ‘cold’
             po$ro@lo@lo@  ‘foul, stinking’       po@ru$m ‘strong (odor)’
             pa$ra@la@la@  ‘very sour’            pa@ri$m ‘sour’, pa@le@-re@- ‘be sour’

        c. type v$Cxv$Cxv@Cxv@Cxv@ (with r/l alternation)
             e$le$re@le@le@ ‘very sweet’            E@ri$m ‘sweet’, e@le@-re@- ‘be sweet’

     The isolated examples in (xx3) are not reduplicative, but have some
prosodic similarity to the quadrisyllabic examples in (xx2.b,d), above. The first
part of le$re$-ge$de&w may be related to le$re@-le$re@ in (xx1.f), above.

(xx3)       form                 gloss                      associated stem

        a. le$re$-ge$de&w        ‘absolutely everything’ na@Na@na$˘ = da$<-wo^y ‘all’

        b. ka@n)a@r<a@na@        ‘(running) very fast’      ç^w ‘fast’

    The remaining examples have no reduplicative features. Those in (xx4.a)
are of shape Co@C(u$), including several cases with final unvoiced stop (not




                                            89
allowed as final consonant in ordinary stems) and one with /f/, a “non-Dogon”
consonant. Those in (xx4.b-c) have built-in intonatioal prolongation of the final
consonant (symbol ⇒). Aside from pu@tu@m⇒, which is attested with two
distinct senses (xx4.b), these are of the shape Cv@C⇒ with a final sonorant.
None of the intensifiers in (xx4.a-c) is phonologically related to the
corresponding semantically related stem. In ‘totally blind’ (xx4.c), the noun ji$re@
‘eye’ is

(xx4)         form                 gloss                       associated stem

          a. interjection-like
               jç@fu$              ‘very wet’                  ç$ru@ ‘wet’
               cE@k                ‘completely, every bit’
               lo@k, lo@N          ‘sole, lone’                tu$w<ç@ ‘one’
               pE@p                ‘very full (container)’     ba@ ‘be full’

          b. intonational prolongation, final sonorant, bisyllabic (Cv@Cv@C⇒)
               pu@tu@m⇒          ‘with many flowers’        pu$r<u&y ‘flower’
               pu@tu@m⇒          ‘very foggy’               n)a@Na@ ‘mist, fog’

          c. intonational prolongation, final sonorant, monosyllabic H-toned
                                                       (Cv@C⇒)
              po@m⇒            ‘enormous’              di@y<a$ ‘big’
              ja@y<⇒           ‘very uncooked (meat)’ ce$su@ ‘raw, uncooked’
              ta@y<⇒           ‘very full (sated)’     ba@ ‘(meal) sate (sb)’

          d. intonational prolongation, final sonorant, monosyllabic R-toned
                                                               (Cv&C⇒)
              cE&y<⇒                 ‘tiny’
              kç&y<⇒                 ‘emaciated’               ko@mbo@ ‘lean’
              ka&y<⇒                 ‘oversized (eyes, teeth)’ sa$la^˘, da^˘, tE&˘$, i$la^˘
                                                               ‘small’
              ji$re@ da&m⇒           ‘totally blind’           ji$mdu@ ‘blind’
                    (contains ji$re@ ‘eye’)


6.3.3.2    ‘Near X’, ‘far from X’

Adjectives ‘near’ and ‘far, distant’ can be expanded by adding an adverbial
phrase when used as predicates (xx1.b), but not when used as simple modifying
adjectives (‘the nearby house’, etc.).




                                            90
(xx1)     a. u@ro$    wa&˘w / sç$s u@    bu^˘-∅
             house    distant / near     be-3SgS
             ‘The house is far away/nearby.’

          b. u@ro$   [i$se^˘     n)a^y] wa&˘w / sç$s u@    bu^˘-∅
             house [village with] distant / near           be-3SgS
             ‘The house is far from/close to the village.’


6.3.3.3    ‘Good to eat’

‘Grasshoppers are good to eat’ is phrased as ‘[grasshoppers’ eating-VblN] is
sweet’ (xx1). The verbal noun is low-toned as a possessed noun (following a
possessor that ends in a low tone).

(xx1)     [ki$-ka&˘$           ku$w-i$˘]            E@ru@m
          [Rdp-grasshopper eat.meat-VblN.L] be.sweet
          ‘Eating (of) grasshoppers is sweet.’ (ku$w-i^˘)


6.4     Noun (or core NP) plus demonstrative

6.4.1     Prenominal ku@

6.4.2     Postnominal demonstratives

A postnominal demonstrative pronoun forces tone-dropping on the final word of
a core NP. Since all nonfinal words of a core NP are already tone-dropped, the
effect is that all words in the core NP are tone-dropped before a demonstrative
pronoun.

(xx1)     a. u$ro$        N$gu@
             house.L      Prox.Inan
             ‘this house’ (u@ro$)

          b. [u$ro$       ba$r<a$-w]        N$gu@
             [house.L red-Inan.L]           Prox.Inan
             ‘this red house’ (u$ro$ ba@r<a$-w)

    If the core NP is followed by a numeral and then a demonstrative pronoun,
both the numeral and (the last word of) the core NP are tone-dropped. Neither




                                          91
‘house’ nor ‘six’ are tone-dropped in (xx2.a), but both are tone-dropped before
the demonstrative in (xx2.b).

(xx1)    a. u@ro$        ku@ro$y
            house        six
            ‘six houses’

         b. [u$ro$       ku$ro$y]        N$gu@
            [house.L six.L]              Prox.Inan
            ‘these six houses’


6.5     Noun plus cardinal numeral

A noun, or more generally a core NP (noun with or without following
modifying adjectives), may be followed by a cardinal numeral. Both the core
NP and the numeral have the same tones they have in isolation. In other words,
there is no tonal interaction between the core NP and the numeral (they are in a
kind of prosodic “apposition”). In (xx1.b), the tone-dropping on ‘cow’ is due to
the adjective, not the numeral.

(xx1)    a. na&˘     ta$˘nu@
            cow      three
            ‘three cows’

         b. [na$˘       di@y<a$]    ta$˘nu@
            [cow.L      big.Pl]     three
            ‘three big cows’


6.6     Plural (b e$ )

Postnominal Plural particle be$ is morphosyntactically quite unlike the regular
Plural marking for animate nouns, which is zero suffix versus Singular -m, as in
na&˘-m ‘cow’ versus na&˘ ‘cows’ and in ya&-m ‘woman’ versus ya&˘ ‘women’.
Plural be$ occurs at or near the end of the NP, often well-separated from the
noun. It follows demonstrative pronouns: [[u@ le@su$] mu&˘ be$] ‘these uncles of
yours’ [[2SgP uncle.HL] this Pl].
     The particle be$ is optional with inanimate nouns to specify plurality.
Ordinarily such nouns make no singular/plural distinction (either in the NP or in
subject agreement). Thus ku@r<u$ ‘stone’ or ‘stones’, or ku@r<u$ be$ to clearly
specify plural ‘stones’.




                                          92
      be$ is also regularly used with nouns denoting animate beings, if the nouns
(for one reason or another) are not capable of marking grammatical number
suffixally. This is the case with several kin terms that do not allow Singular
suffix -m and therefore have no suffixal distinction between singular and plural.
Therefore ‘your-Sg (maternal) uncle’ is u@ le@su$, and its plural ‘your-Sg uncles’
is u@ le@su$ be$.
      With animate nouns that already distinguish singular from plural by
suffixes, be$ is at best marginal. This statement factors out emphatic
conjunctions of the ‘both X and Y’ type, such as [[ya&˘ be@⇒] [a@r<a$ be$⇒]]
‘both men and women’.


6.7     Definite (ku$ , bu^ ˘ )

The Definite morpheme is ku$ for (animate) Singular and for inanimates: na&˘-m
ku$ ‘the cow’, ku@r<u$ ku$ ‘the stone’. Inanimates are optionally pluralized by
adding Plural be$ to ku$, as in ku@r<u$ ku$ be$ ‘the stones’. (Animate) Plural has a
special Definite form, bu^˘, as in na&˘ ku$ ‘the cows’.
    Definite ku$ does not co-occur with demonstrative pronouns (‘this’, ‘that’).
Unlike the demonstrative pronouns, Definite ku$ does not interact tonally with
the preceding words in the NP.


6.8     Universal and distributive quantifiers

6.8.1    ‘Each X’ and ‘all X’ (wo^y, da$¯-wo^y)

The stylistically unmarked quantifier for ‘all’ and ‘each’ is wo^y, which is often
extended as da$<-wo^y, with no apparent change in meaning. In (xx1.a), it is
clearly distributive ‘each’ and occurs with noun in singular form with no
determiner. In examples like (xx1.b-c), with the universal-quantifier sense ‘all’,
the nouns are marked as plural (if morphologically possible) and allow Definite
determiners.

(xx1)    a. [[a@r<a$-m    wo^y]      ma$˘] [yu^˘      sa$˘gu$]
            [[man-Sg      each]      Dat]  [millet    sack.L]
            tu$w<ç@-tu$w<ç@   ni@-y$∴
            one-one           give.Impf-1PlS
            ‘We will give one sack of millet to each man.’

         b. [na&˘          bu^˘     da$<-wo^y]    sa@˘tE@˘-r-a$˘
            [cow.Pl        Def.Pl   all]          animal.die-Perf1a-3PlS




                                          93
            ‘All of the cows died (without being slaughtered).’

        c. [yi&-tE$˘          da$<-wo^y]   n)a$r<i@-y$
           [1SgP.child-Pl all]             call.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will call (= summon) all of my children.’


6.8.2   ‘No X’ (ka^˘<)

The adjective ka^˘< ‘any’ (animate Singular ka^˘<-m) modifies the noun, which is
singular in form (where morphologically relevant). The noun is tone-dropped as
before other adjectives. Animate Singular suffix -m is omitted on the noun (na$˘
ka^˘<-m ‘any cow’, ya$ ka^˘<-m ‘any woman’, a$r<a$ ka^˘<-m ‘any man’). The verb
(or other predicate) is negated.

(xx1)   a. [yi$         ka^˘<-m] n)a$r<u@-m$-do@-y$
           [child.L any-Sg] call-Impf-Neg-1SgS
           ‘I will not call (= summon) any children.’

        b. [u$ro$        ka^˘<]        E@wE@-m$-do@-y$
           [house.L      any.Inan]     buy-Impf-Neg-1SgS
           ‘I will not buy any house.’

        c. [kç$˘<        ka^˘<]≡ra@-∅
           [thing.L      any.Inan]≡not.be-3SgS
           ‘It isn’t anything.’

    kç$˘< ka^˘< ‘no/any thing’, nu$ ka^˘<-m ‘no-/anybody’, and ç$r<ç ka^˘<
‘no-/anywhere’ are common combinations.
    ka^˘< may be used in the sense ‘any’ in a conditional antecedent clause in the
absence of negation, like English any.

(xx1)   [[kç$˘<        ka^˘<]    yi@-jE@-w$ de$], …
        [[thing.L      any]      see-RecPf-2SgS if], …
        ‘if you-Sg see anything, …’




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7 Coordination




7.1     NP coordination

7.1.1    NP conjunction (X ya⇒↑, Y ya⇒)

The common NP conjunction construction is symmetrical, with a particle ya⇒
following both conjuncts. The individual coordinands may be singular or plural.

(xx1)    [a@r<a$   ya$⇒↑] [ya&˘     ya@⇒↓]
         [man.Pl and]     [woman.Pl and]
         ‘men and women’

     The vowel of /ya/ is extended intonationally (⇒) after both conjuncts. The
phonological tone is carried over from the final tone of the preceding conjunct,
but the parallelistic structure lends itself to intonational modification of the
pitch. Therefore the pitch on the first ya⇒ is rather high even when
phonologically low-toned (symbol ↑), and the pitch on the second ya⇒ is either
close to what one would expect from the phonological tone (no symbol) or else
has the pitch lowering typical of the final phrase in a series (symbol ↓). In
careful speech (in elicitation sessions), the intonational differences between the
first and the second ya⇒ tend to be leveled out.
     The same construction is used with two pronouns (xx2.a), or with a
pronoun and a nonpronominal NP (xx2.b).

(xx2)    a. [i@    ya@⇒↑]       [u@     ya@⇒]
            [1Sg and]           [2Sg    and]
            ‘I and you-Sg’

         b. [i@    ya@⇒↑]       [bç&˘$           ya@⇒]
            [1Sg and]           [1SgP.father     and]
            ‘I and my father’
7.1.1.1      Conjunction with final quantifier

A concluding ‘all’ quantifier, such as emphatic so@y ‘all, every last one’ (in
context also ‘both’) may be added at the end of a conjunction. In this case, there
is less noticeable intonational variation on the ya⇒ conjunction itself.

(xx1)     [a@r<a$ ya$⇒] [ya&˘     ya$⇒] [yi$tE&˘$ ya$⇒] so@y lo@-yE$
          [man.Pl and] [woman.Pl and] [children and] all go-Impf.3PlS
          ‘Men, women, and children are all going.’


7.1.2     NP conjunction with be@⇒, be@⇒

When both coordinands are plural NPs, the conjunctive particle ya ⇒ is
optionally replaced by be ⇒ (with the same exaggerated intonational
prolongation) and the same pitch pattern.

(xxx)     [a@r<a$   be@⇒]    [ya&˘     be$⇒]
          [man.Pl and]       [woman.Pl and]
          ‘men and women’


7.1.3     “Conjunction” of verbs or VP’s

Verbs are not conjoined using the same mechanisms found with NP or
pronominal conjunction. Instead, they may be chained in various ways; see
Chapter 15.


7.2     Disjunction

The ‘or’ disjunction /ma/ is difficult to separate from the interrogative particle
/ma/ in yes/no questions (which often take the parallelistic form ‘X, or not X?’).
Pragmatically, ‘X or Y’ suggests doubt as to whether X or Y (or both) are valid,
so that ‘X or Y’ and ‘X? or Y?’ are closely related. In both cases, /ma/ is
clause-final, is obligatory after the first phrase and commonly repeated after the
second, gets its phonological tone from the end of the preceding word, and is
highly subject to intonational prolongation and pitch modification.




                                       96
7.2.1   ‘Or’ (ma⇒) with NPs and pronouns

The disjunctive particle is /ma/, which regularly shows intonational
prolongation (symbol ⇒). In (xx1.a-b), only one occurrence of ma⇒ occurs,
between the two coordinands. There is no clear intonational break either before
or after the particle, except when the speaker hesitates (e.g. while searching for
a term as right coordinand).

(xx1)   a. u@     ma@⇒       [u@          a@ti$ya$-m]
           2Sg and           [2SgP        friend.HL-Sg]
           ‘you or your friend’

        b. [na$w<a^˘ ma$⇒       nu$w<i^˘] E$su@         bu^˘-∅
           [meat       or       cow.peas] good          be-3Sg
           ‘(Either) meat or cow-peas is fine.’

    In either example, a second occurrence of ma⇒ after the second
coordinand is possible but not required.


7.2.2   ‘Or’ (ma⇒) with adverbs

An example is (xx1), with temporal adverbs.

(xx1)   [i@ye@   ma@⇒] [E@y<           ma@⇒]         yE&-m$
        [today   or]     [tomorrow of]               come-Impf.3SgS
        ‘He/She will come today or tomorrow.’

    My assistant also gave a version of this with ‘it is’ clitic on ‘today’ and
‘yesterday’, beginning [i@ye@≡m$ ma$⇒] …


7.2.3   Clause-level disjunction

It is especially difficult to distinguish the ‘or’ particle from the interrogative
particle in these cases, where two propositions are involved. The elicited
examples (xx1) and (xx2) were designed to force a disjunctive rather than
interrogative reading.
     In (xx1), the two ‘if’ clauses do not exhaust the set of possibilities, since the
“Goldilocks” scenario remains in play (it might rain the just-right amount, not
too much or too little). Therefore the context does not lend itself to a ‘whether X
or Y’ interpretation, which would verge on a polar interrogative.




                                         97
(xx1)   [bo$lu@         mi$r<E$-r<i@-∅                ma@⇒↑]
        [rain(noun) rain.fall-PerfNeg-3SgS or]
        [mi$r<E@       lç@gç@˘-rE$-∅             ma$⇒↑]
        [rain.fall     overflow-Perf-3SgS of]
        yu^˘           go^-m-do@-∅
        millet         go.out-Impf-Neg-3SgS
        ‘If it doesn’t rain, or if it rains too much, the millet won’t come out.’

    In (xx2), the speaker is making a promise in two alternative versions, and
an interrogative reading (in the usual sense) is not possible.

(xx2)   [yE&-y$            ma$⇒↑] [nu&-m           ti@-y$        ma$⇒]
        [come-Impf.1Sg or]         [person-Sg send-Impf.1SgS or]
        ‘(Either) I will come (myself), or I will send someone.’




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8 Postpositions and adverbials




8.1     Tonal locatives

No tonal locatives of the Jamsay type have been observed.
     u@ro$ 'house' has the HL tone contour of Jamsay tonal locative u@ro$ ‘at home’
(cf. Jamsay noun u@ro@ ‘house’).


8.2     Accusative ≡ni$ (≡n$ )

Accusative ≡ni$ (postvocalically also ≡n$) which I transcribe as a clitic, could be
taken as a suffix (but then it is the only suffix added directly to pronouns), or as
a postposition (but it interacts in its segmental phonology with the preceding
element in a manner not typical of postpositions). It is optional even in clear
direct-object function. For its forms with personal pronouns, including 2Sg
u@≡nu$ and Inanimate ku@≡nu$ where the clitic vowel has assimilated to the
pronoun’s back rounded vowel, see §4.3.1. The clitic is also used (optionally)
with other NPs (xx1), though it is most common with personal names. The clitic
is particularly common when the direct object is focalized, and I originally
considered glossing it as an Object Focus morpheme (§13.1.2).

(xx1)    [bç&˘$(≡ni$)]             yi$-y$
         [1SgP.father(≡Acc)]       see.Perf.L-1SgS
         ‘I saw my father.’

    An interesting speculation is whether there is an affinity, or even
morphemic identity, between Accusative ≡ni$ (≡n$) added to nouns and
pronouns, and Different-Subject chaining morpheme ≡ni$ (≡n$) added to a
nonfinal clause in a (loose) clause chain (§15.1.10).
8.3     Dative and instrumental

8.3.1    Dative ma^˘

This postposition has a basic form ma^˘, becoming L-toned ma$˘ after a L- or
F-tone. The 1Sg form is <LHL> toned ma&˘$ with no segmentally overt
pronominal (xxx.c).

(xxx)    a. [su$ma@yla$ ma$˘] bu@˘du$ ni@-ti^˘-∅
            [Soumaila Dat]       money give-Perf-1SgS
            ‘I gave the money to Soumaila.’

         b. E$w<r<E@   [u@      ma^˘] i$-E@w<r<u@-m$
            story      [2Sg Dat] Rdp-narrate.Impf-3SgS
            ‘He/She will tell you-Sg a story.’

         c. bu@˘du$    ma&˘$     ni$-∅
            money      Dat.1Sg give.Perf.L-3SgS
            ‘He/She gave me the money.’


8.3.2    Instrumental n)a^y

Standard instrumental senses (‘with/by means of a stick’) and more abstract
extensions (‘by force’) are expressed by the postposition n)a^y. It appears as n)a$y
after L- or F-tone.

(xxx)    a. [wa@ra$     n)a$y]  wa@ra@-y$
            [daba       Inst]   farm.Impf-1SgS
            ‘I do farming work with a daba (hoe).’

         b. [i$se^˘  ku$]       [pa$Nga@    n)a^y]    a$y-bç@
            [village Def]       [force      Inst]     take.Perf.L-3PlS
            ‘They took (control of) the village by force.’


8.4     Locational postpositions

8.4.1    Locative, allative, and ablative functions

As in all languages of the zone, spatial adverbials denote locations or directions
and are neutral as to whether the referent in question is located in, heading




                                        100
toward, arriving at, or departing from the location (this information is expressed
in verbs).


8.4.2   ‘In, on, at’ (wo)

The most general Locative postposition is /wo/. The tone of the postposition is
spread from the final tone of the preceding NP. The postposition is used in
various temporal (xxx.a) as well as spatial (xxx.b) senses. It competes most
directly with pi@re$ ‘inside’ (§8.xxx, below).

(xxx)   a. [ji$r<e@˘     wo@] bi@rE@      E$si@˘<   bi@rE@⇒-y$
           [rainy.season Loc] work(noun) very       work-Impf.1PlS
           ‘During the rainy season we work a lot (=work hard).’

        b. [[i$s e$˘   di@ya$-w<] wo$]      kç$˘<-ka^˘<        N$go@-∅
           [[village.L big-Inan] Loc] things                   not.be-3SgS
           ‘There is nothing in town (=in the city).’

        c. sE@wE$     [to&˘     wo@]    ta@ra@-ti@-y$
           paper      [wall     Loc] affix-Perf-1SgS
           ‘I stuck (pasted, pinned) the paper on the wall.’

    /wo/ is also part of many of the complex postpositions described below.
Since the immediately preceding stem is a noun-like element that takes
possessed-noun {HL} tone contour, /wo/ appears in low-toned form as wo$ in
these combinations.


8.4.3   ‘Inside, within’ (X pi@re$)

This postposition, based on noun pi$re@˘ ‘interior’ but with final short vowel, is
sometimes interchangeable with Locative wo@ (see above). However, pi@re$ is
more concrete, meaning ‘inside, within’, with reference to a container-like
entity (house, sack, etc.) capable of enclosing something. The form is pi$re$ after
L- or F-tone.

(xxx)   a. [u@ro$      pi$re$]     b-E$˘<
           [house      inside.L] be-3PlS
           ‘They are in(side) the house.’

        b. su@kç@rç$     [jE@mE@      pi@re$]   ga&y<-ti@-y$




                                         101
            sugar        [bag        inside.HL] put-Perf-1SgS
            ‘I put-Past the sugar in(side) the sack.’


8.4.4   ‘on; on the head of’ (X ku@wo$)

This postposition is historically related to ku^˘ ‘head’, though it is now
phonologically distinct from ku^˘ wo$ ‘on the head’. It is used in contexts where
something is (physically or metaphorically) weighing down on the reference
object or person. The metaphor is resonant in a society where people, especially
women, carry burdens (pails of water, large baskets full of millet or other
products) on their heads over long distances.

(xxx)   [[ko@ro@˘ju$ ku$] du^˘          na$Na$na@˘] [u@     ku@wo$] bu$-∅
        [[family     Def] burden.HL all]            [2SgP on]       be-3SgS
        ‘The whole burden of (supporting) the family is on you-Sg.’


8.4.5   ‘On’ ([X ma@ni$˘] wo$)

The complex postposition ma@ni$˘ wo$ consists of Locative wo$ and a form ma@ni$˘
that has the HL tone pattern of a possessed noun. It is related to the adverb
ma$ni^˘ ‘above’.

(xxx)   na$w<a@ [tu@Ngu@ru@m ma@ni$˘ wo$]       dE$yi$-y$
        meat      [stool         on.HL Loc]     put.down.Perf.L-1SgS
        ‘I put-Past the meat on the stool.’

    In most cases this postposition specifies location of a smallish object at or
near the apex of, or on the upper side, of the reference object. However, it may
be extended to a wall, provided the focal object gives the impression of being
supported by it. This is the case with house geckos, lizards capable of moving or
“standing” on walls (xxx).

(xxx)   a@kE$lE^m [to&˘    ma@ni$˘ wo$]           lo@-m$
        gecko     [wall    on.HL Loc.HL]          go.Impf-3SgS
        ‘The gecko is moving on the wall.’




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8.4.6   ‘close to, near’ ([X do@su$] wo$)

This complex postposition is frozen, there being no noun #do$s u@ or the like.
Nevertheless, do@s u$ has the HL tone pattern typical of bisyllabic possessed
nouns.

(xxx)   a. [u@     do@su$         wo$]          bu$-∅
           [2SgP beside.HL        Loc]          be-3SgS
           ‘He/She/It is near you-Sg’.

        b. [a@r<a$   do$su$         wo$]
           [man.Pl beside.L         Loc]
           ‘near the men’


8.4.7   ‘in front of’ (X ji@re$)

This postposition has the form ji@re$, becoming ji$re$ after L- or F-tone.

(xxx)   a. [tç@rç$     ji$re$]        bu$-∅
           [mountain in.front.of] be-3SgS
           ‘He/She/It is in front of the mountain.’

        b. ti$w<E&y<      ji@re$
           tree           in.front.of
           ‘in front of the tree’

    ‘In front of the house’ is generally expressed as ‘at the doorway’ (xxx).

(xxx)   [o$ru$mo@˘   wo@]     ya@          e@wye@-w@
        [doorway Loc] Exist                sit.Impf-3SgS
        ‘He/She is sitting in front of the house.’


8.4.8   ‘Behind, after’ ([X tu@lu$] wo$)

The possessed form of the noun tu$lu@ ‘rear (area)’, cf. tu$lu$-kE@lE$ ‘back (body
part)’, is the basis for a compound postposition, with Locative wo@. The regular
possessed forms of tu$lu@ are used.

(xxx)   a. u@ro$         tu$lu$     wo$
           house         rear.L     Loc




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             ‘behind the house’

        b. u@        tu@lu$         wo$
           2SgP      rear.HL        Loc
           ‘behind you-Sg’

        c. tu&lu$     wo$
           rear.1SgP Loc
           ‘behind me’


8.4.9   ‘Beside’ ([X be@le$] wo$)

The noun be@le@ ‘side (of object or body)’ is the basis for be@le$ wo$ ‘beside, at the
side of’.

(xxx)   a. [ti$w<E&y< be@le$]         wo$
           [tree        side.HL]      Loc
           ‘beside the tree’

        b. [i@∴     be$le$]         wo$
           [1Pl     side.L]         Loc
           ‘beside us’


8.4.10 ‘Under’ ([X bo@lo$] wo$)

The noun bo$lo@ ‘bottom, lower part’ is used in the compound postposition bo@lo$
wo$ ‘under’. We get bo$lo$ wo$ after a L- or F-tone.

(xxx)   a. sE@wE$   [jE@mbE@     bo@lo$       wo$]          ya@     bu@-∅
           paper    [sack        underside.HL Loc]          Exist   be-3SgS
           ‘The paper is under the sack.’

        b. u@∴     bo$lo$      wo$
           2PlP    underside.L Loc
           ‘under you-Pl’

    The noun bi$r<i@ ‘rear end’ is used in the sense ‘at the base of’, when the
reference object is e.g. a tree or a mountain.

(xxx)   ti$w<E&y<       bi@r<i$           wo$




                                           104
         tree            bottom.HL Loc
         ‘at the base of (=under) the tree’


8.4.11 ‘between’ ([X Y] bE@rkE$la$w)

bE@rkE$la$w ‘between’ is used in literal (spatial) sense (xxx). If both endpoints are
specified, they are conjoined (§7.xxx).

(xxx)    [be@˘ni$  ya$⇒] [du@wa@nsa@n          ya@⇒]    bE@rkE$la$w
         [Beni     and] [Douentza              and]     between
         ‘between Beni and Douentza’

     It can be used in literal and figurative senses with human reference objects.
     Of course a single NP or pronoun denoting the endpoints can be used
instead of a conjunction (xxx).

(xxx)    i@∴       bE$rkE$la$w
         1Pl       between
         ‘between us’


8.5     Purposive and causal postpositions

8.5.1    Purposive gi&n (and variants) ‘for’

This postposition is illustrated in (xxx). It can have purposive or causal
(‘because of’) sense, but the purposive sense (‘for’, ‘in order for’) is most
prominent. The variant forms attested are gi&n, gi$ni@, gu&n, and gu$ni@. The
postposition is slightly mutated from gu&y< ni@ (variant gi&˘< ni@), a clause-linking
form of gu&y< (gi&˘<) ‘say’. In other words, ‘he came for meat’ originated as
‘saying (=thinking) meat, he came’. This use of a quotative expression in
purposive contexts is typical of Dogon languages.

(xxx)    a. [na$w<a^˘     gi&n]      yE$-y
            [meat         Purp]      come.Perf.L-1SgS
            ‘I came for the meat [focus].’

         b. [u@     gi&n]    yE$-y
            [2Sg    Purp]    come.Perf.L-1SgS
            ‘I came on account of you-Sg.’




                                        105
     For gi&n with a clausal complement (purposive or causal clause), see §17.5.3
and §17.5.4.2. In the latter section, I point out that native speakers are aware of
the relationship between gi&n (with its variants) and the ‘say’ verb gu&y< ∼ gi&y<,
which combines with the Same-Subject clause chaining clitic ≡ni@ as gu$≡ni@ or
gi$≡ni@. So there is a connection between e.g. ‘I came on account of you’ and ‘I
came saying/thinking “you.”’


8.5.2   Causal dE@NgE$y and gi&n ‘because of’

The postposition dE@NgE$y has a HL tone contour, suggesting that it originated as
a possessed noun. However, it is not attested in absolute form. It can be glossed
‘because of’, specifying the causal factor that impels an action. gi&n (see
preceding section) may also be used in this context, though its core meaning is
purposive (future-oriented).

(xxx)   [bo$lu@    dE@NgE$y]       nu$-bç@
        [ "        gi&n]               "
        [rain      because.of]     go.in.Perf.L-3PlS
        ‘They went inside because of the rain.’


8.5.3   Causal [[X ni^˘] wo$]

This is a complex postposition involving a noun-like element ni˘ and Locative
wo. Particle ni˘ is not used in similar sense elsewhere, but I will gloss it as
‘cause’ in interlinears. The lexical tone of ni˘ cannot be determined, since X
always functions as a possessor and imposes possessed tone contour (HL, in
some contexts then dropping to all-L) on ni˘. The final tone segment of ni˘ is
therefore always L, and this spreads into the Locative postposition, which is
therefore always L-toned wo$.
     [[X ni^˘] wo$] can be translated ‘because of X’, ‘on account of X’. There is
no sharp semantic distinction between this and other causal constructions, but in
the textual examples [[X ni^˘] wo$] usually expresses a human motivation rather
than physical causality. That is, [[X ni^˘] wo$] describes the background situation
within which the following eventuality makes sense.
     The most common combinations are [ku@ ni^˘] wo$] ‘because of that, for that
(aforementioned) reason’ and [[N$gu@ ni^˘] wo$] ‘because of this/that, for this/that
reason’. [ku@ ni^˘] wo$] is always anaphoric, resuming prior discourse and
establishing it as the motivational background for the following eventuality
(xxx.a). [[N$gu@ ni^˘] wo$] is based on a deictic demonstrative (N$gu@ ‘this’, ‘that’)
and may be cataphoric (prospective), when the speaker is about to describe a




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motivational background, as in (xxx.b) in the context of its text (the speaker
went on to give the explanation).

(xxx)    a. ta$ra@˘         [[ku@ ni^˘] wo$] ta@r-yE$≡b-a$˘
            collective.hunt [[Inan cause] Loc] hunt.Impf-3PlS≡Past-3PlS
            ‘They used to do the collective hunt for that purpose.’ [2005-1b.01]

         b. [i^˘  [yi$tE&˘$   ne$w<e$˘] [[N$gu@        ni^˘] wo$] ka@˘<@-ra$˘-y$]
            [1Pl [children benefit.L] [[Prox.Inan cause] Loc] do-Impf-1PlS
            ‘(As for) us, the benefit of (having) children, because of this [focus]
            we do (it, i.e. have lots of children).- [2005-1b.07]

    Further examples are in (xxx). The larger text contrasts two motivations for
slaughtering a goat, du$su@ ‘respectfulness’ (i.e. to honor someone), and ka@la@
‘sanction’ (i.e. as a penalty), and both nouns occur in the frame [[X ni^˘] wo$].

(xxx)    nu@w<ç$y< [[du$s u@       ni^˘]      wo$]     [nu&˘        ma^˘]
         now          [respect     cause]     Loc]     [people      Dat]
         bE$r         bu^˘         sE@w<E@-m$
         goat         3PlS         slaughter.Impf-Ppl
         ‘Now it’s due to respectfulness that (there is) a goat that they slaughter
         for (other) people, ’ [2005-1b.04]


8.6     Other adverbials (or equivalents)

8.6.1    Similarity (ga^y<⇒ ‘like’)

This high-frequency adverbial most often follows, and has scope over, a NP or
adverb.

(xx1)    ya&-m       ga^y<⇒
         woman-Sg like
         ‘like a woman’


8.6.2    Extent (E$s i@<⇒ ‘a lot’, i$lla@ = dE^m⇒ ‘a little’)

Adverbial ‘a lot, greatly’ is E$si@<⇒. See also the intensifiers used with specific
adjectival concepts (§xxx). Adverbial (or nominal) ‘a little’ is either i$lla@ ∼ u$lla@
or dE^m⇒.




                                           107
(xxx)     a. E$si@<⇒       ni$˘y<i$-∅
             a.lot         sleep.Perf.L-3SgS
             ‘He/She slept a lot.’

          b. i$lla@     ni$˘y<i$-∅
             a.little   sleep.Perf.L-3SgS
             ‘He/She slept a litt.e’

          c. dE^m⇒       ni$˘y<i$-∅
             a.little    sleep.Perf.L-3SgS
             (= b)


8.6.3     Specificity

8.6.3.1    ‘Approximately’ (ga^y<⇒)

Particle ga^y<⇒ ‘like’ (§xxx) may be used to indicate approximate quantity
(xx1.b).

(xx1)     a. [u@ro$    pE@ru@]   s-E$˘<-bç@
             [house    ten]      have-3PlS-3PlS
             ‘They have ten houses.’

          b. [[u@ro$   pE@ru@]    ga^y<⇒]    s-E$˘<-bç@
             [[house   ten]       like]      have-3PlS-3PlS
             ‘They have like (= approximately) ten houses.’


8.6.3.2    ‘Exactly’ (cç@k)

Particle cç@k ‘exactly’ specifies the exactness of a quantity.

(xx1)     [[u@ro$    pE@ru@]    cç@k]         s-E$˘<-bç@
          [[house    ten]       exactly]      have-3PlS-3PlS
          ‘They have exactly ten houses.’

    For exactness of locations, see §4.2.2.3.




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8.6.3.3    ‘Specifically’ (te@⇒)

te@⇒ is used in contexts where the speaker emphasizes the precise identity
(rather than quantity) of a referent. It can, for example, be used with singular
pronouns as well as with other NPs and pronouns.

(xx1)     [u@     te@⇒]          lu$gu$ro@˘-ra$-y$
          [2Sg specifically] look.for-Impf-1SgS
          ‘I’m looking specifically for you-Sg.’


8.6.4     Evaluation

8.6.4.1    ‘Well’ and ‘badly’

E$si@<⇒ can mean ‘well’, evaluating the quality of someone’s poerformance or
knowledge, in addition to its quantitative sense ‘a lot, greatly’ (§xxx).

(xx1)     E$si@<⇒    be$n-te&y$       ju@wç@-m$
          well       Beni.L-language know-Impf.3SgS
          ‘He/She knows Beni language well.’

    The verb ce@˘le@ has meanings like ‘make, manufacture’ (transitive) or ‘be
made, manufactured’ (intransitive), usually with the connotation ‘make well’ or
‘be well-made’. In many contexts the ‘well’ component becomes dominant,
resulting in translations like ‘(rainy season) turn out well’.
    There is no adverb ‘badly’, so other ways of phrasing the relevant concepts
are used. For example, adjective mç$s u@ ‘bad’ can modify a direct object noun,
perhaps a cognate nominal.

(xx2) [bi$rE$         mç$su@] bi@rE@-m$
      [work(noun).L bad]       work-Impf.3SgS
      ‘He/She works does poor work (= works badly).’


8.6.4.2    ‘Appropriate, right’

8.6.5     Manner

There is no productive morphological mechanism for producing manner
adverbials (cf. English -ly). It is very easy to chain verbs together, so most




                                      109
“manner adverbials” are really chained verbs or VPs. Postpositional phrases like
pa$Na@ n)a^y ‘by force’ are also common.


8.6.6     Spatiotemporal adverbials

8.6.6.1     Temporal adverbs

Some of the major temporal adverbs are in (xx1).

(xx1)     a. i@ye@                         ‘today; nowadays’
             ye@Ngu$                       ‘yesterday; formerly, in the old days’
             i@ye@ u$s u@ ta$˘nu@          ‘day before yesterday’
             nu@wç$y<                      ‘now’

          b. E@y<, E@y< de@                ‘tomorrow; in the future’
             E@rE@na^˘                     ‘day after tomorrow’
             E$rE$na$˘ tu@Ngç$             ‘second day after tomorrow’
             tu@Ngç$ ti^˘                  ‘third day after tomorrow’
             lE@g-te$re@                   ‘fourth day after tomorrow’
             ba$˘na&y                      ‘fifth day after tomorrow’

          c. jE^y<                          ‘last year’
             na$Ngu@ru$                     ‘next year’
             ni@y<E@w, nu@y<ç@˘<, ni@y<ç@˘< ‘this year’


8.6.6.2     ‘First’ (ku$yç@˘)

‘First’ as adverb, in the sense of chronological sequencing of events, is ku$yç@˘.
As in English, this is identical to the ordinal adjective ‘first (of a series)’.

(xx1)     bi@rE@          ku$yç@˘    bi$rE@ jE$      na@y,
          work(noun) first           work have and.SS,
          a@Na$y    n)E&y      n)E@⇒-y$
          then      meal       eat.Impf-1PlS
          ‘We’ll do the work first, then we’ll eat.’


8.6.6.3     Spatial adverbs

Deictic adverbs are described in §4.xxx. Others are listed in (xx1).




                                         110
(xx1)     a. ma$ni^˘                      ‘above, top, summit’
             bo$lo^˘                      ‘below, bottom, down’

          b. du^˘ ji$re$, du$ da^˘         ‘east’
             te$Ni$ da^˘, te$N da^˘        ‘west’
             bo$so$n da^˘, bo@s o@n        ‘north’
             mu$nju$ro$ da^˘, ga$w< tç@rç$ ‘south’
                  [mu$nju$ro$ da^˘ is now archaic]

          c. tu$li$˘-tu@li$˘              ‘going backward, in reverse’
             tu$lu@ wo@, tu$lu@ da@˘      ‘in the rear’
             ji$re@˘                      ‘forward; in front’ cf. ji$re@ ‘eye’

      Note the morpheme da^˘ in several cardinal-direction terms, but da@˘ in tu$lu@
da@˘ ‘in the rear’ (cf. Jamsay da@ƒa@).
      ‘Left hand’ is na$-ba$na&y, ‘right hand’ is na$-n)E&y (with na&˘ ‘hand’).
Nowadays these can be used as directional terms, as in ‘turn left’.


8.6.7     Expressive interjection-like adverbials

As in all Dogon languages there are many expressive adverbials (forms that can
be used as adverbs, or made predicative by adding bu$- ‘be’). Many of them end
in a syllable that is protracted intonationally (symbol ⇒). A few of the most
important are given in the following sections.


8.6.7.1    ‘Straight’ (de@m⇒)

‘Straight’ in the sense of a direct, non-meandering trajectory or path is
expressed by the adverbial de@m⇒.

(xx1)     a. ba$ma$kç@   de@m⇒       lo@-y$∴
             Bamako      straight    go.Impf-1PlS
             ‘We’ll go straight (= directly) to Bamako.’

          b. o@su$    de@m⇒       bu$-∅
             road     straight    be-3SgS
             ‘The road is straight (= direct).’

    ‘Straight’ in the context ‘look straight at’ is sE@<⇒ or variant sE@⇒.




                                         111
(xx1)     i@≡ni$     sE@<⇒          ti$ni$-bç@
          1Sg-Acc straight          look.Perf.L-3PlS
          ‘They looked straight at me.’


8.6.7.2    ‘Apart, separate’ (de@y<⇒)

To indicate that two objects, or classes of object, are physically separated or are
conceptually distinct, both NPs are followed by adverbial de@y<⇒ in a
parallelistic construction.

(xx1)     [a@r<a$    de@y<⇒]        [ya&˘           de@y<⇒]
          [man.Pl    apart]         [woman.Pl apart]
          ‘Men and women are separate (or: are distinct).’


8.6.7.3    ‘Always’ (a$su@⇒) , ‘never’ (a$ba@da@)

‘Always, foreover, eternally’ is a$su@⇒, which was perhaps originally a phrase
including u$su@ ‘day’. This advebial is also found in some other Dogon languages
(Nanga, Najamba).
    ‘Never’, also an emphatic negative (‘in no way’, ‘not on your life’) is the
ubiquitous a$ba@da@ from Arabic. It is used as an addition to a regular negative
clause.


8.6.7.4    ‘All together’

No adverbial meaning ‘together’ (cf. Jamsay si@-sç@˘< and cognates in other
northwestern Dogon languages) was elicitable. Instead, a verb chain beginning
with mç$˘lu@ ‘be/do together’ is the only way to express e.g. ‘we work together’.
See §15.1.10.


8.6.7.5    ‘All, entirely’ (so@y, na@Na@na$˘)

so@y (with interjection-like emphasis) can be used to emphasize that an
eventuality applies to the entirety of a set. It is therefore basically an emphatic
version of ‘all’ (the less emphatic form is wo^y). na@Na@na$˘ ‘completely’ can
emphasize that an eventually applies in a complete or extreme fashion to one or
more objects.




                                            112
(xx1)     a. [u@ro$    ku$]      so@y          n)a$w<a@˘-rE$-∅
             [house Def]         all.Emph be.ruined-Perf-3SgS
             ‘All (= every last one of) the houses were ruined.’

          b. [u$ro^        ku$] na@Na@na$˘     n)a$w<a@˘-rE$-∅
             [1SgP-house Def] entirely         be.ruined-Perf-3SgS
             ‘My house was completely ruined.’


8.6.8     Reduplicated (iterated) adverbials

8.6.8.1    Distributive adverbial iteration

Iteration of a numeral is used to indicate distribution over time and space (‘two
by two’, ‘two apiece’, etc.). In the market, iteration can also indicate the price
per unit.

(xx1)     a. ye&y-ye&y yE$-bç@
             two-two    come.Perf.L-3PlS
             ‘They came two by two.’

          b. ma$Ngo@ro$ pE$ri@-yE&y   pE$ri@-ye&y
             mango      ten-two       ten-two
             ‘Mangoes are twenty riyals (= 100 francs CFA) apiece.’


8.6.8.2    ‘Scattered, here and there’ (ka@lu$-ka@lu$, ko^l-ko^l, ç@r<ç$-ç@r<ç$)

Adverb ka@lu$-ka@lu$ and variants ka^l-ka^l and ko^l-ko^l (cf. Jamsay ka^n-ka^n)
indicates scattered (not dense) occurrence in several locations not very far apart.
I know of no simple (un-iterated) form of the stem.

(xx1)     yi@-m      su$wç@          ka@lu$-ka@lu$     su$wç$-∅
          child-Sg excrement         here.and.there defecate.Perf.L-3SgS
          ‘The child defecated (a little bit) here and there.’

     Another iterated adverbial with similar meaning is ç@r<ç$-ç@r<ç$, iteration of
ç@r<ç$ ‘place’.




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8.6.8.3     Other adverbs with iterated stem

The iterations of adjective stems in (xx1), with low-toned initial and {HL}
toned final, are used as adverbs. The formation is distinct (in form and sense)
from distributive iterations.

(xx1)     form                gloss               related adjective

          na$˘r<a$-na@˘r<a$   ‘easily’            na$˘r<a@ ‘easy’
          nu$m-nu^m           ‘with difficulty’   nu&m$ ‘difficult’




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9 Verbal derivation




9.1        Reversive verbs (-rv@ -)

The reversive verb-to-verb derivation is like that with English un- (or dis-, etc.).
The basic suffix is -rv@-. The derived stem preserves the {H} or {LH} stem-level
lexical tone contour of the input verb, but {LH} is spread over the entire derived
stem. The derivation is most common with (underlying) bisyllabic stems
(xx1.a). The inner stem itself shifts its (presuffixal) vowel to a high vowel, here
written /i/ except where syncopated. This is a weak metrical position in a
trisyllabic verb. However, some other reversives discussed below fail to raise
the presuffixal vowel, suggesting that this raising is not fully productive. In
(xx1.b), the verbs are pi@˘y<i@- and pi@˘-r<i@-, based on imperatives pi@˘y<a$ ‘shut!’
and pi@˘-r<a$ ‘open!’, but the phonology is somewhat murky since pi@˘y<i@- is
usually pronounced [pi@˘<]. Stative pi$-pi@y<a$-w ‘it is shut’ clearly has a short /i/
in the medial syllable, suggesting that an alternative representation of ‘shut’ as
/pi@y<i@/ may also be present; this would then suggest an alternative analysis of
‘open’ as /pi@y<i@-r<i@-/. (xx1.c) shows a dissimilation of /r/ to /l/ before the
suffixal /r/, see §3.xxx. In (xx1.d), the end of the input stem is truncated before
the suffix. (xx1.e) is a rare case involving a trisyllabic input, which requires
truncation to fit the bisyllabic norm for the stem.

(xx1)         input        gloss              reversive      gloss

      a.      dE$wi@-      ‘cover (object)’   dE$w-ri@-      ‘uncover (object)’
              mE$li@-      ‘fold’             mE$li$-ri@-    ‘unfold’
              kç@li@-      ‘hook, hang up’    kç@li@-ri@-    ‘unhook, take down
                                                                 (sth hanging)’
              pE@gE@-      ‘nail [verb]’      pE@gi@-ri@-    ‘remove (nail)’
              pE@gE@-      ‘button’           pE@gi@-ri@     ‘unbutton’
              pa@ga@-      ‘tie’              pa@gi@-ri@-    ‘untie’

      b.      pi@˘y<i@-    ‘shut’             pi@˘-r<i@-     ‘open’

      c.      go$ro@-      ‘cover (person)’   go$lo$-ro@-    ‘uncover (person)’
              i$rE@-       ‘forget’           i$li$-ri@-     ‘remember’
              ta@ra@-      ‘paste, affix’     ta@li@-ri@-    ‘unpaste, detach’
      d.      ti@mbi@-      ‘cover (w lid)’         ti@m-di@-      ‘uncover (remove lid)’
              da@<          ‘lock’ (= da$˘y<i@)     da$˘<-r<i@-    ‘unlock’

      e.      ne@Ngi@ye@-   ‘be caught in tree’ ne@Nge@-re@-       ‘become uncaught’

     Some frozen reversives are used only in chained form before go$lo@-
‘remove, take away’ if transitive (xxx.a), and before go@- ‘go out, exit’ if
intransitive (xxx.b).

(xxx)       a. gç$Ngu$-ru@       go$lo@-ti^˘-∅
               fence.in-Revers   remove-Perf-3SgS
               ‘He/She removed the fence (opened up the space).’

            b. pi@re@-ri@               go&˘-rE$-∅
               get.bogged-Revers        go.out-Perf.3SgS
               ‘It (e.g. truck) got unbogged.’

      Verbs attested only in this construction (with go$lo@- or go@-) are in (xxx).
tç@˘-ri@- ‘remove foot from’ shows that a Cv verb lengthens its vowel before the
derivational suffix (§3.xxx).

(xx1)       input               gloss               reversive           gloss

      a. transitive with go$lo@-
           gç$Ngi@-           ‘wall/fence in’       gç$Ngu$-ru@         ‘remove fence from’
           ni@Ngi@-           ‘tangle’              ni@ngi@-ri@-        ‘untangle’
           tç@-               ‘step on’             tç@˘-ri@-           ‘remove foot from’
           ko@-               ‘roll up (pants)’     ko@˘-ro@-           ‘let (pants) down’
           ku@mjo@-           ‘crumple’             ku@mjo@-ro@-        ‘uncrumple’

      b. intransitive with go@-
           pi@re@-           ‘get bogged’           pi@re@-ri@-         ‘get unbogged’


9.2        Deverbal causative verbs (-wu@ -, -lv@ -, -rv@ -, -g i@ -)

The productive derivational suffix for deverbal causatives is -wu@-. It readily
nasalizes to -w<u@- by Nasalization-Spreading. It is often apocopated (or
syncopated) to -w- (or -w<- if nasalized) word-finally and before consonants.
    For inputs of more than one mora, the lexical {H} or {LH} tone contour is
preserved in the -wu@- derivative. However, H-toned monosyllabic inputs have
either {H} or {LH} toned causatives, depending on the stem. Short-voweled




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V-final monosyllabic inputs also have their vowels lengthened. nu@- ‘go in’ and
nu@- ‘hear’ are homonyms as simple verbs, but their causatives differ tonally:
nu@˘-w<u@- versus nu$˘-w<u@-. These variations among monosyllabic inputs are
probably vestiges of original distinctions in lexical tone.

(xx2)   Causatives with -wu@-

        input        gloss             causative         gloss

    a. {H}-toned from {H} toned input (2+ syllables or CvC-)
        pe@te@-     ‘jump’          pe@te@-wu@-         ‘make jump’
        ku@wo@-     ‘eat (meat)’    ku@wo@-wu@-         ‘feed (with meat)’
        a@w<y<i@-   ‘be swollen’    a@w<y<i@-w<u@-      ‘cause to swell’
        E@rE@-      ‘escape’        E@rE@-wu@-          ‘let escape’

    b. {LH}-toned from {LH} toned input (2+ syllables or CvC-)
        ju$wç@-     ‘know’          ju$wç$-wu@-       ‘inform’
        ga&y<-      ‘put’           ga$˘<-w<u@-       ‘cause to put’
        wa$s a@-    ‘remain’        wa$s a$-wu@-      ‘let remain’
        di$mbi$yi@- ‘follow’        di$mbi$yi$-wu@-   ‘make follow’
        bu$ro@-     ‘be reanimated’ bu$ro$-wu@-       ‘reanimate, bring back
                                                           to life (e.g. fire)’
        du$w<ç@-    ‘end’           du$w<o$-w<u@-     ‘cause to end’
        go$Ngi$ri@- ‘spin’          go$Ngu$ru$-wu@-   ‘make spin’

    c. {H}-toned from monosyllabic input
        n)E@-       ‘eat (meal)’     n)E@˘-w<u@-         ‘give food to’
        lo@-        ‘go’             lo@˘-wu@-           ‘allow to go’
        nu@-        ‘enter’          nu@˘-w<u@-          ‘make enter’

    d. {LH}-toned from monosyllabic input
        be@-        ‘remain’        be$˘-wu@-            ‘cause to remain’
        nç@-        ‘drink’         nç$˘-w<u@-           ‘give drink to’
        yç@-        ‘weep’          yç$˘-wu@-            ‘make weep’
        go@-        ‘go out’        go$˘-w<u@-           ‘take out’
        nu@-        ‘hear’          nu$˘-w<u@-           ‘make hear’

     Additional causatives of unproductive types are in (xxx). Monosyllabic
(C)v- inputs are, as usual,lengthened to (C)v˘- before the suffix (xx1.a1). There
are also a few cases where an intransitive input verb ending in -yv@- loses this
syllable when the Causative suffix is added. In these cases, the original length




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of the first-syllable vowel is retained in the causative derivative (hence si@-le@-
‘take down’, with no lengthening of the first vowel).

(xx2)     Causatives with Other Suffixes

          input            gloss                  causative      gloss

      a1. -lv@- added directly to (monosyllabic) stem
           ba@-             ‘learn’             ba$˘-li@-        ‘teach (sb, a trade)’
           dç@-             ‘arrive’            dç$˘-li@-        ‘deliver’

      a2. -lv@- added to bisyllabic stem minus Intransitive -yv@- ending
           si@-ye@-         ‘go down’           si@-le@-      ‘take (bring) down’

      b1. -rv@- added directly to stem
          u$rç@-           ‘go up’                u$lu$-ru@-     ‘take up’ (§3.5.5.3)
          jE$Ngi@-         ‘be tilted’            jE$Ngi$-ri@-   ‘cause to tilt’

      b2. -rv@- added to stem minus Intransitive -yv@- ending
          i@˘-yi@-          ‘stand, stop’       i@˘-ri@-      ‘make stop/stand’
          u@˘-yi@-          ‘fear, be afraid’   u@˘-ru@-      ‘scare, frighten’
          di$-ye@-          ‘bathe’             di$-re@-      ‘bathe (sb)’
          e@w-ye@-          ‘sit’               e@w-re@-      ‘seat, cause to sit’
          bi$-ye@-          ‘lie down’          bi$-re@-      ‘cause to lie down’
          tu@Ngu@-yu@-      ‘kneel’             tu@Ngu@-ru@- ‘cause to kneel’

      c. -gv@-
           ka@wa@-         ‘separate self’     ka@w-gi@-         ‘separate’
           sa@ya@-         ‘be dispersed’      sa@y-gi@-         ‘disperse (them)’
           bu$ro@-         ‘come back to life’ bu$ru$-go@-       ‘resuscitate’




9.3     Intransitive -yv@ -

At the end of the preceding section, a few cases of Intransitive -yv@- alternating
with Causative -rv@- or -lv@- were noted. There are many other verbs ending in
…yv@- that may be frozen derivatives originally containing this suffix. Examples
are ni@˘y<i@ ‘sleep’ and tç@r<i@yi@ ‘squat’.
    Another, perhaps unrelated, apparent -y derivative of intransitive verbs is
observed in time-of-day greetings, apparently imperative verbs in form (§19.6):




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na@y (arguably na@-y) ‘good morning’ (cf. na@- ‘spend the night’), dE$r<E&y
(arguably dE$r<$E$-y@) ‘good evening’ (cf. dE$r<E@ ‘spend the mid-day’).
    Intransitive alternations of this type are much more common in Najamba,
where -yE@ is more clearly identifiable as a Mediopassive suffix.


9.4     Passive suffix (-y E@ y )

A morpheme that is often heard as -yE^y can be added to a bare verb stem to
produce a resultative passive. I take this to be high-toned -yE@y plus the ‘it is’
clitic, which in this phonological context is realized as a final low tone element
(§11.2.1). With (animate) 3Sg subject we get -yE@y≡m$, with an audible form of
the ‘it is’ clitic. Though I write it as a suffix, -yE@y is phonologically a separate
word and its initial /y/ is not subject to Nasalization-Spreading from the
preceding stem.
     Third person subject forms are in (xx1).

(xx1)    a. [u@ro$     ku$]    cE@w<i@-yE^y≡∅
            [house     Def] build-Pass≡it.is.Inan
            ‘The house was built.’

         b. ye@Ngu$      ba&˘         tç@Ngu@-yE^y≡∅-bç@
            yesterday    since        write-Pass≡it.is-3PlS
            ‘They (=letters) have been written since yesterday.’

         c. ti&ya$-m             ji@yE@-yE@y≡m$
            1SgP.friend-Sg       kill-Pass≡it.is.3Sg
            ‘My friend has been killed.’

    First and second person subjects are expressed with the corresponding
conjugated forms of the ‘it is’. The singular forms are added to (animate)
Singular suffix /-m/. -yE@y- has high tone in these combinations.

(xx2)    a. i@      ji@yE@-yE@y-m≡m-i^y          de$
            1SgS kill-Pass-Sg≡it.is-1SgS         if
            ‘if I am killed, …’

         b. i@∴     ji@yE@-yE@y≡m-i^y∴           de$
            1PlS kill-Pass≡it.is-1PlS            if
            ‘if I am killed, …’




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      In at least one combination, the form with -yE@y functions as a modifying
adjective. This is E$lE$y wa@˘mbu@-yE@y ‘roasted peanuts’ (local French
cacahuètes), where E@lE@y ‘peanut’ is low-toned (as it should be before a
modifying adjective). This term for ‘roasted peanuts’ competes with E$lE$y
ti$ga$-la^m-la^m (partially borrowed from Fulfulde). I did not record -yE@y in other
such expressions; ‘roast meat’ (local French viande grillée) is na$w<a$˘ si$mbu@
(cf. verb si@mbe@- ‘roast’).
      The construction is negated by adding Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@ after
-yE@y, which again takes the falling-toned form -yE^y- suggesting the presence of
the ‘it is’ clitic (§11.2.1.4).

(xx3)    [u@ro$   ku$]     cE@w<i@-yE^y≡∅≡ra@-∅
         [house Def]       build-Pass≡it.is≡StatNeg-3Sg
         ‘The house wasn’t built.’


9.5     Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation

Some verbs have no change in stem shape when shifting between intransitive
and transitive functions. An example is mç$˘lu@-, which can be intransitive ‘come
together’ or transitive ‘bring together, assemble’.


9.6     Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs

For an adjective A, the inchoative means ‘(X) become A’, and the factitive
(logically a causative of the inchoative) means ‘(Y) make (X) A’. Examples:
pE@- ‘become (=get) old’, pE@˘-wu@- ‘make (sb, sth) old, age (sth)’.
     In (xx1), the inchoative has no derivational suffix. It is cognate to the
adjective, without there being any regular morphological relationship (or clear
derivational directionality). The factitive is the regular causative in -wu@- of the
inchoative.

(xx1)     gloss             adj            inchoative         factitive

          ‘old’             pE&˘           pE@-               pE@˘-wu@-
          ‘ripe’            i$rE&y         i@rE@-             i@rE@-wu@-
          ‘half-ripe’       bo$lo$ro&y     bo$lo$ro@-         bo$loro$-wu@-
          ‘plump’           a^m            a@w<a@-            a@w<a@-w<u@-
          ‘red’             ba@r<a$-       ba$r<a@-           ba$r<a$-w<u@-
          ‘empty, bare’     ko$ro@y        ko@ro@-            ko@ro@-wu@-
          ‘weak, diluted’   se$re@         se@re@-            se@re@-wu@-




                                         120
          ‘crooked’          gç$lu@          gç$li@@-           gç$lu$-wu@-
          ‘skinny’           ko@mbo@         ko@mbo@-           ko@mbo@-wu@-
          ‘easy, cheap’      na$˘r<a@        na@˘r<i@-          na@˘r<i@-w<u@-
          ‘rotten’           ç$mbu@          ç@mbi@-            ç@mbu@-wu@-

     In the more isolated cases in (xx2), Factitive suffix -lv@- or -rv@- is used
instead of the usual Causative suffix -wv@-.

(xx2)      gloss             adj             inchoative         factitive

           ‘full’            ba&˘            ba@-               ba$˘-li@-
           ‘firm, solid’     E&w             E@-                E@˘-li@-
           ‘tilted’          jE$Ngu@         jE$Ngi@-           jE$Ngi$-ri@-

     In many other cases, the inchoative is derived suffixally, though
idiosyncratic segmental differences between it and the adjective are observed in
certain cases. The factitive is again the regular causative of the inchoative. The
most common type is with -lv@- in the inchoative (xx3.a). If the input contains a
medial liquid {l r}, the inchoative has /l/ in the stem and -rv@- instead of -lv@- as
suffix (xx3.b). In other words, the only liquid sequence allowed in inchoatives
is l…r. If the input contains medial /r</, the output has /n/ in the stem and -r<v@-
as the suffix (xx3.c). A medial /y</ in the stem is associated with suffix -nv@- in
the only relevant example (xx3.d). If the stem ends in /m/, including /m/ from
underlying /w</ after Syncope, the Inchoative suffix is -dv@- (xx3.e). In some but
not all cases, suffix allomorphs -rv@- and -dv@- are associated with a stem-wide
vowel-harmonic shift from /E/ to /e/; note especially ‘sweet; sharp’ and ‘white’
in (xx3.b).

(xx3)      gloss               adj           inchoative         factitive

        a. Inchoative -lv@-, stem with no {l r}
            ‘squeezed’          pE$Ngu@     pE@Ngi@-li@-        pE@Ngi@-li@-wu@-
            ‘thin’              mE$njE@-    mE$nji$-li@-        mE$nji$-li$-wu@-
            ‘fat’               du$gu@-     du$gu$-lo@-         du$gu$-lo$-wu@-
            ‘coarse’            ku@nju$m    ku@nju@-lo@-        ku@nju@lo@-wu@-
            ‘short’             gç&˘$-      gç$˘-li@-           gç$˘-lu$-wu@-
            ‘good’              E$su@-      E@si@-li@-          E@si@-lu@-wu@-
            ‘bad, ugly’         mç$su@-     mç@si@-li@-         mç@si@-li@-wu@-
            ‘heavy’             du$su@-     du$su$-lo@-         du$su$-lo$-wu@-
            ‘half-sweet’        a@su$m      a@si@-li@-          a@si@-li@-wu@-

        b. Inchoative -rv@- after stem with /l/ (from /l/ or /r/)




                                         121
           ‘sweet; sharp’     E@ru$-m       e@le@-re@-         e@le@-re@-wu@-
           ‘white’            pi@lE@        pi@le@-re@-        pi@le@-re@-wu@-
           ‘long, tall’       gu$rç^-       gu$lu$-ri@-        gu$lu$-ru$-wu@-
           ‘smooth, sleek'    o@ru$-m       o@lo@-ro@-         o@lo@-ro@-wu@-
           ‘salty, sour’      pa@ru$m       pa@le@-re@-        pa@le@-re@-wu@-
           ‘soft (skin)’      yç$ru@        yç$li$-ri@-        yç$lu$-ru$-wu@-
           ‘moisten’          ç$ru@         ç@li@-ri@-         ç@lu@-ru@-wu@-
           ‘bitter’           ga@ru$-m      ga$le$-re@-        ga$le$-re$-wu@-

        c. Inchoative -r<v@- after stem with /n/ (from /r</)
            ‘lightweight’      n)E$r<u@-    n)E$ni$-r<i@-      n)E$ni$-r<i$-w<u@-
            ‘deep’             w<ç@r<ç$-    w<ç$ni$-r<i@-      w<ç$nu$-r<u-w<u@-

        d. Inchoative -nv@- after stem with /y</
            ‘big, adult’      di$y<a@-     di$y<a$-ni@-        di$y<a$-ni$-w<u@-

        e. Inchoative -dv@- after stem with /m/ (from /w</ or /m/)
            ‘black’             jE@w<E$-    je$m-de@-        je$m-de$-wu@-
            ‘pointed’           si^m        si@m-de@-        si@m-de@-wu@-
            ‘difficult, costly’ nu&m        nu@m-do@-        nu@m-do@-wu@-

     A few adjectives containing a labial (including /w/) have an inchoative in
-yv@- (xx4).

(xx4)   gloss                adj            inchoative         factitive

        ‘dry, hardened’      ma&˘           ma$-y<a@-          ma$-y<a$-w<u@-
        ‘cold’               ta^m           ta@w<-y<i@-        ta@w<-y<i@-w<u@-
        ‘hot, fast’          ç^w            ç@w-yi@-           ç@w-yu@-wu@-

    Various idiosyncratic cases are lumped together in (xx5).

(xx5)   gloss                adj            inchoative         factitive

        ‘spacious’           ka@wa$-w       ka@m-di@-          ka@m-di@-
        ‘distant’            wa&˘w          wa$˘n-gi@-         wa$˘n-gu$-wu@-
        ‘dirty’              lç@gç$         lç@g-gi@-          lç@g-gu@-
        ‘clean’              E@sE$          E@sE@-             E@si@-li@-wu@-

    For ‘spacious’, the inchoative fits pattern (xx3.d), above, but the factitive
lacks an additional derivational suffix. For wa&˘ (<*wa$ga@) ‘distant’, inchoative
wa$-Ngi@- ‘go far away’ is now quite opaque morphologically, but the /g/ was




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originally transposed (metathesized) from the /g/ of the stem; compare Jamsay
wa$ƒa@ ‘distant’, wa$na$-Na@- ‘go far away’. lç@g-gi@- ‘become dirty’ is the other
case I know of with /g/ in the suffix; compare Jamsay lç@ƒç@-jo@- ‘become dirty’
(and lç@ƒç$ ‘filth’).One could argue for a denominal rather than deadjectival
inchoative here (see below). The factitive is lç@g-gu@-, irregularly contracted from
*lç@g-gu@-wu@-. For ‘clean’, the factitive is morphologically the causative of a
putative inchoative with suffix -lv@-, but the inchoative in common use is
unsuffixed E@s E@-.
     Adjectives with no corresponding derived verbs, or that have a suppletive
inchoative and/or factitive, are in (xxx).

(xx1)        Adjectives

             gloss                adj               inchoative             factitive

             ‘small’              da^˘-             sa@li@ri@-             sa@li@ru@-wu@-
             ‘young’              jç@kkç@lE$-       —                      —
             ‘unripe, raw’        ce$su@            —                      —
             ‘other’              la&w              —                      —
             ‘new’                ka@la$            —                      —


9.7     Denominal verbs

A few scattered cases of verbs apparently derived from nouns (rather than
adjectives) are in (xx1.a-c). lç@gç$ ‘filth’ (xx1.d) can also be an adjective ‘dirty’,
so lç@g-gi@- may really be deadjectival rather than denominal. The cases in
(xx1.e) exemplify noun-verb pairs with no clear derivational directionality,
perhaps best consisted synchronically as involving cognate nominals (§11.xxx),
but in some cases the verb may be historically denominal.

(xx1)           noun         gloss              verb             gloss

        a.      du^˘         ‘load’             du$˘-ru@-        ‘load (e.g. cart)’

        b.      u@li$        ‘forest’           u@lu@-go@-       ‘(zone)       become       dense
                                                                  (e.g.after rains)’

        c.      po&˘         (greeting)         po@˘-li@-        ‘greet’

        d,      lç@gç$       ‘filth; dirty’     lç@g-gi@-        ‘get dirty’




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        e.    ba@rmE$       ‘injury’         ba@rmE@-      ‘injure, wound’
              u$ru$yi&˘     ‘pain’           u$ru$yo@-     ‘be in pain’
              ke$ri$ye^y    ‘(a) share’      ke@ri@ye@-    ‘share, divide up’
              ti$ra^˘       ‘family name’    ti@ri@-       ‘(griot) chant the ancestroy of
                                                            (sb)’


9.8     Obscure verb-verb relationships

Minor patterns are listed without comment in (xx1).

(xx1)        verb          gloss            related verb    gloss

             na@-          ‘spend night’ na@˘-w<i@-         ‘greet in morning’
             n)a$w<a@-     ‘malfunction’ n)a$Ngi$-ri@-      ‘do harm to, ruin’




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10 Verbal inflection




10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs

10.1.1 Suffixes or chained verb stems?

There is a general issue as to whether nonzero AN (aspect-negation)
morphemes following verbs are suffixes or chained verbs. I transcribe them as
suffixes, since some of the AN morphemes show clear phonological interactions
with the stem (tone-dropping and/or consonantal interactions involving
sonorants). However, some of the positive AN morphemes (-ti^-, -so^-, -ta^-, -jE^-)
do not induce tone-dropping, do not contain sonorants, and have contour tones.
These could be taken as separate verbs, chained with a preceding (uninflected)
verb stem.


10.1.2 Overview of categories

The indicative categories primarily mark aspect and negation, though there are
also some perfect categories (here treated as subcategories of the perfective
aspect).It is useful to think of the aspect-negation (AN) system as the product of
an intersection between a binary perfective/imperfective opposition and polarity
(positive/negative).

             perfective positive                perfective negative
            imperfective positive              imperfective negative

     Most inflected verb forms are of the type STEM-AN-Pron, i.e. a verb stem
followed by an AN (aspect-negation) suffix and then a pronominal-subject
suffix. There are also some categories in both the perfective positive and
imperfective positive systems with zero AN suffix, so their structure is just
STEM-Pron (or STEM-∅-Pron). These unsuffixed AN categories occur in both
reduplicated and unreduplicated forms. The reduplication is initial Ci$- or Cv$1-
(choice depends on speaker) in all reduplicated categories (of which there are
three: reduplicated Perfective, reduplicated Stative, and reduplicated
Imperfective). The unsuffixed AN categories (reduplicated and unreduplicated)
are distinguished from each other by stem-tone contours, by third person subject
suffix allomorphs, and (in the case of the Stative) by a change in stem-final
vowel quality for some verbs.
    The full set of categories is summarized in (xx1).

(xx1)   a. perfective positive system
            unsuffixed Perfective (tone-dropped stem)
            reduplicated (unsuffixed) Perfective (stem with {HL} tone)
            reduplicated (unsuffixed) Stative (stem with {HL} tone, final vowel
                     shift)
            Perfective-1a ˘-rE$- (motion verbs, intransitives)
            Perfective-1b -ti^- (mostly transitive/active verbs)
            Resultative -so^-
            Experiential Perfect -ta^-
            Recent Perfect -jE^-

        b. perfective negative system
            Perfective Negative -ri@-
            Experiential Perfect Negative -ta$-li@-
            Recent Perfect -jE$-ri@- (limited use)

        c. imperfective positive system
             unsuffixed Imperfective (stem ends in high tone)
             reduplicated (unsuffixed) Imperfective (stem ends in high tone)
             Imperfective-1 ˘-ra$-

        d. imperfective negative system
            Imperfective Negative -m$-do@- (based on unsuffixed Imperfective)

        e. modal categories
            Imperative
               Imperative Singular (positive): ∅ with Imperative stem
               Imperative Plural (positive): -n$ ∼ -ni$ added to Imperative stem
               Imperative Negative Singular: -rE@ after combining form
               Imperative Negative Plural: -rE@-n$ ∼ -rE@-ni$ after combining
                    form
            Hortative (first person)
               Hortative 1Dual (positive): -m@ after low-toned stem
               Hortative 1Plural (positive): -ma^y after low-toned stem
               Hortative 1Dual Negative: -rE$-m@ after combining form
               Hortative 1Plural Negative: -rE$-ma^y after combining form
            Hortative (third person)
               Hortative (positive) 3Sg: -y@ or -y$




                                        94
                    Hortative (positive) 3Pl: -bç@ added to 3Sg form
                    Hortative Negative 3Sg: -rE@-y@ after combining form
                    Hortative Negative 3Pl: -rE@-y@-bç@ after combining form


10.1.3 Verb-stem shapes

10.1.3.1 Generalizations about verb-stem shapes

Verb stems not clearly containing a derivational suffix may be monosyllabic,
bisyllabic, or trisyllabic. A Causative suffix can be added to increase the stem-
syllable count by one. Monosyllabic verbs are mostly short-voweled
(monomoraic), Cv- and all stems of more than one syllable end in a short vowel
(which, if a high vowel, is subject to Syncope and Apocope in some syllabic
positions).
     Lexical stem tone contours are all-high {H} and rising {LH}. Most
monosyllabic verbs are all-high toned, but in addition to a handful of
exceptional stems with rising tone (yE& ‘come’ and nu& ‘hear’, contrast nu@
‘enter’), there are vestiges of older {LH} for a few other verbs in suffixal
derivations (nç@ ‘drink’, but causative nç$˘-w<u@-). The tone split in the {LH}
verbs is from the penultimate to the final mora, as seen in trisyllabic Cv$Cv$Cv@
(as in e.g. Jamsay, but unlike the case in e.g. Walo or Nanga where the tone
shift occurs after the first mora, hence trisyllabic Cv$Cv@Cv@).
     There is one irregular <LHL> monosyllabic stem: jE&˘$ ‘bring’.
     A few examples of verb stems are in (xx1), given in the combining form
(which is used in nonfinal position in chains).

(xx1)   stem             gloss

        nç@              ‘drink’
        ti@              ‘send’
        ka@ya@           ‘shave’
        ti@wE@           ‘die’
        bi$ye@           ‘lie down’
        ja$Ngi@          ‘knock together’
        du$su$ro@        ‘poke’


10.1.3.2 Monosyllabic verbs

A full list of Cv- verb stems known to me is (xx1). Within each set, the verbs
are sorted with high vowels at the top. The initial C slot may be vacant, though I




                                            95
can cite only E@ as a consonant-less verb shape. All oral vowel qualities are
represented, though Ci@ and Ce@- are relatively uncommon. Three stems with
nasalized vowels are included in the list. Only regular inflectable verbs are
included (see below for quasi-verbs and inflectional suffixes). If the verb is
normally used with a cognate nominal or other fixed nominal, the relevant
phrase is given in parentheses after the gloss.
    For a discussion of the underlying high versus low lexical tone of the
various Cv@- verbs, see §10.xxx, below.

(xx1)       form             gloss

        a. high-toned Cv@-
             du@             ‘carry (on head)’
             nu@             ‘go in’
             nu@             ‘hear’
             su@<            ‘breathe’ (su&˘< su@<)
             ni@             ‘give’
             ti@             ‘send’
             yi@             ‘see’
             bo@             ‘sip’
             go@             ‘go out’
             ko@             ‘yawn’ (mo$˘-ko^˘ ko@)
             ko@             ‘(snake) slough (skin)’ (ko^˘ ko@)
             lo@             ‘go’
             po@             ‘skin and butcher (animal)’
             po@             ‘heap up (firewood)’ (ti$r<i$-po&˘ po@)
             po@             ‘whistle’ (po&˘ po@)
             so@             ‘dip briefly’
             to@             ‘build (wall)’ (to&˘ to@)
             wo@             ‘catch’
             ce@             ‘(grasshopper) bite off (grain)’
             te@             ‘(muddied water) become clear’
             te@             ‘be worried’ (te^˘ te@)
             bç@             ‘unsheathe’
             dç@             ‘arrive, reach’
             dç@             ‘roast, burn’
             gç@             ‘jab’
             jç@             ‘pick (out)’
             kç@             ‘eat (crushed millet)’
             sç@             ‘scoop’; ‘shovel up’
             tç@             ‘sow (by slashing earth)’ (to&y tç@)
             tç@             ‘step on’




                                          96
             tç@            ‘(millet) grow a stem’
             tç@<           ‘coil up’
             yç@            ‘weep’ (yç&˘ yç@)
             E@             ‘become tight’
             E@             ‘(woman) marry (man)’
             cE@            ‘take (handful of food)’
             dE@            ‘be tired’
             jE@            ‘take out (hot coals)’
             jE@            ‘(man) marry (woman)’
             pE@            ‘break off (protrusion)’
             pE@            ‘get old’
             pE@            ‘spend the first half of the day’ (ç$mç$y-pE^˘ pE@)
             n)E@           ‘eat (meal)’ (n)E&y n)E@)
             sE@            ‘trim (hair, shrub)’
             yE@            ‘come’
             ba@            ‘learn’
             ba@            ‘(container) be full’; ‘(person) be sated’
             da@            ‘endure’
             da@<           ‘lock’ (also da$˘y<i@)
             ga@            ‘cut (grass, rice) with sickle’
             la@            ‘choose, reserve’
             ma@            ‘shape (pottery)’
             na@            ‘spend night’
             pa@            ‘get a mate for’
             sa@            ‘reply’ (mo&˘ sa@)
             sa@            ‘strain off water from’
             sa@            ‘uproot (large plant) with daba’
             ta@            ‘avoid (taboo)’ (ta&˘ ta@)
             ta@            ‘(ripening fruit) begin to turn color’
             ta@            ‘shoot’
             ta@            ‘(trap) be sprung’; ‘(bone) be fractured’

        b. <LHL> toned Cv&˘$
            jE&˘$       ‘bring’

      Except for the irregular verbs ‘come’ and ‘bring’ (discussed below), the
quality of the vowel of these monosyllabic vowel-final verbs is stable across
inflections, including the Imperative.
      Quasi-verbs bu$- ‘be (somewhere)’ and so@- ‘have’ may also be mentioned.
Perfective-1b -ti^-, Resultative -so^-, Experiential Perfect -ta^-, and Recent Perfect
-jE^-, are treated here as inflectional suffixes, but they could alternatively be
analysed as auxiliary verbs.




                                         97
10.1.3.3 ‘Come’ (yE@)

Representative inflected forms of this verb are in (xx1).

(xx1)        form          category                     comment

        a. regular
             yE@           combining form (in chains)
             yE$-ri@-      Perfective Negative

        b. irregular
             ya@           Imperative                vowel shift
             yE&˘-rE$-     Perfective-1a             rising stem-tone
             yi$-ye@-m$    reduplicated Imperfective /E/ > /e/

     Although this is a monosyllabic Cv- verb in Beni, the Perfective-1a form
yE&˘-rE$ suggests an origin as a bisyllabic stem with rising tone (cf. Jamsay yE$rE@).
The shift of the (final) vowel to /a/ is also typical of nonmonosyllabic stems.
Paradigmatic alternation of /E/ with /e/ is also found with the ‘come’ verb in
Jamsay, though the details differ.
     There is no morphological causative or other suffixal derivative, as jE&˘$
‘bring’ functions as the semantic causative.


10.1.3.4 ‘Bring’ (jE&˘$)

This verb is unique in having a basic <LHL> tone contour. It is therefore the
only verb stem ending in a low-tone element. <LHL> tone is heard in the
unsuffixed forms (combining form and Imperative), and before most suffixal
inflections. Of particular interest is the fact that the Perfective Negative suffix
fails to drop the tones of the verb stem. The unsuffixed Perfective, which for
other verbs has all-low stem tone, likewise retains the full lexical <LHL> tone:
… jE&˘$-∅ ‘he/she brought …’. The Imperfective (and therefore the Imperfective
Negative which is built on it) has the form expected of a simple Cv@- verb, and
shifts the stem vowel quality from /E/ to /e/.

(xx1)        form          category                     comment

        a. unsuffixed (no audible AN suffix)
            jE&˘$         combining form                <LHL>




                                         98
            ja&˘$         Imperative                   <LHL>
                $
            jE&˘-         unsuffixed Perfective        <LHL>

        b. Imperfective
            ji$-je@-m$  reduplicatedImperfective       /E/ > /e/
            je@-m$-do@- Imperfective Negative          /E/ > /e/

        c. other suffixal inflections
                 $
             jE&˘-ti^-     Perfective-1b               <LHL>
                 $
             jE&˘-ri@-     Perfective Negative         <LHL>

    Like ‘come’, this verb most likely originated as a bisyllabic stem (cf.
Jamsay jE$˘rE@). In Tabi-Sarinyere, several paradigmatic forms are based on a
tonally irregular <HL>H toned stem ze^˘ru@-.
    I was able to elicit causative jE&˘$-wu@- ‘cause to bring’, which also shows
<LHL> stem tone.


10.1.3.5 Traces of lexical tone distinctions in Cv verbs

There is evidence for a lexical tone distinction between all-high and rising
tone contours in Cv- verbs. (Compare Jamsay, where the relevant verb stems
have a long-voweled shape Cv˘ that more easily distinguishes high from rising
tones.) The distinction is partially predictable (all-high for Cv- stems
beginning with a voiceless obstruent, rising for those beginning with a voiced
obstruent), partially unpredictable (lexical variation for sonorant-initial stems).
    The clearest evidence comes from the Hortative for third person subject,
which is Cv$-y@ for some Cv- verbs and Cv@-y@ for others. See §10.5.7 for lists.
    There are also some other morphological contexts that point to a tone
lexical distinction, but none of them applies to the full set of Cv- verbs. First,
there are verbs with derivational suffixes. Since Cv- lengthens to Cv˘- before
such a suffix (§3.5.3.1), from Cv@- input we expect Cv@˘-Cv@- derivatives. This
pattern does in fact occur in several cases (xx1).

(xx1)       stem      gloss          derivative gloss

        a. reversive
             tç@     ‘step on’       tç@˘-ri@-     ‘remove foot from’

        b. causative
            n)E@-    ‘eat (meal)’    n)E@˘-w<u@-   ‘give food to’
            lo@-     ‘go’            lo@˘-wu@-     ‘allow to go’




                                        99
            nu@-     ‘enter’            nu@˘-w<u@-       ‘make enter’
            sa@-     ‘reply’            sa@˘-wu@-        ‘make reply’

    However, there are also several causatives corresponding to Cv@- input
stems that show a {LH} tone contour. Since suffixal derivatives normally
reapply the input verb’s tone contour, all-high or {LH} as the case may be, to
the full derived stem, this suggests that the monosyllabic input stems may have
originally had rising tone. However, in the case of those stems beginning in a
voiced stop, another possibility is that the general association of {LH} tone with
verbs beginning in such consonants may be at work.

(xx2)       stem     gloss              causative        gloss

        a. Causative -wu@-
            be@-      ‘remain’          be$˘-wu@-        ‘cause to remain’
            nç@-      ‘drink’           nç$˘-w<u@-       ‘give drink to’
            yç@-      ‘weep’            yç$˘-wu@-        ‘make weep’
            nu@-      ‘hear’            nu$˘-w<u@-       ‘make hear’
            yi@-      ‘see’             yi$˘-wu@-        ‘cause to see’

        b. Causative -li@-
            ba@-     ‘learn’            ba$˘-li@-        ‘teach (sb, a trade)’
            dç@-     ‘arrive’           dç$˘-li@-        ‘deliver’

    The Perfective-1a with suffix ˘-rE$- and the Imperfective-1 with suffix ˘-rE$-
also make a distinction between high and rising-toned verbs. The Perfective-1a
suffix is used with a subset of verbs and is therefore not as useful as the
Imperfective-1a suffix. Relevant forms of Cv- verb stems are in (xx3). Those in
(xx3.a) have high tone on the stem, those in (xx3.b) have rising tone.

(xx3)       gloss                stem        Perfective-1a Imperfective-1

        a. ‘go’                  lo@-        lo@˘-rE$-           lo@˘-ra$-
           ‘spend night’         na@-        na@˘-rE$-           na@˘-ra$-
           ‘go in’               nu@-        nu@˘-rE$-           nu@˘-ra$-
           ‘become tight’        E@-         E@˘-rE$-            E@˘-ra$-

        b. ‘(food) sate (sb)’    ba@-        ba&˘-rE$-           ba&˘-ra$-
           ‘arrive’              dç@-        dç&˘-rE$-           dç&˘-ra$-
           ‘go out’              go@-        go&˘-rE$-           go&˘-ra$-
           ‘remain’              be@-        be&˘-rE$-           be&˘-ra$-
           ‘hear’                nu@-        —                   nu&˘-ra$-




                                          100
            ‘come’               yE@-          —              yE&˘-ra$-
            ‘drink’              nç@-          —              nç&˘-ra$-
            ‘weep’               yç@-          —              yç&˘-ra$-
            ‘see’                yi@-          —              yi&˘-ra$-

    Organizing the data, and noting the initial consonants of the verbs, we can
organize the Cv- verbs into the sets in (xx4).

(xx4)   a. clearly Cv@-, no evidence for underlying rising (or low) tone
             i) all stems beginning in a voiceless obstruent (stop or /s/)
             ii) certain stems with initial sonorant: lo@- ‘go’, n<E@- ‘eat’, ni@- ‘give’,
                   nu@- ‘go in’, na@- ‘spend night’, la@- ‘choose, reserve’
             iii) the only stem of v@- shape with no consonant (E@- ‘become tight’)

        b. evidence for underlying rising (or low) tone
            i) all stems beginning in a voiced obstruent (stop)
            ii) certain stems with initial sonorant: yE@- ‘come’, nç@- ‘drink’, wo@-
                 ‘catch’, nu@- ‘hear’, ma@- ‘shape (pottery)’, yç@- ‘weep’


10.1.3.6 Cvy< verbs

Usually a verb heard as e.g. Cv(˘)y (v = vowel) with any final semivowel
reflects optional (but very common) syncope or apocope from bisyllabic
/Cv(˘)yi/. The fuller inflectional paradigm brings out the underlying bisyllabic
quality. The Imperative changes the final /i/ to /a/. Several suffixal inflections
also bring out the bisyllabic quality.

(xx1)   gloss            combining form Imperative           Imperfective

        ‘shut’           pi@˘y< ∼ pi@˘y<i@     pi@˘y<a$      pi@˘y<i@-m$-
        ‘fart’           gi&˘y< ∼ gi$˘y<i@     gi&˘y<a$      gi$˘y<i@-m$-
        ‘take’           a&y ∼ a$yi@           a@ya^         a$yi@-m$-
        ‘hold’           wa&y ∼ wa$yi@         wa@ya^        wa$yi@-m$-

    There are, however, three very common verbs with true Cvy< shape. All
happen to have nasalized /y</ (xx1). The Imperative retains the Cvy< shape
rather than ending in a second-syllable /a/. The /y</ disappears the Imperfective
(and other inflections based on it), which is of the form (Ci$-)Ca@-m$, arguably
from /Ca@<-m$/ with nasalized vowel.

(xx1)   gloss            combining form Imperative           Imperfective




                                             101
        ‘put’           ga&y<              ga&y<         gi$-ga@-m$
        ‘do, make’      ka@y<              ka@y<         ki$-ka@-m$
        ‘say’           gu&y<              gu&y<         gu$-gu@-m$

    The final /y</ is also absent in the Perfective Negative: ga$-ni@-, ka$-ni@-,
gu$-ni@-. The -ni@- allomorph of the suffix is unique to these verbs (other verbs
have -ri@-, or -r<i@- due to Nasalization-Spreading).
    ka@y< has a causative ka@˘<-w<u@- ‘have (someone) do/make’. ka@y< and ga&y<
have agentive forms(with the complement in compound-initial form) of the type
plural -ka&˘< and -ga&˘<, singular -ka&<>m and -ga&<-m.


10.1.3.7 Bisyllabic verbs

Bisyllabic verbs may be of the segmental shape CvCv, CvCCv, or Cv˘Cv. The
final vowel is always short. The initial C position may be vacant (vCv), etc. The
lexical tone is all-high or {LH}. In the case of {LH}, the normal tone break is at
the syllabic boundary, hence Cv$Cv@, Cv$CCv@, Cv$˘Cv@. However, in Cv$Cv@ and
Cv$˘Cv@ verbs, when the final vowel is high {i u}, it may be lost by Syncope or
Apocope, and in this case the first syllable (always a long syllable in this
situation) has rising tone.
     Except for the Imperative, where final high vowels and final /E/ shift to /a/.
bisyllabic verbs have stable vowel qualities including the final vowel. That is,
the bare chaining form and the presuffixal form, which together constitute the
“combining form,” have constant vowel qualities (disregarding low-level
deletion of high vowels in certain positions).

(xx1)       bare form    presuffixal     Imperative        gloss

        a. vowels identical except /E/: CaCa, Cç@Cç, CoCo, CeCe
            ta@wa@       ta@wa@-         ta@wa@         ‘touch’
            na$r<a@      na$r<a@-        na@r<a@        ‘bear child’
            pç@tç@       pç@tç@-         pç@tç@         ‘toss’
            do$mbo@      do$mbo@-        do@mbo@        ‘roll on turban’
            te@ge@       te@ge@-         te@ge@         ‘speak’
            ce@˘le@      ce@˘le@-        ce@˘le$        ‘do or make well’
            e@w-ye@      e@w-ye@-        e@w-ye$        ‘sit down’

        b. identical /E/ vowels: CECE (shift to final /a/ in Imperative)
             E@wE@        E@wE@-        E@wa@                ‘buy’
             bE$rE@       bE$rE@-       bE@ra@               ‘get’




                                       102
        c. {i u} plus adjacent mid-height vowel except /E/: CiCe, CuCo, CuCç
             si@-ye@     si@-ye@-       si@-ye@          ‘go down’
             gi$ye@      gi$ye@-        gi@ye@           ‘dance’
             ku@wo@      ku@wo@-        ku@wo@           ‘bite’
             nu$w<ç@     nu$w<ç@-       nu@w<ç@          ‘sing’
             su@sç@      su@sç@-        su@sç@           ‘be cured’
             du$yç@      du$yç@-        du@yç@           ‘insult’

        d. /i/ plus adjacent /E/: CiCE (shift to final /a/ in Imperative)
             ji$yE@       ji$yE@-         ji@ya@               ‘kill’
             ti@yE@       ti@yE@-         ti@ya@               ‘sell’

        e. final high vowel (any preceding vowel)
             la$ri@      la$ri@-        la&ra$               ‘chase’
             da$˘yi@     da$˘yi@-       da$˘yi@              ‘encounter’
             ka@wru@     ka@wru@-       ka@wra$              ‘split (nut)’
             dE$yi@      dE$yi@-        dE&ya$               ‘put down’
             ç@mji@      ç@mji@-        ç@mja$               ‘urinate’
             ti@ni@      ti@ni@-        ti@na$               ‘look’
             tu@mdi@     tu@mdi@-       tu@mda$              ‘begin’
             tE@mbi@     tE@mbi@-       tE@mba$              ‘find, inherit’

    Although I have includes CvCCv- and Cv˘Cv- stems along with CvCv- in
this section, the phonologically most relevant division of nonmonosyllabic
verbs is into bimoraic and longer stems, with CvCCv- and Cv˘Cv- in the latter
category (along with trisyllabic and longer stems). This division is relevant to
tone contours in the Imperative stem. Therefore little is at stage in the issue
whether e.g. ka@wru@ ‘split (nut)’ is bisyllabic or, via Syncope of a medial high
vowel, trisyllabic (/ka@wu@ru@/).


10.1.3.8 Triisyllabic verbs

Verbs with three syllables may be derived or underived (some of the
synchronically underived stems may have originated as derivatives). These
verbs have fairly complex interactions between the vowels of the three
syllables.
     The first type to be considered ends in /e/ or /o/ (xx1). This ending is
obligatory when the first vowel is likewise /e/ or /o/, and it is possible when the
first vowel is high {i u}. The medial syllable has a high vowel (e…i…e,
i…i…e, o…u…o).




                                        103
(xx1)       bare form    presuffixal     Imperative      gloss

        e…i…e
          ye$gi$se@      ye$gi$se@-      ye$gi@se$       ‘cut up’

        i…i…e
           si@ri@ye@     si@ri@ye@-      si@ri@ye$       ‘cut into strips’
           bi$li$re@     bi$li$re@-      bi$li@re$       ‘roll over’
           ji$gi$re@     ji$gi$re@-      ji$gi@re$       ‘sway’

        o…u…o
          ko@gu@so@      ko@gu@so@-      ko@gu@so$       ‘cough’

        u…u…o
          du$lu$ro@      du$lu$ro@-      du$lu@ro$       ‘roll on ground’

     Patterns e…e…e and o…o…o, which differ from those in (xx1) by not
raising the medial vowel to {i u}, occur occasionally in underived stems. For
e…e…e, I have recorded be$le$re@- ‘smooth (e.g. a soap ball) by rubbing in one’s
palm’, me$Nge$re@- (with variant me$Ngi$re@-) ‘rub into balls (in one’s hands)’, and
be$ge$re@- ‘belch’ (used with cognate nominal as be@ge@re$ be$ge$re@- ‘belch, emits
belches’) For o…o…o, I can cite do@lo@ro@- ‘shape into balls’.
     Additional stem-vowel sequences occur in suffixal derivatives of e.g.
CvCv-Cv- shape when a final non-high vowel of the input CvCv- stem is not
shifted to a high vowel in the derivative. Examples are e…e…e in reversive
pe@mbe@-re@- ‘ungird, remove (woman’s) wrap)’ and ne@Nge@-re@- ‘become
uncaught (from tree)’, and u…o…o in reversive ku@mjo@-ro@- ‘uncrumple’.
     The other general class of trisyllabic verbs ends in a high vowel, which
may be either /i/ or /u/ depending on the surrounding vowels (and semivowels).
The medial vowel is also a high vowel. There is a fair amount of fluctuation in
pronunciation of these high vowels, but I think /i/ is usually more basic, since
phonetic [u] is most often heard in the presence of another rounded segment in
the stem, i.e. from the set {u o ç w}.
     The general pattern with a final high vowel is obligatory when the vowel of
the first syllable is from the set {a E ç}, and is possible when the first vowel is
high {i u}. In the Imperative, the final high vowel is replaced by /a/, and if the
first vowel of the stem is from the set {a ç}, the vowel of the second syllable
assimilates totally to this initial vowel (xx2).

(xx2)       bare form    presuffixal     Imperative      gloss




                                        104
        E…i…i
           n)E$r<i$yi@   n)E$r<i$yi@-    n)E$r<i@ya$    ‘winnow       (in    wind)’

            pE@di@gi@    pE@di@gi@-      pE@di@ga$      ‘winnow (by shaking)’
            sE@si@ri@    sE@si@ri@-      sE@si@ra$      ‘filter (liquid)’

        i…i/u…i/u
           wi$nji$wu@    wi$nji$wu@-     wi$nji@wa$     ‘spin’
           pi@ni@w<i@    pi@ni@w<i@-     pi@ni@w<a$     ‘go back’
           di$mbi$yi@    di$mbi$yi@-     di$mbi@ya$     ‘follow’

        u…i/u…i/u
          n)u$Nu$r<u@    n)u$Nu$r<i@-    n)u$Nu@r<a$    ‘quiver, move        (while
                                                        stationery)’

        a…i…i
          da$Ngi$ri@     da$Ngi$ri@-     da$Nga@ra$     ‘break in half’
          ba$Ngi$ri@     ba$Ngi$ri@-     ba$Nga@ra$     ‘hide (something)’

        ç…i…i
           gç$Ngi$ri@    gç$Ngi$ri@-     gç$Ngç@ra$     ‘go around’

      In suffixally derived verbs, we can also cite patterns that do not occur with
underived stems. These are cases where the middle vowel is non-high, in
vocalic environments that require a medial high vowel in an underived stem.
Exampels: a…a…u in causative wa$sa$-wu@- ‘let remain’, E…E…u in causative
E@rE@-wu@- ‘let escape’, e…e…u in causative e@wye@-wu@- ‘cause to sit’, i…e…i in
reversive pi@re@-ri@- ‘get unbogged’, u…o…u in causative bu$ro$-wu@- ‘reanimate’,
and u…ç…u in causative ju$wç$-wu@- ‘inform’ (cause to know).


10.2 Positive indicative AN categories

10.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect and stative)

10.2.1.1 Unsuffixed Perfective with all-low toned stem

The unsuffixed Perfective (positive) is used instead of a marked perfective-
system form when another constituent is focalized (whether or not it is overly
marked with the Focus clitic). In other words, the unsuffixed Perfective is used
when the verb is part of a defocalized clausal residue.




                                        105
    The unsuffixed Perfective is characterized by all-low tones overlaid on the
stem (tone-dropping). This applies to all verbs without exception, including jE&˘$-
‘bring’ (unsuffixed Perfective jE$˘-). I use the notation “.Perf.L” in interlinears.

(xx1)         $
        a. a&m-∅       yu^˘       du$yç$-∅
           who?≡Foc millet        pound.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Who [focus] pounded the millet (ears)?’

        b. fa@˘tu@ma$≡m      yu^˘      du$yç$-∅
           Fatouma≡Foc       millet    pound.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘It was Fatouma [focus] who pounded the millet (ears).’

        c. [kç$˘<     n$je@]   du$yç$-∅
           [thing.L   what?] pound.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘What [focus] did she pound?’

        d. a&n-da@˘   yu^˘       du$yç$-∅
           where?     millet     pound.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Where [focus] did she pound the millet (ears)?’

    The paradigm is (xx2), using du$yç@- ‘pound (millet ears)’ and lo@- ‘go’. In
the 1Pl and 2Pl, the dying-quail intonation (∴) favors a modest rise in the initial
pitch of the final syllables, so there is at least some pitch decline as the vowel
fades out, along with prolongation of this vowel.

(xx2)   category     ‘pound’                   ‘go

        1Sg          du$yç$-y$                 lo$-y$
        Pl           du$yç$-y$∴                lo$-y$∴
        2Sg          du$yç$-w$                 lo$-w$
        2Pl          du$yç$-w$$∴               lo$-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan     du$yç$-∅                  lo$-∅
        3Pl          du$yç$-bç@ (or: -bç$)     lo$-bç$ (or: -bç$)

    Note the zero 3Sg, with no lengthening of the final vowel. The 3Pl suffix is
often heard as H-toned -bç@ in elicitation, and it was heard as such in some
textual examples. However, L-toned -bç$ is also possible, especially when
clause-final (pre-pausal).
    The unsuffixed Perfective is common (in elicitation), though not obligatory,
when a pronominal direct object is present (xx3), even when this object shows
no overt signs of focalization.




                                             106
(xx3)   a. i@         si$yç$-∅
           1SgO       hit.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She hit me.’

        b. E@r<E@        su$yç$-y$
           3SgO          hit.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I hit-Past him/her.’


10.2.1.2 Perfective-1a ˘-rE$-. Perfective-1b -ti^-

The Perfective-1 is a suffixally marked Perfective. It has two versions,
Perfective-1a ˘-rE$- (which lengthens the preceding vowel), and Perfective-1b
-ti^-. Both are added to the combining form of the verb, with no special overlaid
tone contour, so the lexical tones appear. While the Perfective-1a suffix
contracts with the stem, the Perfective-1b suffix has no phonological interaction
with the stem, and could be analysed as an auxilary verb following the
combining form of the verb.
      Perfective-1a ˘-rE-- is used with motion verbs, stance verbs, and a wide
range of basically stative intransitives. The presence of a locational NP,
arguably a “direct object,” with a motion verb does not affect the choice of
Perfective allomorph, so (xx1.a) and (xx1.b) have the same verb forms.

(xx1)   a. lo@˘-rE$-∅
           go-Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She went.’ (lo@-)

        b. ba$ma$kç@    lo@˘-rE$-∅
           Bamako       go-Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She went to Bamako.’

        c. e@wye@˘-r-a$˘
           sit.down-Perf-3PlS
           ‘They sat down.’ (e@wye@-)

        d. tE@gE@˘-rE$-∅
           become.big-Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She has grown up.’ (tE@gE@-)




                                        107
    Some other verbs taking ˘-rE$- include u$rç@- ‘go up’, go@- ‘go/come out’,
ya$ƒa@- ‘fall (down)’, ti@wE@- ‘die’, and adjectival inchoatives like je$m-de@-
‘become black’ and ba$r<a@- ‘become red’.
    A handful of syntactically transitive verbs take ˘-rE$-. These include
‘forget’ (the ultimate non-impact transitive), and ‘(body part) pain (sb)’ (xx2).

(xx2)   a. E@wa@˘         i$rE@˘-rE$-y$
           market         forget-Perf-1SgS
           ‘I forgot the market.’ (i$rE@-)

        b. ku&˘$          i@          u$ru$yo@˘-ra$-w
           1SgP.head.HL 1SgO          hurt-Perf-1SgS
           ‘My head hurt me’ (= ‘I had a headache’)

    The paradigm of ˘-rE$- has 3Pl ˘-r-a$˘, but is otherwise regular (xx3).

(xx3)   category       form

        1Sg            ˘-rE$-y$
        1Pl            ˘-rE$-y$∴
        2Sg            ˘-rE$-w$
        2Pl            ˘-rE$-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan       ˘-rE$-∅
        3Pl            ˘-r-a$˘

    Perfective-1b -ti^- is used with the great majority of transitives, and with
some active intransitives, including verbs of speaking and thinking (but not
with motion or stance verbs). These active intransitives can also be transitive,
insofar as they are easily combined with cognate nominals in apparent direct-
object function. Examples of such active intransitives are ma$ni@- ‘laugh’, te@ge@-
‘speak’, pi@ye@- ‘shout’, and ma$˘ni@- ‘think’, which are optionally expanded with
cognate nominals as ma^n ma$ni@- ‘laugh (=give out) a laugh’, te&y$ te@ge@- ‘speak
words’, pi$ye^˘ pi@ye@- ‘shout (=give out) a shout’, and ma@˘ni@˘ ma$˘ni@- ‘think
(=have) a thought’. These verbs take -ti^- whether or not the cognate nominal is
present.

(xx4)   a. yu^˘       du$yç@-ti^˘-∅
           millet     pound-Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She pounded the millet (ears).’

        b. na$˘-[yi@-m]            pa@ƒa@-ti^˘-∅




                                         108
              cow-[child-Sg]      tie-Perf-3SgS
              ‘He/She tied up the calf.’

        c. ma@nu$                   ma$ni@-ti@-y$∴
           (laugh[noun])            laugh-Perf-1PlS
           ‘We laughed.’

     Among the many transitives takings -ti^- are ni@- ‘give’, perception verbs like
yi@- ‘see’, reversives like pi@˘-r<i@- ‘open’, and causatives like e@w-re@- ‘cause to
sit’. VPs regularly expressed by a verb plus cognate nominal or another
conventionalized nominal object also take -ti^- (xx5).

(xx5)   a. su&˘<           su@<-ti^˘-∅
           breathing       breathe-Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She breathed.’

        b. ni^˘             di$ye@-tu@-w$
           water            bathe-Perf-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg bathed.’

      The third person forms of -ti^- are 3Sg/Inan -ti^˘-∅ (homophonous with 1Sg
-ti@-y$), and 3Pl -ti@-ya$ (onre could also segment this as -ti@y-a$) The 1st/2nd person
forms are based on -ti^-, but the vowel assimilates to a following semivowel.
Phonetically, the resulting homorganic vowel-semivowel combination
monophthongizes. The paradigm is (xx6).

(xx6)   category        form

        1Sg             -ti@-y$
        1Pl             -ti@-y$∴
        2Sg             -tu@-w$
        2Pl             -tu@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan        -ti^˘-∅
        3Pl             -ti@-ya$ (or: -ti@y-a$)

   pe@re@- or pe@te@- ‘jump’ takes ˘-rE$- when formally intransitive, but when a
cognate nominal is added it shifts to -ti^-.

(xx7)   a. pe@te@˘-rE$-∅
           jump-Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She jumped.’




                                            109
        b. a$pe@tu$      pe@te@-ti^˘-∅
           jump[noun]    jump-Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She jumped (=made) a jump.’

   Both Perfective suffixes, -ti^- and -˘rE$-, correspond to -ri@- in the Perfective
Negative.


10.2.1.3 Resultative -so^-

The sense is resultative, i.e., the VP in question describes a state resulting from
an action. For example, the event denoted by u$rç@˘-rE$-∅ ‘he/she went up
(=mounted)’ leads to the resulting state expressed by (xx1.a). An example with
a more clearly transitive verb is (xx1.b).

(xx1)   a. so&m        u$rç@-so@-w$
           horse       go.up-Reslt-3SgS
           ‘He/She is mounted on the horse.’

        b. [u@       bu@˘du$]        n)E@-so@-w$
           [2SgP     money.HL]       eat-Reslt-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg have eaten (= spent) your money.’

    Resultative -so^- is added to the combining form of the stem, with no
modification to the lexical tone contour. The paradigm is (xx2). Because the
3Sg has suffix -w$, it is homophonous with the 2Sg. The 3Pl is irregular.

(xx2)   category       form

        1Sg            -so@-y$
        1Pl            -so@-y$∴
        2Sg            -so@-w$$
        2Pl            -so@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan       -so@-w$
        3Pl            -s-E^˘<

    This suffix is undoubtedly related historically to ‘have’ quasi-verb so@-, but
the 2Sg, 3Sg, and 3Pl differ tonally in the two paradigms (for ‘have’ we get
2Sg=3Sg so@-w@ and 3Pl s-E@˘<, with high tones). A continuing synchronic
connection between the two is suggested by the fact that Resultative -so^- is




                                        110
sometimes negated as -so$-lo@-, i.e. with the (irregular) negative form of so@-
‘have’ (xx3).

(xx3)   so&m             u$rç@-so$-lo@-∅
        horse            go.up-Reslt-3SgS
        ‘He/She is not mounted on the horse.’

    Resultative -so^- is somewhat circumscribed by competition with Recent
Perfect -jE^-, which however puts more emphasis on the recent completion of the
event (‘has already VP-ed’). Perception verbs (‘I saw/have seen him’, ‘I [have]
heard it’) strongly favor Recent Perfect -jE^- (unlike the case in Jamsay, where
the Resultative -sa$- is the unmarked positive past-time AN morpheme for these
verbs).


10.2.1.4 Experiential Perfect ‘have ever’ -ta^-

In positive utterances, the Experiential Perfective is common in questions
(‘have you ever …?’), but it can also be used in indicatives (‘I have once …’). It
indicates that the subject has, at any point in the past, performed the action
denoted by the VP at least once.

(xx1)   a. ba$ma$kç@     lo@-ta@-w$
           Bamako        go-ExpPf-2SgS
           ‘Have you ever gone to Bamako?’

        b. ta$-du$Ngu@-m    yi@-ta@-y$
           lion-Sg          see-ExpPf-1SgS
           ‘I once saw a lion.’

        c. N$gu@               nu@-ta@-ma$
           this.Inan           hear-ExpPf-3PlS
           ‘They have heard this (before).’

        d. ji$ye@           ji$ye@-ta@-w$
           dance(noun)      dance-ExpPf-3SgS
           ‘He/She danced (once).’

    The suffix (arguably an auxiliary verb) is added to the combining form of
the verb, with no change in lexical tone contour. The paradigm is (xx4).

(xx2)   category      form




                                       111
        1Sg            -ta@-y$
        1Pl            -ta@-y$∴
        2Sg            -ta@-w$$
        2Pl            -ta@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan       -ta@-w$
        3Pl            -ta@-ma$

     Because the 3Sg is expressed by -w$, it is homophonous with the 2Sg. 3Pl
-ta@-ma$ has the -ma$ ending also seen in plural participles (in relative clauses
with plural head NP)
     In the negative, the Experiential Perfective suffix is retained, taking the
form -ta$-. Both this suffix, and the preceding verb stem, drop tones before
Perfective Negative suffix -li@-.

(xxx)   a. ba$ma$kç@     lo$-ta$-li@-y$
           Bamako        go-ExpPf-Neg-1SgS
           ‘I have never gone to Bamako.’

        b. N$gu@         yi$-ta$-l-a@
           this.Inan     see-ExpPf-PerfNeg-3PlS
           ‘They have never seen this (before).’


10.2.1.5 Recent Perfect -jE^-

This AN suffix can be translated as ‘already’ plus past tense. It competes with
the Resultative, since the recent event in question often has a continuing effect,
as in (xx1).

(xx1)   a. n)E&y<          @
                        n)E-jE@-y$
           meal         eat-RecPf-1SgS
           ‘I have already eaten.’ (hence: ‘I am not hungry’)

        b. la@wa@-jE^˘-∅
           pass-RecPf-3SgS
           ‘It (e.g. bus) has already gone past.’ (hence: ‘You’ll have to wait’)

    -jE^- can be used with perception verbs nu@- ‘hear’ and yi@- ‘see’, which
avoid regular Perfective -ti^- and Resultative -so^-. Again, the context involves a




                                       112
recent event that results in a state. In (xxx.a), for example, the speaker had been
asking where the kettle was, and now indicates that he has located it.

(xx2)   a. sa@ta@la$       yi@-jE@-y$
           kettle          see-RecPf-1SgS
           ‘I have (just) seen the kettle.’

        b. ci$wE@ru$     nu@-jE@-w$∴
           news          hear-RecPf-2PlS
           ‘Have you-Pl heard the news?’

    The suffix -jE^- is added to the combining form of the verb, with no change
in the lexical tone contour. The paradigm is (xx3). The 3Sg form is not
homophonous with the 2Sg form.

(xx3)   category       form

        1Sg            -jE@-y$
        1Pl            -jE@-y$∴
        2Sg            -jE@-w$
        2Pl            -jE@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan       -jE^˘-∅
        3Pl            -j-a^˘


10.2.1.6 Reduplicated Perfective (Ci$- plus {HL}, 3Sg -∅)

In this form, there is an initial reduplication of the form C1i$- (with fixed vowel
/i/) or C1v1- (with a copy of the first stem vowel), depending on the speaker. If
the first vowel of the stem is from the set {u o} (but not /ç/), the /i/ of the
reduplicative segment shifts to /u/. If the verb begins with a vowel, there is no
C1 in either the reduplicative segment or the base stem, as seen in i$-E@wE$-
(varying with E$-E@wE$-) ‘buy’. A phonetic glottal stop (omitted from the normal
transcription) is heard between the two occurrences of the vowel, as in u$-u@ro$-
‘go up’, phonetic [u$/u@rç$].
     The reduplicative segment has L-tone (as do all such reduplicative segments
in verbal morphology). The base stem has overlaid {HL} tone contour,
erasing the lexical tones. The H-tone component is expressed on the first stem
syllable, or on the first mora of a monosyllable. In third person forms only, a
CV- monosyllable like wo@- ‘catch’ has its short vowel lengthened to permit the




                                       113
F-tone to be expressed; see Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (§3.7.4.1). The tone
contours are illustrated in (xx1).

(xx1)   gloss                stem             Reduplicated Perfective

        ‘take’               a&y-             i$-a^y-
        ‘catch’              wo@-             wi$-wo^˘-
        ‘want’               jç$rç@-          ji$-jç@rç$-
        ‘buy’                E@wE@-           i$-E@wE$-
        ‘go up’              u$rç@-           u$-u@rç$-
        ‘go back’            pi@ni@w<i@-      pi$-pi@ni$w<i$-

    The Reduplicated Perfective is not common in texts. An example is (xx2).

(xx2)   ji$-jç@rç$-bç@
        Rdp-want.Perf.HL-3PlS
        ‘They wanted.’

    The paradigm is (xx3). The suffixes are the same as those of the
unsuffixed Perfective. Also shown are paradigms for wo@- ‘catch’, illustrating
the lengthening of the stem vowel in 3rd person forms for CV- monosyllables,
and E@wE@- ‘buy’ as a more typical bisyllabic verb.

(xx3)   category    suffix          ‘catch’                     ‘buy’

        1Sg         -y$             wi$-wo@-y$                  i$-E@wE$-y$
        1Pl         -y$∴            wi$-wo@-y$∴                 i$-E@wE$-y$∴
        2Sg         -w$             wi$-wo@-w$                  i$-E@wE$-w$
        2Pl         -w$∴            wi$-wo@-w$∴                 i$-E@wE$-w$∴

        3Sg         -∅              wi$-wo^˘-∅                  i$-E@wE$-∅
        3Pl         -bç@ (-bç$)     wi$-wo^˘-bç@ (-bç$)         i$-E@wE$-bç@ (-bç$)

    This form is partially homophonous to the Ci$ -Reduplicated Stative,
which is is attested only with stance verbs like ‘sit’ (§10.xxx, below). The two
are distinguishable by suffixal allomorphs in the third person. The reduplciated
Perfective and reduplicated Stative are both distinguished from the reduplicated
Imperfective by stem tone (the latter ends in a high tone).




                                           114
10.2.1.7 Reduplicated Stative (Ci$- plus {HL}, 3Sg -w$)

A Stative reduplication is used with stance verbs (‘be sitting’, ‘be connected’,
etc.). It belongs to the perfective system, as seen by the use of perfective third
person suffix allomorphs, but it has stative sense. The reduplicative segment has
the same form as for the Reduplicated Perfective (just above) and for the
Reduplicated Imperfective (below).
     The stem has {HL} tone contour, again as in the Reduplicated Perfective.
By contrast, the Reduplicated Imperfective always has a stem ending in a high
tone.
     The Reduplicated Stative imposes a bisyllabic shape on the stem proper
(trisyllabic including the reduplicative segment), so for mono- and tri-syllabic
stems there is a clear difference between the Reduplicated Stative and the
Reduplicated Perfective. Another difference between the two is in the form of
third person suffixes. The three-way distinction for stance verbs with 3Sg
subject is illustrated in (xx1).

(xx1)   a. i$-e@w-ye$-w$
           Rdp-sit-Intr.Stat.HL-3SgS
           ‘He/She is sitting (in sitting position)’. [Stative]

        b. i$-e@w-ye$-∅
           Rdp-sit-Intr.Perf.HL-3SgS
           ‘He sat down.’ [Perfective, uncommon]

        c. i$-e@w-ye@-m$
           Rdp-sit-Intr-Impf.3SgS
           ‘He/She will sit down.’ [Imperfective]

    In the first and second persons, for bisyllabic stance verbs (including ‘sit’)
that do not end in a high vowel there is no audible distinction between the
Reduplicated Stative and the Reduplicated Perfective (xx2.a-b), but the two of
them are (jointly) audibly distinct from the Reduplicated Imperfective (xx2.c).

(xx2)   a. i$-e@w-ye$-y$
           Rdp-sit-Intr.Stat.HL-1SgS
           ‘I am sitting (in sitting position)’. [Stative]

        b. i$-e@w-ye$-y$
           Rdp-sit-Intr.Perf.HL-1SgS
           ‘He sat down.’ [Perfective, uncommon]




                                        115
        c. i$-e@w-ye@-y$
           Rdp-sit-Intr.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will sit down.’ [Imperfective]

    In the Reduplicated Stative only, nonmonosyllabic verbs ending in a high
vowel shift this vowel to /a/, a mutation that also takes place in the Imperative
stem. In this case, the three-way distinction among the reduplications is audibly
expressed even for first and second person categories. The 3Sg and 1Sg forms
for di$yi@- ‘be connected’ bring this out (xx3).

(xx3)   ‘be connected’                       3Sg                1Sg

        Reduplicated Stative                 di$-di@ya$-w$      di$-di@ya$-y$
        Reduplicated Perfective              di$-di@yi$-∅       di$-di@yi$-y$
        Reduplicated Imperfective            di$-di@yi@-m$      di@-di@yi@-y$

      I had no difficulty eliciting Reduplicated Stative forms where they made
sense semantically (denoting stances and similar physical positions). Examples
are in (xx4), in 3Sg subject form. For the verbs in (xx4.a), the segmentation of
-yi@-/-ye@- is based on intransitive/causative alternations (i@˘-ri@- ‘cause to
stand/stop’, bi$-re@- ‘cause to lie down’, e@w-re@- ‘cause to sit’, tu@Ngu@-ru@- ‘cause
to kneel’), though segmentability is semi-opaque. Note that the -yi@-/-ye@- is
retained in the Reduplicated Stative when the root is monosyllabic. ‘Stand, stop’
appears to shorten its long /i˘/, though one could alternatively argue that the -yi@-
suffix of the combining form has been lopped off and the remainin /i@˘-/ treated
as though /i@yi@-/ (xx4.a). In any event, there is no general shortening of long
vowels in the first stem syllable of the Stative, see (xx4.c). The examples in
(xx4.b-c) are prosodically straightforward. The trisyllabic verbs in (xx4.d)
probably originated as *Cv(C)Cv-yv- with Intransitive suffix *-yv-, but
segmentation is now somewhat opaque (for tç@r<i@y<i@- the causative elicited was
tç@r<i@y<i@-w<u@-). Even if we segment the stems in (xx4.d), there is no basis for
claiming that Intransitive -yv- is systematically omitted from the Reduplicative
Stative, since the much clearer cases of -yi@-/-ye@- in (xx4.a) do not drop the
suffix. I therefore prefer to analyse the examples in (xx4.d) as involving
truncation of a final syllable to satisfy a bisyllabic output constraint.

(xx4)        gloss               combining form Reduplicated Stative

        a. ‘stand, stop’         i@˘-yi@-            i$-i@-ya$-w
                                         (segmentation arguably i$-i@ya$-w)
             ‘lie down’          bi$-ye@-            bi@-bi@-ye$-w
             ‘sit’               e@w-ye@-            i$-e@w-ye$-w




                                            116
              ‘kneel’                tu@Ngu@-yu@-    tu$-tu@Nga$-w

        b. ‘be tilted’         jE$Ngi@-              ji$-jE@Nga$-w
           ‘be hanging’        kç@li@-               ki$-kç@la$-w
           ‘(mat) be laid out’ tE@yi@-               ti$-tE@ya$-w

        c. ‘be right-side up’ ta@˘ri@-               ti$-ta@˘ra$-w
           ‘be arranged’      tE@˘li@-               ti$-tE@˘la$-w

        d. ‘squat’                   tç@r<i@y<i@-    ti$-tç@r<a$-w
           ‘sit up’                  bE$Ngi$yi@-     bi$-bE@Nga$-w

    The Stative pronominal-suffix paradigm is (xx5). The 2Sg and 3Sg are
homophonous. The 3Pl is built by adding the (perfective) 3Pl suffix -bç@ (-bç$) to
the 3Sg suffix -w$.

(xx5)   category        suffix

        1Sg             -y$
        1Pl             -y$∴
        2Sg             -w$
        2Pl             -w$∴

        3Sg             -w$
        3Pl             -w$-bç@ (-w$-bç$)


10.2.2 Imperfective positive system

10.2.2.1 Unsuffixed Imperfective (unreduplicated)

An unreduplicated form with no segmentally characterized AN suffix is used in
positive indicative clauses with present or future time reference. It is the normal
all-purpose imperfective form used after an overtly focalized preverbal
constituent, such as a WH-interrogative (xx1).

(xx1)   a&n-da@˘    lo@-w$
        where?      go.Impf-2SgS
        ‘Where are you-Sg going?’ = ‘Where will you-Sg go?’

    With a preverbal constituent that is not overtly focalized, or with no
preverbal constituent, there is a choice between this form and its reduplicated




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counterpart, the Reduplicated Imperfective (see the next section, below). In
elicitation, my assistant suggested that the Reduplicated Imperfective tended to
have future sense (xx2).

(xx2)   a. na$w<a^˘      ku@wo@-y$
           meat          eat.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I eat meat.’

        b. na$w<a^˘     ku$-ku@wo@-y$
           meat         Rdp-eat.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will eat meat.’

        c. nç@-m$
           drink-Impf.3SgS
           ‘He/She drinks.’

        d. ni$-nç@-m$
           Rdp-drink-Impf.3SgS
           ‘He/She will drink.’

    The stem tone, and the third person pronominal suffixes, are different
from those of the Reduplicated Perfective and of the Reduplicated Stative (on
which see above). The stem tone of the unsuffixed Imperfective, which always
ends in a high tone element, is determined as in (xx3).

(xx3)   Stem Tone of unsuffixed Imperfective

        a. lexical all-high tone contour is preserved (all shapes);
        b. shift from {LH} to all-high: Cv&y< monosyllabics, short-voweled
             (Cv$Cv@ and Cv$CCv@, but not Cv$˘Cv@) bisyllabics ending in a non-
             high vowel;
        c. no change in lexical {LH}: all nonmonosyllabic stems ending in a
             high vowel; long-voweled bisyllabics ending in a non-high vowel;
             trisyllabic and longer stems.

     The only audible change vis-à-vis the lexical tone (which is directly
observable in the bare stem in verb chains) is that LH-toned short-voweled
bisyllabic stems ending in a non-high vowel, and rising-toned monosyllabic
stems, shift to all-H (xx4.c-d,f). Minor segmental changes occur in a few
irregular monosyllabic verbs, all of which are listed in (xx4.b-c).

(xx4)           gloss              combining       unsuffixed Imperfective




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a. stem already all-high toned, no audible change, all syllabic shapes
        ‘go’                lo@-             lo@-
        ‘tie’               pa@ƒa@-          pa@ƒa@-
        ‘go back’           pi@ni@wu@-       pi@ni@wi@-
        ‘cough’             ko@gu@so@-       ko@gu@so@-

b. irregular monosyllabics, shift of short or long /E(˘)/ to /e/
         ‘come’             yE@-               ye@-
         ‘bring’            jE&˘$-             je@-

c. Cvy< verbs, become Cv@- (arguably Cv@<-)
        ‘put’              ga&y<-           ga@-
        ‘say’              gu&y<-           gu@-
        ‘do, make’         ka@y<-           ka@-

d. bimoraic bisyllabic ending in non-high vowel, {LH} > all-high tone
         ‘pound (spikes)’ du$yç@-           du@yç@-
         ‘steal’            gu$ro@-         gu@ro@-
         ‘dance’            ji$ye@-         ji@ye@-
         ‘fall’             ya$ƒa@-         ya@ƒa@-
         ‘take down’        si@le@-         si@le@-
     exception (frozen causative):
         ‘take out’         go$lo@-         go$lo@-

e. bimoraic bisyllabic ending in high vowel, {LH} preserved
        ‘receive’           a$wu@-          a$wu@-
        ‘help               ba$ri@-         ba$ru@-
        ‘call’              n)a$r<i@-       n)a$r<u@-
        ‘cover’             dE$wu@-         dE$wu@-
        ‘put down’          dE$yi@-         dE$yi@-
        ‘hold’              wa$yi@-         wa$yi@-
        ‘laugh’             ma$ni@-         ma$nu@-

f. CvCCv bisyllabic ending in non-high vowel, {LH} > all-high tone
       ‘split’            gu$mbo@-        gu@mbo@-
       ‘roll on turban’   do$mbo@-        do@mbo@-
       ‘place in basket’ du$mbo@-         du@mbo@-
       ‘stutter’          be$mbe@-        be@mbe@-

g. Cv˘Cv bisyllabic ending in non-high vowel, no change in {LH}
       ‘tease’             be$˘re@-       be$˘re@-




                                119
                ‘be moving’          ji$˘re@-            ji$˘re@-
                ‘lie in wait’        yo$˘ro@-            yo$˘ro@-

        h. trimoraic bisyllabic ending in high vowel, no change in{LH}
                ‘fill’               ba$˘li@-       ba$˘li@-
                ‘uproot’             wç$mbu@-       wç$mbu@-
                ‘think’              ma$˘ni@-       ma$˘ni@-
                ‘dig’                ga$nji@-       ga$nju@-

        i. trisyllabic ending in non-high vowel, no change in {LH}
                  ‘cut up’           ye$gi$se@-      ye$gi$se@-
                  ‘roll on ground’ du$lu$ro@-        du$lu$ro@-
                  ‘roll’             bi$li$re@-      bi$li$re@-

        j. trisyllabic ending in high vowel, no change in {LH}
                  ‘hide (sth)’        ba$Ngi$ri@-    ba$Ngi$ri@-
                  ‘winnow in wind’ n)E$r<i$y<i@-     n)E$r<i$y<i@-
                  ‘follow’            di$mbi$yi@-    di$mbi$yi@-

    The pronominal paradigm is in (xx2), using lo@- ‘go’, du$yç@- ‘pound (millet
ears)’, and pa@ƒa@- ‘tie’. The 1st/2nd person forms are regular. In the third
person, we get 3Sg/Inanimate -m$ and 3Pl -yE$.

(xx2)   category     ‘go’        ‘pound’         ‘tie’

        1Sg          lo@-y$      du@yç@-y$       pa@ƒa@-y$
        1Pl          lo@-y$∴     du@yç@-y$∴      pa@ƒa@-y$∴
        2Sg          lo@-w$      du@yç@-w$       pa@ƒa@-w$
        2Pl          lo@-w$∴     du@yç@-w$∴      pa@ƒa@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan     lo@-m$      du@yç@-m$       pa@ƒa@-m$
        3Pl          lo@-yE$     du@yç@-yE$      pa@ƒa@-yE$

     As this paradigm shows, the unsuffixed Imperfective has no AN suffix.
This could, in theory, result in confusion between the unsuffixed Imperfective
and the unsuffixed Perfective. However, the two can always be distinguished.
     To begin with, the third person suffixes are different in the two paradigms.
     In addition, while the unsuffixed Perfective drops stem tones, the
unsuffixed Imperfective stem always has at least one H-tone. Lexical bisyllabic
(C)v$Cv@- stems (with short vowels) shift from LH to HH tone, as with du$yç@-
‘pound’ in (xx2). This is also the case with (C)v$CCv@- stems, e.g. gu$mbo@-
‘split’, 3Sg imperfective gu@mbo@-m$. All other stems, including monosyllabics




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(always H-toned) like ‘go’ in (xx2), HH bisyllabics like ‘tie’ in (xx2),
bisyllabics with long-voweled first syllable, RH bisyllabics like da&nna@- ‘hunt’,
and all longer stems (e.g. LLH and HHH trisyllabics) retain their lexical tones,
which always include at least one H-tone. A representative bisyllabic with long-
voweled first syllable is ba$˘li@-, 3Sg imperfective ba$˘li@-m$ ‘he/she will fill’.
Examples of trisyllabics, in 3Sg form, are ko@gu@s o@-m$ ‘he/she will cough’
(ko@gu@so@-) and ji$gi$re@-m$ ‘he/she will shake (sth)’ (ji$gi$re@-).


10.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Ci$-, 3Sg -m$)

In the absence of a preverbal constituent, an unsuffixed Imperfective is
normally reduplicated. As a result, the Reduplicated Imperfective is very
common in texts, much more so than the Reduplicated Perfective.
     The reduplicative segment has the same form as for the Reduplicated
Perfective (§10.xxx, above). However, the Reduplicated Imperfective has the
same stem-tone contour as in the unreduplicated Imperfective. Therefore a
mono- or bisyllabic stem has all-H tone whether the lexical tone is all-H or
{LH}. Longer stems keep their lexical tone contour, either all-H or {LH}. There
is no lengthening of the short vowel of a CV- monosyllable like wo@- ‘catch’.

(xx1)   a. li$-lo@-y$
           Rdp-go.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will go.’ (lo@-)

        b. u$-u@rç@-y$
           Rdp-go.up.H-1SgS
           ‘I will go up.’ (u$rç@)

        c. su$-su@yç@-y$
           Rdp-hit.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will hit (it).’

        d. i$-E@wE@-y$
           Rdp-buy.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will buy (it).’ (E@wE@-)

        e. wi$-wo@-m$
           Rdp-catch-Impf.3SgS
           ‘He/She will catch.’ (wo@-)

        f.   gu$-gu$lu$-ri@-m$




                                         121
              Rdp-long-Fact-Impf.3SgS
              ‘He/She will lengthen.’ (gu$lu$-ri@-)

    The paradigm is (xx2). Note the specifically Imperfective suffixes for 3Sg
and 3Pl.

(xxx)   category     suffix

        1Sg          -y$
        1Pl          -y$∴
        2Sg          -w$
        2Pl          -w$∴

        3Sg          -m$
        3Pl          -yE$

    The Reduplicated Imperfective is distinguished from the Reduplicated
Perfective by the tone of the stem. The Reduplicated Imperfective has all-H or
(for some long stems) {LH}, while the Reduplicated Perfective and the
Reduplicated Stative have {HL} tone contour on the stem. The third person
endings also distinguish the Reduplicated Imperfective from the others.


10.2.2.3 Marked Imperfective (-˘ra$-)

A suffixally marked imperfective stem is used in progressive and habitual
function. The suffix has a basic form ˘-ra$-, lengthening the stem-final vowel.
The stem has its lexical tone.

(xxx)   a. bi@rE@          bi$rE@˘-ra$-y$∴
           work(noun)      work-Impf1-1PlS
           ‘We are working (now).’ (bi$rE@-)

        b. da$nni@˘-ra$-w$
           hunt-Impf1-3SgS
           ‘He/She hunts (regularly).’ (da$nni@-)

        c. bE@ru$-m         wo&˘-ra$-y$
           goat-Sg          catch-Impf1-1SgS
           ‘I am catching the goat.’ (wo@-)




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     The paradigm is (xxx). The 3Sg is homophonous to the 2Sg. The 3Pl adds
-bç$ (-bç@) to the 3Sg.

(xxx)   category      suffix

        1Sg           ˘-ra$-y$
        1Pl           ˘-ra$-y$∴
        2Sg           ˘-ra$-w$
        2Pl           ˘-ra$-w$∴

        3Sg           ˘-ra$-w$
        3Pl           ˘-ra$-w-bç@ (˘-ra$-w-bç$)


10.2.3 Negation of indicative verbs

10.2.3.1 Categories expressed by negative verbs

There is little connection in form between positive and negative inflectional
categories. Most perfective and perfect positive categories correspond to
Perfective Negative -ri@-. Most imperfective positive categories correspond to
Imperfective Negative -m$-(n)do$-.


10.2.3.2 Negation of unreduplicated perfective-system verbs (-ri@-)

The basic Perfective Negative is formed with suffix -ri@-, before which a stem
drops its tones to all-L.

(xx1)   a. yE$-ri@-∅
           come.L-PerfNeg-3SgS
           ‘He/She didn’t come.’

        b. u@              yi$-ri@-y$
           2SgO            see.L-PerfNeg-1SgS
           ‘I didn’t see you-Sg.’

        c. bu^˘          pa$ƒa$-ru@-w@
           3PlS          tie.L-PerfNeg-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg didn’t tie them up.’

        d. lo$-r-a@




                                           123
              go.L-PerfNeg-3PlS
              ‘They didn’t go.’

    The paradigm is (xx2).

(xx2)   category    suffix

        1Sg         -ri@-y$       (phonetic [-ri^˘])
        Pl          -ri@-y$∴
        2Sg         -ru@-w@       (phonetic [-ru@˘])
        2Pl         -ru@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan -ri@-∅
        3Pl      -r-a@

    Note the phonetic monophthongization in the 1Sg and 2Sg, and the H-tone
of the 2Sg form. The third person forms are 3Sg/Inan -ri@-∅ (with no
lengthening) and 3Pl -r-a@.
    Perfective Negative -ri@- may follow Recent Perfect -jE^-, in the sense ‘have
not finished VP-ing’. In this combination, the verb stem keeps its regular tone,
but -jE^- itself drops its tone to -jE$-. In other words, the main verb and -jE^-
behave tonally like two verbs in a chain.

(xx3). wo@Ngo@ro@         wa$ra@-jE$-ri@-y$
       farming            farm-RecPf-PerfNeg-1SgS
       ‘I haven’t (yet) finished farming.’


10.2.3.3 Negation of imperfective-system verbs (-m$-do@-)

The Imperfective Negative is based on -m$-do@-, except for an irregular 3Pl form
-m$-n-E@. In careful speech, -m$-do@- is heard as [m$n$do@], as the nasalization
extends beyond the transition from labial to alveolar place of articulation, and
native speakers correct the linguist’s pronunciation when the [n] is left out.
    The -m$- is identifiable with the 3Sg -m$ suffix in the unsuffixed
Imperfective (positive). Furthermore, the stem of the Imperfective Negative has
the same tone as that of the corresponding unsuffixed Imperfective, {H} or
{LH} depending on the stem. This strongly suggests that the Imperfective
Negative -m$-do@- is directly built on the unsuffixed Imperfective (positive),
specifically on the 3Sg form of the latter, merely adding a Negative suffix -do@.
Thus du$yç@- ‘pound (millet ears)’, unsuffixed Imperfective (positive) du@yç@-
(3Sg form du@yo@-m$) with HH tones, and Imperfective Negative du@yç@-m$-do@-




                                       124
with the same HH stem tones. In interlinears I gloss -m- in this combination as
“Impf” and -do@- as “Neg.”
    A similar ≡m$-do@ is the negation of the ‘be’ clitic ≡m$ (§11.xxx).
    The paradigm is (xx1). Segmentation of the irregular 3Pl form is difficult.

(xx1)   category   suffix

        1Sg        -m$-do@-y$
        Pl         -m$-do@-y$∴
        2Sg        -m$-do@-w$
        2Pl        -m$-do@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan -m$-do@-∅
        3Pl      -m$-n-E@

    Examples are in (xx2).

(xx2)   a. te^˘       nç@-m$-do@-∅
           tea        drink-Impf-Neg-3SgS
           ‘He/She doesn’t drink tea.’

        b. N$gu@-ru$   bi@rE@           bi@rE@-m$-n-E@
           here        work(noun)       work-Impf-Neg-3PlS
           ‘They don’t work here.’


10.2.3.4 Stative Negative (≡ra@- without reduplication)

Consider positive (xx1.a), on which see §10.xxx (above), and its negative
counterpart (xx1.b).

(xx1)   a. i$-e@wye$-y
           Rdp-sit.Stat-1SgS
           ‘I am sitting.’

        b. e$wye$-w≡ra@-y$
           sit-Stat≡Neg-1SgS
           ‘I am not sitting.’

     In the negative form (xx1.b), the reduplicative segment is gone. The stem
drops to L-tone, as it does before the Perfective Negative suffix -ri@-. Negative
clitic ≡ra@- is added to -w$-, which could be identified morphemically with 3Sg




                                      125
-w$, the 3Sg allomorph used in the Stative positive (cf. i$-e@wye$-w ‘he/she is
sitting’). However, -w$≡ra@- is the basis for the entire Stative Negative paradigm
(xx2), not just the 3Sg, so I gloss it in this combination as “Stat” in interlinears.

(xx2)   category    suffix

        1Sg         -w$≡ra@-y$
        Pl          -w$≡ra@-y$∴
        2Sg         -w$≡ra@-w@
        2Pl         -w$≡ra@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan -w$≡ra@-∅
        3Pl      -w$≡ra@-bç@

     As in some other Negative paradigms, the 2Sg suffix is H-toned, so its final
syllable has high rather than falling tone..


10.3 Pronominal-subject suffixes for indicative verbs

10.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixes

To pull together data from the various AN categories given above, the basic
forms of first/second person pronominal-subject suffixes on inflected verbs are
those in (xx1).

(xx1)   category    suffix

        1Sg         -y$
        Pl          -y$∴
        2Sg         -w$ (or -w@)
        2Pl         -w$∴

     There is an issue as to whether these suffixes have intrinsic tones or get
their tones from the preceding morpheme. Many of the AN categories have
suffixes that end in a falling tone in the zero 3Sg form, and the unsuffixed
Perfective is all-low toned. In these forms, the low tone on a first/second person
suffix could be analysed as due to Contour-Tone Stretching (§3.7.4.2). The test
is therefore what happens when the first/second person suffix follows a high
tone. This happens in Perfective Negative with suffix -ri@- and in the Stative
Negative with -ra@-, but here the evidence is split. The 1Sg combination has
falling tone (-ri@-y$, -ra@-y) suggesting an intrinsic low tone on 1Sg -y. However,




                                        126
the 2Sg combinations have high tone (-ru@-w@, -ra@-w@), suggesting that the tone
has spread from the Negative suffix to the 2Sg suffix. The 1Pl and 2Pl suffixes
are moot in this respect, because of their dying-quail intonation.
     Segmental irregularities in combinations involving first/second person
suffixes are minor and usually have a clear phonological basis. 1Sg -y$
undergoes monophthongization with a preceding /i/, both in the marked
Perfective (/-ti^-y/, pronounced -ti^˘-∅) and in the Perfective Negative (/-ri@-y/,
pronounced -ri^˘-∅). Note that the original HL tone sequence is preserved in the
F-toned monophthong. A parallel monophongization with 2Sg -w$ occurs in the
marked Perfective (/-tu@-w$/ , pronounced -tu^˘-∅) and in the Perfective Negative
(/-ru@-w@/, pronounced -ru@˘-∅).
     For 3Sg/Inan, the allomorphs are as in (xx2).

(xx2)        3Sg/Inan allomorph AN category                     suffix + 3Sg/Inan

        a.   -∅                    unsuffixed Perfective        -∅
                                   reduplicated Perfective      -∅
                                   Perfective-1a                ˘-rE$-∅
                                   Perfective Negative          -ri@-∅
                                   Imperfective Negative        -m$do@-∅
                                   Stative Negative             -w$-ra@-∅

        b.   -∅ (long vowel)       Perfective-1b                -ti^˘-∅
                                   Recent Perfect               -jE^˘-∅

        c.   -w$                   Experiential Perfect         -ta@-w$
                                   Resultative                  -so@-w$
                                   Imperfective                 ˘-ra$-w
                                   reduplicated Stative         -w$

        d.   -m$                   unsuffixed Imperfective -m$
                                   reduplicated Imperfective -m$

    The -w$ in (xx2.c) suggests a morphological connection with -w as an
adjectival suffix (Inanimate). In verbal morphology, 3Sg -w$ entails homophony
between 3Sg and 2Sg. The lengthening of the vowel of the AN suffix in
(xxx.b) is necessary to permit the contour tone to be expressed; see Contour-
Tone Mora-Addition (§3.7.4.1). In the specific case of Perfective -ti^˘-∅, the
lengthening results in (accidental) homophony with the 1Sg, which
monophthongizes from /-ti^-y/ to -ti^˘-∅.




                                       127
    As with the first/second person suffixes, one can argue whether the nonzero
3Sg allomorphs, -w$ and -m$, are intrinsically low-toned, or acquire their tones
by spreading from the left.
    The 3Pl forms are especially irregular (xx3). In parsing texts, it is
particularly worth noting that 3Pl ˘-r-a$˘ is from Perfective-1a ˘-rE$- and not from
Imperfective-1 ˘-ra$-.

(xx3)        3Pl allomorph      AN category                 AN suffix + 3Pl

        a.   -bç@ (-bç$)        unsuffixed Perfective       -bç@ (-bç$)
                                Imperfective                ˘-ra$-w-bç@
                                reduplicated Perfective     -bç@
                                reduplicated Stative        -w$-bç@
                                Stative Negative            -w$-ra@-bç@

        b1. -a$ (-ya$)          Perfective                  -ti@-ya$   (< -ti^-)
                                Perfective                  ˘-r-a$˘    (< ˘-rE$-)
                                Recent Perfect              -j-a^˘     (< -jE^-a)
                                Perfective Negative         -r-a@      (< -ri@-)

        b2. -yE$                unsuffixed Imperfective -yE$
                                reduplicated Imperfective -yE$

        b3. -E$                 Imperfective Negative       -m$-n-E@(< -m$-do@-)

        c.   -ma$               Experiential Perfect        -ta@-ma$

     One could perhaps group (xx3.b1-b3) together into a set {-a$ -E$ -ya$ -yE$},
but the phonological relationships among the variants are opaque. The quite
distinct form -bç@ (xx3.a) resembles the 3Pl independent pronoun bu^˘, while the
allomorph -ma$ (xx3.c) could be identified with the Plural Perfective Participial
suffix (in relative clauses).
     -bç@ is basically high-toned. The other 3Pl allomorphs are heard with low
tone, but as usual one could argue that the low tone is spread from the left.


10.4 Clause-final temporal particles

10.4.1 Past ≡bE$- (≡bE^-) and its conjugated forms

The Past clitic ≡bE$- or ≡bE^- repositions the eventuality denoted by a clause into
a past time frame. The low-toned, always short-voweled form ≡bE$- is used in




                                        128
certain combinations where it follows a low-toned verb form. The form ≡bE^-
with falling tone, which expands to ≡bE^˘-∅ when followed by zero 3Sg suffix
(by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition, §3.xxx), is used when the preceding verb
form ends in a high tone, and in a few other combinations.
     ≡bE^˘ is conjugated for pronominal subject, in two paradigms that occur in
distinct constructions. The regular paradigm including tones is (xx1). The
1st/2nd person forms are based on bE@- and are regular in form. 3Sg/Inan bE^˘-∅
has a long, F-toned vowel. 3Pl ≡b-a^˘ can be interpreted as the contraction of
≡bE^˘- (or /≡bE^-/) with 3Pl -a.
     The paradigms of the two variant forms of the clitic are in (xx1).

(xx1)   category   F-tone form        L-tone variant

        1Sg        ≡bE@-y$            ≡bE$-y$
        1Pl        ≡bE@-y$∴           ≡bE$-y$∴
        2Sg        ≡bE@-w$            ≡bE$-w$
        2Pl        ≡bE@-w$∴           ≡bE$-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan ≡bE^˘-∅              ≡bE$-∅
        3Pl      ≡b-a^˘               ≡b-a$˘

    The first and second person forms are unremarkable. In the 3Sg, the F-tone
form has a long vowel as noted above. The 3Pl forms involve a suffixed /-a/ that
contracts with the /E/ of the clitic.
    There are four combinations of the Past clitic with inflectable verb stems:
Past unsuffixed Imperfective, Past Imperfective-1, Past Stative, and Past Perfect
(a better label than Past Perfective, as we will see). There are positive and
negative versions for each of these. The Past Perfect marks pronominal subjects
both on the verb proper and on the clitic, though the 3Sg and 3Pl suffixes on the
verb proper appear to be participial. In the other Past AN categories, either -m-
(Imperfective) or -w- (Stative) generalizes as the ending of the verb before the
Past clitic, except that (in most cases) the 3Pl has double suffixal marking, on
the verb proper and again on the Past clitic.
    We will start with the Past forms of the unsuffixed positive AN categories:
unsuffixed Imperfective, Stative, and unsuffixed Perfective, in that order, before
turning to combinations with nonzero AN suffixes. The corresponding
negations will also be given immediately after each positive type.
    The Past unsuffixed Imperfective is rather common (‘was working’, ‘used
to work’). The verb form preceding the clitic generalizes the -m$ suffix that, in
the simple inflected paradigm, expresses 3Sg/Inanimate subject, to all subject
categories except 3Pl. So we see -m$≡bE$- with 3Sg (xx2.a), 1Sg (xx2.b), and 1Pl
subjects (xx2.c). The Past clitic is low-toned because it follows the low-toned




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suffix -m$. Before the Past clitic, I gloss -m$- simply as “Impf” in interlinears. In
the 3Pl, the regular 3Pl Imperfective suffix -yE$- appears before the Past clitic, so
there is double marking of the 3Pl category (xx2.d).

(xx2)   Past unsuffixed Imperfective

        a. bi@rE@        bi@rE@-m$≡bE$-y$
           work(noun) work-Impf≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I was working.’

        b. bi@rE@   bi@rE@-m$≡bE$-y$∴      ‘We were working.’
        c. bi@rE@   bi@rE@-m$≡bE$-∅        ‘He/She was working.’
        d. bi@rE@   bi@rE@-yE$≡b-a$˘       ‘They were working.’

    The corresponding negative forms are based on the inflected Imperfective
Negative with suffix -m$-do@-. This form of the suffix complex occurs in all
subject categories except 3Pl. The latter adds the 3Pl form of the Past clitic to
the already 3Pl suffix complex -m$-nE@-. Since -m$-do@- and 3Pl -m$-nE@- end in a
high tone, the Past clitic takes its falling-tone form.

(xx3)   Past Imperfective Negative

        a. bi@rE@         bi@rE@-m$-do@≡bE@-y$
           work(noun) work-Impf-Neg≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I was not working.’

        b. bi@rE@      bi@rE@-m$-do@≡bE@-y$∴   ‘We were not working.’
        c. bi@rE@      bi@rE@-m$-do@≡bE^˘-∅    ‘He/She was not working.’
        d. bi@rE@      bi@rE@-m$-nE@≡b-a^˘     ‘They were not working.’

    In the Past Stative (chiefly for stance verbs: ‘I am/was sitting’), the verb
form preceding the Past clitic has the regular Stative stem shape segmentally,
but it is high-toned. The initial reduplication is optionally present. The Stative
stem is followed by suffix -w@-, which has generalized from 3Sg Stative -w$, but
here also has high tone (so the Past clitic has its falling-toned form). The 3Pl
has -w@- before the Past clitic, as do the other pronominal categories. The -w@-
suffix before the Past clitic is glossed simply as “Stat[ive]” in the interlinears.
Since statives like ‘be sitting’ make no perfective/imperfective distinction, the
Past suffix is especially useful with these verbs. The examples in (xx4) use the
Stative form of ew@-ye@- ‘sit’.

(xx4)   Past Stative




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        a. (i$-)e@w-ye@-w@≡bE@-y$
           (Rdp-)sit-Intr-Stat≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I was sitting.’

        b. (i$-)e@w-ye@-w@≡bE@-y$∴       ‘We were sitting.’
        c. (i$-)e@w-ye@-w@≡bE^˘-∅        ‘He/She was sitting.’
        d. (i$-)e@w-ye@-w@≡b-a^˘         ‘They were sitting.’

     Negative counterparts add Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@- before the Past
clitic. The Stative Negative clitic forces tone-dropping on the preceding stem.
Thus e$w-ye$-w≡ra@≡bE@-y$ ‘I was not sitting’.
     The third and last positive AN category with no audible AN suffix is the
unsuffixed Perfective. The (more or less) related form used with the Past clitic
is somewhat different formally, and the sense is past perfect (‘had VP-ed’). It is
used, for example, in counterfactual conditional clauses (§16.xxx), and I will
refer to it as Past Perfect (instead of Past Perfective).
     Before the Past clitic, the verb takes the lexical combining form of the stem
(including high tones, which are suppressed in the regular inflected unsuffixed
Perfective). The verb, moreover, takes a full set of pronominal-subject suffixes,
so the subject is marked both on the verb and on the Past clitic. The suffixes for
first and second person subject are low-toned, so the Past clitic takes its low-
toned form (xx5).

(xx5)   Past Perfect (first/second person)

        a. yE@-w$≡bE$-w$
           come-2SgS≡Past-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg had come.’

        b. yE@-y$∴≡bE$-y∴
           come-1PlS≡Past-1PlS
           ‘We had come.’

        c. ku@        go$lo@-y$≡bE$-y$
           Inan.Sg take.out-1SgS≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I had taken it out.’

     In the Past Perfect, special third person suffixes are used in the verb
preceding the clitic: 3Sg/Inanimate -w$- (xx6.a), 3Pl -ma$- (xx6.b). The 3Pl
suffix -ma$- is identical in form to the Plural Perfective Participial suffix -ma$. In
this light, one might connect the 3Sg -w$- suffix to the Inanimate Perfective




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Participial suffix -w$, though it seems odd that a specifically Inanimate
morpheme would generalize to animate 3Sg.

(xx6)   Past Perfect (third person)

        a. yE@-w$≡bE$-∅
           come-3SgS≡Past-3SgS
           ‘He/She had come.’

        b. yE@-ma$≡b-a$˘
           come-3PlS≡Past-3PlS
           ‘They had come.’

     The Past Perfect Negative (‘had not VP-ed’) is built on the Perfective
Negative with -ri@-, which (as usual) forces tone-dropping on the preceding verb.
The form in -ri@- with no further suffix generalizes to all subject categories
except 3Pl, which has its regular Perfective Negative form -r-a@˘ before the Past
clitic (xx7.d).

(xx7)   Past Perfect Negative

        a. yE$-ri@≡bE@-y$
           come.L-PerfNeg≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I had not come.’

        b. yE$-ri@≡bE@-w$          ‘You-Sg had not come.’
        c. yE$-ri@≡bE^˘-∅          ‘He/She had not come’
        d. yE$-r-a@˘≡b-a^˘         ‘They had not come’

     The only verb form with nonzero AN suffix that I have recorded before the
Past clitic is the Past Imperfective-1 with suffix ˘-ra$- (xx8). Before the Past
clitic, the form that generalizes is one with suffix -w$- (as in the Past Stative)
added to the Imperfective-1 suffix. In the 3Pl, I recorded a form with -ra$-w-bç@
before the clitic.

(xx8)   Past Imperfective-1

        a. bi@rE@        bi$rE@˘-ra$-w$≡bE@-y$
           work(noun) work-Impf1-Stat≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I was working.’

        b. bi@rE@   bi$rE@˘-ra$-w$≡bE^˘-∅         ‘He/She was working.’




                                            132
        c. bi@rE@   bi$rE@˘-ra$-w$-bç@≡b-a^˘     ‘They were working.’

     The Past Imperfect-1 Negative adds Stative Negative ≡ra@- before the Past
clitic (xx9).

(xx9)   Past Imperfect-1 Negative

        a. bi@rE@          bi$rE@˘-ra$≡ra@≡bE@-y$
           work(noun)      work-Impf1≡StatNeg≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I was not working.’

        b. bi@rE@     bi$rE@˘-ra$≡ra@≡bE^˘-∅ ‘He/She was not working.’
        c. bi@rE@     bi$rE@˘-ra$≡ra@≡b-a^˘ ‘They were not working.’

    For ka^<-w<≡bE$ ‘it happened’ and its negation ka$n-i@≡bE^˘, see §11.xxx.


10.4.2 ‘Still’, ‘up to now’, (not) yet’

‘Still’ is a$su@⇒ (also ‘always’), optionally expandible as a$su@⇒ da$< wo^y.

(xx1)   [a$su@˘   da$<      wo^y]    sE$llE$-ri@-∅           ma@
        [still    all       all]     be.healthy-PerfNeg-3SgS Q
        ‘Is he/she still sick?’

    ‘Up to now, as of now’ can be expressed as dç^m ka@la$ or as nu@wç$y ka@la$,
with ka@la$ ‘even’.
    ‘(Not) yet’ is expressed with a negative predicate plus dç^m ‘(up to) now’.

(xx2)   dç^m        yE$-ri@-∅
        up.to.now come-PerfNeg-3SgS
        ‘He/She hasn’t come yet.’


10.5 Imperatives and Hortatives

10.5.1 Imperative and Prohibitive

A representative paradigm of positive and negative imperatives is in (xx1), for
the verb ‘come’ (yE@). The (positive) imperative is based on the Imperative stem
(§10.4.2, below), which for this verb involves a shift in the final vowel to /a/.
The prohibitive (=negative imperative) forms involve Prohibitive suffix -rE@-. In




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both cases, there is no further affixation for 2Sg subject, while 2Pl subject is
marked by a suffix -n$.

(xx1)   form           gloss

        ya@            ‘come!-Sg’
        ya@-n$         ‘come!-Pl’
        yE@-rE@        ‘don’t come!-Sg’
        yE@-rE@-n$     ‘come!-Sg’


10.5.2 Imperative stem

The Imperative stem, which is used without further modification as a singular-
subject positive imperative (‘come!’), is not always identical to the bare stem
used in chains and before indicative suffixes (the combining form).
     The Imperative stem and the combining form are, however, identical for
H-toned monosyllabics not ending in /E/ (xx1.a), and for HH-toned bisyllabic
Cv@Cv@ stems (bimoraic, with light initial syllable) ending in {a e o ç}, i.e. not
ending in a high vowel or in /E/ (xx1.b). As always, the stem-initial C position
in these schemas may be vacant.

(xx1)        gloss              combining form Imperative

        a. ‘go’                 lo@               lo@
           ‘go/come out’        go@               go@
           ‘spend night’        na@               na@
           ‘give’               ni@               ni@
           ‘enter’              nu@               nu@
           ‘drink’              nç@               nç@

        b. ‘jump’               pe@te@            pe@te@
           ‘speak’              te@ge@            te@ge@
           ‘go down’            si@-ye@           si@-ye@
           ‘affix, paste’       ta@ra@            ta@ra@
           ‘choke’              pç@rç@            pç@rç@

     Verb stems with other shapes undergo an audible tonal change to final low
tone, and/or a mutation of the final vowel to /a/. These changes are
predictable from the phonological form of the bare stem.
     To begin with the tonal changes, LH-toned bisyllabic stems with light first
syllable, i.e. Cv$Cv@, shift to HH tone (xx2) in the imperative. Combining this




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fact with the data given just above, we conclude that all CvCv stems regardless
of lexical tone have Cv@Cv@ imperatives. Therefore the identity between
combining form and Imperative in the bisyllabic cases in (xx1.b), above, may
be accidental (resulting from a phonetically inaudible all-high tone overlay on
an already high-toned verb).

(xx2)   gloss              combining form           Imperative

        ‘pull’             ba$s a@                  ba@s a@
        ‘stop up’          mu$so@                   mu@so@
        ‘sprinkle’         mi$s e@                  mi@s e@
        ‘kill’             ji$yE@                   ji@ya@

     Trimoraic bisyllabic stems, which have a heavy initial syllable, and all
bisyllabic stems regardless of syllable weight that end in a high vowel {i u},
add a stem-final low-tone formative in the Imperative. If the lexical tone is
all-high, the result is a HL contour (xx3.a,c). If the lexical tone is rising, the
result is a <LH>L contour (xx3.b,d). In the case of bimoraic Cv$Cv@ stems
(xx3.d), the <LH> portion of <LH>L is expressed chiefly on the first syllable
even though this syllable is monomoraic. Phonetically, there can be some
spillage of the high-tone element into the onset of the second syllable. A similar
issue of phonetic realization was seen with 1Sg possessor forms of CvCv noun
stems (§6.xxx).

(xx3)       gloss             combining form        Imperative

        a. trimoraic (any final vowel), all-high tone
             ‘screw in’        pi@˘re@              pi@˘re$
             ‘sit’             e@w-ye@              e@w-ye$
             ‘do well’         ce@˘le@              ce@˘le$
             ‘encounter’       tE@mbi@              tE@mba$

        b. trimoraic (any final vowel), initial rising tone
             ‘think’          ma$˘ni@                ma&˘na$
             ‘rake up’        ya$wru@                ya&wra$
             ‘dig’            ga$nji@                ga&nja$
             ‘sneak up on’    yo$˘ro@                yo&˘ro$
             ‘finish’         du$mdu@, du$mdi@       du&mda$

        c. bimoraic with final high vowel, all-high tone
             ‘look’           ti@ni@               ti@na$
             ‘hang up’        kç@li@-              kç@la$




                                       135
        d. bimoraic with final high vowel, initial rising tone
             ‘put down’       dE$yi@                dE&ya$
             ‘chase away’     la$ri@                la&ra$
             ‘help’           ba$ri@                ba&ra$

    Stems of three syllables also shift the final tone to low. An all-high toned
verb shifts from HHH to HHL (xx4.a). The rising-tone trisyllabics shift from
LLH in the combining form to LHL in the imperative; note that the final lexical
high tone is preserved, but displaced to the medial syllable (xxr.b).

(xx4)       gloss                 combining form      Imperative

        a. ‘get up’               i@nji@ri@           i@nji@r-a$
           ‘cough’                ko@gu@so@           ko@gu@so$

        b. ‘roll on ground’       du$lu$ro@           du$lu@ro$
           ‘roll over’            bi$li$re@           bi$li@re$
           ‘hide’                 ba$Ngi$ri@          ba$Nga@r-a$
           ‘go around’            gç$Ngi$ri@          gç$Ngç@ra$

     In addition to these tonal changes, if a nonmonosyllabic stem ends in a high
vowel {i u} (xx5.a), or if a stem (even monosyllabic) ends in /E/ (xx5.b), the
vowel mutates to /a/ in the imperative. When the final syllable of a trisyllabic
shifts to /a/, a medial high vowel {u i} shifts to /a/ or /ç/ to assimilate to an
initial-syllable /a/ or /ç/, respectively. Therefore CaCi/uCi/u stems have
Imperative CaCaCa, and CçCi/uCi/u stems have Imperative CçCçCa (xx5.c).
Monosyllabic stems with high vowel (Cu@-, Ci@-), and all stems ending in {e ç
o}, audibly retain their final vowel quality (xx5.d-e). For stems ending in /a/,
we cannot tell whether the /a/ that appears in the Imperative stem is the lexical
/a/ or the mutated /a/ (xx5.f).

(xx5)       gloss                combining form       Imperative

    a. final high vowel > /a/ in non-monosyllabics, no other segmental change
         ‘fill’                   ba$˘li@-           ba&˘la$
         ‘push’                   da$mbi@-           da&mba$
         ‘tamp down’              dE$Ngi@-           dE&Nga$
         ‘clean off’              ka@˘si@-           ka&˘sa$
         ‘caress’                 pu@˘ru@-           pu@˘ra$
         ‘scare’                  u@˘ru@-            u@˘ra$
         ‘pinch’                  E@mbi@-            E@mba$




                                       136
         ‘push down on’           lE@s i@-            lE@s a$
         ‘put up on’              na@y<i@-            na@y<a$
         ‘twist’                  u@nju@wu@-          u@nju@wa$

    b. final /E/ > /a/, even in monosyllabics
         ‘come’                   yE@-                ya@
         ‘take (hot coals)’       jE@-                ja@
         ‘bring’                  jE&˘$-              ja&˘$
         ‘hone’                   nE@r<E@-            nE@r<a@
         ‘kill’                   ji$yE@-             ji@ya@
         ‘swallow’                mi$r<E@-            mi@r<a@

    c. final high vowel > /a/, medial vowel assimilates to initial {a ç}
         ‘hide’                  ba$Ngi$ri@-          ba$Nga@ra$
         ‘go around’             gç$Ngu$ru@-          gç$Ngç@ra$

    d. no change in final high vowel in monosyllabics
        ‘see’                    yi@                yi@
        ‘hear’                   nu@                nu@

    e. no change in final {e o ç}
        ‘take down’              si@le@-              si@le$
        ‘do well’                ce@˘le@              ce@˘le$
        ‘file’                   di$˘se@-             di&˘se$
        ‘catch’                  wo@                  wo@
        ‘eat (meat)’             ku@wo@               ku@wo@
        ‘hit’                    su@yç@               su@yç@
        ‘drink’                  nç@                  nç@

    f.   ‘tie’                    pa@ƒa@              pa@ƒa@
         ‘bear (child)’           na$r<a@             na@r<a@
         ‘spend night’            na@                 na@


10.5.3 Irregular imperative stems

All regular verbs including ‘come’, ‘go’, and ‘take’ have regular Imperative
stems.
    Certain greetings are imperative-like in form, and have a plural-addressee
form ending in -ni$ that resembles Imperative Plural suffix -n$, but these
greetings are somewhat irregular and difficult to parse; see §19.6.




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10.5.4 Imperative Plural (positive) -n$ (-ni$)

The (positive) Imperative Plural is expressed by adding -n$ or -ni$ to the
Imperative stem (i.e. to the singular imperative). If the Imperative stem ends in
an F-toned vowel, i.e. in <HL>, the L-tone element is absorbed by the L-toned
Imperative Plural suffix. The result is that the audible opposition between final
F- and H-toned Imperative stems is neutralized in the plural (xx1.b).

(xx1)        gloss            combining form           Imprt Sg               Imprt Pl

         a. ‘go’              lo@                      lo@                    lo@-n$
            ‘come’            yE@                      y-a@                   ya@-n$
            ‘twist’           u@nju@wu@-               u@nju@w-a$             u@nju@wa$-n
            ‘tie’             pa@ƒa@                   pa@ƒa@                 pa@ƒa@-n$
            ‘hide’            ba$Ngi$ri@               ba$Nga@r-a$            ba$Nga@r-a$-n$
            ‘think’           ma$˘ni@                  ma&˘n-a$               ma&˘n-a$-n$
            ‘finish’          du$mdu@, du$mdi@         du&md-a$               du&md-a$-n$
            ‘put down’        dE$yi@                   dE@y-a^                dE@y-a@-n$

         b. ‘gather’          ba$ra@                   ba@ra@                 ba@ra@-n$
            ‘help’            ba$ri@                   ba@ra^                 ba@ra@-n$


10.5.5 Prohibitive -rE@-, Plural -rE@-n$ (-rE@-ni$)

The Prohibitive stem includes a suffix -rE@-, which undergoes no phonological
interactions with the stem. It is compatible with any stem-vocalism (i.e. its
vowel does not harmonize to stem-vowels /e/ or /o/). The rhotic is not subject to
Nasalization-Spreading under the influence of a nasal in the stem. The stem
occurs in the combining form, with its lexical tone contour.

(xx1)        gloss                     combining form           Prohibitive

         a. ‘go’                       lo@                      lo@-rE@
            ‘come’                     yE@                      yE@-rE@
            ‘go in’                    nu@                      nu@-rE@
            ‘hear’                     nu@                      nu@-rE@
            ‘hear’                     nç@                      nç@-rE@
            ‘take out’                 go$lo@                   go$lo@-rE@
            ‘do well’                  ce@˘le@                  ce@˘le@-rE@
            ‘hit’                      su@yç@                   su@yç@-rE@




                                                 138
            ‘swallow’            mi$r<E@             mi$r<E@-rE@
            ‘hide’               ba$Ngi$ri@          ba$Ngi$ri@-rE@
            ‘pinch’              E@mbi@-             E@mbi@-rE@
            ‘get up’             i@nji@ri@           i@nji@ri@-rE@
            ‘twist’              u@nju@wu@-          u@nju@wu@-rE@

    The Prohibitive stem is used without further modification as the singular-
subject prohibitive (‘don’t-Sg …!’). For plural subject, the suffix -n$ or -ni$ is
added, as for the (positive) imperative. Thus nu@-rE@ ‘don’t-Sg go in!’, nu@-rE@-n$
‘don’t-Pl go in!’


10.5.6 Hortatives

When the speaker is addressing one other person, i.e. for first person inclusive
dual subject, the Hortative suffix is -m@ following L-toned stem.

(xx1)   a. lo$-m@
           go-Hort
           ‘Let’s-2 go!’

        b. n)E&y<          n)E$-m@
           meal            eat-Hort
           ‘Let’s-2 eat (the meal)!’

        c. e$wye$-m@
           sit-Hort
           ‘Let’s-2 sit down!’

     Further examples of the simple Hortative are in (xx2). Stems ending in a
short high vowel pronounce it as /u/ before -m@, and if there are no other /i/
vowels or palatal consonants the rounded pronunciation spreads leftward to a
noninitial medial syllable, as in ‘hide’. The Cvy< stems (‘say’, ‘put’, ‘do’) lose
the final semivowel.

(xx2)       gloss            combining form        Hortative

            ‘hide’           ba$Ngi$ri@            ba$Ngu$ru$-m@
            ‘go back’        pi@ni@w<i@            pi$ni$w<u$-m@
            ‘pinch’          E@mbi@-               E$mbu$-m@
            ‘hit’            su@yç@                su$yç$-m@
            ‘say’            gu&y<                 gu$<-m@




                                          139
            ‘put’           ga&y<                ga$<-m@
            ‘do’            ka@y<                ka$<-m@

    The suffix -ma^y is added to an L-toned verb stem to produce a 3+-plural
hortative, used when the speaker is addressing two or more persons, so the
implied subject is first person plural (minimally three referents).

(xx3)   a. lo$-ma^y
           go-Hort.Pl
           ‘Let’s-3+ go!’

        b. n)E&y<              $
                            n)E-ma^y<
           meal             eat-Hort.Pl
           ‘Let’s-3+ eat (the meal)!’

        c. e$wye$-ma^y<
           sit-Hort.Pl
           ‘Let’s-3+ sit down!’

     A (first person) hortative negative is formed by adding -rE$-m@ or (plural)
-rE$-ma^y to the stem (which has its regular tones). The Negative element -rE$-
has some similarity to Perfective Negative -ri@-, but -rE$- does not force tone-
dropping on the verb stem, and its /r/ is not subject to Nasalization-Spreading
triggered by a nasal in the stem. It is therefore to be directly connected to
Prohibitive -rE@-.

(xx4)   a. lo@-rE$-m@
           go-Neg-Hort
           ‘Let’s-2 not go!’

        b. n)E&y           @
                        n)E-rE$-m@
           meal         eat-Neg-Hort
           ‘Let’s-2 not eat (the meal)!’

        c. e@wye@-rE$-m@
           sit-Neg-Hort
           ‘Let’s-2 not sit down!’

        d. lo@-rE$-ma^y
           go-Neg-Hort.Pl
           ‘Let’s-3+ not go!’




                                      140
     For nu@- ‘enter’ and nu@- ‘hear’, I recorded nu@-rE$-m@ ‘let’s-2 not go in!’ and
nu&-rE$-m@ ‘let’s-2 not hear!’.


10.5.7 Third-person Hortative (-y@ ∼ -y$) and its negation (-rE@-y@)

A 3Sg-subject hortative (or quasi-imperative) is used in contexts like ‘may/let
him/her/them VP’, expressing a wish or indirect command. Th is used, for
example, in (good or bad) wishes with ‘God’ as subject (xxx). The 3Sg
Hortative suffix is -y, added directly to the stem.
    For Cv- monosyllabic stems, the tone of this hortative word is variably
high or rising, pointing to an underlying lexical tone distinction that is
elsewhere found only in a modest number of suffixal derivatives (mainly
causatives); see (xx1.a-b). ‘Bring’ keeps its lexical <LHL> tones, and the
whole word comes out as <LHL> rather than <LHLH> (xx1.c). The three
Cvy< verbs have third person hortatives homophonous to the combining form
(xx1.d).

(xx1)       gloss                      combining form       Hortative (3rd)

        a. ‘go’                        lo@                  lo@-y@
           ‘eat’                       n)E@                 n)E@-y@
           ‘give’                      ni@                  ni@-y@
           ‘go in’                     nu@                  nu@-y@
           ‘sow’                       tç@                  tç@-y@
           ‘spend night’               na@                  na@-y@
           ‘reply’                     sa@                  sa@-y@
           ‘shoot’                     ta@                  ta@-y@
           ‘(woman) marry (man)’       E@                   E@-y@
           ‘choose, reserve’           la@                  la@-y@

        b. ‘come’                      yE@                  yE$-y@
           ‘drink’                     nç@                  nç$-y@
           ‘see’                       yi@                  yi$-y@
           ‘go out’                    go@                  go$-y@
           ‘catch’                     wo@                  wo$-y@
           ‘arrive’                    dç@                  dç$-y@
           ‘hear’                      nu@                  nu$-y@
           ‘learn’                     ba@                  ba$-y@
           ‘(food) sate (sb)’          ba@                  ba$-y@
           ‘shape (pottery)’           ma@                  ma$-y@




                                        141
        c. ‘bring’                     jE&˘$                    jE&˘$-y$

        d. ‘put’                       ga&y<                    ga&y<
           ‘say’                       gu&y<                    gu&y<
           ‘do, make’                  ka@y<                    ka@y<

     Bisyllabic and trisyllabic verbs ending in a non-high vowel are
illustrated in (xx2). When the lexical tone is all-high, the third person Hortative
is all-high if bimoraic (xx2.a), and {HL} with the low on the final syllable if
longer than bimoraic (xx2.b). go$lo@- ‘take out’, a frozen causative (go@ ‘go out’),
is treated for this purpose as though it had more than two moras (xx2.c). For
bisyllabic stems (CvCv, CvCCv) with lexical rising tone contour, the third
person Hortative has all-low toned stem followed by a high-toned suffix -y@
(xx2.d). Trisyllabic stems with lexical rising tone contour have LHL tone in the
third person Hortative (xx2.e).

(xx2)       gloss          combining form        Hortative (3rd)

        a. ‘cut’           cE@s E@               cE@s E@-y@
           ‘hit’           su@yç@                su@yç@-y@
           ‘tie’           pa@ƒa@                pa@ƒa@-y@

        b. ‘do well’       ce@˘le@               ce@˘le$-y$
           ‘sit’           e@w-ye@               e@w-ye$-y$
           ‘destroy’       ha@lkE@               ha@lkE$-y$
           ‘cough’         ko@gu@so@             ko@gu@so$-y$

        c. ‘take out’      go$lo@                go@-lo$-y$

        d. ‘leave’         du$wç@                du$wç$-y@
           ‘work’          bi$rE@                bi$rE$-y@
           ‘go up’         u$rç@                 u$rç$-y@
           ‘roll turban’   do$mbo@               do$mbo$-y@
           ‘stutter’       be$mbe@               be$mbe$-y@

        e. ‘poke’          du$su$ro@             du$su@ro$-y$

     Bi- and trisyllabic stems ending in a high vowel are in (xx3). The
bisyllabic stems, whether the lexical tone is all-high (xx3.a) or rising (xx3.b),
have a HL tone pattern in the third person Hortative. In the trisyllabic cases, the
first syllable preserves the initial tone of the lexical contour, so we get HHL for
all-high trisyllabics (xx3.c) and LHL for {LH} trisyllabics (xx3.d).




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(xx3)       gloss             combining form           Hortative (3rd)

        a. ‘ignite’           ta@li@                   ta@li$-y$
           ‘look’             ti@ni@                   ti@ni$-y$
           ‘encounter’        tE@mbi@                  tE@mbi$-y$
           ‘begin’            tu@mdi@                  tu@mdi$-y$
           ‘split nut’        ka@wru@                  ka@wri$-y$

        b. ‘help’             ba$ri@                   ba@ri$-y$
           ‘cover’            dE$wi@                   dE@wi$-y$
           ‘receive’          a$wu@                    a@wi$-y$
           ‘hold’             wa$yi@                   wa@yi$-y$

            ‘dig’             ga$nji@                  ga@nji$-y$
            ‘finish’          du$mdu@, du$mdi@         du@mdi$-y$
            ‘encounter’       da$˘yi@                  da@˘yi$-y$

        c. ‘go back’          pi@ni@w<i@               pi@ni@w<i$-y$

        d. ‘hide’             ba$Ngi$ri@-              ba$Ngi@ri$-y$

     Examples of the third person Hortative are in (xx4). Further examples occur
in the section on greetings (§19.6).

(xx4)   a. ji&njE$    u@          ha@lkE$-y$
           God        2SgO        destroy-Hort.3rd
           ‘May God destroy you-Sg!’ (ha@lkE@-)

        b. ji&njE$    u@     du$wç$-y@
           God        2SgO leave-Hort.3rd
           ‘May God leave you-Sg (in peace)!’ (du$wç@-)

        c. S      lo@-y@
           S      go-Hort.3rd
           ‘May S (person’s name) go!’ (lo@-)

    -y@ undergoes monophthongization with a preceding /i/, resulting in a
phonetic long [i˘] with the appropriate tone. Thus, the hortatives in (xx5.a-b) are
pronounced [ni@˘] and [ba@ri$˘], respectively.

(xx5)   a. ji&njE$     ja^m            [u@     ma^˘]      ni@-y@




                                             143
             God     peace     [2Sg Dat]       give-Hort.3rd
             ‘May God give you-Sg peace (and well-being)!’ (ni@-)

        b. ji&njE$  u@        ba@ri$-y$
           God      2SgO      help-Hort.3rd
           ‘May God help you-Sg!’ (ba$ri@-)

     The 3Pl Hortative (positive) adds -bç@ (i.e. the 3Pl subject allomorph used
with the unsuffixed Perfective and a few other inflected verb forms) to the 3Sg
Hortative: go$-y@-bç@ ‘may they go out!’, ga@nji$-y-bç@ ‘may they dig!’, pa@ƒa@-y@-bç@
‘may they tie!’.
     The 3Sg Hortative Negative is expressed by -rE@-y@ added to the regular
combining form of the stem (the combining form): go@-rE@-y@ ‘may he/she not go
out!’, ga$nji@-rE@-y@ ‘may he/she not dig!’.
     The 3Pl Hortative Negative adds -bç@ to the 3Sg Hortative Negative:
go@-rE@-y@-bç@ ‘may they not go out!’, ga$nji@-rE@-y@-bç@ ‘may they not dig!’


10.5.8 Third person Hortative form with 1Sg subject reference

To verify that an interlocutor or a third party wants the speaker to perform an
action, the speaker may use a phrase like those in (xx1), essentially an implied
indirect quotation based on an imperative. Local French equivalents have
clause-initial de plus infinitive (d’acheter du lait?, etc.)

(xx1)   a. E@w<E$y     E@wE@-y@ ma@
           milk        buy.Impf-Hort.3SgS       Q
           ‘(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to buy some milk?’ (E@wE@-)

        b. yu^˘        du@yç@-y@           ma@
           millet      pound-Hort.3SgS     Q
           ‘(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to pound the millet (ears)?’
           (du$yç@-)

        c. go$-y@                  ma@
           go.out-Hort.3SgS        Q
           ‘(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to go out?’ (go@-)

        d. ba@ri$-y$                ma$
           help-Hort.3SgS           Q
           ‘(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to help?’ (ba$ri@-)




                                        144
        e. sa@ta@la$   jE&˘-y$                  ma$
           kettle      bring.Impf-1SgS          Q
           ‘(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to bring the kettle?’ (jE&˘$-)

        f.   yE$-y@         ma@
             come.Impf      Q
             ‘(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to come?’ (yE@-)

    Here /ma/ is the standard morpheme for polar interrogatives. Since the 1Sg
subject suffix is -y (atonal), one is initially inclined to assume that this suffix is
present in the verbs of (xx1). However, inspection of the forms (especially the
tone contours) shows that the verb here is in the 3Sg Hortative form (see
preceding section). Indeed, all of the examples in (xx1) can also be read as true
3Sg hortative sentences: ‘(Did you/they ask/tell) him/her to go out?’ and so
forth.
    In most cases, the question format and the conversational context make it
clear that the subject is 1Sg. It is possible, however, to add an explicit
independent pronoun to clarify the pronominal category of the subject. This can
be done, for example, to specify 1Pl (exclusive) instead of 1Sg subject.

(xx2)   i@∴        go$-y@                    ma@
        1Pl        go.out-Hort.3SgS          Q
        ‘(Did you/they ask/tell) us to go out?’




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11 VP and predicate structure




11.1 Regular verbs and VP structure

11.1.1 Verb types (valency)

Verbs are intransitive (no direct object) or transitive. The distinction in
transitivity is less important than in e.g. English since some verbs occur with a
cognate nominal as a kind of object.
    ni@ ‘give’ takes a dative NP denoting the recipient, and a direct object
denoting the entity transferred (xx1).

(xx1)   a. pE$rE&-m  ma&˘$       ni@-ti^˘-∅
           sheep-Sg 1Sg.Dat      give-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She gave me a sheep.’

        b. [se&ydu$  ma$˘] pE$rE&-m       ni@-ti^˘-∅
           [S        Dat]    sheep-Sg     give-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She gave a sheep to Seydou.’

        c. ma&˘$      ni@-ti^˘-∅
           1Sg.Dat    give-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She gave (it) to me.’

    cE@˘ri@- ‘show’, however, takes two direct objects.

(xx2)   a. pE$rE&-m   i@      cE@˘ri@-ti^˘-∅
           sheep-Sg 1SgO show-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She showed me a sheep.’

        b. i@       cE@˘ri@-ti^˘-∅
           1SgO     show-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She showed (it) to me.’

    Basic directional motion verbs go@- ‘go out; leave, depart from’, yE@- ‘come’,
and lo@- ‘go’ may take simple NPs (not explicitly marked by postpositions as
locative) as apparent direct objects. However, one could argue for a covert
Locative postposition in such cases.
(xx3)   a. [be^˘n      go$-n@] [du@wa@nsa@n   yE$-∅]
           [B leave-and.SS] [D         come.Perf.L-3SgS]
           ‘He/She left Beni and came to Douentza.’
           (= ‘He/She came from Beni to Douentza.’)

        b. i$se^˘    lo$-∅
           village   go.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She went to a/the village.’

    ‘Say’ takes a dative complement denoting the person addressed.

(xx4)   [kç$˘<   ka^˘<] ma&˘$        gi$-ni@-∅
        [thing.L any]     1Sg.Dat say-PerfNeg-3SgS
        ‘He/She didn’t say anything to me.’


11.1.2 Valency of causatives

Most causatives are simple transitive verbs derived from intransitive inputs.
However, it is also possible to make causatives from already transitive input
verbs. In this case, there are two direct objects, one of which represents the
logical subject (agent) of the embedded clause.

(xx1)   a. ç$sç$rç$-ni$Ngu@ i@     n)E$˘-w<i$-∅
           baobab.L-sauce 1SgO eat-Caus.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She fed (= caused me to eat) millet cakes (with baobab sauce).’

        b. pE$rE&-m    i@      sE$w<E$-w<i$-∅
           sheep-Sg    1SgO slaughter-Caus.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She had me slaughter the sheep-Sg.’


11.1.3 Verb Phrase

The concept of verb phrase (VP), excluding the subject but including direct
objects and other arguments, is most useful in the context of the chaining of a
VP to another VP (or to a verb), with subjects held constant.




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11.1.4 Fixed subject-verb combinations

In the following phrases, the subject precedes the verb stem. The most obvious
examples are those involving weather and celestial bodies, along with emotions;
a few examples are in (xx1).

(xx1)       subject and verb gloss                 comment

        a. u$su@ tu@mbo@-        ‘sun rise’        tu@mbo@- also ‘emasculate by
                                                   crushing’ and ‘hammer with butt
                                                   of one’s hand’
            u$su@ ya$ƒa@-        ‘sun set’         ya$ƒa@- ‘fall'

        b. bo@lu$ mi$r<E@        ‘rain fall’       mi$r<E@ ‘(water) submerge (sb)’,
                                                   also ‘frustrate (sb) by being
                                                   stingy’, ‘swallow’

        c. ya&r go@              ‘cloudy weather go out (= end)’ (c. October)
           ya&r dç@              ‘cloud weather approach’ (c. May-June)

        d. [X cE@lE$] ba$r<a@ ‘X get angry’ (‘X’s heart/liver get red’)

    In (xx1.a), the other senses of verb tu@mbo@- listed under “comments” might
give rise to rather violent celestial imagery. Jamsay tu@mo@- and Nanga tu@mbo@-
have similar semantic ranges. However, Walo has u$su@ tu@mbo@ ‘sun rise’ but
tu@wo@ ‘hammer with …’, suggesting that e.g. Beni tu@mbo@- may reflect
accidental homophony. Najamba tu@mbi@- means ‘(sun) rise’ and also e.g. ‘(tree)
grow leaves’, suggesting a more benign cosmic image.


11.1.5 Idiomatic and cognate objects

Some examples of fixed combinations of object noun and verb are in (xx1).
Many more can be found in the lexicon.

(xx1)   a. with ga&y< ‘put’
            se@˘nje$˘ ga&y<         ‘tell a story (tale)’
            a@lba$ta@ra$ ga&y<      ‘tell a riddle’
            ga@˘jE$ ga&y<           ‘tell (crack) a joke’
            sç@˘ru@ ga&y<           ‘slip a stone (under)’; ‘sheathe (knife)’
            ha@cci@lE$ ga&y<        ‘pay attention to’
            kç@˘r<ç$ ga&y<          ‘(e.g. lion) let out a roar’




                                             149
            gu$rç$-ga$da&y ga&y<    ‘tie hobbles on (quadruped)’
            tç$rç$mba@˘su$ ga&y<    ‘tie a slipknot’

        b. with ka@y< ‘do, make’ (complement may be nominal or adverbial)
            cE@˘rE$ ka@y<        ‘be amazing (to sb)’
            da*wru$ ka@y<        ‘take actions’
            ku@ti@ba@ ka@y<      ‘(imam) read fixed part of sermon’
            ta@bsi^˘r ka@y<      ‘give unofficial sermon’
            si@rdi$ ka@y<        ‘do magic tricks’

        b. others (among many)
             wo@Ngo@ro@ wa$ra@- ‘do (manual) farm work (in field)’
             n)E&y bi$rE@-      ‘cook a meal’


11.1.5.1 Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verb

A representative set of pairs of verb and cognate nominal are given in (xx1). It
is somewhat difficult to sort them into groups, since both the noun and the verb
are of variable shape. Since verb shapes are tightly constrained, the bias in
organizing the data is toward the shape of nouns. In general, the order proceeds
from cases where the noun may derive from a specific suffixal pattern, most
likely deverbal (xx1.a-h), to cases where the noun seems autonomous and the
verb may be secondary (xx1.i-p). Fulfulde borrowings bring up the rear.

(xx1)       noun             verb              gloss of combination

        a. noun in form of verbal noun
            sE$r<-i^˘       sE@r<E@@-          ‘(woman) emit cry of joy’
            tç$Ng-i^˘       tç@Ngu@-           ‘write, do some writing’
            te&y$           te@ge@-            ‘speak’
            ta$ri^˘         ta@ra@-            ‘lay egg’

        c. Cvy noun, Cv@- verb
            to&y           tç@-                ‘sow (seeds); sow the seedstock’

        d. bisyllabic noun with final falling-tone vowel
             le$mde^˘       le@mde@-          ‘request, beg’
             sE$˘njE^˘      sE@˘nji@-         ‘do the second round of weeding’
             pa$ra^˘        pa@ri@-           ‘cook pa$ra^˘ (dish with cow-peas, or
                                               millet mixed with roselle leaves)’




                                         150
e. bisyllabic, noun ends in diphthong not in verb
     ji$mba&y       ji$mbi#-        ‘double up, have two’
     mo$Ngo&y       mo$Ngu$yo@-     ‘(insects) be one on top of the other’
     kç$sç&y        kç@su@-         ‘harvest (with knife), do the
                                     harvest’

f. noun ends in long /i@˘/
     u@su@ri@˘      u@su@ru@-         ‘ask a question’
     je@wi@˘        jE$wE@-           ‘curse, utter a curse’

g. bisyllabic noun with LH tone ending in /u/ (possible old verbal noun)
     kç$ru@         kç@rç@-        ‘lie, tell a lie’
     ti$r<u@        ti@r<E@-       ‘go search for firewood’

h. bisyllabic noun with HL tone ending in /u/ not in verb
     pe@ru$         pe@re@-        ‘clap, applaud’
     sa@lu$         sa@la@-        ‘pray, perform the Muslim prayer’
     du@ru$         du$ro@-        ‘let out a groan’
     yo@gu$         yç$ƒç@-        ‘run’
     jo@Ngu$        jo$Ngi@-       ‘treat (medically), provide care to’
     ma@nu$         ma$ni@-        ‘laugh, let out a laugh’
     be@mbu$        be$mbe@-       ‘stutter’
     do@mbu$, do^m do$mbo@-        ‘roll turban (on head)’

i. Cv&˘ noun, Cv@- verb
    yç&˘             yç@-             ‘weep’
    po&˘             po@-             ‘give out a whistle’
    ta&˘             ta@-             ‘avoid, respect (a taboo)’

j. bisyllabic, verb and noun end in same non-high vowel
     ji$ye@          ji$ye@-         ‘dance’
     su$wç@          su$wç@-         ‘defecate, take a shit’
     ti$wE@          ti@wE@-         ‘(a) death occur’
     bi@rE@          bi$rE@-         ‘work, do a job’
     du$wç@          du$wç@-         ‘perform black magic’
     go@s o$         go$s o@-        ‘divide into parts’
     gu@rç$          gu$rç@-         ‘vomit’
     bE@rE$          bE$rE@-         ‘gain, make a profit’
     cE$mnE@         cE@mnE@-        ‘have fun, stage festivities’
     E$w<r<E@        E@w<r<u@-       ‘converse, chat’
     nu$w<ç@         nu$w<ç@-        ‘sing, perform a song’




                                151
        k. trisyllabic, verb and noun end in same non-high vowel
             yi@mi@rE$        yi$mi$rE@-     ‘(beggar) sing koranic verses’

        l. noun CvC with final semivowel, verb bisyllabic ending in non-high
            vowel
            ja@y          ja$ya@-        ‘fight, engage in a fight’

        m. bisyllabic, verb ends in high vowel, noun in high vowel or zero
            gi@y<           gi$˘y<i@-       ‘fart, let out a fart’
            ta&˘y<          ta@˘y<i@-       ‘build a shed (stall)’
            cE&l            cE@li@-         ‘dig rainwater channel’
            da&wru$         da$wru@-        ‘cast a spell’

        n. bisyllabic, noun ends in non-high vowel, verb ends in high vowel
             pç$mbç@        pç@mbu@-        ‘compete, be in a race’
             da&nna$        da$nni@-        ‘hunt, go on a hunt’

        o. CvCvCv, noun with HHL tone
            gç@lç@rç$    gç$lu$ru@-          ‘snore’
            be@ge@re$    be$ge$re@-          ‘belch’

        p. other
             u$wa&w         u@˘-yi@-         ‘be afraid’

        q. Fulfulde borrowing, final E in noun and verb, noun HL, verb HH
            ti@ne$         ti@ne@-          ‘make a profit’
            ja@yrE$        ja@yrE@-         ‘poke fun at’
            pi@llE$        pi@llE@-         ‘tell a story’
            wa@˘tE$        wa@˘tE@-         ‘swear an oath’ (<Fulfulde)

        r. Fulfulde borrowing, final E in noun, verb ends in high vowel
             wa@˘jE$       wa@˘ji@-         ‘preach a sermon’

     In (xx2), there is a partial cognate relationship. In (xx2.a), the noun has
an initial vocalic formative that is absent in the verb. In (xx2.b), the final
syllable of the noun is truncated in the verb. In (xx2.c), the noun is really a
frozen noun-adjective sequence (cf. ce$s u@ ‘unripe; raw’), with the verb based on
the noun only. In (xx2.d), the noun contains a compound initial that is
disregarded in the verb.

(xx2)       noun           verb         gloss of combination




                                       152
        a. initial /a/ on noun omitted from verb, noun with final /u/ not in verb
             a$pe@tu$        pe@te@-      ‘jump, take a jump’

        b. final syllable of noun truncated in verb
             sa@mba^l        sa@mbi@-    ‘hire (sb) by the day’

        c. noun-adjective combination
            pi$ye$ ce$su@  pi@ye@-    ‘give out a shout’

        d. noun has compound initial
            a$r<a$-tç&˘   tç@-           ‘scold’
            ji$re$-ni^˘   ni@˘y<i@-      ‘sleep’ (ji$re@ ‘eye’)
            cE$lE$-be@gu$ be$ge@-        ‘hiccup’


11.1.5.2 Grammatical status of cognate nominal

The cognate nominal may be modified adjectivally (xx1.b) or quantified over
(xx1.c).

(xx1)   a. ja@y         ja$ya@-ti^˘-∅
           fight(noun) fight-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She fought (= got into) a fight.’

        b. [ja$y           di@y<a$-w ja$ya@-ti^˘-∅
           [fight(noun).L big]       fight-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She fought (= got into) a big fight.’

        c. [ja$y        ye&y]       ja$ya@-ti^˘-∅
           [fight(noun) two]        fight-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He/She fought (= got into) two fights.’


11.1.6 ‘Do’ or ‘be done’ ka@y<

The verb ‘do, make’, also used intransitively (‘be done’), has bare stem form
ka@y<, Perfective ka@y<-ti^-, unsuffixed Imperfective ka@<- (3Sg ka@<-m$), and
Imperative ka@y<. The Perfective Negative is ka$-ni@-, and the Imperfective
Negative is ka@<-m$-do@-.
    The intransitive forms of ka@y< can also mean ‘happen, take place’, with
reference to e.g. a celebration or other activity. Only 3Sg/Inan forms with
inanimate subject are attested. In the positive example (xx1.a), the verb is in




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stative form with Stative 3Sg suffix -w$. The positive example (xx1.b) is
Perfective Negative. Both have the Past clitic, with (as usual) ≡bE$ after a low
tone and ≡bE^˘ after a high tone.

(xxx)   a. cE$mnE@         ka@<-w$<≡bE$-∅
           festivity       be.done-Stat≡Past-3SgS
           ‘The festivities (e.g. dancing) had taken place.’

        b. cE$mnE@         ka$-ni@≡bE^˘
           festivity       be.done-PerfNeg≡Past
           ‘The festivities had not taken place.’


11.2 ‘Be’, ‘become’, ‘have’, and other statives

11.2.1 Copula clitic ≡m$ (≡∅) ‘it is …’

This clitic has unconjugated and pronominally conjugated forms. The
morphological analysis is tricky because the clitic itself sometimes appears only
in the form of a slight tone change on a noun or adjective.
     For the ‘it is’ clitic in with Passive -yE@y-, see §9.4.


11.2.1.1 Unconjugated positive forms

A clitic with various allomorphs is added to a NP (e.g. an independent pronoun)
or to an adverbial in predicative function, as an identificational predicate. We
begin with the impersonal form of the clitic, which is not conjugated for subject
pronominal category. It resembles ‘it is …’ in English, as in ‘it’s me’ or ‘it’s
dogs [focus] that I don’t like.’ This form is identical to the 3Sg conjugated form,
as in ‘he/she/it is …’. The full set of conjugated forms is described in the
following subsection.
     After a pronoun, demonstrative pronoun, or demonstrative adverb (all
of which end in vowels), the clitic is ≡m$, with L-tone. In (xx1) and later
examples, the ordinary form is given in parentheses after the translation. Note
that animate and inanimate referents are involved.

(xx1)   a. E@r<E@≡m$
           3Sg≡it.is
           ‘It’s him/her.’ (E@r<E@)

        b. i@≡m$




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             1Sg≡it.is
             ‘It’s me.’ (i@)

        c. bu^˘≡m$
           3Pl≡it.is
           ‘It’s them.’ (bu^˘)

        d. N$gu@-ru$≡m$
           here≡it.is
           ‘It’s here.’ (N$gu@-ru$)

        h. N$gu@≡m$
           this.Inan≡it.is
           ‘It’s this.’ (N$gu@)

        i.   [a$r<a$           mu&˘]≡m$
             [man.L            this.Sg]≡it.is
             ‘It’s this man.’ (a$r<a$ mu&˘)

       Inanimate nouns take a (segmentally) zero allomorph of the ‘it is’ clitic.
We first consider vowel-final stems. If the final vowel is otherwise H-toned, as
in ç$r<ç@˘ ‘bush (outback)’ or bo$lu@ ‘rain’, in the ‘it is’ combination it appears with
F-tone. A final short vowel is lengthened to permit this contour tone to be
articulated; see Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (§3.xxx). Likewise, if the stem-
final vowel is R-toned, as in ta&˘ ‘water source’, in the ‘it is’ combination it
appears with bell-shaped <LHL> tone. In other words, the ‘it is’ clitic in this
instance is audible only by grafting of a segmentally empty low-toned
segment at right edge of the stem. There is no audible change when the ‘it is’
clitic is added to a noun that already ends in a long L- or F-toned vowel, like
i$se^˘ ‘village’, its possessed form i@se$˘, and tç@rç$ ‘mountain’ (xx2.a-c). The final
low tone is audible in (xx2.d-f).

(xx2)   a. i$se^˘≡∅
           village≡it.is
           ‘It’s a village.’ (i$s e^˘)

        b. [u@           i@se$˘]≡∅
           [2SgP         village]≡it.is
           ‘It’s your-Sg village.’ (u@ i@se$˘, from i$se^˘)

        c. tç@rç$≡∅
           mountain≡it.is




                                          155
             ‘It’s a mountain.’ (tç@rç$)

        d. ç$r<ç^˘≡∅
           bush≡it.is
           ‘It’s the bush (=outback).” (ç$r<ç@˘)

        e. bo$lu^˘≡∅
           rain≡it.is
           ‘It’s (the) rain.’ (bo$lu@)

        f.   ta&˘$≡∅
             water.source≡it.is
             ‘It’s a water source (pond etc.).’ (ta&˘)

     If the noun ends in a consonant (either lexical or suffixal), the clitic again
appears as (segmental) zero, with a final L-tone component that is audible only
when the noun would otherwise end in a H- or R-toned syllable (xx3.a-b). It is
inaudible when the noun would otherwise already end in a L- or F-toned
syllable (xx3.c-d). Care must be taken to distinguish Singular suffix -m (which
has no intrinsic tone) from the ‘it is’ clitic allomorph ≡m$.

(xx3)   a. i$njE&-m$≡∅
           dog-Sg≡it.is
           ‘It’s a dog’ (i$njE&-m)

        b. tu$˘-bu@nu@go^y≡∅
           age.group-group≡it.is
           ‘It’s a group of age-mates.’ (tu$˘-bu@nu@go@y)

        c. a@r<a$-m≡∅
           man-Sg≡it.is
           ‘It’s a man.’ (a@r<a$-m)

        d. [[a$r<a$    mu&˘]       ya^-m]≡∅
           [[man.L     this.Sg]    woman.HL]≡it.is
           ‘It’s the woman (= wife) of this man.’ ([… ya^-m], from ya&-m)

     The (usually optional) Plural particle be$ behaves as though H-toned be@, and
therefore appears (regularly) as be^˘≡∅ (lengthened to permit the F-tone to be
articulated).

(xx4)   a. i$se^˘           be$




                                           156
             village      Pl
             ‘(some) villages’

        b. i$se^˘        be^˘≡∅
           village       Pl≡it.is
           ‘It’s (some) villages.’

    Definite particle ku$ is treated as though it were Inanimate pronoun ku@. We
therefore get ku@≡m$ (xx5).

(xx5)   a. a@r<a$-m     ku$
           man-Sg       Def
           ‘the (aforementioned) man’

        b. [a@r<a$-m      ku@]≡m$
           [man-Sg        Def]≡it.is
           ‘It’s the (aforementioned) man’

     Some nouns have an alternation between a short vowel and a long falling-
toned vowel in stem-final position. The long form occurs in isolation, and
before cardinal numerals (in which cases the falling tone is maintained): kç$su^˘
‘calabash’ (xx6). The short form is used before an adjective and/or after a
possessor (in which cases the final vowel ends up as low-toned): u@ kç@su$ ‘your
calabash’, kç$su$ na@˘ ‘(a) big calabash’.
     For such nouns, the ‘it is’ combination has final falling tone: kç$su^˘-∅ ‘it’s a
calabash’. This sounds exactly like the longer stem form when pronounced in
isolation. The most likely interpretation of the ‘it is’ combination is that we in
fact have the longer stem form plus a phonologically null ‘it is’ clitic. However,
we cannot rule out the possibility that kç$su^˘-∅ ‘it’s a calabash’ is based on
/kç$su@/ with final short high-toned vowel (a theoretical form that could
reasonably be taken as underlying the short-voweled variants noted above,
whose low tones are syntactically controlled). In the analysis with underlying
/kç$su@/, the output long falling-toned [u^˘] could be explained as due to the
falling tone contour imposed by the ‘it is’ clitic.

(xx6)   a. kç$su$        E$su@
           calabash.L good
           ‘a good calabash’

        b. u@            kç@su$
           2SgP          calabash.HL
           ‘your-Sg calabash’




                                        157
        c. kç$su$                 N$gu@
           calabash.L             this.Inan
           ‘this calabash’

        d. kç$su$-ba$r<u@-m
           calabash.L-beat.Ppl-Sg
           ‘(a) calabash beater (=calabash drummer)’

        e. kç$su^˘       ye&y
           calabash      two
           ‘two calabashes’

        f.   kç$su^˘≡∅
             calabash≡it.is
             ‘It’s a calabash.’

      Vowel-final animate nouns, including personal names like ‘Amadou’ and
certain kin terms like ‘father’, present analytical problems. In the singular, the
‘it is’ combination has a final m$ even where the stem lacks this final consonant
elsewhere. In (xx7.a,c), ‘father’ lacks (animate) Singular suffix -m$ in other
contexts, but a final /m$/ appears in the ‘it is’ combinations (xx7.b,d). (xx7.d)
shows final /m$/ after a personal name in the ‘it is’ construction. One can argue
whether the /m$/ in (xx7.b,d-e) is the ‘it is’ clitic itself, or a morphosyntactically
specialized instance of (animate) Singular suffix -m$. I will take it to be the ‘it is’
clitic.

(xx7)   a. u@           bç^˘
           2SgP         father.HL
           ‘your-Sg father’

        b. mu&˘         [u@          bç^˘]≡m$
           this.Sg      [2SgP        father.HL]≡it.is
           ‘This (man) is your-Sg father’

        c. bç&˘
           father
           ‘(a) father’

        d. bç&˘≡m$
           father≡it.is
           ‘It’s a father.’




                                              158
        e. a@˘ma@du$≡m$
           A≡it.is
           ‘It’s Amadou (man’s name).’

     Some other singular kin terms are more complex, since they have (animate)
Singular -m and overlaid {HL} tone contour in their possessed forms, as for
‘mother’ in (xx8). In the possessed form, the ‘it is’ clitic is now inaudible, as we
see by comparing (xx8.b) to (xx8.a). In the unpossessed forms, however, the ‘it
is’ clitic is clearly audible as ≡m$ (xx8.d), contrast (xx8.c).

(xx8)   a. u@          na@r<a$-m
           2SgP        mother-Sg.HL
           ‘your-Sg mother’

        b. mu&˘       [u@            na@r<a$-m]≡∅
           this.Sg    [2SgP          mother-Sg.HL]≡it.is
           ‘This (woman) is your-Sg mother’

        c. na$r<a@
           mother
           ‘(a) mother’

        d. na$r<a@≡m$
           mother≡it.is
           ‘It’s a mother.’

     In the plural, kin terms take Plural particle be$. In the 'it is' combination, we
get the same be^˘≡∅ described above.

(xx9)   a. u@       bç^˘           be$
           2SgP     father.HL Pl
           ‘your-Sg fathers’ (i.e. father and father’s brothers)

        b. u@        bç^˘          be^˘≡∅]
           2SgP      father.HL Pl]
           ‘It’s your-Sg fathers.’

    Likewise, for ‘… are your-Sg mothers’, [u@ na@r<a$ be^˘≡∅].




                                         159
11.2.1.2 Conjugated positive forms (1st/2nd persons)

The simple clitic ≡m$ can be conjugated for 1st/2nd person subject.

(xx1)   category    after H-tone           after L-tone

        1Sg         ≡m-i@-y$             ≡m-i$-y$
        1Pl         ≡m-i@-y$∴, ≡m-u@-y$∴ ≡m-i$-y$∴, ≡m-u$-y$∴
        2Sg         ≡m-u@-w$             ≡m-u$-w$
        2Pl         ≡m-u@-w$∴            ≡m-u$-w$∴

     The H-tone forms are probably basid. The tone drops to low when the
preceding stem ends in a L-toned (including F-toned) component. This is the
same L-tone spreading observed in possessive constructions and in noun-
postposition combinations.
     Even the plural-subject forms are (at least seemingly) added to nouns that
are singular in form (with Animate Singular suffix -m), when the subject is 1Pl
or 2Pl. The audible effect is that we hear a geminate [mm] in (xx2.b) as well as
(xx2.a), and in (xx2.d) as well as (xx2.c). The examples in (xx2) have
interlinears that take the first /m/ to be the (animate) Singular suffix.

(xx2)   a. yi@-m≡m-i@-y$
           child-Sg≡it.is-1SgS
           ‘I am a child.’

        b. yi@-m≡m-i@-y$∴
           child-Sg≡it.is-1PlS
           ‘We are children.’ (cf. yi$tE&˘$ ‘children’)

        c. pu@lç$-m≡m-u$-w$
           Fulbe-Sg≡it.is-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg are a Fulbe.’

        d. pu@lç$-m≡m-u$-w$∴
           Fulbe-Sg≡it.is-2PlS
           ‘You-Pl are Fulbe.’

    However, there are indications that the geminate [mm] is undergoing a
resegmentation, whereby the clitic itself begins with a geminated /mm/, and the
(animate) Singular suffix on the noun (where otherwise called for) is suppressed
morphologically. In this analysis, the examples above are segmented as
yi@≡mm-i@-y$, yi@≡mm-i@-y$∴, pu@lç$≡mm-i@-w$, and pu@lç$≡mm-u@-w$∴. The best




                                         160
evidence for this is that the geminated mm is heard after vowel-final singular
nouns (xx3).

(xx3)   a. a@˘ma@du$≡mm-i$-y$
           A≡it.is-1SgS
           ‘I am Amadou.’

        b. [E@r<E@        bç^˘]≡mm-i$-y$
           [3SgP          father.HL]≡it.is-1SgS
           ‘I am his/her father.’

     However, there is also some counterevidence to this (re-)analysis. In a case
like pu@lç$-m ‘Fulbe person’, plural pu@lç$˘ ‘Fulbe (people)’, there is a difference
in stem-final vowel length, correlated with presence/absence of the (animate)
Singular suffix -m. We saw in (xx2.d) that pu@lç$-m≡m-u$-w$∴ ‘you-Pl are Fulbe’
resembles pu@lç$-m with short vowel. A similar example is nu&-m≡m-i@-y$∴ ‘we
are people’, cf. nu&-m ‘person’ and its long-voweled plural nu&˘ ‘people’. A
partisan of the ≡mm- analysis of the clitic could respond that the shortening
may be due to a (perhaps morphologized) phonological rule, e.g.
/pu$lç$˘≡mm-u$-w$/ with long /ç˘/ shortening to /ç/.
     For the noun yi@-m ‘child’ and (irregular) plural yi$tE&˘$ ‘children’, the
idiomatic expressions seem to be based on yi@-m, e.g. yi@-m≡m-i@-y$∴ ‘we are
children’ (xx2.b). However, in elicitation I also recorded yi$tE&˘$-≡mm-i$-y$∴ ‘we
are children’, based on the irregular plural stem.


11.2.1.3 Conjugated positive forms (3Pl ≡∅-bç@)

The 3Pl conjugated form is ≡∅-bç@, with an ending that resembles 3Pl subject
inflectional suffix -bç@ (-bç$) in certain verb paradigms (including the unsuffixed
Perfective). Unlike the case with 1Pl and 2Pl clitics just illustrated, an animate
noun takes its normal morphological plural form (without Singular suffix -m),
e.g. pu@lç$˘ ‘Fulbe (people)’, before 3Pl ≡∅-bç@. However, the stem (if otherwise
ending in H- or R-tone) undergoes the tonal changes characteristic of the ≡∅
clitic allomorph (see above), as for ‘dogs’ in (xx1.e). Nouns (such as ‘father’
and ‘village’) that would otherwise take Plural particle be$ omit this particle
before ≡∅-bç@.

(xx1)   a. pu@lç$˘≡∅-bç@
           Fulbe.Pl≡it.is-3PlS
           ‘They are Fulbe.’




                                        161
        b. i$se^˘≡∅-bç@
           village≡it.is-3PlS
           ‘They are villages.’

        c. [mu&˘     be$]    [u@         bç^˘]≡∅-bç@
           [this.Sg Pl]      [2SgP       father.HL]≡it.is-3PlS
           ‘These (men) are your-Sg fathers’

        d. yi$tE&˘$≡∅-bç@
           children≡it.is-3PlS
           ‘They are children.’ (never #yi@-m≡bç$)

        e. i$njE^˘≡∅-bç@
           dogs=it.is-3PlS
           ‘They are dogs.’ (i$njE@)


11.2.1.4 Unconjugated negative ‘it is not …’ (≡m$≡da@, ≡ra@)

Where the positive ‘it is’ form has ≡m$, the corresponding negative is expressed
by ≡m$≡da@-. The stem has the same tones as with the positive ≡m$ clitic. In slow
speech, the Negative morpheme is pronounced […n$da@], and native speakers
correct the linguist’s pronunciation when the [n$] is omitted. However, in normal
allegro speech I hear just […m$da@] with no distinct alveolar nasal, and the
phonetic [n] can be explained as a timing divergence between the labial release
and the closing of the velar passage in the articulation of the /m/. I therefore
transcribe ≡m$≡da@, and I take ≡da@ to be a post-nasal form of Stative Negative
≡ra@-.

(xx1)   a. ku@≡m$≡da@
           Inan≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It isn’t that (discourse-definite).’

        b. i@≡m$≡da@
           1Sg≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It isn’t me.’

        c. a@˘ma@du$≡m$≡da@
           A≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It isn’t Amadou.’

        d. N$gu@≡m$≡da@                       de@




                                        162
             this.Inan≡it.is≡StatNeg            if
             ‘if it isn’t this’ (= ‘other than this, aside from this’)

     The ‘if it isn’t …’ construction illustrated in (xxx.d) is very common, with
N$gu@ ‘this.Inanimate’ or ku@ ‘that (aforementioned)’ as the host of the clitic.
     For inanimate nouns, the ‘it is not …’ construction is expressed by ≡∅≡ra@.
Again, the tones of the stem are as with the positive ≡∅.

(xx2)   a. i$se^˘≡∅≡ra@
           village≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It is not a village.’ (i$s e^˘)

        b. [u@                i@se$˘]≡∅≡ra@
           [2SgP              village]≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It is not your-Sg village.’ (u@ i@se$˘, from i$se^˘)

        c. tç@rç$≡∅≡ra@
           mountain≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It is not a mountain.’ (tç@rç$)

        d. ç$r<ç^˘≡∅≡ra@
           bush≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It is not the bush (=outback).” (ç$r<ç@˘)

        e. bo$lu^˘≡∅≡ra@
           rain≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It is not (the) rain.’ (bo$lu@)

        f.   ta&˘$≡∅≡ra@
             water.source≡it.is≡StatNeg
             ‘It is not a water source (pond etc.).’ (ta&˘)

        g. kç$su^˘≡∅≡ra@
           calabash≡it.is≡StatNeg
           ‘It is not a calabash.’


11.2.1.5 Conjugated negative ‘it is not …’ forms (1st and 2nd persons)

This ≡m$≡da@ ‘it is not’ clitic sequence can be conjugated pronominally for
1st/2nd person subject (xx1).




                                              163
(xx1)   a. i$njE&-m$≡∅≡da@-y$
           dog-Sg≡it.is≡StatNeg-1SgS
           ‘I am not a dog.’

        b. pu@lç$-m≡∅≡da@-w@
           Fulbe-Sg≡it.is≡StatNeg-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg are not a Fulbe (person).’

    The paradigm for first and second person categories is (xx2). The 2Sg ends
in H-tone.

(xx2)   ‘It is not’ (1st.2nd person)

        1Sg         ≡m$≡da@-y$
        1Pl         ≡m$≡da@-y$∴
        2Sg         ≡m$≡da@-w@
        2Pl         ≡m$≡da@-w$∴


11.2.1.6 Conjugated negative ‘it is not …’ forms (3Pl)

The 3Pl conjugated form is ≡∅≡ra@-bç@, with a 3Pl subject morpheme added to
the end. The construction is based on the regular plural form of the noun, as for
the irregular plural ‘children’ in (xxx.b) and pu@lç$˘ ‘Fulbe (people)’ in (xxx.c).
However, the noun is subject to the usual final tonal modification associated
with the ≡∅ clitic if it would otherwise end in H- or R-tone, as with ‘dogs’ in
(xxx.a), which appears with final F-tone (and has its final vowel lengthened
accordingly).

(xxx)   a. i$njE^˘≡∅≡ra@-bç@
           dog≡it.is≡StatNeg-3PlS
           ‘They are not dogs.’ (i$njE@)

        b. yi$tE&˘$≡∅≡ra@-bç@
           children≡it.is≡StatNeg-3PlS
           ‘They are not children.’ (yi$tE&˘$)

        c. pu@lç$˘≡∅≡ra@-bç@
           Fulbe≡it.is≡StatNeg-3PlS
           ‘They are not Fulbe (people).’ (pu@lç$˘)




                                        164
11.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles

11.2.2.1 Existential (ya@)

The morpheme ya@ is used before a positive (quasi-)verb of existence or
possession.

(xx1)   a. na$w<a^˘    ya@           bu@-∅
           meat        Exist         be-3SgS
           ‘There is some meat.’

        b. bE@ru$-m    ya@           so@-y$
           goat-Sg     Exist         have-1SgS
           ‘I have a goat.’

  For bu@- (bu$-) ‘be’, see §11.xxx, below. For so@- ‘have’ see §11.xxx, below.
  The morpheme is suppressed if there is a focalized constuent, such as a
WH-interrogative (xx2).

(xx2)   a. [kç$˘<      n$je@]      bu$-∅
           [thing.L    what?]      be-3SgS
           ‘What is there?’

              $
        b. a&m≡∅         bE@ru$-m           so$-∅
           who?≡Foc      goat-Sg            have-3SgS
           ‘Who has a goat?’

    In other words, ya@ is not used with a defocalized ‘be’ or ‘have’ quasi-verb.
These quasi-verbs occur only in a single (positive) series, and so cannot
themselves express the distinction between ordinary and defocalized status. In
effect, ya@ rectifies this morphological gap. The form with ya@ is the functional
equivalent of a suffixally marked Perfective, while the form without ya@ is the
equivalent of the unsuffixed Perfective.
    ya@ is also absent from negative clauses (xx3).

(xx3)   a. na$w<a^˘      N$go@-∅
           meat          not.be-3SgS
           ‘There is no meat.’

        b. bE@ru$-m       so$-lo@-y$
           goat-Sg        have-Neg-1SgS
           ‘I do not have a goat.’




                                      165
    ya@ is, however, compatible with conditional antecedents (xxx).

(xxx)   na$w<a^˘        ya@     bu@-∅        de@
        meat            Exist   be-3SgS      if
        ‘If there is some meat, …’

    With the ‘have’ quasi-verb, my assistant made a distinction between
presence and absence of ya@ even in positive contexts, whereby ya@ so@- indicates
ownership or other lasting possession, and so$- indicates temporary possession
(custody) See §11.xxx, above.


11.2.2.2 Locational quasi-verbs

A locational predicate ‘be (in a place)’ is expressed by an inflected form of
quasi-verb bu$- following the locational expression, which may be a place name
(without spatial postposition) (xx1.a), a locative demonstrative adverb (xx1.b),
or a locational PP (xx1.c). In this construction, bu$- is L-toned and has a short
vowel (unless lengthened by a suffix).

(xx1)   a. du@w<ç@s a@n     bu$-∅
           Douentza         be-3Sg
           ‘He/She/It is in Douentza’

        b. N$gu@-ru$          bu$-y$
           here               be-1Sg
           ‘I am here.’

        c. [u@ro$         tu$lu$-da@˘]        b-E$˘<
           [house         behind]             be-3Pl
           ‘They are behind the house.’

    The paradigm is (xx2). Only the 3Pl form is irregular. There is a single
positive paradigm, morphologically comparable to the unsuffixed (L-toned)
Perfective of regular verbs. This single series is used without reference to
temporal boundaries, and is usually translatable with a present-tense English
verb.

(xx2)   category     form

        1Sg          bu$-y$




                                       166
        1Pl          bu$-y$∴
        2Sg          bu$-w$
        2Pl          bu$-w$∴

        3Sg          bu$-∅
        3Pl          b-E$<˘, b-E$˘<-bç@

    The negative counterpart is N$go@- (xx3).

(xx3)   ba$ma$kç@       N$go@-y$
        Bamako          not.be-1SgS
        ‘I am not in Bamako.’

     The negative paradigm is (xx4). The 2Sg form is H-toned N$go@-w@, not
F-toned #N$go@-w$. The other 1st/2nd person forms are regular. The 3Pl form
   @
n)e-bç@ consists of 3Pl subject allomorph -bç@ plus a thoroughly irregular
allomorph n)e@- instead of N$go@-.

(xx4)   category     form

        1Sg          N$go@-y
        1Pl          N$go@-y$∴
        2Sg          N$go@-w
        2Pl          N$go@-w$∴

        3Sg          N$go@-∅
        3Pl          n)e@-bç@


11.2.2.3 Existential quasi-verbs with ya@

In existential function (and in vaguely defined locational function, e.g. ‘be
present’ with no locational adverb), the ‘be’ quasi-verb is preceded by
Existential ya@.

(xx1)   a. su@kç@rç$   ya@        bu@-∅
           sugar       Exist      be-3SgS
           ‘There is some sugar.’

        b. pE$rE@      ya@         b-E$˘<
           sheep.Pl    Exist       be-3PlS
           ‘There are some sheep.’




                                          167
        c. ya@         bu@-y$
           Exist       be-1SgS
           ‘I am present.’

     The paradigm is in (xx2). The ‘be’ verb takes the H-toned form bu@-, and
the 2Sg (for which we might expect F-toned #bu@-w$) appears as H-toned bu@-w@.
The 3Pl form b-E$˘<, however, is L-toned, as it is in locational function without
ya@.

(xxx)   category        form

        1Sg             ya@   bu@-y$
        1Pl             ya@   bu@-y$∴
        2Sg             ya@   bu@-w@
        2Pl             ya@   bu@-w$∴

        3Sg             ya@ bu@-∅
        3Pl             ya@ b-E$˘<


11.2.3 ‘Be in, on’

No suppletive stative verbs of the type ‘be (put) in’ or ‘be on’, as in Jamsay,
have been noted for Beni. The combination ya@ bu@- ‘be (in a place)’ is used in
all such contexts.


11.2.4 Stative stance verbs ‘be sitting’, ‘be lying down’

I have recorded no suppletive or irregular stative stance verbs comparable to
those of Jamsay (where stative ‘be sitting’ and active ‘sit down’, for example,
are expressed by different lexical items).
     The reduplicated Stative stem (§10.xxx) is used with stance verbs to denote
static position (xx1). The same verbs occur in other AN stems in active sense
(‘sit down’, ‘stand up’, ‘lie down’, etc.).

(xx1)   a. i$-e@wye$-y
           Rdp-sit.Stat-1SgS
           ‘I am sitting.’

        b. i$-i@ya$-y




                                        168
             Rdp-stand.Stat-1SgS
             ‘I am standing.’

        c. bi$-bi@ye$-w$
           Rdp-lie.down.Stat-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg are lying down (=in prone position).’


11.2.5 ‘Doesn’t connect’ (di$mba$-w$≡ra@-)

Parallel to Jamsay di$gE$≡la@-, Beni uses di$mba$-w$≡ra@- ‘does not follow’ (which
may take pronominal-subject suffixes). In form, this is the negative (with
Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@-) of the Stative, cf. positive di$-di@mba$-w ‘it follows,
is positioned following (something else)’. The phrase can be translated
contextually as ‘(I) don’t care whether …’ or ‘it doesn’t matter whether …’.
The context lends itself to parallelistic constructions (xx1).

(xx1)   [n)a@r<u$≡∅          di$mba$-w$≡ra@-bç@⇑]
        [night≡it.is         follow-Stat≡Neg-3PlS]
        [ç$mç^˘≡∅            di$mba$-w$-ra@-bç@⇓]
        [morning≡it.is       follow-Stat≡Neg-3PlS]
        ‘They don’t care whether it’s night or morning (= day).’


11.2.6 Morphologically regular verbs

11.2.6.1 ‘Remain’ (be@)

This verb is used to indicate the stability of a situation. It is not used in the sense
‘(quantity) be left over’, which is expressed by wa$sa@-.

(xx1)   a. da$w<a@    Na^y<⇒       be$-y
           thing      thus         remain.Stat.L-3SgS
           ‘The problem has remained like that.’

        b. Na^y<⇒       be$-ri@-∅
           thus         remain-PerfNeg-3SgS
           ‘It didn’t remain like that.’

    The combining form is be@- As (xx1.b) shows, the verb has a regular
Perfective Negative. The primary positive paradigm in stative function is (xx2).




                                         169
An unusual feature is that the third person forms end in -y$ and are
homophonous to the 1Sg.

(xx2)   category        form

        1Sg             be$-y$
        1Pl             be$-y$∴
        2Sg             be$-w$
        2Pl             be$-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan        be$-y$
        3Pl             be$-y$


11.2.6.2 ‘Become, happen’ (ta@Ngi@-)

In addition to ka@y<- ‘be done’ (hence ‘happen, take place’), on which see
§11.xxx above, there is a verb ta@Ngi@- ‘become’, with NP complement (xxx).

(xx1)      $
        ç&˘-m          ta@Ngi@˘-rE$-∅
        chief-Sg       become-Perf-3SgS
        ‘He became chief.’


11.3 Quotative verb and quasi-verb

11.3.1 ‘Say’ (gu&y<-)

The basic inflected quotative verb, following a quotation, is gu&y<- (variant
gi&y<-). It is one of three authentic monosyllabic CvC stems (§10.xxx). The
Imperfectuve 3Sg is gu$-gu@-m$.
     For uninflectable quotative particle /wa/, commonly used instead of an
inflected ‘he/she said’ verb, see §17.xxx.


11.4 Adjectival predicates

There are two basic constructions. One has the relevant inflected form of the
locational-existential quasi-verb bu^- ‘be (in a place), exist’ following the
adjective (which has invariant “inanimate” form). The other has the adjective,
in animate or inanimate form (depending on referent), followed directly by the
‘it is’ clitic ≡m (first or second person) or the regular 3Sg or 3Pl counterpart.




                                       170
    Some adjectives are regularly used with bu^-, others with ≡m. The
adjectives attested with each are given in (xx1). The adjectival forms shown in
(xx1) are not the predicative forms as such (on these forms, see the sections
below). Rather, the forms used in modifying function (after inanimate noun
unless otherwise specified) are shown here. There is a fairly good correlation
between the choice of predicate construction, (xx1.a) versus (xx1.b), and the
final segment of the stem and/or with presence/absence of Inanimate suffix -w.

(xx1)              gloss              modifying form (Inanimate)

        a. with bu^˘-
            final vowel with Inan suffix -w
                     ‘big, adult’     di@y<a$-w
                     ‘spacious’       ka@wa$-w
                     ‘good’           E$su^-w
                     ‘fat’            du$gu^-w
                     ‘long’           gu$rç^-w
                     ‘heavy’          du$su^-w
                     ‘nearby’         sç$su^-w
                     ‘small’          da^˘-w
                     ‘thin’           mE$njE^-w
                     ‘soft’           yç$ru^-w
                     ‘lightweight’    n)E$r<u^-w
            final /w/
                     ‘hot’            ç^w
                     ‘distant’        wa^˘w
            final /u/
                     ‘crooked’        gç$lu@
                     ‘bad, ugly’      mç$su@
                     ‘tight; brave’   E@wu$
            final /m/
                     ‘plump’          a^m
                     ‘cold, slow’     ta^m
                     ‘coarse’         ku@nju$m

        b. with ≡m
            final vowel with Inan suffix -w
                    ‘unripe’          ke$su^-w
                    ‘deep’            wç@r<ç$-w
                    ‘other’           la&-w
                    ‘red’             ba@r<a$-w
                    ‘black’           jE@w<E$-w




                                      171
            final vowel, zero Inan suffix
                    ‘white’           pi@lE@
                    ‘skinny’          ko@mbo@
                    ‘living’          u@w<ç@
                    ‘old’             pE&˘
                    ‘weak, diluted’ se$re@
                    ‘new’             ka@la$
                    ‘flat’            pa$ta$pa@ta$
                    ‘easy, cheap’     na$˘r<a@
                    ‘runty’           cE@tE@-m (animate Singular)
            final /y/
                    ‘half-ripe’       bo$lo$ro&y
                    ‘empty’           ko$ro@y


11.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates with ‘be’ quasi-verb (bu^-)

In the regular pattern described here, the form used as modifying adjective after
an inanimate noun, which may be suffixless or may end in -w or -m depending
on the adjective (see §4.xxx), is the basis for the form used before the
locational-existential ‘be’ quasi-verb, which here appears with falling tone. For
stems already ending in a H-tone, i.e. of {H} or {LH} tonal type, there is no
(audible) tonal change on the adjective. However, other stems undergo (audible)
Final High-Tone Insertion, whereby the final mora becomes H-toned. Some
further adjustments are observed in this connection. Examples are in (xx1).

(xx1)   gloss                modifying (Inan) before bu^˘-    (Inchoative)

        a. {LH} input, no change
        ‘good’              E$su^-w            E$su@
        ‘heavy’             du$su^-w           du$su@
        ‘fat’               du$gu^-w           du$gu@
        ‘long’              gu$rç^-w           gu$rç&-w
        ‘soft’              yç$ru^-w           yç$ru@
        ‘lightweight’       n)E$r<u^-w         n)E$r<u@
        ‘crooked’           gç$lu@             gç$lu@
        ‘nearby’            sç$su@             sç$su@
        ‘bad, ugly’         mç$su@             mç$su@

        b. bisyllabic {HL} input, output {H}
        ‘big, adult’        di@y<a$-w        di@y<a@-w
        ‘spacious’          ka@wa$-w         ka@wa@-w




                                         172
        ‘sweet; sharp’      E@ru$-m           E@ru@-m
        ‘coarse’            ku@nju$m          ku@nju@m

        c. monosyllabic F = {HL} (perhaps lexically {H}) input, output {H}
        ‘small’             da^˘-w           da@˘-w        —
        ‘hot’               ç^w              ç@w           ç@w-yi@-
        ‘cold, slow’        ta^m             ta@m          ta@w<-y<i@-

        d. monosyllabic F = {HL} input, output {LH}
        ‘distant’           wa^˘w            wa&˘w          wa$˘n-gi@-
        ‘plump’             a^m              a&m            a@w<a@-

        e. {LHL} input (perhaps lexically {LH}), output {LH}
        ‘short’            gç&˘$-w           gç&˘-w
        ‘thin              mE$njE^-w         mE$njE&-w

        f. {HL} input, output {H} with nasal extension
        ‘tight; brave’      E@wu$             E@n
        ‘full’              ba^˘              ba@ni@

    The tonal phonology is somewhat problematic, in good part because of
ambiguities in the lexical tones of inputs, as extrapolated from the modifying
adjectives. If Inanimate suffix -w$ (and Animate Singular -m$) carry their own
L-tone, we can take all stems in (xx1.a) and (xx1.e) to be lexically {LH}, those
in (xx1.b) and (xx1.f) to be lexically {HL}, and those in (xx1.c-d) to be either
{HL} or {H}.
    Examples of the adjectival predication type with 3Sg/Inan bu^˘-∅ are in
(xx2).

(xx2)   a. mç$su@               bu^˘-∅
           bad                  be-3Sg
           ‘He/She/It is bad.’ (mç$su@)

        b. a&m                 bu^˘-∅
           plump               be-3SgS
           ‘He/She/It is plump.’ (a^m)

        c. mE$njE&-w             bu^˘-∅
           thin-Inan             be-3SgS
           ‘He/She/It is thin.’ (mE$njE^-w)

        d. gç&˘-w               bu^˘-∅




                                       173
             short-Inan            be-3SgS
                                        $
             ‘He/She/It is short.’ (gç&˘-w)

        e. ka@wa@-w               bu^˘-∅
           spacious-Inan          be-3SgS
           ‘It is spacious.’ (ka@wa$-w)

        f.   di@y<a@-w<            bu^˘-∅
             big-Inan              be-3SgS
             ‘He/She/It is big.’ (di@y<a$-w<)

        g. E@ru@-m              bu^˘-∅
           sweet-Inan           be-3SgS
           ‘He/She/It is sweet’. (E@ru$-m)

    For 3Pl subject, b-E^˘< ‘they are’ follows the adjective (xx3).

(xx3)   a. mç$su@              b-E^˘<
           bad                 be-3PlS
           ‘They are bad.’ (mç$s u@)

        b. a&m                 b-E^˘<
           plump               be-3PlS
           ‘They are plump.’ (a^m)

    For first and second person subject, the appropriate inflected form of bu^-
‘be’ is used (xx4).

(xx4)   a. mç$su@           bu^-y (or: bi^-y)
           bad              be-1SgS
           ‘I am bad’ (mç#su@)

        b. a&m              bu^-y
           plump            be-1SgS
           ‘I am plump.’ (a^m)

        a. a@m             bu^-w∴
           plump           be-2PlS
           ‘You-Pl are plump.’ (a^m)

   For adjectives that have a suffix -w or -m when modifying an Inanimate
noun, this suffixal form is used predicatively for all pronominal categories.




                                         174
(xx5)   a. gç&˘-w            bu^˘-∅
           short-Inan        be-3Sg
                                      $
           ‘He/She/It is short.’ (gç&˘-w)

        b. gç&˘-w              bu^-y
           short-Inan          be-1Sg
           ‘I am short.’ (gç&˘$-w)

        b. gç&˘-w            bu^-y∴
           short-Inan        be-1Pl
           ‘We are short.’ (gç&˘$-w)


11.4.2 Adjectival predicates with ‘be’ clitic (≡m, etc.)

Adjectives may function predicatively without an overt ‘be’ quasi-verb. In this
case, the adjective itself has the same suffixed form it has as a modifying
adjective, except that animate plural is merged into inanimate (except as
noted below). We therefore get -m$ for animate singular reference, and -w$ or
zero (depending on the adjective, §4.xxx) for animate plural as well as all
inanimate reference. An exception is that the 1Pl and 2Pl forms add -m$ instead
of zero.
    The adjective is then followed by the conjugated ‘be’ clitic forms in (xx1).

(xx1)   category               form

        1Sg                    ≡m-i$y
        1Pl                    ≡m-i$y∴
        2Sg                    ≡m-u$w
        2Pl                    ≡m-u$w∴
        3Sg/Inan
            after consonant:   ≡∅ (with final L-tone)
            after vowel:       ≡˘$-∅ (vowel lengthened, with final L-tone)
        3Pl                    ≡bç@

    Examples with pi@lE@ ‘white’ and jE@w<E$- ‘black’ (the latter taking InanSg -w
suffix) are in (xx2). Both ‘black’ and ‘white’ have their regular “inanimate
singular” forms (pi@lE@, jE@w<E$-w<) for inanimate singular or plural reference
(xx2.a-b). The lengthening and F-tone in pi@lE^˘-∅≡∅ is due to the clitic; a
rendition pi@lE@-∅≡˘$ would capture this better. For animate singular reference, the
adjective ends in (animate) Singular -m$ for both ‘white’ and ‘black’ (xx2.c-d).




                                        175
For animate plural reference, ‘white’ is pi@lE@-m$ (“animate singular”) while
‘black’ is jE@w<E$-w$< (morphologically “inanimate”) in (xx2.e-f).

(xx2)   a. [u@            be@re$]
           [2SgP          stick.HL]
           pi@lE^˘-∅≡∅                  (jE@w<E$-w<≡∅)
           white.InanSg≡it.is.3SgS      (black.InanSg≡it.is.3SgS)
           ‘Your-Sg stick is white (black).’

        b. [u@          be@re$          ku$          be$]
           [2SgP        stick.HL        Def          Pl]
           pi@lE^˘-∅≡∅                (jE@w<E$-w<≡∅)
           white.InanSg≡it.is.3SgS (black-InanSg≡it.is.3SgS)
           ‘Your-Sg sticks are white (black).’

        c. pi@lE@-m≡m-i^y           (jE@w<E$-m≡m-i$y)
           white-Sg≡it.is-1SgS      (black-Sg≡it.is-1SgS)
           ‘I am white (black)’.

        d. pi@lE@-m$≡∅            (jE@w<E@-m$≡∅)
           white-Sg≡it.is.3SgS (black-Sg≡it.is.3SgS)
           ‘He/She/It (person, animal) is white (black).’

        e. pi@lE^˘-∅≡bç$           (jE@w<E@-w$<≡bç@)
           white.InanSg≡it.is.3PlS      (black.InanSg≡it.is.3PlS)
           ‘They (e.g. people, sheep) are white (black).’

        f.   pi@lE@-m@≡m-i^y∴        (jE@w<E@-w$<≡m-i$y∴)
             white-Sg≡it.is-1PlS     (black-InAn≡it.is-1PlS)
             ‘We are white (black)’.

        g. pi@lE@-m@≡m-u$w∴       (jE@w<E@-w$<≡m-u$w∴)
           white-Sg≡it.is-2PlS    (black-InAn≡it.is-2PlS)
           ‘You-Pl are white (black)’.


11.4.3 Negative adjectival and stative predicates (≡ra@-)

The Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@- is added to the form of the adjective used as
modifier of an inanimate noun. After a nasal, the clitic takes the form ≡da@-,
which in careful pronunciation comes out as ≡n$da@-. The Negative suffix
induces tone-dropping on the stem. The regular pronominal-subject suffixes




                                      176
follow -ra@-. The paradigm is (xx1). Note the H-tone in the 2Sg (as in other
negative-suffix paradigms) and 3Pl.

(xx1)   category            form

        1Sg                 ≡ra@-y$
        1Pl                 ≡ra@-y$∴
        2Sg                 ≡ra@-w
        2Pl                 ≡ra@-w$∴

        3Sg/Inan            ≡ra@-∅
        3Pl                 ≡ra@-bç@

   Examples with 3Sg (animate), inanimate, and 3Pl referents are in (xx2).

(xx2)   gloss      ‘he/she is not …’   ‘it is not …’     ‘they are not …’

        ‘bad’      mç$su$-∅≡ra@-∅      mç$su$-∅≡ra@-∅    mç$su$-∅≡ra@-bç@
        ‘red’      ba$r<a$-w<≡ra@-∅    ba$r<a$-w≡ra@-∅   ba@r<a$-w≡ra$-bç$
        ‘short’    gç$˘-w≡ra@-         gç$˘-w≡ra@-       gç$˘-w≡ra@-bç@
        ‘cold’     ta$m-∅≡nda@-        ta$m-∅≡nda@-      ta$m-∅≡n$da@-bç@

    Examples with mç$su@ ‘bad, ugly’ showing a fuller range of pronominal
subjects are in (xx3).

(xx3)   a. mç$su$-∅≡ra@-∅
           bad-Inan.L≡StatNeg-3SgS
           ‘He/She/It is not bad.’

        b. mç$su$-∅≡ra@-bç@
           bad-Inan.L≡StatNeg-3PlS
           ‘They are not bad.’

        c. mç$su$-∅≡ra@-y$
           bad-Inan.L≡StatNeg-1SgS
           ‘I am not bad.’

        d. mç$su$-∅≡ra@-w@
           bad-Inan.L≡StatNeg-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg are not bad.’

        e. mç$su$-∅≡ra@-y$∴




                                       177
             bad-Inan.L≡StatNeg-1PlS
             ‘We are not bad.’

        f.   mç$su$-∅≡ra@-w$∴
             bad-Inan.L≡StatNeg-2PlS
             ‘You-Pl are not bad.’


11.4.4 Past forms of adjectival predicates (≡bE^˘-, ≡bE$-)

The Past clitic (§10.4.1) may be added to a positive or negative adjectival
predicate to relocate the time frame into the past. The form /≡bE^-/ with falling
tone, hence with long vowel when not followed by a consonantal suffix, is used
when the adjectival form used in this construction ends in a high tone. When the
adjective ends in a low tone, we get low-toned and short-voweled ≡bE$-.
    Examples with third person subjects are in (xx1). In the 3Pl, two
constructions are possible. One has ≡bç@≡b-a^˘, beginning with the 3Pl subject
suffix used in perfective positive forms (xx1.b). The other has 3Pl Past ≡b-a$˘
added to the Plural form of the adjective, with suffix -yE$ (xx1.d). Further
examples (not reproduced here) confirm that either construction may be used
with any adjective. Thus (xx1.d) can also be expressed as jE@w<E$≡bç@≡b-a^˘.

(xx1)   a. pu@lç$-m      mç$su@≡∅≡bE^˘-∅
           Fulbe-Sg      bad≡be.3SgS≡Past-3SgS
           ‘The Pullo (=Fulbe man) used to be bad.’

        b. pu@lç$˘       mç$su@≡bç@≡b-a^˘
           Fulbe.Pl      bad≡be.3PlS≡Past-3PlS
           ‘The Fulbe-Pl used to be bad.’

        b. jE@w<E$-m≡bE$-∅
           black-Sg≡Past-3SgS
           ‘He/She was black.’

        c. jE@w<E$-w<≡bE$-∅
           black-Inan≡Past-3SgS
           ‘It (inanimate) was black.’

        d. jE@w<E$-yE$≡b-a$˘
           black-Pl≡Past-3PlS
           ‘They (animate) were black.’




                                       178
        e. ni^˘       ta@m-∅≡bE^˘-∅
           water      cold-Inan≡Past-3SgS
           ‘The water was cold.’

   Examples with first/second person subjects are in (xx2).

(xx2)   a. jE@w<E$-m≡bE$-y∴
           black-Sg≡Past-1PlS
           ‘We were black.’

        b. gu$rç&-w≡bE@-y$∴
           long-Inan≡Past-1PlS
           ‘We used to be tall.’

        c. ko@mbo@≡bE@-w$
           skinny≡Past-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg used to be skinny.’

        d. du$gu@≡bE@-y$
           fat≡Past-1SgS
           ‘I was fat.’

        e. du$gu@≡bE@-y$∴
           fat≡Past-1PlS
           ‘We were fat.’

    Past negative examples are in (xx3). The structure is the same as above,
except for the addition of Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@, which forces tone-
dropping on the adjective.

(xx3)   a. jE$w<E$-w≡ra@≡bE@-y$∴
           black-Inan.L≡StatNeg≡Past-1PlS
           ‘We were not black.’

        b. ni^˘       ç$w-∅≡ra@≡bE^˘-∅
           water      hot-Inan.L≡StatNeg≡Past-3SgS
           ‘The water was not hot.’




                                    179
11.5 Possessive predicates

11.5.1   ‘Have’ (ya@ so@-, negative so$-lo@-)

The common ‘have’ predication is a quasi-verb so@- that occurs in a single
paradigm, generally with present (or timeless) time reference. In positive
clauses with no focalized constituent, and when possession in the sense of
ownership or other lasting possession is involved,Existential ya@ (§11.xxx)
occurs before the quasi-verb.

(xx1)    u@ro$        ya@            so@-y$
         house        Exist          have-1SgS
         ‘I have a house.’

    The paradigm is (xx2). The 2Sg and 3Sg forms with -w are homophonous,
and have H-tone. The 3Pl is idiosyncratic.

(xx2)    category   form

         1Sg        so@-y$
         1Pl        so@-y$∴
         2Sg        so@-w@
         2Pl        so@-w$∴

         3Sg/Inan so@-w@
         3Pl      s-E@˘<

    In the negative, the form is so$-lo@-, used without Existential ya@.

(xx3)    na&˘-m     so$-lo@-w@
         cow-Sg     have-Neg-2SgS
         ‘You-Sg don’t have a cow.’

    The negative paradigm is (xx4). The 2Sg form is H-toned, but distinct
from the 3Sg form. The 3Pl form is again idiosyncratic.

(xx4)    category      form

         1Sg           so$-lo@-y$
         1Pl           so$-lo@-y$∴
         2Sg           so$-lo@-w
         2Pl           so$-lo@-w$∴




                                          180
        3Sg/Inan       so$-lo@-∅
        3Pl            sE$-nE@-


11.5.2 ‘Have possession of’ (so$-)

Jamsay distinguishes the basic ‘have’ verb sa$-, denoting ownership, from verbs
of temporary possession (custody) ji$ne$- and je$re$-. Beni has no such lexical
distinction. However, low-toned so$- without Existential ya@ can in some
situations be used to express temporary possession, as in (xx1.b). The core
sense seems to be ‘be holding’.

(xx1)   a. na&˘-m      ya@     so@-y$
           cow-Sg      Exist have-1SgS
           ‘I have (= own) a cow.’

        b. na&˘-m      so$-y$
           cow-Sg      have-1SgS
           ‘I have a cow (with me).’

    This construction without ya@ did not occur in my data in connection with
having money on oneself. Here the full construction was used even when the
context was clearly about temporary possession.

(xx2)   pe$ri@-ye&y  ya@        so@-w@
        ten-two      Exist      have-2SgS
        ‘Do you have twenty riyals (= 100 CFA francs) on you?’


11.5.3 ‘Belong to’ predicates (kç^˘<, yç^-m)

The noun kç@˘< ‘thing’ is used in predicate genitives (‘X belongs to Y’). It takes
possessed form, hence it has HL tone kç^˘<, subject to further tonal modifications
of a regular type (e.g. 1Sg kç&˘$<, 1Pl i@∴ kç$˘<). The subject X is typically a
discourse-definite, or deictically established, inanimate entity. The ‘it is’ clitic is
presumably present, but it has no audible effect since kç^˘< already ends in a long
vowel with falling tone.

(xx2)   a. [u$ro$      N$gu@]      kç&˘$<≡∅
           [house.L this.Inan] 1SgP.thing.HL≡it.is
           ‘This house belongs to me (=is mine).’




                                         181
        b. bu@˘du$   [F          kç^˘<≡∅]
           money     [F          thing.HL≡it.is]
           ‘The money belongs to F (personal name).’

     For animate (but nonhuman) subject, the noun yç@-m ‘(unspecified) animal,
critter’ or its plural yç@˘ is used instead of kç@˘<. The basic possessed forms are
singular yç^-m, subject to further tonal modification (1Sg yç&-m$, 1Pl i@∴ yç$-m),
and plural yç^˘. Again, the ‘it is’ clitic is presumably present but has no audible
effect, as the possessed-noun tone contour is already falling.

(xx2)   pE$rE&-m     [u@         yç^-m≡∅]
        sheep-Sg     [2SgS       animal-Sg.HL≡it.is]
        ‘The sheep-Sg is yours-Sg.’




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12 Comparatives




12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives

12.1.1 ‘More, most’ (mE@gE@)

The noun mE@gE@ ‘more, most’ is common in comparatives. This stem is
pronounced with high tones in isolation (xx1.e). In most actual examples it
follows a dative (which always ends in a low tone). Some speakers tend to
pronounce it in low-toned form as mE$gE$ in this position, suggesting a tonal
behavior similar to that of nouns following a possessor ending in a low tone.
Other speakers clearly pronounce high-toned mE@gE@ in post-dative position, and
this form is shown in the examples below (though some were originally
transcribed with mE$gE$). A preceding comparandum takes dative form.

(xx1)   a. ma&˘$         mE@gE@           di@y<a@w
           Dat.1Sg       more             big(ness)
           ‘He/She is older than I (am).’

        b. [u@      ma^˘]     mE@gE@    ga&w          bi@-y$
           [2Sg Dat]          more      tall(ness)    be-1SgS
           ‘I am taller than you-Sg (are).’

        c. [u@∴     ma$˘]      mE@gE@      ju@wç@-y$
           [2Pl     Dat]       more        know.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I know more than you-Pl (do).’

        d. [ma&˘$    E@r<E@     ni^-w               ku$]
           [1Sg.Dat 3SgS        give.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def]
           [[u@      kç^˘<]     ma$˘]       mE@gE@
           [[2SgP Poss.HL] Dat.L]           more
           ‘She gave me more than (she gave) you.’
           (lit: “What she gave me [is/was] more than yours.”)

        e. E@r<E@≡m$    mE@gE@         $
                                    n)E-∅
           3Sg≡Foc      more        eat.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She ate more (or: the most).’
     In (xx1.a-b), the domain of reference is specified by what appear to be
nouns, though specialized in this context: di@y<a@w ‘in bigness’, elsewhere
di$y<a&-w ; ga&w ‘in tallness’, elsewhere ga&w$. Most adjectival dimensions in
asymmetrical comparatives are, however, expressed by an adjective form with
overlaid {HL} tone contour. Even ‘big’ and ‘tall’ can alternatively appear as
di@y<a$-w and ga^m, respectively. The attested forms used after mE@gE@ ‘more’ are
shown in (xx2), along with the normal (modifying) form of the adjective.

(xx2)       gloss            modifier (Inan)      {HL} after mE@gE@ ‘more’

        a. -w after mE@gE@
            ‘long’           gu$rç^-w             gu@rç$-w
            ‘red’            ba@r<a$-w            ba@r<a$-w
            ‘spacious’       ka@wa$-w             ka@wa$-w
            ‘big’            di@y<a$-w            di@y<a$-w

        b. -w as Inan modifier, omitted after mE@gE@
            ‘heavy’         du$su^-w              du@su$
            ‘fat’           du$gu^-w              du@gu$

        c. -m
            ‘sweet’          E@ru$-m              E@ru$-m

        d. final /u/
             ‘rotten’        ç$mbu@               ç@mbu$
             ‘bad’           mç$su@               mç@su$
             ‘blind’         ji$mdu@              ji@mdu$

        e. other
            ‘new’            ka@la$               ka@la$
            ‘white’          pi@lE@               pi@lE$
            ‘hot’            ç^w                  ç^w
            ‘tall’           ga&w                 ga^w
            ‘difficult’      nu&m$                nu^m
            ‘cold’           ta^m                 ta^m
            ‘foul’           gç^m                 gç^m
            ‘ripe’           i$rE&y               i@rE$y
            ‘dry’            ma&˘                 ma^˘




                                         184
12.1.2 ‘Surpass’ (la@wa@)

la@wa@ ‘pass by’ can be used in the sense ‘surpass’ (xx1).

(xx1)   ku$yç@˘   [E@r<E@    ma^˘] mE@gE@        ju@wç@-m$≡bE$-y$,
        first     [3Sg       Dat]   more         know-Impf≡Past-1SgS,
        ga$˘ nu@w<ç$y<       i@      la@wa@-jE^˘-∅
        but now              1SgO pass-RecPf-3SgS
        ‘I used to know     more than he/she (did), but now he/she has surpassed
        me.’


12.1.3 ‘Be better, more’ (i$re@w)

The form i$re@w ‘better’ is used with ‘be’ quasi-verb to constitute the predicate.
The comparandum is dative.

(xx1)   a. [u@      ma^˘]     i$re@w      bu@-y$
           [2Sg     Dat]      better      be-1SgS
           ‘I am better than you-Sg (are).’

        b. ma&˘$           i$re$w-ra@-bç@
           Dat.1Sg         better-Neg-3PlS
           ‘They are not better than I (am).’


12.2 Symmetrical comparatives

12.2.1 Expressions with ga^y<⇒ ‘like’

The ‘like’ particle may be used to indicate approximate equality on some
measure.

(xx1)   [[[u@       ma^˘]       da$y<      i@      ni^-w<]
        ga^y<⇒]
        [[[2Sg      Dat]        manner.L 1SgS give.Perf-Ppl.Inan] like]
        [E@r<E@     ma^˘]       ni$-y
        [3Sg        Dat]        give.Perf.L-1SgS
        ‘I gave him like the way (=as much as) I gave you-Sg.’




                                        185
12.2.2 ‘Equal; be as good as’ (ba@-)

The stative quasi-verb ba@- ‘equal’ is used in transitive symmetrical
comparatives. One comparandum may be subject, the other direct object
(xxx.b).

(xx1)   a. [a$je$ru@    wo@]    [a@          bç^˘]       ba@-w$
           [wrestling in]       [LogoSgP father.HL] equal.Stat-3SgS
           ‘Hex is as good as hisx father in wrestling.’

        b. [a$je$ru@     wo@] [a@           bç^˘]        ba$-ri@-∅
           [wrestling in] [LogoSgP father.HL] equal-PerfNeg-3SgS
           ‘Hex is not as good as hisx father in wrestling.’

    The paradigm (for positive clauses) is (xx2). The negative counterparts are
based on the stem ba$-ri@-, in form a perfective negative.

(xxx)   category        form

        1Sg             ba@-y$
        1Pl             ba@-y$∴
        2Sg             ba@-w$
        2Pl             ba@-w$∴

        3Sg             ba@-w$
        3Pl             ba@-ma$


12.2.3 ‘Equal(ly)’ (ci@-cE@w, cE@w-cE@w)

The stem ci@-cE@w ‘equal’ can be used as a predicate. It may be followed by a
‘be’ quasi-verb. If the comparanda are expressed as NPs, the ‘be’ quasi-verb is
optionally omitted (xx1.b).

(xx1)   a. ci@-cE@w       b-E$˘<-bç@
           equal          be.L-3PlS-3PlS
           ‘They are equal.’

        b. [se&ydu$ ya$⇒↑] [a@˘ma@du$ ya$⇒↓] [a$je$ru@    wo@] ci@-cE@w
           [Seydou and]    [Amadou and]       [wrestling in] equal
           ‘Seydou and Amadou are equal (=equally good) in wrestling.’




                                       186
    A related adverbial is the reduplicated cE@w-cE@w ‘equally’ (xx2).

(xx2)   [se&ydu$     ya$⇒↑] [a@˘ma@du$ ya$⇒↓] cE@w-cE@w wa$ra$-bç@
        [Seydou      and] [Amadou and] equally            farm.Perf.L-3PlS
        ‘Seydou and Amadou did farming (=weeding) to the same extent.’

    Jamsay cE^w ‘all’ and its derivatives may be the sources of these forms. For
cE^w in conditional antecedents see §16.xxx.


12.2.4 ‘Equal(ly)’ (ba$⇒)

An adverbial (with final intonational prolongation) ba&⇒, evidently related to
the verb ba@- ‘be equal to’ (§12.xxx), can be glossed ‘as much (as sb/sth else)’. It
may be used predicatively, with following bu$- ‘be’. The usual context is size
(dimensions).

(xx1)   [na$˘    mu&˘]     go&˘-m      ba&⇒         bu$-∅
        [cow.L this.Sg] elephant       equally      be-3SgS
        ‘This cow is as big as an elephant.’


12.2.5 ‘Attain, equal’ (dç@-)

In the sense ‘X come to equal Y’ (e.g. as the culmination of a gradual
improvement), the verb dç@- ‘arrive, reach (destination)’ may be used.

(xx1)   a. [a$je$ru@     wo@]   a$ba@da@    [a@          bç^˘]
           [wrestling in]       never       [ReflSgP     father.HL]
           dç@-m$-ndo@-∅
           arrive-Impf-Neg-3SgS
           ‘Hex will never (come to) be as good in wrestling as his x father.’

        b. ga$wa@     i@        dç@-jE^˘-∅
           height     1SgO      arrive-RecPf-3SgS
           ‘He/She has (now) reached the same height as (= is now as tall as)
           me.’


12.3 ‘A fortiori’ (we^ ˘ y)

The particle we^˘y means ‘a fortiori, much less’.




                                        187
(xx1)   i@nji@ri@     bE@rE@-m$do@-y$        [we^˘y       ji$ye@]
        get.up        can-ImpfNeg-1SgS [much.less dance]
        ‘I can’t (even) get up, much less (can I) dance.’




                                       188
13 Focalization and interrogation




13.1 Focalization

The overt Focus clitic is ≡m$. It is identical in form to the ‘it is’ clitic (§11.xxx),
except that it is not conjugated for pronominal subject category.
     This clitic is used after pronouns, demonstratives, and personal name.
However, it is avoided after ordinary noun stems. Perhaps this is because it
would be difficult to distinguish from (animate) Singular suffix -m. For
example, if the Focus clitic were added to a@r<a$ ‘men’, this would produce
#a$r<a$≡m$, which would be homophonous to singular a@r<a$-m ‘man’. The result
is that noun-headed NPs can function syntactically as focalized, without an
overt Focus morpheme. This focalization is manifested, in the perfective
(positive and negative) by the use of L-toned verb forms, including the
(positive) unsuffixed Perfective. For subject focus, focalization is also
manifested, for 1st/2nd person categories, by the use of a 3Sg pronominal-
subject suffix on the verb.
     Focalization is largely confined to positive utterances for pragmatic
reasons, but negative utterances allow focalization in the right context (‘it was
the women [focus] that he/she did not bring’).
     Existential ya@ is a particle used chiefly with a following quasi-verb bu@- ‘be’
or so@- ‘have’. These quasi-verbs are defective and do not themselves distinguish
ordinary from (L-toned) defocalized forms. Instead, ya@ is present in ordinary
contexts and is suppressed when a constituent is focalized. See §10.xxx for
details and examples.


13.1.1 Subject focalization

In the (positive) perfective aspect, the unsuffixed Perfective stem (L-toned) is
regular for past-time reference. The verb shows regular third person subject
prefixes, -∅ for 3Sg/Inan, and -bç@ for 3Pl.

(xx1)   a. se&ydu$≡m$            lo$-∅
           Seydou≡Foc            go.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘It’s Seydou [focus] who went.’

        b. ku@r<u$           ya$ƒa$-∅
            stone           fall.Perf.L-3SgS
            ‘It was a stone [focus] that fell.’

        c. a@r<a$            yE$-bç@
           man.Pl            come.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘It was the men [focus] who came.’

    For 1st/2nd person subject, the unsuffixed Perfective is again used, but the
verb has (zero) 3Sg inflection.

(xx2)   a. i@≡m$           lo$-∅
           1Sg≡Foc         go.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘It’s I [focus] who went.’

        b. u@∴≡m$          lo$-∅
           2Pl≡Foc         go.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘It’s you-Pl [focus] who went.’

    In the imperfective, the (positive) form in common use is the unsuffixed
Imperfective, without reduplication. Again, the 1st/2nd person subject forms
require the 3Sg form of the verb, which in this case is -m$. The third person
subject forms have their usual 3Sg or 3Pl suffix on the verb.

(xx3)   a. i@≡m$           lo@-m$
           1Sg≡Foc         go-Impf.3SgS
           ‘It’s I [focus] who will go.’

        b. u@∴≡m$          lo@-m$
           2Pl≡Foc         go-Impf.3SgS
           ‘It’s you-Pl [focus] who will go.’

        c. se&ydu$≡m$     lo@-m$
           Seydou≡Foc go-Impf.3SgS
           ‘It’s Seydou [focus] who will go.’

        d. a@r<a$         lo@-yE$
           man.Pl         go-Impf.3PlS
           ‘It’s the men [focus] who will go.’

     In the Perfective Negative, the defocalization of the verb entails a drop in
the tone of the AN suffix, elsewhere -ri@-, to L-toned -ri$-.




                                        190
(xx4)   a. se&ydu$≡m$          lç$-ri$-∅
           Seydou≡Foc          go-PerfNeg.L-3SgS
           ‘It was Seydou [focus] who did not go.’

        b. i@∴≡m$             lo$-ri$-∅
           1Pl≡Foc            go-PerfNeg.L-3SgS
           ‘It was we [focus] who did not go.’

        c. a@r<a$            lo$-r-a$
           man.Pl            go-PerfNeg.L-3PlS
           ‘It was the men [focus] who did not go.’

     When Focus ≡m$ is absent, only the tone on the AN suffix identifies the
clause as focalized. Thus (xxx.c) differs only subtly from unfocalized a@r<a$
lo$-r-a@ ‘the men did not go’.
     In the Imperfective Negative, the verb stem itself retains its lexical tone.
The AN suffix complex is -m$-do@-. As usual, 1st/2nd person subject requires
3Sg suffix on the verb.

(xx5)   a. se&ydu$≡m$           lo@-m$-do@-∅
           Seydou≡Foc           go-Impf-Neg-3SgS
           ‘It’s Seydou [focus] who will not go.’

        b. u@≡m$                lo@-m$-do@-∅
           2Sg≡Foc              go-Impf-Neg-3SgS
           ‘It’s you-Sg [focus] who will not go.’

        c. bu^˘≡m$              lo@-m$-n-E@
           3Pl≡Foc              go-ImpfNeg-3PlS
           ‘It’s they [focus] who will not go.’


13.1.2 Object focalization

When the focalized constituent is the direct object, we get the same patterns for
AN verbal morphology as in subject focalization. Specifically, we get the
L-toned unsuffixed Perfective, the L-toned negative AN forms, and the
unreduplicated unsuffixed Imperfective as basic verb forms. However, in object
focalization, the verb carries the full set of subject pronominal suffixes.
     Nouns and pronouns that take ≡m$ for subject focus may take Accusative
clitic ≡ni$ (§8.2) when functioning as focalized objects. This is usual with




                                      191
pronouns and seems common with personal names, but it is not very common
with other nouns.

(xx1)   a. se&ydu$≡ni$         yi$-y$
           Seydou≡Acc          see.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘It was Seydou [focus] that I saw.’

        b. ya&˘          yi$-w$
           woman.Pl      see.Perf.L-2SgS
           ‘It was the women [focus] that you-Sg saw.’

        c. ku@r<u$          ji$s e$-y
           stone            throw.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘It was the stone [focus] that I threw.’

        d. i@≡ni$            yi@-w$
           1Sg≡Acc           see.Perf.L-2SgS
           ‘It was I [focus] that you-Sg saw.’

     In (xx1.b-c), only the use of the unsuffixed Perfective verb form suggests
that ‘women’ and ‘stone’ may be focalized.
     In all of my elicited examples, the word with ≡ni$ clitic is immediately
preverbal.
     Below are examples of the Perfective Negative (xx2.a), the Imperfective
(xx2.b), and the Imperfective Negative (xx2.c). As in subject relatives, the
Perfective Negative and Imperfective Negatives suffixes have L-tone (-ri$-,
-m$do$-) under focalization.

(xx2)   a. se&ydu$≡ni$        yi$-ru$-w$
           Seydou≡Acc         see-PerfNeg.L-2SgS
           ‘It was Seydou [focus] that you-Sg did not see.’

        b. ya&˘               jo$lo@-m$
           woman.Pl           bring-Impf.3SgS
           ‘It’s the women [focus] that he/she will bring.’

        c. ya&˘               jo$lo@-mdo$-∅
           woman.Pl           bring-ImpfNeg.L-3SgS
           ‘It’s the women [focus] that he/she will not bring.’




                                       192
13.1.3 Focalization of PP or other adverbial

Since PPs and similar adverbials have inanmate reference (to times, places, and
manners), there is no reason to expect them to allow Focus clitics. In (xx1),
‘in(side) the house’ is focalized, but this is discernible only because the verb is
in the unsuffixed (L-toned) Perfective.

(xx1)   [u@ro$    pi$re$]     bi$rE$-bç@
        [house inside]        work.Perf.L-3PlS
        ‘It was in the house [focus] that they worked.’


13.2 Interrogatives

13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogative (ma)

The particle /ma/ can be added to a statement to make it into a question. It is
subject to optional intonational prolongation. The pitch is also subject to an
intonational rise, but its basic phonological tone is copied from the immediately
preceding tone. It may, alternatively, have falling pitch (ma^⇒).

(xx1)   yE&˘-r-a$˘        ma$
        come-Perf-3PlS Q
        ‘Did they come?’ (or: ‘Have they come?’)

    An alternative is to express both the positive and negative alternatives,
linked by ma$⇒ ‘or’. This is pragmatically interpreted as a question.

(xx2)   yE&˘-r-a$˘     ma$⇒ yE$-r-a@
        come-Perf-3PlS or        come-PerfNeg-3PlS
        ‘Did they come, or did they not come?’


13.2.2 ‘Who?’ (a&m)

‘Who?’ is usually a&m, but can also be treated as a ‘which?’-type adjectival
interrogative and therefore extended as nu$ a&m ‘which person?’ = ‘who?’.
     In subject function, a&m ‘who?’ takes the Focus clitic ≡m$ (xx1).

(xx1)   a. a&m≡m$      te^˘        si@ri@-m$
           who?≡Foc    tea         cook-Impf.3SgS
           ‘Who will make (=boil) the tea?’




                                       193
         b. a&m≡m$      lo$-∅
            who?≡Foc    go.Perf.L-3SgS
            ‘Who went?’

    In direct object function, the Accusative clitic ≡ni$ is optional.

(xx2)    a. a&m(≡ni$)        yi$-w$
            who?(≡Acc)       see.Perf.L-2SgS
            ‘Who(m) did you-Sg see?’

         b. nu$-a&m(≡ni$)        [u$ro$       pi$re@˘]            yi$-w$∴
            person-who?(≡Acc) [house.L inside]                    see.Perf.L-2PlS
            ‘Who(m) did you-Pl see inside the house?’


13.2.3 ‘What?’ (n$je@), ‘with what?’, ‘why?’

n$je@ ‘what?’ may be used by itself, or it may be combined with the noun ‘thing’
to form kç$˘< n$je@ ‘what (thing)?’. In this combination it seems to function
adjectivally, and so induces tone-dropping on the noun.

(xx1)    a. n$je@      lu@gu@ro@˘-ra$-w$
            what?      look.for-Impf1-2SgS
            ‘What are you-Sg looking for?’

         b. n$je@          @
                        n)E-y$∴
            what?       eat.Impf-1PlS
            ‘What will we eat?’

         c. [kç$˘<   n$je@]     u@         bE$rE$-∅
            [thing.L what?] 3SgO get.Perf.L-3SgS
            ‘What has gotten (= is ailing) you-Sg?’

    ‘With what?’ is expressed as the instrumental of           kç$˘< n$je@ (xx2).

(xx2)    [[kç$˘<   n$je@]   n)a^y]   bi@rE@-w$
         [[thing.L what?] Inst]      work.Impf-2SgS
         ‘With what do you-Sg work?’

    ‘Why?’ is n$je@ gi$-na@y (variant n$je@ gu$-na@y). For gi$-na@y, originally a clause-
linking form of gu&y< ‘say’, see §15.xxx.




                                          194
(xx3)   [n$je@ gi$-na@y] [ku@ ni^˘      ku$] kç@wç@-m$-n-E@
        [what? for]      [that water.HL Def] get.water-Impf-Neg-3PlS
        ‘Why do they not take the water of that (place)?’ [2005-1a.05]


13.2.4 ‘where?’ (a@n-da@˘, a@Ngo$y)

The common interrogative adverb ‘where?’ is a@n-da@˘. Since da@˘ is a common
final element in deictic locative adverbials, it is possible that a@n- is historically
related to a&m ‘who?’ or ‘which?’.

(xx1)   a. a@n-da@˘   lo@-w$
           where?     go.Impf-2SgS
           ‘Where are you-Sg going?’

        b. a@n-da@˘   go@-m$
           where?     exit-Impf.3SgS
           ‘Where does he/she come from?’

        c. a@n-da@˘   si@-ye@-y$
           where?     go.down-Intr.Impf-1SgS
           ‘Where will I go down (=lodge)?’

     Predicative ‘X be where?’ can be expressed by locatiional-exisential quasi-
verb bu$- plus a@n-da@˘ ‘where?’. For fixed entities such as mountains, houses, and
villages), the ‘where?’ adverb may be a@Ngo$y or a@n-da@˘.

(xx2)   a. i$se^˘      a@Ngo$y     bu$-∅
             "         a@n-da@˘      "
           village     where?      be.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Where is the village?’

        b. [tç@rç@     be$]       a@Ngo$y              b-E$˘<
           [ "          "]        a@n-da@˘              "
           [mountain Pl]          where?               be.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘Where are the mountains?’

        c. a@n-da@˘   bu$-w$
           where?     be.Perf.L-2SgS
           ‘Where are you-Sg?’




                                         195
13.2.5 ‘When?

‘When?’ expressions can be of the type ‘which day?’ based on the noun u$su@
‘day’, or of the type ‘in/with which time?’ based on the noun do@gu@ru@ or (from
Fulfulde) synonym wa@ga@tu$ ‘time’.

(xx1)   a. [a$Ngu@     u@su$]       wo$
           [which?     day.HL]      Loc
           ‘when?’ (= ‘on which day?’)

        b. [[do$gu$ru$  n$je@]   n)a^y]      yE@-m$
           [[time.L     what?] Inst]         come-Impf.3SgS
           ‘When (= withwhat time?) will he/she come?’


13.2.6 ‘How?’ (a$Na^y)

‘How?’ is a$Na^y (xx1.a) or its extension a$Na^y n)a$y. It may be used predicately
with bu$- ‘be’ (xx1.b). The iterated form a$Na^y-a$Na^y is used adverbially (xx1.c).
a$Na^y is used with ka@y<- ‘do’ in the sense ‘do what?’ (xx1.d).

(xx1)   a. tu@ni@˘   a$Na^y       ce@˘le@-w$
           mortar    how          make.well.Impf-2SgS
           ‘How do you-Sg make a (wooden) mortar?’

        b. a$Na^y       bu$-∅
           how?         be-3SgS
           ‘How is it?’ (= ‘What’s the situation?’)

        c. a$Na^y-a$Na^y    te@ge@˘-ra$-w∴
           how?-how?        speak-Impf1-2SgS
           ‘How (= what) are you-Pl talking (about)?’

        d. a$Na^y     ka@˘<-ra$-w$
           how?       do-Impf1-2SgS
           ‘What are you-Sg doing?’




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13.2.7 ‘How much?’, ‘how many?’ (a$˘Nga@)

‘How much?’ or ‘how many?’ is a$˘Nga@. It is adverbial, and when “modifying” a
preceding noun, the latter is not tone-dropped. From this are derived distributive
a$˘Nga@-a$˘Nga@ ‘how much/how many (per item)?’, which is usually predicative
with ‘it is’ clitic, and ordinal a$˘Nga$y-nE@ ‘how many-th?’ (answer would be
‘first’, ‘third’, etc.).

(xx1)   a. pE$rE@    a$˘Nga@        E$wE$-w
           sheep.Pl  how.many?      buy.Perf.L-2SgS
           ‘How many sheep did you-Sg buy?’

        b. ma$Ngo@ro$ a$˘Nga@-a$˘Nga^˘≡∅
           mango      how.much-how.much≡it.is
           ‘How much (apiece) are the mangoes?’


13.2.8 ‘Which?’ (a&m, a$Ngu@)

a&m (also ‘who?’, §13.xxx) is used with animate referents, a$Ngu@ with
inanimates. In the sense ‘which?’, these are adjectives and therefore force tone-
dropping on a preceding modified noun (xx1.a-b). They may also be used
absolutely, either when the relevant set is already understood, or after
specifying this set in a preclausal topicalized phrase (xx1.c). In the case of a&m,
the absolute use converges with the sense ‘who?’. Either a&m or a$Ngu@ may be
pluralized by adding Plural be$ (xx1.d).

(xx1)   a. [pE$rE$      a&m]        jç@rç@-w$
           [sheep.L     which.Sg?] want.Impf-2SgS
           ‘Which sheep-Sg do you-Sg want?’

        b. [ti$w<E$y     a$Ngu@]      jç@rç@-w$
           [tree.L       which.Inan?] want.Impf-2SgS
           ‘Which tree do you-Sg want?’

        c. [yu^˘        ya$⇒]         [E$mE&y     ya@⇒]
           [millet      and]          [sorghum    and]
           a$Ngu@≡m$    mE@gE@        E@su$
           which?≡Foc more            good.HL
           ‘(Between) millet and sorghum, which is better?’

        d. [pE$rE$         a&m           be$]         jç@rç@-w$




                                       197
            [sheep.L     which.Sg? Pl]                 want.Impf-2SgS
            ‘Which sheep-Pl do you-Sg want?’


13.2.9 ‘So-and-so’ (a$-ma^˘n)

''So-and-so', i.e. a substitute for a personal name (French un tel, une telle), is
a$-ma^˘n, ma^˘n, or ma@˘nu$.


13.2.10 ‘Whatchamacallit?’

The expression kç$˘< ku@≡n$ 'the thing' can be used as a 'whatchamacallit?' filler
while a word or name is being searched for.


13.2.11 Embedded interrogatives

An embedded interrogative in a context like 'I don't know [who/what/where …]'
can take either its original interogative form (xx1.a), or be replaced by a relative
clause headed by an appropriate noun ('person', 'thing', 'time', 'place', 'manner')
(xx1.b).

(xx1)   a. [[kç$˘<    n$je@] n)E@-y$∴        ma^⇒] ju@wç@-m$-do@-y$
           [[thing.L what] eat.Impf-1PlS Q]         know-Impf-Neg-1SgS
           'I don't know what we are going to eat.'

        b. [N$gu@-ru$ da$y<       go@-yE$]      ju@wç@-m$-do@-y$
           [here      manner.L exit-3Pl]        know-Impf-Neg-1SgS
           'I don't know how to get out of here.' (lit. "… the way that they exit
           here")




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14 Relativization




14.1 Basics of relative clauses

The head NP remains internal to the clause, but (unless it has possessed-noun
tone contour) undergoes tone-dropping. The more peripheral morphemes at the
right edge of a normal NP (Plural be$, Definite ku$, non-numeral quantifiers)
shift to post-participial (i.e. clause-final) position. There is no relative
pronoun. The verb is replaced by a participle that agrees with the head NP in
nominal features. The participle is adjective-like, but its suffixal morphology is
only partially identical to that of modifying adjectives. In non-subject relatives,
if the subject is pronominal it is expressed by a preverbal subject pronominal.
     Overall, the relative clause system of Beni is similar to that of Jamsay,
except that a) in Beni I have not observed Jamsay-style repetition of the head
noun (as a possessed noun following the participle), and b) in Beni, a possessor
imposes a {HL} possessed-noun tone contour on the core NP plus any cardinal
numeral, and this tone contour is not altered by the tone-dropping power of the
relative construction.


14.1.1 Tone-dropping on final word(s) of NP in relative clause

In other syntactic contexts, a NP is of the form (xx1), disregarding some details
(see Chapter 6.) The symbol ** indicates the break point within the NP, such
that any morphemes to the right are relocated from the NP itself to position
following the participle when the NP functions as relative-clause head.

(xx1)   (possessor)[noun (adjectives)      numeral] ** determiner quantifiers

     After this relocation, the maximal form of the head NP proper, within the
relative clause, is (xx2).

(xx2)   (possessor)      [noun (adjectives)       numeral]

    In the absence of a possessor, the maximal structure consists of the core NP
(noun plus any adjectives) plus a numeral. Within the core NP, all nonfinal
words have been tone-dropped by rules applicable within any NP. The final
word in the core NP has (so far) retained its tones, with at least one high-tone
element, and the numeral also has its lexical tones, with at least one high-tone
element. Both the final word of the core NP, and the numeral, now undergo
simultaneous tone-dropping when the NP functions as relative-clause head
NP. Therefore the entire head NP is low-toned. In (xx3.a), both ‘red’ and ‘six’
have a high tone, which disappears in (xx3.b).

(xx3)   a. [na$˘        ba@r<a$]     ku@ro$y    bu^˘
           [cow.Pl.L red.Pl]         six        Def.Pl
           ‘the six brown cows’

        b. [[na$˘       ba$r<a$] ku$ro$y] i@    E@wE@-ma$       bu^˘
           [[cow.Pl.L red.Pl.L] six.L]     1SgP buy.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def.Pl
           ‘the six brown cows that I bought’

     If a NP with the structure in (xx2), above, contains a possessor, the
possessor forces a {HL} tone contour on the remaining sequence, with the high
tone limited to the first syllable (or, for a monosyllabic noun, the first mora).
We here focus on cases like (xx4.a) where the {HL} tone contour remains
audible, here on the noun na^˘ ‘cows’ that immediately follows the possessor. In
such cases, this tone contour remains audible when the NP functions as head NP
in a relative (xx4.b).

(xx4)   a. u@     [na^˘      ba$r<a$ ku$ro$y] bu^˘
           2SgP [cow.Pl.HL red.Pl.L six.L] Def.Pl
           ‘your-Sg six brown cows’

        b. u@    [na^˘       ba$r<a$ ku$ro$y] i@  E@wE@-ma$     bu^˘
           2SgP [cow.Pl.HL red.Pl.L six.L] 1SgP buy.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def.Pl
           ‘your-Sg six brown cows that I bought’

    Therefore the power of a possessor to enforce the possessed-noun tone
contour on a following core NP overrides not only the power of an adjective to
tone-drop a preceding noun, but also the power of a relative clause to tone-drop
the words in a head NP.


14.1.2 Restrictions on the head noun in a relative clause

A pronoun may not function directly as internal head of a relative. Instead, it is
preposed to the clause, its place taken by L-toned nu$ ‘person’ within the clause.

(xxx)   u@         nu$          ya$ƒa@-so@-m$    ku$




                                       200
        2SgS      person.L       fall-Reslt-Sg Def
        ‘you-Sg who fell’ (lit. “you-Sg, the person who fell”)


14.1.3 Relative clause with conjoined NP as head

It was possible to elicit a relevant example (xx1), though ordinarily (i.e. when
not involving reciprocal interaction) we get separate NPs each with their own
relative clause.

(xx1)   [[a@r<a$ be$⇒] [ya&˘        be@⇒] ja@y         ja$ya@-ma$        ku$]
        [[man.Pl Pl]      [woman.Pl Pl]    fight(noun) fight.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def]
        a@n-da@˘   b-E$˘<
        where?     be-3PlS
        ‘Where are the men and women who quarreled?’


14.1.4 Headless relative clause

Headless relatives are not typical when the referent is a person, animal, or
object. Even when referentially vague (e.g. ‘anyone who …’), a semantically
light noun such as nu$ ‘a person (who …)’ or kç$˘< ‘a thing (that …)’ is generally
present. However, when the (potential) head NP is a semantically light noun
meaning something like ‘time’, ‘place’, or ‘manner’, it may be omitted,
resulting in a headless relative that functions as a spatiotemporal or manner
clause. The omitted head NP may even be more indefinite than these glosses
suggest (e.g. ‘situation’). For examples and discussion, see §15.2.4.


14.1.5 Preverbal subject pronominal in relative clause

In (xx1) we see the various preverbal (that is, pre-participial) subject
pronominals. They have their usual independent form. The example should be
read down. The interlinear word glosses are to the right.

(xx1)   i$njE$                                 dog.L
        {i@ i@∴ u@ u∴ E@r<E@ bu^˘ a@ a@∴}      (pronominal subject)
        la$ru@-m$                              chase.Perf-Ppl.Sg
        ku$                                    Def
        ‘the dog that I/we/you-Sg/you-Pl/3Sg/they/LogoSg/LogoPl chased’




                                       201
14.1.6 Participial verb in relative clause

Relative clauses have participles instead of regular verbs inflected for
pronominal subject category. In a relative, the participle agrees in number and
animacy with the head noun. The categories are therefore (animate) Singular,
(animate) Plural, and Inanimate. The morphology of the suffixes will now be
described.


14.1.6.1 Participles of unsuffixed (Perfective/Imperfective) verbs

In the perfective positive, the combining form (segmentally equivalent to the
unsuffixed Perfective, but with lexical tones) is directly followed by the
Participial suffixes. The suffixally marked perfectives (Perfective-1a/1b,
Resultative) do not normally occur with participial suffixes. For the occasional
participle based on other suffixally marked categories from the perfective
positive system (Recent Perfect, Experiential Perfect), see §14.xxx, below.
    The Perfective Participial suffixes for this stem are those in (xx1).
(Animate) Singular -m$ and Inanimate -w$ also occur with modifying adjectives,
while (animate) Plural -ma$ is idiosyncratic.

(xx1)   Perfective (positive) Participial suffixes (after combining form)

        (animate) Singular       -m$
        (animate) Plural         -ma$
        Inanimate                -w$

     For Cv- verbs with underlying rising tone contour, the rising tone appears in
the participles, most easily heard with -m$ and -w$. Thus, for ‘come’, yE&-m$,
yE&-ma$, and yE&-w$.
     Quasi-verbs bu@- ‘be’ and so@- ‘have’ can form participles that have similar
form (xx2). The Plural participles are identical to the corresponding 3Pl
inflected forms.

(xx2)   category        ‘be’            ‘have’

        Singular        bu@-m$          so@-m$
        Plural          b-E^˘<          s-E^˘<
        Inanimate       bu^˘            s-o^˘

     In the unsuffixed Imperfective positive, which is optionally reduplicated
in the participles as it is in the regular inflected form, the Inanimate participle is




                                           202
identical to the 3Sg form of the inflected paradigm, with suffix -m$. The animate
forms have Singular -m@ and Plural zero, which are the suffixes typical of
Agentive nominals (§4.xxx). Consistent with this Agentive connection, a
nonmonosyllabic verb stem shifts its final vowel to /u/ in the two animate
participles. In addition, a direct object in the form of a noun without a following
determiner or external quantifier takes low-toned form (§14.xxx, below), like
the (incorporated-object) nominal compound initials that occur with most
Agentives (§5.xxx). However, in the Imperfective participles, the initial
reduplication is optionally present. The suffixal paradigm for participles of the
unsuffixed Imperfective is therefore (xx3).

(xx3)   Imperfective (positive) participles

        a. Agentive nominal form (final vowel shifts to /u/, {LH} contour)

            (animate) Singular -m@
            (animate) Plural   (zero)

        b. based directly on unsuffixed Imperfective stem
            Inanimate            -m$

    Examples (perfective, then imperfective) with inanimate head are in (xx4).
The head noun is u@ro$ ‘house’ in L-toned form. and the verb is ya$ƒa@- ‘fall’. Note
the respective Participial suffixes -w$ and -m$. In the interlinear glosses for the
participles, I favor syntactic over morphological analysis (see above), so for
example the animate imperfective participles are glossed with Ppl (i.e.
participle) rather than as agentives.

(xx4)   a. u$ro$        ya$ƒa@-w$
           house.L      fall.Perf-Ppl.Inan
           ‘the house that fell’

        b. u$ro$        bu^˘       dç@-w$             ku$
           house.L      3PlS       burn.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
           ‘the house that they burned’

        c. u$ro$        (yi$-)ya@ƒa@-m$
           house.L      (Rdp-)fall.Impf-Ppl.Inan
           ‘the house that will fall’

    Examples with animate singular head are in (xx5).




                                        203
(xx5)   a. a$r<a$     lo@-m$
           man.L      go.Perf-Ppl.Sg
           ‘the man who went’

        b. a$r<a$     (li$-)lo$-m@
           man.L      (Rdp-)go.Impf-Ppl.Sg
           ‘the man who will go’

        c. yi$         ti$wu@-m               ku$
           child.L     die.Impf-Ppl.Sg        Def
           ‘the child who will die’

        d. yi$         ya$gu@-m               ku$
           child.L     fall.Impf-Ppl.Sg       Def
           ‘the child who will fall’

    Examples with animate plural head are in (xx6).

(xx6)   a. yi$tE$˘          ti@wE@-ma$
           child.Pl.L       die.Perf-Ppl.Pl
           ‘the children who died’

        b. yi$tE$˘          (ti$-)ti$wu@
           child.Pl.L       (Rdp-)die.Impf.Ppl.Pl
           ‘the children who will die’


14.1.6.2 Stem-tone and stem-final vowel in participles

In perfective (positive) participles, the stem has its lexical vocalism and tone
(e.g. bisyllabic HH or LH). In particular, it does not drop tones as does the
unsuffixed Perfective in main clauses (where this stem expresses
defocalization). Thus ya$ƒa@- ‘fall’ and ti@wE@- ‘die’ have their regular lexical
forms in such perfective participles as (animate) Singular ya$ƒa@-m$ and ti@wE@-m$.
     Imperfective (positive) participles are more complex. The animate forms
(Singular and Plural) are morphologically equatable with agentives,
characterized (for stems of more than one syllable) by a shift of the stem-final
vowel to /u@/, observed most clearly in the (otherwise unsuffixed) plural. In the
Singular we get …u@-m, tending to shift to to …i@-m after /y/. Reduplication is
common when there is no object or cognate nominal preceding the participle.
The Inanimate Imperfective participle is identical in form to the regular
inflected 3Sg/Inanimate unsuffixed Imperfective. It is therefore clearly distinct




                                       204
from, and morphologically unrelated to, the (animate) singular-subject
Imperfective participle.

(xx1)                                     Impf participles
        gloss       stem         Sg (animate0 Pl (animate) Inanimate

        ‘fall’      ya$ƒa@-      yi$-ya$gu@-m@    yi$-ya$gu@    ya@ƒa@-m$
        ‘go down’   si@-ye@-     si$-si@-yi@-m@   si$-si$-yu@   si@-ye@-m$
        ‘go up’     u$rç@-       u$-u$ru@-m@      u$-u$ru@      u@rç@-m$
        ‘hurt’      ba@rmE@-     ba$rmu@-m@       ba$rmu@       ba@rmE@-m$
        ‘shout’     pi@ye@-      pi$yi@-m@        pi$yu@        pi@ye@-m$

        ‘go’        lo@-         li$-lo&-m@       li$-lo&˘      lo@-m$
        ‘come’      yE@-         yi$-yE&-m@       yi$-yE&˘      ye@-m$


14.1.7 Relative-clause participle including positive AN morpheme

As noted above, Perfective (positive) Participles are normally based on the bare
stem, rather than on a suffixally characterized form from the perfective system
of AN categories. Therefore Perfective-1a ˘-rE$- and Perfective-1b -ti^- do not
occur in participles in my data.
     It was possible to elicit participles including Recent Perfect -jE^- (xx1.a-c),
Experiential Perfect -ta^- (xx1.d-f), and Resultative -so^- (xx1.g-i). The endings
for the Recent Perfect and Experiential Perfect are those found in Perfective
participles (for animates, Singular -m$ and Plural -ma$ ; for inanimates, -w$). The
Resultative likewise has (animate) Singular -m$ (hence -so@-m$) and Inanimate -w$
(in -so@-w$), but the (animate) Plural is -s-E^˘<, like the 3Pl inflected form.

(xx1)
    Recent Perfect
       a. nu$          n)E&y       @
                                n)E-jE@-m$
           person.L meal        eat-RecPf-Ppl.Sg
           ‘a person who has (already) eaten’

        b. nu$        n)E&y        @
                                n)E-jE@-ma$
           person.L meal        eat-RecPf-Ppl.Pl
           ‘people who have (already) eaten’

        c. ku$r<u$      ya$ƒa@-jE@-w$
           stone.L      fall-RecPf-Ppl.Inan
           ‘a stone that has already fallen’




                                        205
    Experiential Perfect
       d. nu$            N$gu@-ru$ yE@-ta@-m$
           person.L      here      come-ExpPf-Ppl.Sg
           ‘a person who has (ever) come here’

        e. nu$         N$gu@-ru$  yE@-ta@-ma$
           person.L    here       come-ExpPf-Ppl.Pl
           ‘people who have (ever) come here’

        f.   ku$r<u$      ya$ƒa@-ta@-w$
             stone.L      fall-ExpPf-Ppl.Inan
             ‘a stone that has (ever) fallen’

    Resultative
       g. nu$           so&-m    u$rç@-so@-m$
            person.L horse-Sg go.up-Reslt-Ppl.Sg
            ‘a person who has mounted (= is mounted on) a horse’

        h. nu$        so&˘      u$rç@-s-E^˘<
           person.L horse-Pl go.up-Reslt-Ppl.Pl
           ‘people who have mounted (= are mounted on) horses’

        i.   kç$˘<        so&-m     u$rç@-so@-w$
             thing.L      horse     go.up-Reslt.Ppl.Inan
             ‘a thing that has mounted (= is mounted on) a horse’

     A Stative participle can also be formed. (Statives do not distinguish
perfective from imperfective, but have morphological affinities to the perfective
system.) In (xx1), the participles are directly based on the (reduplicated) Stative
inflected form (§10.xxx), except that the initial reduplication is not used. The
Participial suffixes are those of Perfective participles.

(xx1)   a. ti$w<E$y       a$Na@-da@˘      i@ya$-w$            ku$
           tree.L         over.there      stand-Ppl.Inan      Def
           ‘the tree that is standing over there.’

        b. nu$         a$Na@-da@˘   i@ya$-m$        ku$
           person.L over.there stand.Stat-Ppl.Sg Def
           ‘the person who is standing over there.’

        c. nu$           a$Na@-da@˘   i@ya$-ma$        bu^˘




                                       206
            person.L over.there stand.Stat-Ppl.Pl         DefPl
            ‘the people who are standing over there.’

    In the Imperfective positive, the usual participles are those described above,
involving morphological material from the unsuffixed Imperfective (inanimate
participles) and from agentive nominals (animate participles). Therefore, there
is normally no audible AN suffix in the participle. However, the suffixally
marked Imperfective-1 suffix ˘-ra$- is attested in participial form, with ordinary
nominal suffixes (animate Singular -m, animate Plural zero).

(xx2)   a. a$r<a$     yç$ƒç@˘-ra$          bu^˘
           man.L      run-Impf             DefPl
           ‘the men who run’

        b. a$r<a$     yç$ƒç@˘-ra$-m$       ku$
           man.L      run-Impf             Def
           ‘the man who runs’


14.1.8 Relative-clause participles based on negative verbs

Perfective Negative -ri@- occurs in relatives with the paradigm in (xxx). The
stem has the same low-toned version of the combining form as before -ri@- in its
inflected forms. The morphology of the Participial suffixes is not transparent.
All three participles have falling tone on the suffix complex. Adding a final
low-tone element directly to the 3Pl and 3Sg/Inan inflected forms would
account for the Plural and Inanimate participles. However, the Singular ends in
-m$, which could be taken as the regular nominal and adjectival (animate)
Singular suffix.

(xx1)   Perfective Negative Participles

        (animate) Singular       -ru@-m$
        (animate) Plural         -r-a^˘
        Inanimate                -ri^˘

    Examples are in (xx2).

(xx2)   a. yi$         yç$ƒç$-ru@-m$           ku$
           child.L     run-PerfNeg-Ppl.Sg Def
           ‘the child who did not run’ (yi@-m)




                                       207
        b. yi$tE$˘      yç$ƒç$-r-a^˘             bu^˘
           children.L run-PerfNeg-Ppl.Pl         DefPl
           ‘the children who did not run’ (yi$tE&˘$)

        c. ku$r<u$      ya$ƒa$-ri^˘               ku$
           stone.L      fall-PerfNeg-Ppl.Inan Def
           ‘the stone that didn’t fall’ (ku@r<u$)

     Imperfective Negative -m$-do@- has the participial forms in (xx3). The stem
has the same segmental form and tone contour as in the inflected paradigm. In
the Participial suffixes, we have the same pattern as with the Perfective
Negative, namely, the Plural and Inanimate participles are identical to the
corresponding inflected forms except that a final low tone is added at the right
edge (hence the final falling tone), while the Singular ends in -m (also with
falling tone).

(xx3)   Imperfective Negative Participles

        (animate) Singular       -m$-do@-m$
        (animate) Plural         -m$-n-E^˘
        Inanimate                -m$-do^˘

    Examples of Imperfective Negative participles are in (xx4).

(xx4)   a. yi$          yç@ƒç@-m$-do@-m$        ku$
           child.L      run-Impf-Neg-Ppl.Sg Def
           ‘the child who does not run’ (yi@-m)

        b. yi$tE$˘       yç@ƒç@-m$-nE^˘            bu^˘
           children.L run-Impf-Neg-Ppl.Pl DefPl
                                                 $
           ‘the children who do not run’ (yi$tE&˘)

        c. ku$r<u$       ya@ƒa@-m$-do^˘           ku$
           stone.L       fall-Impf-Neg-Ppl.Inan Def
           ‘the stone that didn’t fall’ (ku@r<u$)

    Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@-, which is used in Stative Negative verbs
(§10.2.1.7) and with various nominal and adjectival predicates (§11.2.1.4,
§11.4.3), has the participial forms in (xx5). The (animate) Plural form is
homophonous to the Inanimate form.

(xx5)   Stative Negative Participles




                                       208
        (animate) Singular          ≡ra@-m$
        (animate) Plural            ≡r-a^˘
        Inanimate                   ≡r-a^˘

     Examples are in (xx6), cf. inflected Stative e$w-ye$-w≡ra@-∅ ‘he/she is not
sitting’.

(xx6)   a. nu$          e$w-ye$-w≡ra@-m$
           person.L     sit-Intr-Stat≡StatNeg-Ppl.Sg
           ‘a person who is not sitting’

        b. nu$          e$w-ye$-w≡r-a^˘
           person.L     sit-Intr-Stat≡StatNeg-Ppl.Pl
           ‘people who are not sitting’

        c. kç$˘<           e$w-ye$-w≡r-a^˘
           thing.L         sit-Intr-Stat≡StatNeg-Ppl.Inan
           ‘a thing that is not sitting’


14.1.9 Relative-clause participle including Past clitic ≡bE^-

For regular inflected forms including the Past clitic, see §10.4.1. The participles
have the suffix combinations in (xx1), regardless of the final tone of the
preceding verb form. In other words, the participles are all based on the falling-
toned variant ≡bE^-. Except for the 3Pl, the suffixes (-m$, -w$) are those of
Perfective participles.

(xx1)   Participles of Past ≡bE^-

        (animate) Singular       ≡bE&-m$
        (animate) Plural ≡b-a&˘$
        Inanimate        ≡bE&-w$

     These suffixes are also used in the negative versions of the participles, since
the negation is expressed on the preceding verb form rather than in the Past
clitic.
     Participles corresponding to the Past unsuffixed Imperfective, as in bi@rE@
bi@rE@-m$≡bE$-∅ ‘he/she was working’, are in (xx2). As usual for this category, the
verb form preceding the clitic has Imperfective -m$-.




                                          209
(xx2)   a. nu$         bi@rE@         bi@rE@-m$≡bE&-m$
           person.L work(noun)        work-Impf≡Past-Ppl.Sg
           ‘a person who was working’

        b. nu$        bi@rE@         bi@rE@-m$≡b-a&˘$
           person.L work(noun)       work-Impf≡Past-Ppl.Pl
           ‘people who were working’

        c. kç$˘<        bi@rE@        bi@rE@-m$≡bE&-w$
           thing.L      work(noun)    work-Impf≡Past-Ppl.Inan
           ‘a thing that was working’

     Negative counterparts have -m$-do@- before the clitic: nu$ bi@rE@
bi@rE@-m$-do@≡bE&-m$ ‘a person who was not working’.
     See also wa@ra@-m$≡bE@-w$ in (xx1.a) in §15.2.1.3 (‘while you-Sg were
farming’).
     Participles corresponding to the Past Stative, e.g. (i$-)e@w-ye@-w@≡bE^˘-∅
‘he/she was sitting’, are in (xx3). The verb form ends in -w@-, with a low tone
element carried over to the onset of the Past clitic. In inflected verbs, the
corresponding suffix is low-toned 3Sg Stative -w$, so in effect the low tone has
been relocated to the right.

(xx3)   a. nu$            e@w-ye@-w@≡bE&-m$
           person.L       sit-Intr-Impf≡Past.Ppl.Sg
           ‘a person who was sitting’

        b. nu$            e@wye@-w@≡b-a&˘$
           person.L       sit-Intr-Impf≡Past.Ppl.Pl
           ‘people who were sitting’

        c. kç$˘<            e@wye@-w@≡bE&-w$
           thing.L          sit-Intr-Impf≡Past.Ppl.Inan
           ‘a thing that was sitting’

     Negative counterparts are of the type nu$ e$w-ye$≡ra@-bE&-m ‘a person who
was not sitting’, with Stative Negative ≡ra@-.
     Participles corresponding to the Past Perfect (i.e. the Past form of the
morphological Perfective), cf. yE@-w$≡bE$-∅ ‘he/she had come’, are in (xx4). In
elicitation, my assistant produced (animate) Singular and Inanimate participles
with the Past clitic added directly to the combining form of the verb, but
(animate) Plural participles with a Plural morpheme -ma$- before the clitic. This




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can be identified as the (animate) Plural suffix in simple Perfective participles
(e.g. nu$ yE@-ma$ ‘people who came’).

(xx4)   a. nu$            yE@≡bE&-m$
           person.L       come≡Past.Ppl.Sg
           ‘a person who had come’

        b. nu$            yE@-ma$≡b-a&˘$
           person.L       come-Pl≡Past.Ppl.Pl
           ‘people who had come’

        c. kç$˘<            yE@’≡bE&-w$ (or: yE@-w@≡bE&-w$)
           thing.L          come≡Past.Ppl.Inan
           ‘a thing that had come’

     In other examples, the same assistant again used -ma$≡b-a^˘ in Plural
participles, but used -ma$≡bE@-m$ (in form, identical to the Past unsuffixed
Imperfective participle) for the (animate) Singular. See Plural ba@rmE@-ma$≡b-a^˘
‘who-Pl had been hurt’ and Singular ba@rmE@-m$≡bE@-m ‘who-Sg had been hurt’ in
(xx1.a-b) in §14.4. This suggests that the pattern with ≡bE^- added directly to the
unsuffixed combining form, as in (xx4.a) and (xx4.c), above, is unstable. In the
inflected Past Perfect, the 3Sg form has suffix -w$- before low-toned ≡bE$-, and is
therefore distinguished only by tones from the Past Stative, see (xx6) in §10.4.1.
     Negative counterparts: nu$ yE$-ri@≡bE&-m$ ‘a person who had not come’, plural
nu$ yE$-r-a@˘≡b-a&˘$ ‘people who had not come’, inanimate kç$˘< yE$-ri@≡bE&-w$ ‘a
thing that had not come’.


14.1.10 Relative clause involving direct verb chain

There is no difficulty forming relatives from chains of verbs (or VP’s). For
example, the combination of a&y (/a$yi@/) ‘pick up’ and jo$lo@- ‘convey, deliver’ in
the simple sentence (xx1.a) corresponds to the relative clause in (xx1.b). The
nonfinal chained verb occurs in the bare combining form in both cases. The pre-
participial pronominal subject in (xx1.b) intervenes between the two chained
verbs.

(xx1)   a. se$Ngu^˘    a&y          jo$lo@-ti@-y$
           waterjar    pick.up      convey-Perf1b-1SgS
           ‘I picked up and took (conveyed) the waterjar.’

        b. se$Ngu$       a&y        i@     jo$lo@-w$               ku$




                                         211
            waterjar.L pick.up 1SgS convey.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
            ‘the waterjar that I picked up and brought’

   Another example, this time with a subject relative, is (xx2.b) from the
simple main clause (xx2.a). The verbs are pe@re@ ‘jump’ and si@-ye@- ‘go down’.

(xx2)   a. pe@re@    si$-ye$-∅
           jump      go.down-Intr.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She jumped down.’

        b. nu$         pe@re@     si@-ye@-m$                       ku$
           person.L jump          go.down-Intr.Perf-Ppl.Sg         Def
           ‘the person who jumped down’

     In textual example (xx3), the L-toned head kç$˘< ‘thing’ is logically the
object of ‘get water’ in the initial clause, which is chained (by na@y) to the
following negated main clause. Here, however, the speaker changed the syntax
in mid-stream, beginning with a relative construction (note the low-toned kç$˘<
‘thing’) but ending with a regular inflected verb.

(xx3)   [kç$˘<           [kç$wç$           na@y]
        [thing.L         get.water.L       then.SS]
        [ku$-to@go@ro$  n)a$y]         du$-ru@-w@]
        [head           with]          carry-PerfNeg-2SgS
        ‘something that (you-Sg) take and (so) you-Sg don’t (have to) carry
        (water) on the head’ (i.e. an alternative way to transport water) [2005-
        1a.05]


14.1.11 Final morphemes added to relative clause (non-tone-dropping)

Definite morphemes, Plural be$, and the ‘each/all’ quantifier wo^y, follow the
relative clause, though they have semantic scope over the head NP.
     These morphemes do not induce tonal changes on a preceding word when
they occur at the end of regular, main-clause NPs. As we would expect, they
likewise have no tonal interactions with the preceding word in a relative clause,
which is normally the participle. The examples in (xx1) involve participles that
end in a low tone.

(xx1)   a. na$˘     ya$ƒa@-m$            ku$
           cow.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Sg        Def
           ‘the cow that fell’




                                      212
        b. na$˘        ya$ƒa@-ma$       bu^˘
           cow.L       fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def.Pl
           ‘the cows that fell’

        c. na$˘         ya$ƒa@-ma$       wo^y
           cow.L        fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl all
           ‘all the cows that fell’

        d. ku$r<u$     ya$ƒa@-w$         be$
           stone.L     fall.Perf-PplInan Pl
           ‘(some) stones that fell’

        e. ku$r<u$     ya@ƒa@-m$          be$
           stone.L     fall.Impf-Ppl.Inan Pl
           ‘(some) stones that fall’

    The examples in (xx2) involve participles that end in a high tone.

(xx2)   a. na$˘     ya$gu@-m      ku$
           cow.L fall.Impf-Ppl.Sg Def
           ‘the cow who falls’

        b. na$˘      ya$gu@                bu^˘
           cow.L     fall.Impf.Ppl.Pl      Def.Pl
           ‘the cows who fall’

        c. na$˘         ya$gu@                wo^y
           cow.L        fall.Impf.Ppl.Pl      all
           ‘all the cows that fall’


14.1.12 Final morphemes added to relative clause (tone-dropping)

Demonstrative pronouns force tone-dropping on preceding words (final word of
core NP, plus any cardinal numeral) within a regular NP. In relative clauses,
where demonstrative pronouns immediately follow the participle, they force
tone-dropping on this participle. In addition, mu&˘ ‘this’ has the same ability to
lop off a final Singular -m suffix as it does with preceding nouns. Therefore in
(xx1.a), the (animate) Singular Perfective participle ya$ƒa@-m$ appears as low-
toned, suffixless ya$ƒa$ before mu&˘. In (xx1.b), the plural counterpart ya$ƒa@-ma$
drops its tones to ya$ga$-ma$ before the demonstrative.




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(xx1)   a. na$˘     ya$ƒa$         mu&˘
           cow.L fall.Perf.L Prox.Sg
           ‘this cow that fell’ (ya$ga@-m$)

        b. na$˘        ya$ƒa$-ma$          mu&˘          be$
           cow.L       fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl.L this.Sg        Pl
           ‘these cows that fell’ (ya$ga@-ma$)


14.2 Subject relative clause

14.2.1 Ordinary subject relative clause

We have already seen the component features of relative clauses that are
relevant: tone-dropping of head NP, Participial suffix, relocation of determiners
and external quantifiers to post-participial position. In subject relatives there are
no pre-participial subject pronominals since the subject is always the head NP.
    Simple Perfective subject relatives (without objects) are illustrated in (xx1).
Imperfectives are exemplified later in this section.

(xx1)   a. ya$        yE@-m$                     ku$
           woman.L come.Perf-Ppl.Sg              Def
           ‘the woman who came’

        b. ya$        yE@-ma$                    bu^˘
           woman.L come.Perf-Ppl.Pl              DefPl
           ‘the women who came’

        c. yi$         ya$ƒa@-m$                 ku$
           child.L     fall.Perf-Ppl.Sg          Def
           ‘the child who fell’

        d. yi$tE$˘      ya$ƒa@-ma$               bu^˘
           child.Pl.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl           DefPl
           ‘the children who fell’

        e. ku$r<u$      ya$ƒa@-w$         ku$
           stone.L      fall-Inan         Def
           ‘the stone that fell’




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    A direct object NP has the same form in perfective subject relatives as in
main clauses. That is, the object NP is unmarked for case and undergoes no tone
changes.

(xx2)   a. ya$        E@lE@y        ti@yE@-m$              ku$
           woman.L peanuts          sell.Perf-Ppl.Sg       Def
           ‘the woman who sold (the) peanuts’

        b. yi$         i$njE&-m        su@yç@-m$           ku$
           child.L     dog-Sg          hit.Perf-Ppl.Sg     Def
           ‘the child who hit the dog’

   A pronominal direct object in a subject relative clause has its normal
main-clause form, often with the Accusative clitic (xx3).

(xx3)   a. yi$          i@≡ni$           su@yç@-m$               ku$
           child.L      1Sg≡Acc          hit.Perf-Ppl.Sg         Def
           ‘the child who struck me’

        b. yi$          i@≡ni$           su$yu@-m@               ku$
           child.L      1Sg≡Acc          hit.Impf-Ppl.Sg         Def
           ‘the child who hits me’

        c. yi$tE$˘       i@≡ni$        su$yu@-∅                  ku$
           child.Pl.L 1Sg≡Acc          hit.Impf-Ppl.Pl           Def
           ‘the children who hit-Present me’

        d. ku$r<u$       i@≡ni$       do$njo@-w$           ku$
           stone.L       1Sg≡Acc      bump.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
           ‘the stone that bumped me (=that I stubbed my toe on)’

    Quasi-verbs bu@- ‘be’ and so@- ‘have’ can form perfective-like subject
participles (xx4).

(xx4)   a. [a$r<a$   N$gu@-ru$ b-E^˘<     bu^˘]            ju@wç@-y$
           [man.L here         be-Pl      DefPl]           know.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I know the men who live here.’

        b. [ya$        na&˘-m   so@-m$       ku$]          ju@wç@-y$
           [woman.L cow-Sg      have-Sg      Def]          know.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I know the woman who has a cow.’




                                       215
     In an imperfective relative, a nonpronominal NP object not followed by a
determiner or an external quantifier appears with L-tone. This suggests that the
object NP here functions as a compound initial before the participle (which is
here an agentive nominal). A modifying adjective, like ‘good’ in (xx5.c), also
drops its tones, so a core NP (noun plus adjective) as a whole can be taken as a
compound initial. All such compound initials can be taken as generic in
reference. However, when the object NP contains a demonstrative like N$gu@
‘this.Inanimate’ in (xx5.d), a cardinal numeral as in (xx5.e), or other external
quanfifier, a generic interpretation is not possible, and the object NP takes its
normal form, with no tone-dropping and no other evidence of compounding.

(xx5)   a. ya$        E$lE$y-ti$yu@                          bu^˘
           woman.L peanuts.L-sell.Impf.Ppl.Pl                DefPl
           ‘the women who sell peanuts’

        b. ya$        E$lE$y-[ti$yi@-m@]                     ku$
           woman.L peanuts.L-[sell.Impf-Ppl.Sg               Def
           ‘the woman who sells peanuts’

        c. ya$        [E$lE$y-E$su$]-ti$yu@                        bu^˘
           woman.L [peanuts.L-good.L]-sell.Impf.Ppl.Pl             DefPl
           ‘the women who sell good peanuts’

        d. ya$        [E$lE$y      N$gu@]     ti$yu@                   bu^˘
           woman.L [peanuts.L this.Inan] sell.Impf.Ppl.Pl              DefPl
           ‘the women who sell these peanuts’

        e. ya$        [ma$Ngo@ro$   pE@ru@] ti$yi@-m@        ku$
           woman.L [mango           ten]    sell-Sg          Def
           ‘the woman who sells ten mangoes.’


14.3 Object relative clause

14.3.1 Ordinary object relative clause

Simple Perfective examples are in (xx1). The main difference between these
object relatives and the subject relatives illustrated just above is that the object
relatives (like all non-subject relatives) may have a pronominal subject, and if
so it is expressed as a pre-participial independent pronoun. As always, the head
NP is tone-dropped, the verb takes participial form agreeing with the head NP,
and determiners and non-numeral quantifiers are in post-participial position.




                                        216
(xx1)   a. na$w<a$˘    i@∴        ku@wo@-w$             ku$
           meat.L      1PlS       eat.Perf-Ppl.Inan     Def
           ‘the meat that we ate’

        b. yi$tE$˘      u@       yi@-ma$                ku$
           child.Pl.L 2SgS       see.Perf-Ppl.Pl        Def
           ‘the children who(m) you-Sg saw’

        c. na$˘        i@           pa@ƒa@-m$           ku$
           cow.L       1SgS         tie.Perf-Ppl.Sg     Def
           ‘the cow that I tied up’

        d. ku$r<u$      i@          ji$s e@-w$          ku$
           stone.L      1SgS        throw.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
           ‘the stone that I threw’

    Imperfective examples are in (xx2).

(xx2)   a. na$w<a$˘    i@∴     ku@wo@-m$              ku$
           meat.L      1PlS eat.Impf-Ppl.Inan         Def
           ‘the meat that we will eat’

        b. yi$tE$˘      u@    yi&˘                    ku$
           child.Pl.L 2SgS see.Impf.Ppl.Pl            Def
           ‘the children who(m) you-Sg will see’

        c. ku$r<u$      u@      ji@s e@-m$        ku$
           stone.L      2SgS throw.Impf-Ppl.Inan Def
           ‘the stone that you will throw (away)’


14.4 Possessor relative clause

The possessor is positioned to the left of the possessed NP, which has a
resumptive third person pronominal possessor. The possessor is tone-dropped,
as head NP. A post-participial Definite morpheme agrees with the head NP
(xx1.a-c), though we sometimes find Singular ku$ where Plural bu^˘ would have
been possible (xx1.d). There is some variation (perhaps motivated) as to
whether the participle agrees in nominal features with the possessor NP or with
the possessed NP. The issue is moot in (xx1.a) and (xx1.c), where the two
happen to have the same nominal features. In those cases where the possessor




                                      217
and possessed NPs have different features, my assistant produced a participle
agreeing with the possessed NP when this NP was animate (xx1.b), but
participles agreeing with the possessor NP when the possessed NP was
inanimate (xx1.e-f). (xx1.d) is probably also of this latter category, since ‘head’
(even when referentially plural) would not ordinarily require (animate) Plural
agreement.

(xx1)   a. [a$r<a$     [E@r<E@ yi@-m$]        ba@rmE@-m$≡bE@-m$          ku$]
           [man.L [3SgP child-Sg.HL] be.hurt-Impf≡Past-Ppl.Sg Def]
           tE$mbi$-ri@-y$
           find-PerfNeg-1SgS
           ‘I didn’t (= couldn’t) find the man whose child had been hurt.’
           [for slippage between Past Perfect and Past Imperfective participles,
           see (xx4) in §14.1.9]

        b. [a$r<a$     [E@r<E@ yi@-tE$˘]    ba@rmE@-ma$≡b-a^˘            ku$]
           [man.L [3SgP child-Pl.HL] be.hurt.Perf-Ppl.Pl≡Past-3PlS Def]
           tE$mbi$-ri@-y$
           find-PerfNeg-1SgS
           ‘I didn’t (= couldn’t) find the man whose children had been hurt.’

        c. [a$r<a$     [bu^˘  yi$-tE$˘]    ba@rmE@-ma$          bu^˘]
           [man.L [3PlP       child-Pl.L] be.hurt.Perf-Ppl.Pl   Def.Pl]
           tE$mbi$-ri@-y$
           find-PerfNeg-1SgS
           ‘I didn’t (=couldn’t) find the men whose children were hurt.’

        d. [yi$-tE$˘ [bu^˘ ku$˘   ba@rmE@-ma$        ku$] su@sç@˘-r-a$˘
           [child.L [3PlP head.L be.hurt.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def] heal-Perf1a-3PlS
           ‘The children whose heads were hurt have healed.’

        e. [nu$      [E@r<E@ pE@rE$]        i@   E@wE@-ti@-m$        wo^y]
           [person.L [3SgP sheep.Pl.HL] 1SgS buy-Perf1b-Ppl.Sg all]
           [E@r<E@   ma^˘]     e@le@-re@-m$
           [3Sg      Dat]      be.sweet-Inch-Impf.3SgS
           ‘Anyonex whosex sheep-Pl I buy, he/shex will be pleased.’

        f.   [nu$       [bu^˘ u$ro$]     go&˘$ ta@Ngu@-ma$            ku$]
             [person.L [3PlP house.HL] fire be.lit.Perf-Ppl.Pl        Def]
             ba&ra$
             help.Imprt
             ‘Help-2Sg the people whose house burned (down)!’




                                       218
        g. [a$r<a$  [E@r<E@ yi@tE$˘]    ya$ri$y-ra@˘   lo@-ma$          ku$]
           [man.L [3SgP child.Pl.HL] go.around-Purp go.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def]
           [a@        sa$y] wa@ra@-m$
           [ReflSg    only] do.farm.work-Impf.3SgS
           ‘A man whose children have gone away (to seek their fortune) does
           farm work by himself.’


14.5 PP relative clause

In elicitation, my assistant consistently omitted the postposition. The head NP
in (xx1.a-b) corresponds to a dative in unrelativized counterparts (§11.1.1). The
head noun in (xx1.c) is logically instrumental, while that in (xx1.d) is logically
locative.

(xx1)   a. a$r<a$      bu@˘du$    i@     ni@-m$            ku$
           man.L       money      1SgS give-Sg             Def
           ‘the man to whom I gave the money’

        b. ti$w<E$y<     ko$njo&y     bu^˘   gi&<-m$       ku$
           tree.L        balanzan 3PlS say-Sg              Def
           ‘the tree that they call “balanzan”.’

        c. be$re$     E@r<E@≡ni$   i@      su@yç@-w$             ku$
           stick.L 3Sg≡Acc         1SgS hit.Perf-Ppl.Inan        Def
           ‘the stick with which I hit it’

        d. [jE$mbE$ su@kç@rç$ i@    ga&<-w$<           ku$] a@n-da@˘ bu$
           [sack.L sugar      1SgS put.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def] where? be-3SgS
           ‘Where is the sack in which I put the sugar?’




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15 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses




15.1 Chaining

In the purest form of verb or VP chain, which I refer to as direct chains, the
nonfinal verbs appear in the bare combining form. The final verb in the chain
has whatever inflected or other form it would have without the chained verbs. In
direct chains, the nonfinal verbs are often directly adjacent to the final verb, but
this is not obligatory. Direct chains may be partially lexicalized, and some verb-
verb combinations might be described as compounds.
     Direct chaining suggests significant conceptual integration of the co-
eventualities denoted by the individual verbs. It is understood that the subjects
of the verbs are identical (co-indexed). The free translation is generally based
on a conjoined VP with a shared subject.

(xx1)   a. e@wye@       [n)E&y         @
                                    n)E-y$∴]
           sit          [meal       eat.Impf-1PlS]
           ‘We will sit down and eat.’

        b. pe@re@     si@-ye@˘-rE$-∅
           jump       go.down-Intr-Perf1a-3SgS
           ‘He/She jumped down.’

    There is also a type with {HL} tone overlay on the nonfinal verb (§15.xxx).
    I also use the term chaining for looser sequences of clauses, and of VPs
(with shared subject). In these looser sequences, which can often be translated
with ‘and’, the nonfinal clause or VP ends with a subordinating morpheme.
There are same-subject (SS) and different-subject (DS) subordinators.
    For purposive clauses, which are not always easily distinguished from
chains denoting sequences of actions (cf. ‘go and eat’ versus ‘go to eat’), see
§17.xxx.


15.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbs

A verbal noun may be formed from a direct verb chain. The final verb has its
usual verbal noun form (§4.xxx). The nonfinal verbs appear as low-toned
compound initials.
(xx1)   a. pe@re@    si@-ye@-
           jump      go.down-Intr-
           ‘jump down’

        b. pe$re$-[si$-y-i^˘]
           jump.L-[go.down-Intr-VblN]
           ‘(act of) jumping down’


15.1.2 Nonfinal chained verb with {HL} tone contour

In this construction, the uninflected nonfinal verb has {HL} tone contour,
while the final verb has its regular tone and inflection. This construction is
attested with combinations containing a verb of conveyance (‘take/deliver’,
‘bring’) as first element. A direct object (if present) precedes the two verbs.

(xx1)   a. jE@mbE@      jo@lo$         dE&y-ti@-y$
           bag          deliver.HL     put.down-Perf1b-1SgS
           ‘I took (there) and put down the bag.’ (jo$lo@)

        b. so&-m       jo@lo$        cE$˘ri$-∅
           horse-Sg deliver.HL       show.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He took (there) and showed the horse.’ (jo$lo@)

        c. na$w<a^˘   jE^˘            ku$wo$-∅
           meat       bring.HL        eat.meat.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She brought and ate the meat.’ (jE&˘$)

        d. na$w<a^˘   jE^˘             ku@wo@-m$
           meat       bring.HL         eat.meat-Impf.3SgS
           ‘He/She will bring and eat the meat.’ (jE&˘$)


15.1.3 Chains including a time-of-day verb

Verbs like na@- ‘spend the night’ and dE$r<E@- ‘spend the (mid-)day’ may be
chained to a preceding VP denoting a prolonged activity.

(xx1)   a. ji$ye@           ji$ye@           na$-bç@
           dance(noun)      dance(verb)      spend.night.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They danced all night.’




                                      222
        b. te^˘        si@ri@       dE@r<E@-yE$
           tea         boil         spend.day-Impf.3PlS
           ‘They spend the day boiling (= making) tea.’


15.1.4 Chains including du$wç@- ‘leave’

This verb is commonly chained to a preceding VP that denotes an act of placing
something. It can often be omitted in a free English translation.

(xx1)   a. [jE@mbE@   ku$]      dE&y          du$wç$-∅
           [bag       Def]      put.down      leave.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She put the bag down and left it.’

        b. na&˘-m        pa@ƒa@    du@wç@-y$
           cow-Sg        tie       leave.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will tie up and leave the cow.’


15.1.5 Chains including a motion verb

The sequence of ‘go’ and ‘come’ depends on the actual chronological sequence.
For the very common ‘go and come (back)’, the bare form of lo@ ‘go’ is used
(xx1.a). For the relatively uncommon ‘come and go’, an overtly chained form
(same-subject) of ‘come’ is observed (xx1.b).

(xx1)   a. lo@        ye@-y$
           go         come.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will go and come (back).’

        b. yE$≡n@              lo@˘-rE$-∅
           come≡and.SS         go-Perf1a-3SgS
           ‘He/She came and went.’

    Most other instances of ‘go and VP’ or ‘come and VP’ are expressed in a
construction that I classify as purposive (§17.xxx).




                                     223
15.1.6 Chains including mç$˘lu@- ‘be/do/put together’

The intransitive verb mç$˘lu@- ‘come together, assemble’ can be used in chains in
the sense ‘together’. mç$˘lu@ precedes the other VP in this construction, which
makes sense if it is taken as literally ‘assemble’. For example, ‘work together’ is
logically ‘assemble and (then) work’ rather than ‘work and (then) assemble’,
since the act of coming together normally precedes the jointly performed
activity (xxx.a). However, mç$˘lu@ typically directly precedes the other inflected
verb, and may therefore be sandwiched between this verb and its direct object
(xxx.d) or cognate nominal (xxx.c).

(xxx)   a. mo$˘lu@    bi$rE@˘-ra@-y$∴
           come.together             work-Impf1-1PlS
           ‘We work together.’

        b. [dç&˘$     be$⇒]        [pu@lç$˘         be$⇒]
           [Dogon.Pl and]          [Fulbe.Pl        and]
           mç$˘lu@    b-E@˘<≡b-a^˘
           come.together           be-3PlS≡Past-3PlS
           ‘Dogon and Fulbe (ethnicities) used to be (=live) together.’

        c. [ya&˘      be@⇒]       [a@r<a$        be$⇒]
           [woman.Pl and]         [man.Pl        and]
           ji$ye@         mç$˘lu@            ji@ye@-yE$
           dance(noun)    come.together      dance-Impf.3PlS
           ‘Women and men will dance together.’

        d. [i@        ya@⇒]         [se&ydu$      ya$⇒]
           [1Sg       and]          [Seydou       and]
           i&r<a$     mç$˘lu@             wa@ra@-y$∴
           1SgP.field come.together       farm.Impf-1PlS
           ‘Seydou and I will farm my field together.’

    mç$˘lu@- can also be transitive ‘bring/put together, assemble (them)’. It can
therefore be chained with a transitive verb, indicating that the objects (not
subjects) are together (xxx).

(xxx)   a. [sa@˘ku$ ye$y    ku@]    mç$˘lu@     dE$yi$-y$
           [sack    two     Def] put.together put.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I put down the two sacks together.’

        b. [a$wa&-m       ya@⇒]        [o^-m         ya$⇒]




                                       224
            [snake-Sg and]             [mouse-Sg and]
            mç$˘lu@        du$wç$-y$
            put.together leave.Perf.L-1SgS
            ‘I left the snake and the mouse together.’


15.1.7 Negation of verb chains

If the chain denotes essentially a single eventuality, negating the final inflected
verb suffices to negate the entire chain, or any part of it.

(xxx)   na$w<a^˘         jE^˘              ku$wo$-ri@-∅
        meat             bring.HL          eat-PerfNeg-3SgS
        ‘He/She will not bring and eat the meat.’


15.1.8 VP-chaining with Same-Subject ≡ni@ (≡n@)

A common device for linking two clauses with the same subject is to put the
verb of the first clause in a form ending with ≡ni@, often reduced to ≡n@,
following the bare stem (with its lexical tone). The interlinear gloss is “and.SS.”
The tone distinguishes this clitic from the segmentally homophouns Different-
Subject clitic ≡ni$ (≡n$), on which see §15.1.10.
     ≡ni@ (≡n@) is added to the combining form of the verb, except that Cv@- verbs
divide into one set that appears as Cv@≡ni@ and another that appears in low-toned
form as Cv$≡ni@. The inventory of stems in the two sets is identical to that in the
third person Hortative; see §10.xxx for full lists. However, my assistant did not
distinguish nu@- ‘go in’ from nu@- ‘hear’ by tones in this case. A few examples
are given here.

(xx1)       gloss            combining form       with ≡ni@

        a. Cv@≡ni@
            ‘go’             lo@                  lo@≡ni@
            ‘spend night     na@                  na@≡ni@
            ‘shoot’          ta@                  ta@≡ni@

        b. Cv$≡ni@
            ‘come’           yE$                  yE$≡ni@
            ‘arrive’         dç$                  dç$≡ni@

        c. ‘hear’ and ‘go in’ not distinguished




                                       225
            ‘hear’           nu@                  nu@≡ni@
            ‘go in’          nu                   nu@≡ni@

        d. ‘bring’ (<LHL> tone preserved)
             ‘bring’       jE&˘$                  jE&˘$≡ni@

        e. bisyllabic
             ‘tie’           pa@ƒa@               pa@ƒa@≡ni@
             ‘take out’      go$lo@               go$lo@≡ni@
             ‘leave’         du$wç@               du$wç@≡ni@

        f. trisyllabic
              ‘poke’         du$su$ro@            du$su$ro@≡ni@

     My assistant made a semantic distinction between go$≡n@ yE@- ‘leave (a place)
and come’ from go$≡na@y yE@- ‘go out and come (back)’. The former denotes a
single complex event, while the second indicates a sequence of two loosely
related events (in this case, the second event reverses the first). He states that
only go$≡n@ yE@- is semantically more or less interchangeable with the direct
chain go@ yE@-.
     Some examples are in (xx2).

(xx2)   a. [ya&-m     i$se^˘        go$≡n@]            yE&˘-rE$-∅
           [woman-Sg village        go.out≡and.SS] come-Perf1a-3SgS
           ‘A woman left the village and came (here).’

        b. [wa@ra$      a&y≡ni@]              ç$r<ç@˘  lo@˘-rE$-∅
           [daba        pick.up≡and.SS]       bush     go-Perf1a-3SgS
           ‘He took a daba (hoe) and went to the bush (= fields).’

more exx. from texts
how much chronological sequencing?


15.1.9 VP-chaining with Same-Subject Sequential ≡na@y

This clitic is attached to an uninflected verb stem that drops its tones to all-L.
This tone-dropping does not occur with other clause-final particles. Examples
showing the form of the verb are in (xx1).

(xx1)       gloss            combining form       with ≡na@y




                                         226
        a. Cv@≡na@y
            ‘go’             lo@                 lo$≡na@y
            ‘spend night     na@                 na$≡na@y
            ‘shoot’          ta@                 ta$≡na@y

        b. Cv$≡na@y@
            ‘come’           yE$                 yE$≡na@y
            ‘arrive’         dç$                 dç$≡na@y

        c. ‘hear’ and ‘go in’ merged
             ‘hear’           nu@                nu$≡na@y
             ‘go in’          nu@                nu$≡na@y

        d. ‘bring’ (<LHL> tone preserved)
             ‘bring’       jE&˘$                 jE&˘$≡na@y

        e. bisyllabic
             ‘tie’           pa@ƒa@              pa$ƒa$≡na@y
             ‘take out’      go$lo@              go$lo$≡na@y
             ‘leave’         du$wç@              du$wç$≡na@y

        f. trisyllabic
              ‘poke’         du$su$ro@           du$su$ro$≡na@y

    In the bulk of textual examples, ≡na@y links two same-subject clauses that
are chronologically sequenced. There is usually a fairly close connection
between the two events, as in ‘mount (animal) and go’ or ‘put on shoes and go
around’, but (as noted in the preceding section) the conceptual integration of the
co-events is less thorough with ≡na@y than with clitic ≡ni@ or with direct
chaining. The interlinear gloss is “then.SS.”

(xx1)   a. [u$rç$≡na@y]        [a@∴     di$y<a$ n)a$y] lo@-yE$        wa$,
           [go.up.L≡then.SS] [LogoPlP desire.L with] go-Impf.3PlS say
           (They said:) they (two) could mount (it) and go at their pleasure’
           [2005.2a.06]

        b. [N$gu@-ru$     go$≡na@y]
           [here          go.out.L≡then.SS]
           [a$˘mba@˘   tu^m]        lo@     bE@rE@-m$-do@-∅
           [Amba       mate.HL]     go      can-Impf-Neg-3SgS
           ‘… he could not walk (a distance) on the order of leaving here
           (= Beni) and going to Amba (village)’ [2005-2b.02]




                                         227
        c. [nu$          di@y<a$] [a@Na$y wo$]       be&˘-rE$-∅       de$,
           [person.L big.Pl] [thus Loc] remain-Perf-3SgS if,
           [ji$yE$≡na@y       ni$]         pE@gE@-m$-n-E@         wa@     ko&y⇑
           [kill.L≡then.SS Emph]           put.in-Impf-Neg-3PlS say       Emph
           ‘the old people said: that being the case, they wouldn’t kill (the girl)
           (first) and then stick her in (the hole)’ [2005.2a.08]

        d. [[ta$˘      ka$˘<]     bu^˘     ga$<≡na@y],    [lo$≡na@y],
           [[shoe.L    any.L] 3PlS put.L≡then.SS], [go.L≡then.SS]
           [i$se^˘    gç$Ngu$ru@]      bu^˘     la@wa@-m$             ku$
           [village go.around]         3PlS go.past.Impf-Ppl.Inan     Def
           ‘whatever shoe they put on and go around the village and keep
           going’ [2005-2b.04]

        e. [[[ku^˘ n)a$y] du$≡na@y]            yE&-y$]       wa&˘w bu@-w$
           [[[head with] carry.L≡and.then] come-VblN] distant be-3SgS
           ‘(For) carrying (water) with (= on) the head and coming (back), it’s
           far away.’ [2005.1a.05]

        f.   [[ki$-ka$˘        ki@si@ye@-m]  Na^y<⇒    yE$≡na@y]
             [[grasshopper.L flying-Sg]      thus      come.L≡then.SS]
             [yu^˘            ku$-ku@wo@-m$           ma^˘-ma$r<a@˘]
             [millet          Rdp-eat.Impf-Ppl.Inan   amazingly]
             yi$-ta$-li@-y$∴]
             see-ExpPf-PerfNeg-1PlS
             ‘We had never seen flying grasshoppers come like that and
             amazingly eat up the millet.’ [text ref]

   The combination of ≡na@y with mç$˘lu@ ‘assemble, get together’ is common.
Note that English ‘[VP] together’ is typically expressed as ‘get together (and)
VP’, where the assembling temporally precedes the joint action.

(xx2)   a. [[u$su@     su@y<ç$y]  dç&˘-rE$-∅           de$]
           [[day       seven]     arrive-Perf-3SgS if]
           [mç$˘lu$≡na@y]           i$ni$r<i^˘ ga&<-y$∴
           [assemble.L≡then.SS] name           put.Impf-1PlS
           ‘When seven days have arrived (=elapsed), having assembled, we
           give the name.’ [2005-1a.02]

        b. [mç$˘l≡na@y]
           [assemble.L≡then.SS]




                                       228
            [i$se^˘      wo^y]      [[po@Ngu@       ye&y] mç$˘lu@
            [village     all]       [[neighborhood two] assemble
ch          bç&y     ba$r<a@˘-w$        de$]   [lo@ ga$nji@-yE$]
            bell     beat-Impf.3SgS if]        [go  dig.Impf-3PlS]
            ‘Having gathered together, when two neighborhoods in each village
            would assemble and you-Pl would strike the bell, they would go
            and dig (for water).’ [2005-1a.04]

        c. [ku@    ma$y<-a@˘rE$-∅  ma$˘]     [[pa$l≡na@y]        n)E@-y$∴]
           [Inan dry-Perf-3SgS before] [[pick.L≡then.SS] eat.Impf-1PlS
           ‘Before they (=cow-peas) dry (=ripen fully), we pick (them) and eat
           (them).’ [2005-1a.12]

     The temporal-sequence element is challenged by (xx3). It is not entirely
clear whether the helping consists of doing the roof work, or whether helping
includes other construction work that is done first. In addition, the verb ba$ri@ can
mean ‘add more, increase, reinforce’ as well as ‘help’, so the sentence could be
interpreted as ‘they will come and reinforce you, and (then) do the roofing’.

(xx3)   yE&    [u@    ba$r≡na@y<]         dE$mbi@-yE$
        come [2SgO help.L≡then.SS]        put.roof-Impf.3PlS
        ‘They (=young men) will come and help you, and do the roofing’

    The same-subject element of the syntax of ≡na@y is challenged by (xx4),
since the person doing the hiding (=stealthy activity) is the (generic) ‘you-Sg’,
not the ‘he’ subject of the following main clause. However, ba$Ngi$yi@ ‘hide’
(here, by extension, ‘do secretly’) implies a chained VP, namely ‘(get and)
chew tobacco’. In other words, a logical paraphrase would be ‘other than you-
Sg hiding and chewing tobacco (=chewing tobacco in secret), he …’.

(xx4)   [ba$Ngi$yi$≡na@y]≡n$da@-∅             de@,
        [hide.L≡then.SS]≡StatNeg-3SgS         if,
        ta@wa$          bE$rE@    ha@mpE@-wu@-m$-do@-∅
        tobacco         get       chew.tobacco-Caus-Impf-Neg-3SgS
        ‘Other than (you) hiding (=in secret), he would not allow (you) to get
        and chew tobacco’ [2005-2b.03]

    In (xx5), there is some fuzziness as to who the subject of ‘talk’ is. The
quoted speaker is with a group, and one could infer that his request is for a
collective discussion. However, it is also possible to construe the implied
subject of ‘talk’ as coindexed with the quoted speaker, so this is not a clear
counter-example to the same-subject requirement.




                                        229
(xx5)   [nE@˘ ka$y] [[[ya&-m       ku$] te^y         ku$] te$ge$≡na@y]
        [now Top] [[[woman-Sg Def] word.HL Def] talk.L≡then.SS]
        a@       lo$-m@        ba@
        Logo     go.L-Hort     say
        ‘He said; now they (he?) should talk about (=discuss) the matter of the
        woman so he might go.’ [2005-2a.01]

     The combination lo$ na@y ‘going’ is used in durative background clauses of
the type ‘that (situation) continues, (until …)’. Such clauses connect the
eventuality just described with a succeeding one over a span of time. No
referential subject is necessarily implied (xx6.a). The expression may be
expanded by chaining lo@ ‘go’ to a preceding a&y ‘take’. This construction can be
logically interpreted along the lines of ‘taking (the preceding situation) and
going (forward), …’ (xx6.b). Jamsay ya$Na@ ma$y, … ‘taking …’ is also used in
this way.

(xx6)    a. [lo$≡na@y]        ha^l     lo@   [[u$su@ pE@-ni$˘y] dç&-y]
             [go.L≡then.SS] until go [[day ten-four] arrive.VblN.LH
             ‘this (= a woman’s post-partum seclusion) goes on until the arrival
             (= completion) of forty days’ [2005-1a.01]
[clarify LH tone of ‘arrive’]

        b. [to$y        ma&˘  ku$]      tç@-jE@-w$     de@ wo$˘-wo^y,
           [sowing.L dry      Def] sow-RecPf-2SgS if        all,
           [[nE@˘      ka$y]  a&y       lo$≡na@y]
           [[now       Top]   take      go.L≡then.SS]
           [ji$r<e&y          dç&˘-rE$-∅ —]
           [[rainy.season     arrive-Perf1b-3SgS—]
           ‘If you-Sg have done the dry sowing, from then until the rainy
           season has arrived—‘ [2005-1a.10]

    The combination gu$< na@y or gi$< na@y, based on gu&y< (variant gi&y<) ‘say’, is
used like a purposive postposition. An example is [n$je@ gi$-na@y] ‘why?’ (‘for
what?’), §13.xxx.

(xx7)   a. [nu&-m      gu$<≡na@y]      la&-w        [kç$˘<  ka^˘<]
           [person-Pl say≡then.SS] other-Inan [thing.L any]
           ‘There is no longer any (act) of (people saying)…’ [2005-2a.08]

        b. dç&˘$-m  ka$y,         [gu$lç@-m$≡∅    gu$<≡na@y]
           Dogon-Sg Top,          [slave-Sg≡it.is say≡then.SS]




                                        230
            [pu@lç$-m   bE$rE@-jE^˘-∅       de$]  ma@rE@-m$-do@-∅
            [Fulbe-Sg get-RecPf-3SgS if]          keep-Impf-Neg-3SgS
            ‘A Dogon (man), if he has gotten a Fulbe (in this fashion), he would
            not keep him to be a slave’ [2005-2b.02]


15.1.10 VP-chaining with Different-Subject ≡ni$ (≡n$)

A common construction for combining two clauses with different subjects is
for the first clause to end in clitic ≡ni$, or its common reduced form ≡n$, after the
bare stem (combining form) of the verb, which keeps its lexical tone contour.
Note that only the tone of the clitic distinguishes it from Same-Subject clitic ≡ni@
(≡n@), described just above (§15.1.8). A pronominal subject is expressed as an
independent pronoun immediately preceding the verb, as in non-subject
relatives.
     The clause with ≡ni$ (≡n$) denotes an eventuality that chronologically
precedes the eventuality denoted by the following clause. ≡ni$ (≡n$) is therefore
most directly in opposition to Same-Subject na@y.

(xx1)   a. ç$r<ç@˘  lo@≡n@      u@∴              ka@y<≡ni$,
           bush     go≡and.SS 2PlS               do≡and.DS,
           yi$tE&˘$ cE$mnE@     cE@mnE@-yE$
           child.Pl fun         have.fun-Impf.3PlS
           ‘When you-Pl have gone (out) to the bush, the children will play.’

        b. [u@     i@r<a$]         u@           wa$ra@≡ni$,
           [2SgP field.HL]         2SgS         farm≡and.DS,
           ya^˘    go&˘-m          go$-∅
           there   elephant        go.out-Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘When you-Sg had        farmed in your field, an elephant appeared
           there.’

        c. [i&˘      la&r≡ni$]             lo$-r-a@
           [1PlS     chase.away≡and.DS]    go-PerfNeg-3PlS
           ‘We (tried to) chase them away, but they wouldn’t go.’ [2005-
           1a.08]

        d. ha$˘          nE@˘        [i@∴         ti@ni@≡ni$]
           well,         now         [1PlS        look≡and.DS]
           [N$gu@        ka$y]       [da$w<a@     ku$]
           [this.Inan    Top]        [thing       Def]
           [da$w<a$      da$˘yi@-m$]≡da@




                                        231
             [thing.L   be.compatible.Impf-Ppl.Inan]≡StatNeg
             ‘Well now, we looked (=considered), and (we felt) the problem was
             something that would not last long.’ [2005-1a.17]

        e. [i$se^˘      ku$]       bu^˘  E@ggE@≡n$],
           [village Def]           3PlS abandon≡and.DS],
           [ya^˘    u@       be&˘-rE$-w$         de$] [[a&m kç^˘<]≡∅]
           [there 2SgS remain-Impf-2SgS if] [who? thing.HL]≡it.is
           ‘If they have abandoned the village, and (if) you-Sg remain there, it
           (village) is whose?’ [2005-1a.07]

        f.   [bu^˘    yE@≡n$           cE^m] [[kç$sç&y wo@] lo$-y$∴]
             [3PlS come≡and.DS all]            [[harvest Loc] go.Perf.L-1PlS]
             ‘As soon as they (=locusts) came, we went to the harvest (=to the
             fields to harvest).’ [2005-1a.08]

    In (xx2), we have a DS clause with ≡n$, followed by a SS clause with ≡n@,
and a final clause (whose subject is identical to that of the SS clause). The DS
clause happens to itself be complex (with kç@su@ ‘harvest’ chained to na@ ‘spend
night’), but this is not directly pertinent here.

(xx2)   [n)a@r<u$  wo$]         kç@su@     i@∴     na@≡n$,
        [night     Loc]         harvest 1PlS spend.night≡and.DS]
        [bu^˘     u$rç@≡n@]         [[ti$w<E&y wo@] bi$ye$-bç@]
        [3PlS     go.up≡and.SS] [[tree         Loc] lie.down.Perf.L-3PlS
        ‘We stayed up all night harvesting, while they (=locusts) went up and
        lay down (=slept) in the trees.’ [2005-1a.08]

     It is worth asking whether there is an affinity (in the mind of native
speakers) between this ≡ni$ (≡n$) and the same phonological shape functioning
(after a noun or pronoun) as optional Accusative morpheme (§8.2). I first
encountered a morphemic identity between different-subject switch-reference
marking on verbs, and accusative marking on direct objects, in Choctaw
(Muskogean family, southeastern U.S.).


15.1.11 Chaining with linker ti@

A linking element, probably related to Perfective suffix -ti^- (§10.xxx) is
exemplified in (xx1), where it is followed by na@y, and therefore drops its tone
to ti$. The linker appears to indicate a temporal sequence, which would fit with a
Perfective connection.




                                       232
(xx1)   [nu@w<ç$y< ka$y] [a@         du$wç@ ti$        na@y]
        [now         Top] [3Refl leave Perf.L then.SS]
        lo@-rE@-y@                   wa@
        go-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS        say
        ‘(younger brother said to elder brother:) he (=elder) should not go away,
        having left him (= younger) now.’ [2005-2a.08]


15.1.12 Chaining with ji@jE$⇒ ‘go with’

The stem ji@jE$⇒ function somewhat like a specialized nonfinal chained verb,
where it is regularly followed by a verb of motion. It does not occur as an
inflectable verb stem on its own, and its intonational prolongation (as well as
the syntax) suggests that it is an adverb morphologically. The Jamsay
counterpart is ji@jE$ without intonational prolongation.
     The semantic contribution of ji@jE$⇒ is to indicate that the entity in motion is
taking a person or thing along. It is preceded by a NP complement.

(xx1)   [ya&-m        ku$]    ji@jE$⇒ go^-w∴
        [woman-Sg Def] go.with go.out.Impf-2PlS
        ‘You-Pl will go out (of the village) with the woman.’


15.2 Adverbial clauses

15.2.1 Temporal adverbial clauses

15.2.1.1 Noun-headed temporal relative clause (‘the time when …’)

These are simple relative clauses with a noun like wa@ga@tu$ 'time, moment' or
other temporal noun as head (hence in L-toned form).
    In (xx1.a-b), a definite Imperfective relative headed by ‘time’, and therefore
with Inanimate participle, is followed by Instrumental n)a^y ‘with’ to create a
temporal adverbial clause describing simultaneous eventualities. (xx1.c) is
similar construction but with a Perfective participle. Definite ku$ is heard as
high-toned ku@ when followed by n)a^y.

(xx1)   a. [[ç&˘$-m      wa$ga$tu$ ye@-m$                  ku@] n)a^y]
           [[chief-Sg    time.L    come.Impf-Ppl.Inan Def] with]
           ç$r<ç@˘       bi@rE@           bi@rE@-m$≡bE$-y$
           field         work[noun]       work-Impf≡Past-1SgS




                                        233
            'At the time when the chief was coming, I was working in the
            fields.'

        b. [wa$ga$tu$ i@         ye@-m$                    ku@]      n)a^y
           [time.L      1SgS     come.Impf-Ppl.Inan        Def]      with
           ‘at the time when I was coming’

        c. [wa$ga$tu$ u@ro$ yE&      i@    dç@-w$               ku@ n)a^y]
           [time.L house come 1SgS arrive.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def with]
           [[bç&˘$            i$se^˘    lo@˘-rE$-∅]        tE$mbi$-y$]
           [[1SgP.father.HL village go-Perf1a-3SgS] find.Perf-1SgS]
           ‘When I arrived home, I found that my father had traveled.’

    In (xx2), the temporal relative (this time headed by ‘day’) is Perfective in
form, and functions as the subject of the larger sentence. Instrumental n)a&y is
absent.

(xx2)   [ki$-ka&˘$          u$su$        yE&-w$                   ku$]
        [Rdp-grasshopper day.L           come.Perf-Ppl.Inan       Def]
        N$gu@-ru$  i@          tE$mbi$-∅
        here       1SgO        find.Perf-3SgS
        ‘The day when the locusts came found me here.’

    For headless versions of temporal (and other adverbial) relative clauses, see
§14.1.4 and especially §15.xxx, below.


15.2.1.2 ‘While X was VP-ing’ (-m$≡ba$y)

The clitic ≡ba$y, apparently related to Past ≡bE$- (≡bE^-), is used in a temporal
clause meaning ‘while X was VP-ing’. The clause has the syntactic structure of
a relative clause; in particular, ≡ba$y does not conjugate for subjects, rather a
pronominal subject is expressed as a preverbal particle. ≡ba$y is preceded by a
verb form ending in suffix -m$-, as in the Past unsuffixed Imperfective complex
-m$≡bE$- (§10.xxx) However, ≡ba$y cannot be identified precisely with any
normal participial form of ≡bE$- (≡bE^-).

(xx1)   a. [E@r<E@     ti@ni@-m$≡ba$y]
           [3SgS       watch-Impf≡Past.Ppl]
           [E@r<E@    ti@ya$-m]        su$yç$-bç@
           [3SgP      friend-Sg.HL] hit.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘While hex watched, they struck hisx friend.’




                                      234
        b. [bu^˘       ti@ni@-m$≡ba$y]
           [3PlS       watch-Impf≡Past.Ppl]
           [bu^˘       ti$ya$-m]        su$yç$-∅
           [3PlP       friend-Sg.L]     hit.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘While theyx watched, he struck theirx friend.’

        c. ç$r<ç@˘  bi@rE@       i@         bi@rE@-m$≡ba$y,
           bush     work(noun) 1SgS         work-Impf≡Past.Ppl,
           pu@lç$-m     yE$-∅
           Fulbe-Sg come.Perf.L-3Sgs
           ‘While I was working in the field(s), a Fulbe person came.’

     A clause with -m$≡ba$y may be used as the complement of ‘see’ in the sense
of directly observing an action (‘I saw him fall’, as opposed to the recognitional
‘I saw that he had fallen’). Examples are in (xx2). See also §17.2.3.

(xx2)   a. [E@r<E@    ya$ƒa@-m$≡ba$y]          yi$-ri@-y$
           [3Sg       fall-Impf≡Past.Ppl]      see-PerfNeg-1SgS
           ‘I didn’t see him/her fall.’

        b. [i@∴      ya$ƒa@-m$≡ba$y]            yi$-w$
           [1Pl      fall-Impf≡Past.Ppl]        see.Perf.L-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg saw us fall.’

    When I sought a present-time version of the -m$≡ba$y construction, my
assistant used a conditional construction (xx3). This is not unusual since the
‘if …’ particle can often be glossed freely as ‘when …’.

(xx3)   [bi@rE@     i@      bi@rE@-m$       de$]       nu@-rE@
        [work(noun) 1SgS work-Impf          if]        go.in-ImprtNeg
        ‘When I am working, don’t come in!’


15.2.1.3 ‘While X was VP-ing’ (-m$≡bE@-w$ ku@ n)a&y)

A construction that appears to be interchangeable with the -m$≡ba$y clause type
described in the preceding section, but more transparent morphologically, has
an Inanimate Past unsuffixed Imperfective participle with suffix complex
-m$≡bE@-w$, followed by Definite ku@ (high-toned here in non-phrase-final
position) and Instrumental postposition n)a^y ‘with’.




                                       235
(xx1)   [u@      i@r<a$]  u@     wa@ra@-m$≡bE@-w$         ku@ n)a^y,
        [2SgP field.HL] 2SgS farm-Impf≡Past-2SgS Def Inst,
        go&˘-m           go$-∅
        elephant-Sg      come.out.Perf.L-3SgS
        ‘While you-Sg were farming in your field, an elephant appeared.’


15.2.1.4 ‘While X continue(-s/-ed) to VP’ (-m$ ti@nE@m)

This version, which may be used for present as well as non-present time frames,
has the invariant Imperfective -m$ as in the Past unsuffixed Imperfective
-m$≡bE$-, but this time followed by an adverb ti@nE@m, which suggests an extended
temporal continuation of an activity. It is used in narrative to give a background
to a new, foregrounded event. As an adverb, ti@nE@m is invariant for pronominal
category of subject.

(xx1)   ti$-ta&˘$-m    [ya$ri$yi@-m$   ti@nE@m]
        Rdp-hyena-Sg   [stroll-Impf    continuing]
        mu$mu$r<u@-m$  yi$-∅
        scorpion-Sg    see.Perf.L-3SgS
        ‘While Hyena was continuing to stroll around, (suddenly) he saw
        Scorpion.’


15.2.1.5 ‘While VERB-ing’ (iterated Imperfective as adverb)

Adverbs of the type ‘while VERB-ing’ can be derived from activity verbs by
iterating a form ending in /m/ (compare Imperfective -m$ before Past clitic),
with repeated {HL} tone contour, expressed as <HL>, HL, and HLL on mono-,
bi-, and trisyllabic stems, respectively. Like the corresponding verb, the adverb
may take a complement, such as a cognate nominal, and some of these are
included in the data in (xx1). The special phonological features in (xx1.b-c) are
consistent with the phonology of the corresponding unsuffixed Imperfective
forms. The common form ya@ra$m-ya@ra$m ‘while taking a walk (= strolling)’ is
irregular in reducing a trisyllabic stem to bisyllabic (xx1.f).

(xx1)       gloss                verb            ‘while VERB-ing’

        a. ‘sow (seeds)’         to&y tç@-       to&y tç^m-tç^m
           ‘weep’                yç&˘ yç@-       yç&˘ yç^m-yç^m
           ‘shoot’               ta@-            ta^m-ta^m




                                        236
        b. ‘come’               yE@-               ye^m-ye^m
           ‘bring’              jE&˘$-             je^m-je^m

        c. ‘do’                 ka@y<-             ka^m-ka^m
           ‘put’                ga&y<-             ga^m-ga^m

        d. ‘dance a dance’      ji$yE@ ji$yE@-     ji$yE@ ji@yE$m-ji@yE$m
           ‘chase’              la$ri@-            la@ru$m-la@ru$m
           ‘roll on turban’     do$mbo@-           do@mbo$m-do@mbo$m

        e. ‘cut up’             ye$gi$se@-         ye@gi$se$m-ye@gi$se$m
           ‘roll over’          bi$li$re@-         bi@li$re$m-bi@li$re$m
           ‘cough’              ko@gu@so@-         ko@gu$so$m-ko@gu$s o$m
           ‘winnow in wind’     n)E$r<i$y<i@-      n)E@r<i$y<i$m-n)E@r<i$y<i$m
           ‘hide’               ba$Ngi$ri@-        ba@Ngi$ri$m-ba@Ngi$ri$m
           ‘go around’          gç$Ngi$ri@-        gç@Ngi$ri$m-gç@Ngi$ri$m

        f.   ‘walk around’      ya$ri$yi@-         ya@ra$m-ya@ra$m


15.2.1.6 'Before …' (ma$˘)

The usual 'before …' clause has a clause-final particle ma$˘ following a
perfective verb. If the subject is pronominal, it is expressed as a preverbal
pronoun rather than as a pronominal-subject suffix on the verb. The modality of
the 'before …' clause may be factive (the event in question did in fact take
place), or hypothetical (the event may or may not take place).

(xxx)   a. i@       i@nji@ri@˘-rE$   ma$˘,         go&˘-r-a$˘≡b-a$˘
           1SgS     get.up-Perf1a before,          go.out-Perf-3PlS≡Past-3PlS
           ‘Before I got up, they had (already) gone out.’

        b. [bo$lu@      yE&˘-rE$      ma$˘]        [u@ro$         nu@]
           [rain[noun] come-Perf1a before]         [house         enter.Imprt]
           'Go-Sg into the house, before the rain comes!'

        c. [bu^˘    yE&˘-rE$          ma$˘]          ba$Ngi@y-a$
           [3PlS    come-Perf1a before]              hide.Imprt
           'Hide (yourself), before they come!.'

        d. [E@r<E@≡ni$   i@     su@yç@˘-rE$ ma$˘]         lo$-∅
           3Sg≡Acc       1SgS   hit-Perf1a before         go.Perf.L-3SgS




                                         237
             ‘He went away before I (could) hit him.’

        e. [bo$lu@  yE&˘-rE$       ma$˘]       nu$-∅
           [rain    come-Perf1a before]        enter.Perfl.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She went in before the rain came.’

        f.   pE$rE&-m [i@       sE@w<E@˘-rE$       ma$˘]    yç$ƒç$-∅
             sheep-Sg [1SgS slaughter-Perf1a before] run.Perf.L-3SgS
             ‘Before I could slaughter the sheep, it ran away (= bolted).’


15.2.2 Spatial adverbial clause (‘where …’)

The noun ç@r<ç$ ‘place’ (also ‘situation’) may be used, in low-toned form ç$r<ç$, as
head of a relative (which therefore takes an Inanimate participle). ç@r<ç$ should
not be confused with ç$r<ç@˘ ‘(the) bush, outback, (the) fields (away from the
village)’.

(xx1)   a. ç$r<ç$     bi@rE@         bu^˘          bi$rE@-w$
           place.L work(noun)        3PlS          work.Perf-Ppl.Inan
           ‘there where they worked’

        b. so$fE@˘ru$-m   ç$r<ç$           e@w-ye@-w$
           driver-Sg      place.L          sit-Intr.Perf-Ppl.Inan
           ‘(the place) where the driver sat’


15.2.3 Manner adverbial clause (da$y< … ‘how …’)

The head noun da&y< ‘manner’, in L-toned form da$y<, is the head of a relative
clause in examples like (xxx).

(xx1)   da$y<         bi@rE@       E@r<E@   bi$rE@˘-ra$-w
        manner.L      work(noun) 3SgS       work-Impf1-Ppl.Inan
        ‘the manner in which (= how) he worked’

    For quasi-purposive functions of such clauses, see §17.5.2.




                                        238
15.2.4 Headless adverbial clause

Adverbial clauses may take the form of a headless relative clause (§14.1.4), i.e.
with covert head NP like ‘time’, ‘place’, ‘situation’, or ‘manner’ that takes
Inanimate Participial suffixes. The most common interpretation is temporal or
situational.
     For example, (xx1.a) has no head noun. The verb here takes the form of an
Inanimate Perfective participle (suffix -w$). In context, the most common
interpretation is as a temporal clause (‘when …’), which can be made explicit
by adding a noun like ‘time’ in low-toned form as head NP (xx1.b).

(xx1)   a. a$wa&-m            i@     yi&-w$            n)a$y, yç$gç$-y
        b. a$wa&-m wa$ga$tu$ i@      yi&-w$            n)a$y, yç$gç$-y
           snake-Sg time.L 1SgS see.Perf-Ppl.Inan with, run.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘(At the time) when I saw a snake, I fled.’

     In (xx2.a-b), universal quantifier wo^y is added following the participle.
This gives a (mildly) emphatic sense that can, in some contexts, be translated
freely as ‘ever since …’. (wo&y is also common at the end of conditional
antecedent clauses, §xxx).

(xx2)   a. [a@∴         yE&-w$               wo^y] go$-ra@-Ø
           [3ReflPl     come.Perf-Ppl.Inan all]       go.out-PerfNeg-3PlS
           'Since theyx came, theyx haven't gone out.'

        b. [[E@r<E@    bç^˘]            ç@ru@gu@-w$                  wo^y]
           [3SgP       father.HL        get.sick.Perf-Ppl.Inan       all]
           [[a@        i@se$˘]          go$-ri@-Ø]
           [[3ReflSg village.HL]        go.out-PerfNeg-3SgS
           'Since hisx father got sick, hex hasn't left hisx village.'


15.2.5 ‘From X, until (or: all the way to) Y’

The complete construction ‘since/from the time that …, until …’, can be
expressed by using a loose chaining subordinator on the first verb (e.g. Same-
Subject ≡ni@, Different-Subject ≡ni$), then an inflected clause beginning with ha^l
‘until, all the way to’. This results in a biclausal adverbial that usually
constitutes background for another (foregrounded) event expressed in the main
clause.

(xx1)   [[bi@rE@         tu@mdu@≡ni@]     [ha^l         du$wç$-∅]]




                                        239
        [[work(noun) begin≡and.SS] [until            leave.Perf.L-3SgS]]
        [n)E&y         $
                    n)E-r<i@-∅]
        [meal       eat-PerfNeg-3SgS]
        ‘From the time he started working until he stopped (working), he didn’t
        eat.’

    The verb du$wç$-∅ in (xx1) is a conjugated Perfective; the 1Sg equivalent
would have du$wç$-y.
    (xx2) is an example where the subjects of the ‘from’ and ‘until’ clauses are
disjoint. Therefore the subordinating clitic in the ‘from’ clause is Different-
Subject ≡ni$ with low tone.

(xx2)   [E@r<E@         bç^˘          lo@≡ni$]
        [3SgP           father.HL     go≡and.DS]
        [ha^l    [E@r<E@      de@re$]          yE$-∅]
        [until   [3SgP elder.sibling.HL come.Perf.L-3SgS
        n)E&y           n)E$-r<i@-∅
        meal            eat-PerfNeg-3SgS
        ‘From the time that his father went (away) until his elder brother came,
        he didn’t eat.’


15.2.6 ‘As though …’ clause (ga^y<⇒)

In (xx1), the ‘like’ adverbial ga&y<⇒ is added at the end of a relative clause
denoting a (generic) animate referent.

(xx1)   [[u$su@ ye&y] n)E&y      n)E$-r<u@-m$             ga^y<⇒]
        [[day two] meal eat-PerfNeg-Ppl.Inan              like]
        [n)E&y n)E@˘-ra$-w]
        [meal eat-Impf1-3SgS]
        ‘He is eating like (someone) who hadn’t eaten for two days.’

     In (xx2), ga^y<⇒ follows a regular main clause, and the free translation is
‘as though …’.

(xx2)   [bo$lu@    mi$r<E@˘-ra$≡ra@-∅               ga^y<⇒]
        [rain      rain.fall-Impf1≡StatNeg-3SgS like]
        wo@Ngo@ro@        wa$ra@˘-ra$-w$
        farming           do.farm.work-Impf1-3SgS
        ‘He/She is working in the field as though the rain were not falling.’




                                       240
16 Conditional constructions




16.1 Hypothetical conditional with de ‘if’

The clause-final ‘if’ particle is /de/. When it is clause-final, its tone is carried
over from the preceding morpheme.
    In typical hypothetical conditionals specifying a causal relationship
between two temporally bounded events, the antecedent has an inflected
perfective verb followed by de@, and the consequent is in the imperfective
(xx1.a--b).

(xx1)   a. E@y<        yE&˘-rE$-w$       de$, na$w<a^˘ tE@mbu@-w$
           tomorrow come-Perf-2SgS if,        meat       find.Impf-2SgS
           ‘If you-Sg (have) come tomorrow, you’ll find some meat.’

        b. E@r<E@ yE$-ri@-∅                de@,   n)E@-m$-ndo@-y$∴
           3Sg come-PerfNeg-3SgS           if,    eat-Impf-Neg-1PlS
           ‘If he/she doesn’t come (=hasn’t come), we won’t eat.’


16.1.1 Extensions of de (de@ wo^y, de@ wo$ wo^y)

The most common extended variant of /de/ ‘if’ is de@ wo^y. In rapid speech, an
optional vocalic assimilation to do@ wo^y is common, but I have normalized
transcriptions to de@ wo^y. An extended form de@ wo$-wo^y is also used. In all of
these combinations, de@ has H-tone regardless of the final tone of the preceding
word.
     wo^y is elsewhere a universal quantifier ‘all’, so this fits into a regional
pattern where universal quantifiers function as right-edge markers in conditional
antecedents, replacing or following the usual ‘if’ particle.
     de@ wo^y (or variant) isassociated with more emphatic contexts (‘as soon as
…’, ‘unless …’, etc.); for ‘unless …’ see §16.xxx, below. However, in
recordings one observes de@ wo^y also in contexts not requiring emphasis, more
or less interchangeably with simple de.
     One distinctive function of de@ wo^y (or variant) is marking the right edge
of a complex (multi-clausal) antecedent. The construction is therefore of the
type [[S1 de, (S2 de,) … Sn de@ wo^y], Sn+1], where Sn is the last in a string of
two or more antecedent clauses, and is followed by the consequent clause (Sn+1).
(xx1)   [[ji$r<e&y            ce@˘le@˘-rE$-∅         de$],
        [[rainy.season        be.good-Perf-3SgS if],
        [bi@rE@             E$si@<⇒ bi$rE@-tu@-w$        de@   wo^y]],
        work(noun)          very       work-Perf1b-2SgS if     all]],
        yu^˘             ba^y<⇒         bE@rE@-w$
        millet           much           get.Impf-2SgS
        ‘If the rainy season is good (=rain is abundant), and you-Sg work hard,
        you-Sg will get a lot of millet.’


16.1.2 Clauses in -w$ ku$ de$ and in -w$ de$

A construction with a verb form ending in -w$, followed by Definite ku$ and
(apparent) ‘if’ particle /de/ in low-toned form de$, is used in narrative as an
alternative to a regular Perfective verb form. The -w$ is perhaps to be identified
as the Inanimate Perfective Participial suffix, but the construction is somewhat
difficult to parse.

(xx1)   [o$njo&-m            ku$ ya$] a@      sa@-w$             ku$ de$,
        [younger.brother-Sg Def too] 3Refl reply.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def if,
        [a@          de@re$]             ma^˘
        [3Refl       elder.brother.HL] Dat
        ‘… the younger brother for his part replied, to his elder brother: …’
        [2005-2a.08]

     A similar construction with -w$ and de$ but without the Definite ku$ is also
attested. The clause in -w$ de$ denotes an eventuality that precedes the one
described in the following clause. In my data, both eventualities occur in the
future.

(xx2)   a. E@r<E@≡ni$     i@       su@yç@-w$             de$,
           3Sg≡Acc        1SgS     hit.Perf-Ppl.Inan     if,
           [bç@rç@-m$-do@-∅             de@] yi@-y$∴
           [result-Impf-Neg-3SgS if]          see.Impf-1PlS
           ‘I will hit him and we’ll see whether nothing happens (as a result).’
           [bç@rç@-m$-do@-∅ is used in such boasting utterances]

        b. E@r<E@ gu@<-w$<          de$, [i@   su@yç@-w$         de$,
           3Sg say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,     [1SgO hit.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
           N$gu@-ru$   i@    la$ru@-m$]                  ba$
           here        1SgO chase.away-Impf.3SgS]        say




                                       242
             ‘He said he will hit me, and (that) he will run me out of here.’

        c. [i@    yE&-w$              de$] [n)E&y bi@@ra@]
           [1SgS come.Perf-Ppl.Inan if]       [meal cook.Imprt]
           ‘Cook-2Sg the meal (only) when I have come back!’

        d. [n)E&y   i@∴     bi$rE@-w$            de$]      n)a@
           [meal 1PlS       cook.Perf-Ppl.Inan if]         eat.Impf
           ‘We’ll cook the meal, then (you) eat!’


16.2 Alternative ‘if’ particles (ka@ la$ , ta@ n )

ka@la$ ‘even’ may replace de ‘if’, resulting in an ‘even if …’ antecedent clause.
Here the consequent is not contingent on the antecedent.

(xx1)   [yu^˘      ya@       so@-w@       ka@la$],  ni@-m$-ndo@-∅
        [millet    Exist     have-3SgS even],       give-Impf-Neg-3SgS
        ‘Even if he/she has some millet, he/she won’t give (it).’

     The particle ta@n, borrowed from the Fulfulde particle ‘only’, is used as
another alternative to de ‘if’. It suggests that only the (delayed) instantiation of
the eventuality denoted by the antecedent clause is holding up the instantiation
of the eventuality denoted by the consequent clause.

(xx2)   nu@w<ç$y<   yE$-w$                ta@n,          su@˘r<a$
        now         come.Perf.L-2SgS      if,            rest.Imprt
        ‘When you-Sg have come, take a rest!’


16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents (‘whether X or Y …’)

The particle cE^w (borrowed from Jamsay) can be used at the end of a complex
conditional antecedent of the type ‘(whether) S1 or not-S1’, or any other
combination of two component clauses that are (more or less) truth-
conditionally antagonistic. In Jamsay, cE^w is also a universal quantifier ‘all’.

(xx1)   [[u@   ma^˘] E@ri$-m≡∅⇒        E$ri$-m≡nda@-∅         cE^w],
        [[2Sg Dat] sweet-Inan≡it.is sweet-Inan≡it.is.not-3SgS whether]
        bi@rE@            bi@rE@-w$
        work(noun)        work.Impf-2SgS




                                         243
        ‘(Regardless of) whether it pleases or doesn’t please you-Sg (= like it or
        not), you-Sg will work.’


16.4 ‘Unless’ antecedent

An ‘unless’ antecedent, i.e. one that specifies a necessary as well as sufficient
(positive) condition, can be expressed with a simple negative clause ending in
de@ wo^y (§16.xxx).

(xxx)   [mo$bi@li$ N$gu@-ru$ la$wa$-ri@-∅          de@    wo^y]   ti@wE@-y$∴
        [vehicle here        pass-PerfNeg-3SgS if         all]    die.Impf-1PlS
        ‘Unless a vehicle comes by here, we’ll die.’


16.5 Counterfactual conditional

In counterfactuals, both the antecedent and the consequent have past perfect
predicates involving an inflected form of the L-toned variant of Past ≡bE@-
(§10.xxx). The unmarked verbal categories are as follows: for the antecedent,
Past Stative (positive) or Perfective Negative; for the consequent, Past
unsuffixed Imperfective (positive) or Past Imperfective Negative.

(xx1)   a. ç$mç^˘       yE&-w$≡bE$-∅           de$,
           morning      come-Stat≡Past-3SgS if,
           bo@yri$      bE@rE@-m≡bE$-∅
           porridge     get-Impf≡Past-3SgS
           ‘If he/she had come in the morning, he/she would have gotten some
           porridge.’

        b. be@re@            $
                         jE&˘-ri@≡bE@-y$              de$,
           stick         bring-PerfNeg≡Past-1SgS if,
           a$wa&-m       i@           ku@wo@-m$≡bE$-∅
           snake-Sg 1SgO              eat-Impf≡Past-3SgS
           ‘If I hadn’t brought my stick, the snake would have eaten me.’

        c. [u@         a@ya$˘]     mi$r<E@-w$≡bE$-w$   de$,
           [2SgP medication.HL] swallow-Stat≡Past-2SgS if,
           sE$llE$-ri@         ka@-m$-do@≡bE&-w$
           be.healthy-PerfNeg do-Impf-Neg≡Past-2SgS
           ‘If you-Sg had taken your medicine, you wouldn’t have gotten
           sick.’




                                      244
    The antecedent clause may also be based on a nominal or adjectival
predicate (xx2).

(xx2)   [o^njo$-m≡da@≡bE@-w$                        de$,
        [younger.sibling-Sg≡StatNeg≡Past-2SgS       if,
        u@        ji@yE@-m$≡bE$-y$
        2SgO      kill-Impf≡Past-1SgS
        ‘If you-Sg were not my (younger same-sex) sibling, I’d kill you.’




                                      245
17 Complement and purposive clauses




17.1 Quotative complement

17.1.1 ‘Say that …’ with inflectable ‘say’ verb (gu&y<-)

The inflectable quotative verb is gu&y<-, variant gi&y<-.
     In the most common construction with overt inflected ‘say’ verb, this verb
follows the quotation. For quotations reported as having occurred in the past
(‘he said: …’), the ‘say’ verb is nearly always in the unsuffixed Perfective form,
with low tone. The ‘say’ verb also has Imperfective forms for non-past time
reference. The verb within the quoted clause is marked for aspect and negation,
but not for pronominal-subject category (except for 3Pl). The Quotative clitic
/wa/ (§17.xxx) is omitted here (i.e. when it would be adjacent to the full ‘say’
verb).
     If the subject of the quoted clause is pronominal, a clause-initial
independent pronoun is used, as in relative clauses. A pronominal subject, and
in many cases (but not always) a nonpronominal NP subject, is followed by a
Quotative Subject particle (abbreviation QuotS) /ma˘/. This particle acquires
its tone by spreading from the final tone of the preceding word, so it appears as
ma@˘ or ma$˘. The Quotative Subject particle gives the addressee an “early
warning” that the clause in question is quoted.
     In the L-toned form ma$˘, there is some danger of confusion with the Dative
postposition (F-toned ma^˘ after H- or R-tone, but dropping to ma$˘ after L- or
F-tone).
     In (xx1), the verb inside the quoted clause ends in Imperfective -m$, which
is used when the subject of the quoted clause is other than 3Pl. This -m$ is
identical to the 3Sg suffix in the inflected paradigm of the unsuffixed
Imperfective, but in morphological contexts where pronominal-subject
distinctions are neutralized -m$ is generalized to other pronominal categories
(except 3Pl); this happens in the Past unsuffixed Imperfective, before
(conjugated) Past clitic ≡bE$- (or variant). In these neutralizing contexts I gloss
-m$ simply as Imperfective. A pronominal subject is expressed by an
independent pronoun preceding the verb within the quoted clause, e.g. the 2Sg
pronoun in (xx1.b). The subject of the quoted clause (pronominal or other) is
followed immediately by Quotative Subject particle /ma˘/. Examples (xx1.a,c)
have Logophoric subject because the subject of the quoted clause is coindexed
with the quoted speaker; see §18.2.
(xx1)   a. [a@          ma@˘       yi$-ye@-m$]            gi$y<-∅
           [LogoSg QuotS           Rdp-come-Impf]         say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Hex said that hex is coming.’

        b. [u@         ma@˘       yi$-ye@-m$]             gi$y<-∅
           [2Sg        QuotS      Rdp-come-Impf]          say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She said that you-Sg are coming.’

        c. se&ydu$ [a@        ma@˘ ju@wç@-m$-do@-∅] gi$y<-∅
           Seydou [LogoSg QuotS know-Impf-Neg-3SgS] say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Seydoux said that hex doesn’t know.’

        d. i@      [E@r<E@    ma@˘     yi$-ye@-m$]         gi$-ni@-y$
           1SgS [LogoSg QuotS Rdp-come-Impf]               say-PerfNeg-1SgS
           ‘I didn’t say that he/she is coming.’

        e. [se&ydu$      ma$˘     yi$-ye@-m$]           gi$y<-y<
           [Seydou       QuotS Rdp-come-Impf]           say.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I said that Seydou is coming.’

        f.   [u@∴     ma$˘         yi$-ye@-m$]              gi$y<-∅
             [2Pl     QuotS        Rdp-come-Impf]           say.Perf.L-3SgS
             ‘He/She said that you-Pl are coming.’

    The suffixally marked Imperfective-1, often with progressive sense, may
also be used (xx2).

(xx2)        [a@     ma@˘     wo@Ngo@ro@ wa$ra@˘-ra$] gi$y<-∅
             [Logo QuotS farming do.farm.work-Impf1] say.Perf.L-3SgS
             ‘Hex says hex is farming.’

    The examples in (xx3) have Perfective verbs (xx3.a-b) or an adjectival
predicate (xx3.c). The Perfective takes a (pronominally) unsuffixed form,
identical in form to the zero 3Sg inflected form, but here transcribed as
suffixless. The verb may have either the unsuffixed Perfective stem (low-toned
version of the combining form) as in (xx3.a), or a form with Perfective-1a
suffix ˘-rE$- as in (xx3.b).

(xx3)   a. [i@∴    ma$˘      a@           su$yç$]         gi$y<-∅
           [1Pl    QuotS LogoSgO          hit.Perf.L]     say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Hex said that we hit himx.’




                                      248
        b. [u@∴    ma$˘        yE&˘-rE$]            gi$y<-∅
           [2Pl    QuotS       come-Perf1a]         say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She said that you-Pl had come.’

        c. [[tç@rç$       ku$]   ma$˘       ga&w]     gi$y<-y<
           [[mountain Def] QuotS            tall]     say.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I said that the mountain is high.’

     The Quotative-Subject particle /ma˘/ is present in the preceding examples,
but it is (optionally) omitted after a nonpronominal NP subject (xx4).

(xx4)   [ku@-da@˘   ji$r<e&y<        E$su@     bu^˘-∅]        gi$y<-bç@
        [there      rainy.season     good      be-3SgS]       say.Perf.L-3PlS
        ‘They said that the rainy season is good there.’

    When the subject of the quoted clause is third plural (whether expressed as
a 3Pl pronoun or as a fuller NP), the verb does agree with this subject. It does
not matter whether the quotative-clause subject is logophoric (xx5.a), i.e.
coindexed with the attributed speaker, or disjoint (xx5.b). In these examples, the
verb in the quoted clause is Perfective (xx5.a-b) or Recent Perfect (xx5.c), and
has its regular 3Pl inflection.

(xx5)   a. [a@∴     ma$˘     pE$rE&-m   sE@w<E@-ti@-ya$]     gi$y<-bç@
           [LogoPl QuotS sheep-Sg slaughter-Perf-3PlS] say.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘Theyx said that theyx have slaughtered a sheep.’

        b. [yi$-tE&˘$ ma$˘     yE&˘-r-a$˘]         gi$y<-∅
           [child-Pl QuotS come-Perf1a-3PlS] say.Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She said that the children had come.’

        e. [a@∴        ma$˘      n)E&y< n)E@-j-a^˘]        gi@<-yE$
           [LogoPl     QuotS meal eat-RecPf-3PlS] say-Impf.3PlS
           ‘Theyx will say that theyx have already eaten.’

    In (xx6), the quoted clause again has third plural subject, but now the verb
of the quoted clause is imperfective. In (xx6.a-b) we have the unsuffixed
Imperfective, while in (xx6.c-d) we have the Imperfective-1 in progressive
sense.

(xx6)   a. ye@Ngu$      [a@∴         ma$˘        yi$-ye@-yE$]
           yesterday    [LogoPl      QuotS       Rdp-come-Impf.3PlS]




                                       249
            gu@<-yE$≡b-a$˘
            say-Impf.3PlS≡Past-3PlS
            ‘Yesterday theyx were saying that theyx were coming (= would
            come).’

        b. [a@∴        ma$˘         wo@Ngo@ro@        wa@ra@-yE$$]
           [LogoPl     QuotS        farming           do.farm.work-Impf.3PlS]
           gi$y<-bç@
           say.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘Theyx say theyx will farm.’

        c. a@∴       ma$˘     wo@Ngo@ro@       wa$ra@˘-ra$-w$-bç@
           LogoPl QuotS farming                do.farm.work-Impf1-Stat-3PlS
           gi$y<-bç@
           say.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They said they are farming.’

    For Perfective quoted clauses, another construction is also attested. Here the
verb of the quoted clause appears in participial form. The attested examples
have -w$ (elsewhere the Inanimate Perfective Participial suffix) (xx7.a) for first
and second person (singular and plural) and for third singular subjects, but -ma$
(Plural Perfective Participial suffix) for third plural subject (xx7.c).

(xx7)   a. [i@    ma@˘        wo@Ngo@ro@ wa$ra@-w$$]          gi$y<-∅
           [1SgS QuotS        farming     farm.Perf-Ppl.Inan] say.Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She said that I did farming.’

        b. [i@∴   ma@˘       wo@Ngo@ro@ wa$ra@-w$$]          gi$y<-∅
           [1PlS QuotS       farming     farm.Perf-Ppl.Inan] say.Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She said that we did farming.’

        c. [yi$-tE&˘$ ma$˘     wo@Ngo@ro@   wa$ra@-ma$]       gi$y<-∅
           [child-Pl QuotS farming          farm.Perf-Ppl.Pl] say.Perf-3SgS
           ‘He/She said that the children did farming.’

    When the quotative verb precedes the quotation, a special construction is
used. It is attested only for reported past speech events (‘X said, …’). The ‘say’
verb takes what appears to be the Inanimate Perfective Participle form gu@<-w$<,
and is followed by /de/ (presumably the ‘if’ particle, but here without any
modal force). If the subject of ‘say’ is pronominal, it is expressed as a preverbal
independent pronoun. The quoted clause follows after a prosodic break.




                                       250
Quotative Subject particle /ma˘/ is absent, and clause-final Quotative clitic /wa/
is possible but uncommon.

(xx8)   a. E@r<E@  gu@<-w$<                de$,
           3Sg     say.Perf-Ppl.Inan       if,
           [u@    ya$]       n$je@     ka@˘<-r<a$-w$
           [2Sg hey!]        what?     do-Impf-2SgS
           ‘He/She said (= asked), “hey you-Sg!, what are you doing?”’

        b. i@∴         gu@<-w$<               de$,
           1PlS        say.Perf-Ppl.Inan      if,
           [yi$-tE&˘$       yE&˘-r-a$˘]
           [child-Pl        come-Perf-3PlS]
           ‘We said, the children have come.’

        c. bu^˘       gu@<-w$<                 de$, …
           3PlS       say.Perf-Ppl.Inan        if,
           ‘They said, …’


17.1.2 Quotative clitic wa (after nasal: ba)

The Quotative clitic occurs at the end of a quotation. It may be repeated in a
long quotation, at clause boundaries and similar junctures (for example, after a
quoted vocative). In extended quotations, particularly of back-and-forth
conversations between two or more parties, /wa/ replaces forms of the more
cumbersome inflectable ‘say’ verb. /wa/ may be used at the end of a quotation
introduced by gu@<-w$< de$. However, /wa/ is not used at the end of a quotation
that is directly followed by an inflected form of gu&y<- ‘say’ (i.e., /wa/ and
gu&y<- may not occur adjacent to each other (unless they belong to different
quotative levels).
     The clitic is usually pronounced /ba/ after a nasal, e.g. after 3Sg
Imperfective -m$. As this suggests, the clitic is phonologically tightly bound to
the quotation. It also adopts the final tone of the preceding word.
     Although the clitic representation ≡wa would be phonologically appropriate
in Beni, I write the morpheme as a separate word on grounds of typographic
clarity and conformity with my practice in transcribing this particle in Jamsay
and other Dogon languages.

(xx1)   a. [n$je^˘≡∅           ma$⇒]        wa$
           [what?≡it.is        Q]           say
           ‘”What is it?,” he/she said (=asked).’




                                       251
        b. [[a@              bç^˘]            ma$˘
           [[LogoSgP         father.HL]       QuotS
           wo@Ngo@ro@     wa@ra@-m$]                      ba$
           farming        do.farm.work-Impf.3SgS]         say
           ‘Hex says that hisx father is farming.’

     The Quotative clitic, unlike the ‘say’ verb, has a “hearsay” modal quality. It
is therefore typically used when the attributed speaker is third person. Under
most circumstances, first person attributed speaker (self-quotation, “I said that
…”) has no need of a hearsay evidential. Pragmatically, use of a hearsay
evidential in cases with second person attributed speaker (“you said that …”) is
usually avoided. The #? notation in (xx2) indicates that /wa/ is disallowed
except in special cases.

(xxx)   a. i@      gu@<-w$<              de$, [E@r<E@(-ni$) su@yç@-y$      de$,
           1SgS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,         [3SgO         hit.Impf-1SgS if,
           N$gu@-ru$     E@r<E@    la$ri@-y$]                      (#?wa$)
           here          3SgO chase.away.Impf-1SgS]                (#say)
           ‘I said I will hit him, and (that) I will run him out of here.’

        b. u@      gu@<-w$<         de$, [E@r<E@(-ni$) su@yç@-w$         de$,
           2SgS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if, [3SgO            hit.Impf-2SgS if,
           N$gu@-ru$    E@r<E@   la$ru@-w$]                      (#?wa$)
           here         1SgO     chase.away.Impf-2SgS]           (#say)
           ‘You-Sg said you will hit him, and (that) you will run him out of
           here.’

     With first or second person (or any other) speaker, /wa/ can be used to
clarify (or seek clarification of) the wording of a perhaps unclear utterance, as in
the question /X wa$/ ‘[did you say] “X”?’.


17.1.3 Jussive complement

Jussive complements are reported imperatives or hortatives.


17.1.3.1 Embedded imperative

In this construction, the original imperative verb takes the third person Hortative
form with suffix -y@, invariant for subject pronominal category. The




                                        252
Singular/Plural distinction in the original imperatives is not carried over into the
jussive in the form of the verb itself. Therefore both the 2Sg imperative (xx1.a)
and the distinct 2Pl imeprative (xx1.c) correspond to the invariant Hortative
yE$-y@ in the corresponding jussives (xx1.b,d). If the subject (i.e. the addressee of
the original imperative) is pronominal, it appears as an independent pronoun
and is typically followed by Quotative Subject particle /ma˘/.

(xxx)   a. ya@
           come.Imprt
           ‘Come-2Sg!’

        b. [i@      ma@˘      yE$-y@]                    gi$y<-∅
           [1Sg     QuotS     come-Hort.3SgS]            say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She told me to come.’

        c. ya@-ni$
           come-Imprt.Pl
           ‘Come-2Pl!’

        d. [i@∴     ma$˘      yE$-y@]                   gi$y<-bç@
           [1Pl     QuotS     come-Hort.3SgS]           say.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They told us to come.’

    A direct object NP, if present, has its usual form. For example, ‘sheep’
does not change from the imperative (xx2.a) to the jussive (reported imperative)
(xx2.b).

(xx2)   a. pE$rE&-m         sE@w<a@
           sheep-Sg         slaughter.Imprt
           ‘Slaughter-2Sg the sheep-Sg!’

        b. [u@     ma@˘    pE$rE&-m   sE@w<E@-y@]     gi$y<-y$
           [2Sg QuotS sheep-Sg slaughter-Hort.3SgS] say.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I told you-Sg to slaughter the sheep-Sg.’

      Negative counterparts are in (xx3). The form of the verb in the jussive
clause (the original imperative) is Hortative Negative, with suffix complex
-rE@--y. Again, the original distinction between 2Sg and 2Pl in the imperative
verb is not carried over into the verb of the jussive.

(xx3)   a. yE@-rE@
           come-ImprtNeg




                                        253
             ‘Don’t-2Sg come!’

        b. [[i@   ma@˘]    yE$-rE$-y@]         gi$y<-∅
           [1Sg Emph] come-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS] say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She told me not to come.’

        c. yE@-rE@-ni$
           come-ImprtNeg-2PlS
           ‘Don’t-2Pl come!’

        d. [i@∴ ma$˘     yE$-rE@-y@]           gi$y<-bç@
           [1Pl QuotS come-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS] say.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They told us not to come.’

        e. pE$rE&-m        sE@w<E@-rE@
           sheep-Sg        slaughter-ImprtNeg
           ‘Saughter-2Sg the sheep-Sg!’

        f.   [u@      ma@˘      pE$rE&-m       sE@w<E@-rE@-y]
             [2Sg QuotS         sheep-Sg       slaughter-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS]
             gi$y<-y<
             say.Perf.L-1SgS
             ‘I told you-Sg not to slaughter the sheep-Sg.’

   By adding Purposive postposition gi&n (or variant, §8.5.1) to a reported
imperative, we get a kind of purposive clause; see §17.5.3.


17.1.3.2 Embedded hortative

The Hortative in -m@ (for two referents) or -ma^y (for three or more) can be used
without change in a jussive. The subjects are expressed as independent
pronouns, adjusted to the current speech event. Thus (xxx.b) and (xxx.c)
involve identical original quotations (“Let.s go to Sevare!”), but in jussive form
(xxx.b) has a 1Pl subject (since the current speaker is included), while (xxx.c)
has a logophoric plural subject.

(xxx)   a. lo$-ma^y<            gi$y<-∅
           go-Hort.Pl           say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She said, “let’s-3+ go!.”’

        b. E@r<E@        gu^<-w<                  de$,




                                       254
            3SgS         say.Perf-Ppl.Inan         if,
            [i@∴     ma$˘       se$wa@˘ra$   lo$-m@]          gi$y<-∅
            [1Pl     QuotS      Sevare       go-Hort.Du] say.Perf.L-3SgS
            ‘He said (to me), let’s (=he and I) go to Sevare.’
            (=‘He suggested that we [=he and I] go to Sevare.’)

        c. a@˘ma@du$ [se&ydu$ ma^˘] E@r<E@ gu^<-w<                  de$,
           Amadou [Seydou Dat]           3SgS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
           [a@∴      ma$˘      se$wa@˘ra$ lo$-m@]          ba@
           [LogoPl QuotS Sevare            go-Hort.Du] say
           ‘Amaoud said to Seydou, “let’s go to Sevare!”.’
           (=‘A suggested to S that the two of them go to Sevare.’)


17.2 Factive (indicative) complements

17.2.1 ‘Know that …’ complement clause

The complement takes regular AN suffixes, but instead of a pronominal-subject
suffix on its verb, a pronominal subject (if present) is expressed by an
independent pronoun preceding the verb, followed by Quotative Subject particle
/ma˘/ (§17.1.1).

(xx1)   [i@   ma@˘   sE$llE$-ri@-∅]      ju@wç@-m$
        [1SgS QuotS be.healthy-Neg-3SgS] know.Impf-1SgS
        ‘He/She knows that I am ill.’

     The negative ‘not know (that …)’ is expressed with an embedded question,
i.e. ‘not know (whether …)’, even when it is now common knowledge that the
proposition in question is true.

(xx2)   [[E@r<E@ ya@˘ji$˘]     pa@ƒa@-ti@-ya$ ma^˘] ju@wç@-m$-dç@     bE@-y$
        [3SgP marriage.HL] tie-Perf1b-3PlS Q] know-Impf-Neg be-1Sg
        ‘I didn’t know that he had gotten married.’ (lit., “… whether they had
        tied his marriage”)


17.2.2 ‘The fact that …’ (Definite ku$)

A regular main clause may be followed by Definite ku$ to constitute a factive
clause that can be glossed ‘(the fact) that …’.




                                      255
(xx1)   [bo$lu@ ye@-m$-do@-∅            ku$] [n$je^˘≡∅     ka$y<]
        [rain come-Impf-Neg-3SgS Def] [what?≡it.is do.Perf.L
        ‘The fact that rain isn’t coming, what caused it?’


17.2.3 ‘See (find, hear) that …’

An ordinary main clause may function as the complement of a verb of
recognition of a state of affairs. The common verb of this type is tE@mbi@- ‘find (a
situation, or someone in a situation)’ (xx1.a), but yi@- ‘see’ is also used in this
construction when the subject infers that an eventuality has taken place from
circumstantial evidence (xx1.b).

(xx1)   a. [pE$rE&-m     bE$rE@-jE@-w$]     tE$mbi$-y$
           [sheep        get-RecPf-2SgS] find.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I found that you-Sg had gotten a sheep.’

        b. [bo$lu@         yE$-ri@-∅]              yi@-jE@-y$
           [rain(noun)     come-PerfNeg-3SgS] see-RecPf-1SgS
           ‘I saw (e.g. from observing the dry ground) that rain had not come.’

    In examples of the type ‘X see [E]’, where X observed the event E (rather
than recognizing from visual or other signs that X had taken place), we get a
complement with Imperfect suffix -m$ on the verb, followed by clitic ≡ba$y, see
(xx2) in §15.2.1.2.
    ‘Hear (that …)’ in the hearsay sense has a different syntax because it
involves reported speech by a third party. It therefore has Quotative Subject
particle /ma˘/ after the subject, and expresses pronominal subjects as preverbal
independent pronouns.

(xx2)   u@     ma@˘      kç$sç&y         kç@su@-jE^˘  nu$-y$
        2Sg QuotS harvest(noun) harvest-RecPf hear.Perf.L-1SgS
        ‘I heard that you-Sg have already harvested.’


17.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complements

For the morphology of the basic Verbal Noun form in -i^˘ or -y$, see §4.2.2.




                                        256
17.3.1 Structure of Verbal Noun Phrase

If a simple noun functioning as direct object or as a similar non-subject
complement (such as the locational with ‘go’) directly precedes the verbal noun,
it takes low-toned compound-initial form.

(xx1)   a. bu$˘ru$-[n)E&-y$]
           bread.L-[eat-VblN]
           ‘eating bread’ (bu@˘ru$)

        b. be$˘ni$-[lo&-y$]
           Beni-[go-VblN]
           ‘going to Beni (village)’ (be@˘ni$)

     This compound construction can be extended to cases where the compound
initial represents a core NP consisting of a noun and an adjective. In (xx2), the
entire core NP, which elsewhere takes the form bu$˘ru$ jE@w<E$-w ‘black bread’,
functions (in low-toned form) as the initial.

(xx2)                             &
        [bu$˘ru$-[jE$w<E$-w]]-[n)E-y$]
        [bread.L-[black-Inan]]-[eat-VblN]
        ‘eating black bread’ (n)E&-y$)

    More complex NPs, i.e. those containing a postnominal quantifier
(including cardinal numerals) and/or a determiner, cannot be reduced to
compound-initial form. These NPs are construed morphosyntactically as
possessors, and therefore force possessed-noun {HL} tone contour on the
“possessed” verbal noun.

(xx3)   a. [E$lE$y       N$gu@]         ku@w-i$˘
           [peanut.L     this.Inan]     eat-VblN.HL
           ‘eating these peanuts’ (ku$w-i^˘)

        b. [ma$Ngo@ro$ nu$mu&y]           n)E^-y
           [mango        five]            eat.VblN.HL
           ‘eating five mangoes’ (n)E&-y$)

    If the direct object is separated from the verbal noun by an intervening
constituent, such as a pronoun, there is no “possession” or compounding, and
the verbal noun appears with its normal {LHL} tone contour (xx4).

(xx4)   u@      E$njE@-m$        [E@r<E@         ma^˘]   ni&-y$,




                                           257
        2Sg    chicken-Sg      [3Sg         Dat]         give-VblN,
        ja@˘w<          bu^˘-∅
        appropriate     be-3SgS
        ‘For you-Sg to give him/her a chicken, it’s right (= proper) .’

    A personal pronoun functioning logically as direct object may, as in main
clauses, have either its unmarked independent form or it may occur with
Accusative clitic ≡n$ (≡ni$). In either case, it behaves as a possessor. The verbal
noun therefore appears with possessed-noun tone contour, either {HL} after a
high tone or tone-dropped after a low tone or after dying-quail intonation.

(xxx)   a. i@         ji@y-i$˘
           1SgP       kill-VblN.HL
           ‘killing me’ (lit. “my killing”)

        b. i@≡n$        ji$yi$-y
           1SgO         kill-VblN.L
           ‘killing me’

        c. i@∴           ji$y-i$˘
           1PlP          kill-VblN.L


17.3.2 ‘Begin’ (tu@mdi@-)

‘Begin’ takes a Verbal Noun or other nominal as complement. In (xx1.a), the
complement is a cognate nominal. In (xx1.b-c) it is a Verbal Noun, with a
simple noun representing the direct object functioning as compound initial (with
L-tone). In (xx1.d) we have a similar structure, but with a pronominal object.
The latter can be expressed as simple /i@/ as in this example, or with Accusative
clitic as /i@≡ni$/.

(xxx)   a. nu$w<ç@           tu@mdi@-ti@-ya$
           song(noun)        begin-Perf-3PlS
           ‘They have begun to sing.’

        b. nu$w<ç$-[nu$w<-i^˘]                    tu@mdi@-ti@-ya$
           song(noun).L-[sing-VblN.LHL]           begin-Perf-3PlS
           [= (a)

        c. na$w<a$˘-[ku$w-i^˘]            tu@mdi@-yE$
           meat.L-[eat-VblN]              begin-Impf.3PlS




                                       258
             ‘They will begin to eat the meat.’

         d. [i@        su$y-i^˘]             tu@mdi@-ti^˘-∅
            [1SgO      hit-VblN]             begin-Perf-3SgS
            ‘He/She began to hit me.’


17.3.3 ‘Prevent’ (ga$˘li@-)

The complement is expressed as a verbal noun (or other nominal). The logical
subject of the complement clause functions as a direct object of ‘prevent’.

(xxx)    a. i@≡ni$     bi$rE$-[bi$r-i^˘]                       ga$˘li$-∅
            1Sg≡Acc work(noun).L-[work-VblN]                   prevent.Perf.L-3SgS
            ‘He/She prevented me from working.’

         b. i@≡ni$     E$njE$-[ti$y-i^˘]         ga$˘li$-∅
            1Sg≡Acc chicken.L-[sell-VblN]        prevent.Perf.L-3SgS
            ‘He/She prevented me from selling the chicken.’


17.3.4 ‘Consent’ (a$wu@-)

The verb a$wu@- ‘receive, accept (sth given)’, which is usually heard as a&w, is
used in the sense ‘consent, give permission’ with a verbal noun complement. If
there is no overt subject of the complement clause, it is understood that the
main-clause subject has consented to perform the action (‘he agreed to come’).
If there is a disjoint subject, it appears overtly (‘he agreed that I could go’).

(xx1)    a. yE&-y$                 a&w-jE^˘-∅
            come-VblN.LHL          receive-RecPf-3SgS
            ‘He/She has consented to come.’

         b. [ba$ma$kç@   i@     lo&-y$]          a&w-jE^˘-∅
            [Bamako      1SgS go-VblN.LHL] receive-RecPf-3SgS
            ‘He/She has agreed (=consented) to my going to Bamako.’


17.3.5 Obligational ‘must’ (wa@˘ji@bu$)

The noun wa@˘ji@bu$ 'obligation' (from Arabic via Fulfulde) is the predicate.
Presumably an 'it is' clitic is attached to it (‘it is an obligation’), but the clitic is




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inaudible since it is an inanimate noun already ending in a low tone. The NP
denoting the necessary action functions as subject NP with ‘(it is) an obligation’
as predicate. This NP may be a verbal noun or other nominal. When the verbal-
noun construction is used, the subject (agent) of the verbal-noun clause may be
expressed either as a possessor of the Verbal Noun (xxx.a), or as a dative
preceding wa@˘ji@bu$≡Ø (xxx.b).

(xx1)    a. [ba$ma$kç@   E@r<E@  lo@-y$]          wa@˘ji@bu$≡Ø
            [Bamako      3SgP go-VblN.HL] obligation≡it.is
            ‘He/She must go to Bamako.’ (lit. “His/her going to Bamako (is) an
            obligation”)

         b. [N$gu@-ru$  wa$s -i^˘]         ma&˘$      wa@˘ji@bu$≡Ø
            [here       remain-VblN] 1Sg.Dat obligation≡it.is
            'I must remain here.' (lit. "remaining here is an obligation for me")


17.3.6 ‘Dare’ (da$˘ri@-, su@˘sE@-)

da$˘ri@- has a range of senses including ‘crave’ and ‘miss (nostalgically)’. It can
be used something like a ‘dare to, have the audacity to’ verb, though perhaps a
better gloss would be ‘can’t help (doing)’. It takes a verbal noun or other
nominal complement (xx1).

(xx1)    yE&-y$            da$˘ru@-m$
         come-VblN         dare-Impf.3SgS
         ‘He/She dares to come.’

    Another verb su@˘sE@-, from Fulfulde, is also used with a similar syntax (xx2).

(xx2)    N$gu@-ru$   e$wy-i^˘        su@˘sE@-m$
         here        sit-VblN        dare-Impf.3SgS
         ‘He/She dares to sit here.’


17.3.7 ‘Cease’, 'desist' (du$wç@-)

The verb du$wç@- 'leave, abandon' may be used to indicate the abandonment of an
activity. In this context it takes a verbal noun or similar nominal complement
(xxx).

(xxx)    dç$rç$gu$-[nç&-y$]          du$wç@-ti^˘-Ø




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        drug.L-[drink-VblN        leave-Perf1b-3SgS
        'She has given up drinking (alcohol).'

    For ‘finish (VP-ing) with du$mdu@- ∼ du$mdi@- ‘finish’, see §17.xxx, below.


17.3.8 ‘Want’ (jç$rç@-, negative -mi$-ra@-)

The verb jç$rç@- ‘want’ is morphologically regular as far as its paradigm goes.
The common positive form is the unsuffixed Imperfective (3Sg jç@rç@-m$ ‘he/she
wants’, 3Pl jç@rç@-yE$ ‘they want’). However, there is a suppletive negative ‘not
want’ verb, see below.
    When the complement clause has the same subject, we get a verbal noun or
similar nominal construction (xx1).

(xx1)   a. be$˘ni$-[lo&-y$]         jç@rç@-y$
           Beni.L-go-VblN           want.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I want (= would like) to go to Beni.’ (be@˘ni$)

        b. nu@w<ç$y<               &
                       bu$˘ru$-[n)E-y$]        jç@rç@-w$                ma$
           now         bread.L-eat-VblN.HL want.Impf-2SgS               Q
           ‘Do you-Sg want to eat some bread now?’ (bu@˘ru$)

        c. [i@≡n$    ji$y-i^˘]         jç$rç$-∅
           [1SgO     kill-VblN]        want.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He/She wanted (= tried) to kill me.’

    With different subjects, the verb of the complement takes Imperfective form
and ends with -m$, for all person-number categories of subject. The -m$ could be
taken as the Inanimate Imperfective Participial suffix -m$, or else as the 3Sg
subject Imperfective suffix -m$ that has generalized in this construction to all
subject categories. A pronominal subject in the complement is expressed as a
preverbal independent pronoun.

(xx2)   a. [[E@r<E@ n)a^y] i@    lo@-m$]      jç@rç@-m$
           [[3Sg with] 1SgS go.Impf-Ppl.Inan] want-Impf.3SgS
           ‘He wants me to go with him.’

        b. [n)a&y$     bu^˘    lo@-m$]      jç@rç@-y$
           [1Sg.with 3PlS go.Impf-Ppl.Inan] want.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I want them to go with me.’




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     The negative ‘not want’ verb is mi$-ra@- (the expected #jç@rç@-m-do@- is
ungrammatical) The segmentation is not transparent, but I will put the
morpheme break in on the assumption that native speakers can discern a
similarity to Stative Negative clitic ≡ra@-. Nasalization-Spreading does not apply
to the rhotic, suggesting an internal reconstruction *m$bi$-ra@-, which is supported
by e.g. Walo m$bi$-ra@-. The syntax of mi$-ra@- is the same as for positive jç$rç@- as
just described.


17.3.9 ‘Forget’ (i$rE@-), ‘remember’ (i$li$-ri@-)

‘Remember’ is the reversive derivative of ‘forget’ (§9.1). Both verbs may take
verbal noun or similar nominal complements to express a clausal complement
with the same subject (‘forget/remember to VP’).

(xx1)    a. yE&-y$             i$rE@˘-rE$-∅
            come-VblN          forget-Perf1a-3SgS
            ‘He/She forgot to come.’

         b. ta$˘<-[da&<-y$<]                i$rE@-rE@
            door.L-[lock.up-VblN]           forget-ImprtNeg
            ‘Don’t-2Sg forget to lock the door.’ (ta^˘<, da@<-)

         c. ta$˘<-[da&<-y$<]           i$li$-ri@            go&˘-rE$-y
            door.L-[lock.up-VblN]      remember             go.out-Perf1a-1SgS
            ‘I remembered to lock the door.’


17.3.10 ‘Be afraid to’ (u@˘-yi@-)

The verb u@˘-yi@- ‘fear, be afraid’ (cf. archaic causative u@˘-ru@- ‘frighten, scare’,
noun u$wa&w ‘fear’) takes a verbal-noun complement when the lower clause has
the same subject (‘he is afraid to swim’), as in (xx1.a). If the lower clause has a
different subject (‘he is afraid that a snake will bit him’), we get a factive
complement ending in a Definite morpheme (xxx.b).

(xx1)    a. ta$mç$rç$-[ku$w-i^˘]         u$-u@wa@-w$
            date.L-[eat-VblN]            Rdp-fear-Stat.3SgS
            ‘He/She is afraid to eat dates.

         b. [E@r<E@≡ni$     u@   su@yç@-m$          ku$]         u$-u@wa@-w$
            [3Sg≡Acc        2SgS hit-Impf           Def.Inan.Sg] Rdp-fear-Stat.3SgS




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            ‘Hex is afraid that you will hit himx/himy.’


17.4 Complements with bare combining form (direct chains)

I include these examples here since we usually think of them as involving a
matrix-clause verb like ‘finish’ and a complement clause or VP. However, in
Beni they are direct chains (serial construction), see §16.xxx. That is, the
nonfinal VP (“complement clause”) ends in a verb in the bare combining form,
with lexical tones.
      In Beni (more so than in the other Dogon languages I have studied, such as
Jamsay), one could seriously consider the possibility of reanalysing the
perfective-system AN “suffixes” -so^- (Resultative), -jE^- (Recent Perfect), and
-ta^- (Experiential Perfect) as separate verbs. Since they are preceded by a verb
in its combining form, if these AN morphemes are taken to be separate verbs,
the verb form would have to be reanalysed as part of a direct chain.


17.4.1 ‘Finish’ (du$mdu@- ∼ du$mdi@-)

du$mdu@- ∼ du$mdi@- is a transitive verb that can take a nominal complement
(xxx.a), or it can be directly chained to the nonfinal VP (xxx.b).

(xx1)   a. kç$sç&y             du$mdi@-ti^˘-Ø
           harvest[noun]       finish-Perf1b-3SgS
           'He/She finished harvesting (= finished the harvest).'

        b. [yu^˘      kç@si@@]           du$mdi@-ti^˘-Ø
           [millet    harvest[verb]]     finish-Perf1b-3SgS
           'He/She finished harvesting the millet.'

    The explicitly biclausal 'finish VP-ing' construction gets some competition
from Recent Perfect -jE^- and its negation -jE$-ri@-. For example, 'finish eating'
was expressed with du$mdu@- by my assistant in contexts like the imperative
(xx2.a). However, in contexts favoring a perfect reading, he avoided du$mdu@-
and used the Recent Perfect (xx2.b).

(xx2)   a. n)E&˘       du&md-a$
           eat         finish-Imprt
           'Finish-Sg up eating!'

        b. dç^m               n)E&y           n)E@-jE$-ri@-y$




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             up.to.now          meal              eat-RecPf-PerfNeg-1SgS
             'I haven't finished eating.'


17.4.2 ‘Help’ (ba$ri@-)

As in other nearby Dogon languages, there is a verb with a range of senses
including ‘add (to), increase’ and ‘help, assist’. The Beni verb is ba$ri@-. The
semantic range suggests that ‘help’ is conceptualized as ‘reinforce (effort), add
(oneself, to a collective effort)’.
    An example of the ‘help’ sense with a clausal complement is (xx1). The
person being helped appears as a direct object with optional Accusative clitic.
The complement verb appears in its bare combining form and may be preceded
by other complements.

(xx1)   i@≡ni$     [wo@Ngo@ro@      wa$ra@]        ba$ru@-m$
        1Sg≡Acc [farming            do.farm.work] help-Impf.3SgS
        ‘He/She will help me (to) do the farming.’

    In Beni the semantic range of ba$ri@- does not extend to ‘gather’, which is
expressed by ba$ra@-. The ‘add, increase; help’ and ‘gather’ verbs are
homophonous in Jamsay and Tabi-Sarinyere.


17.4.3 ‘Be able to, can’ (bE$rE@-)

The ‘be able to’ verb is bE$rE@-, which is also the the verb ‘get, obtain’. In the ‘be
able to’ construction it occurs in imperfective form (positive or negative), so it
is heard as high-toned bE@rE@-. The logical subject of the complement clause is
coindexed with the subject of ‘be able to’ and is not overtly expressed in the
complement clause. The complement verb has a verb in the bare combining
form. Direct objects or other complements occur in the same form as in main
clauses.

(xxx)   a. i@nji@ri@     bE@rE@-m$-do@-∅
           get.up        can-Impf-Neg-3SgS
           ‘He/She cannot get up.’

        b. [te^˘    nç@]         bE@rE@-yE$
           [tea     drink]       can-Impf.3PlS
           ‘They can drink tea.’




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17.5 Purposive, causal, and locative clauses

17.5.1 Verb with Purposive suffix (-ra@˘, -rE@˘)

In one construction, Purposive suffix -ra@˘ (variant -rE@˘) is added to an L-toned
form of the relevant verb stem. This construction is common when the
purposive is subordinated to a verb of motion (xx1).

(xx1)   a. pE$rE@        ti$yE$-ra@˘         yE$-y$
           sheep.Pl      sell-Purp           come.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I came in order to sell sheep-Pl.’

        b. [[a@          i@se$˘]             ti$wE$-ra@˘]      yE$-∅
           [[ReflP       village.HL]         die-Purp]         come.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘He has come back to his village to die.’

        c. [wo@Ngo@ro@   wa$ra$-rE@˘]                lo@˘-rE$-∅
           [farming      farm-Purp]                  go-Perf1a-3SgS
           ‘He/She went to do some farming.’

        d. [bu@˘ru$        E$wE$-ra@˘]             lo@-y$
           [bread          buy-Purp]               go.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I will go and buy some bread.’

        e. [yu^˘       lu$gu$ru$-ra@˘]      lo$-bç@
           [millet     look.for-Purp]       go.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They went to look for (=try to get) some millet.’

     The suffix takes the allomorph -la@˘ after a stem ending in y<, which
disappears. The attested examples involve the stems ga&y<- ‘put’ (hence ga$-la@˘)
and ka@y<- ‘do’ (ka$-la@˘). My assistant also produced gu$<-la@˘ from gu&y<- ‘say’, in
this instance preserving nasalization, but indicated that gu$<-la@˘ is rare.
     This explicitly purposive construction gets some competition from various
types of VP chain, where the purposive element is implied rather than stated.
This is common when the intended eventuality actually took place. In (xx2), the
Same-Subject clitic ≡ni@ is used.

(xx2)   [go&˘$    ga&y<≡ni@]          ki$-ka&˘$              ji$yE$-bç@
        [fire     put≡and.SS]         Rdp-grasshopper kill.Perf.L-3PlS
        ‘They set a fire and killed (= in order to kill) the grasshoppers.’




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17.5.2 Quasi-purposive clause in manner-adverbial form (da$y<)

In this construction, the purposive clause takes the form of a manner adverbial
(§15.2.3), cf. English in such a way that … in vaguely purposive sense. The
manner adverbial may precede or follow the main clause. Given the prospective
temporal context, the verb of the manner adverbial will normally appear as an
Inanimate Imperfective participle (-m$ after Imperfective stem).

(xx1)   [wo$go$to@ro$     ce@˘le@-y$∴            de$]
        [cart             fix.Impf-1PlS          if]
        [da$y<            wa@˘le$        i@∴          lo@-m$
        [manner.L         Walo           1PlS         go.Impf-Ppl.Inan]
        ‘We will fix the (donkey) cart, so that we may go to Walo (village).’


17.5.3 Clauses ending in Purposive postposition gi&n

Here Purposive postposition gi&n ‘for; because of’ and its variants (§8.5.1)
follows a verbal noun (or similar nominal with verb-like sense). The
construction is uncommon in my data. In (xx1), the verb of the complement is
in third person Hortative form, as in jussives (reported imperatives, §17.1.3).

(xx1)   na&r<a$            N$gu@-ru$     i@≡n$
        1SgP.mother.HL     here          1Sg≡Acc
        [ni^˘    kç@wç@-y                    gi&n]  ti$-∅
        [water   draw.water-Hort.3SgS for]          send.Perf.L-3SgS
        ‘My mother sent me here (telling me) to draw water (at the well).’

    I have more examples of final gi&n in causal (‘because’) clauses, see
§17.5.4.2, below.


17.5.4 Causal (‘because’) clause

The clauses under this rubric are translatable as ‘because …’. Unlike
purposives, which are prospective in time reference, causal clauses indicate a
relationship between an eventuality that already exists (or has already occurred)
and a following event.




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17.5.4.1 Clause-initial sa@bu$ ‘because’

This clause-initial particle, from Arabic, is now common (with slight variation
in form) in all languages of the zone. The following clause has regular main-
clause form.

(xx1)   [N$ga@-da@˘    yu^˘          i$rE$-ri@-∅],
        [there         millet        ripen-PerfNeg-3SgS],
        sa@bu$        bo$lu@           ç@gu@-ru@   yE$-ri@-∅
        because       rain[noun]       fast-Inch   come-PerfNeg-3SgS
        ‘The millet hasn’t ripened (well) there, because the rain did not come
        early (=the rain came late).’


17.5.4.2 Clauses with final Purposive gi&n and variants

Purposive postposition gi&n, gi$ni@, gu&n, or gu$ni@ (§8.xxx) can also be used with a
clausal complement. The clause takes its normal main-clause form.

(xx1)   [kç^˘      a@∴         ya@        so@-w@    gi$-ni@]
        [hunger ReflPlS        Exist      have-3SgS for]
        i$se^˘         go$-bç@
        village        go.out.Perf.L-3PlS
        ‘They have left the village because they are/were hungry (“had
        hunger”).’

     For the use of gi&n in purposive clauses, see §17.5.3, above.
     The origin of gi&n as a clause-linking form of gu&y< (gi&˘<) ‘say’ is not opaque
to native speakers. Therefore (xx1) could be literally glossed ‘they have left the
village, saying (= thinking, on the grounds that) they-Logophoric were hungry’.
Another clause-linking form, gi$≡na@y, less contracted and therefore more
transparently connected to ‘say’, is also attested (xx2); gi$≡na@y also occurs in a
negative purposive clause in (xx1) in §17.5.5.

(xx2)   be@˘ni$    ye@-m$-ndo@-∅,
        Beni       come-Impf-Neg-3SgS,
        [tç&w     so$-lo@-∅]               gi$≡na@y
        [kin      have-Neg-3SgS]           say.L≡then.SS
        ‘She doesn’t come to Beni, since (= on the grounds that she has no kin
        (there).’




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17.5.4.3 Clauses with final Causal dE@Nge$y

Clause-final dE@NgE$y (with possessed HL tone contour) is more or less
interchangeable with clause-initial sa@bu$. An example is (xx2).

(xx2)   [N$ga@-da@˘    yu^˘           i$rE$-ri@-Ø],
        [there         millet         ripen-PerfNeg-3SgS],
        bo$lu@         ç@gu@-ru@     yE$-ri@-Ø             dE@NgE$y
        rain[noun]     fast-Inch     come-PerfNeg-3SgS because
        ‘The millet hasn’t ripened (well) there, because the rain did not come
        early (=the rain came late).’


17.5.4.4 Clauses with final Causal ni^˘ wo$

The complex postposition ni^˘ wo$ 'because of, on account of', which generally
refers to human motivation or reasoning rather than to physical causality
(§8.xxx), is occasionally used with a clausal complement (xx1).

(xx1)   nE@˘         n)E$˘-w<-i^˘           N$go@-∅,
        now          eat-Caus-VblN          not.be-3SgS
        [[[kç$˘< bu^˘ n)a$Ngu$-ru@-m$]                  N$go@-∅]   ni^˘] wo$
        [[[thing.L 3PlS be.ruined-Caus.Impf-Ppl.Inan] not.be-3SgS] cause] in
        ‘Now there is no feeding (= tending the animals), because there is
        nothing that they (= animals) (can) damage.’ [2005-1a.15]


17.5.5 Negative purposive (= prohibitive) clause

In (xx1), an imperfective main clause is followed by a negative purposive
clause ending in gi$≡na@y ‘say and’.

(xx1)   te$mbe$-ku^˘         bi@re@-y$∴
        roof                 replaster.Impf-1PlS
        ni^˘         si@-ye@-rE@-y                      gi$≡na@y
        water        go.down-Intr-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS say.L≡then.SS
        ‘We will replaster the roof (with mud), so that (rain) water doesn’t
        come down (=leak).’




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18 Anaphora




18.1 Reflexive

The marked third person reflexive pronominals are a@ (Sg) and a@∴ (Pl). As
usual, ∴ indicates dying-quail intonation (prolongation plus slow pitch decay).
The same forms are used in logophoric function (§18.xxx).


18.1.1 Reflexive non-subject arguments

There are no special reflexive forms for first or second person; one says ‘I hit
me’, ‘you hit you’, etc.. Examples with ‘cut’ (Perfective-1 form) are in (xx1).

(xx1)   a. i@ cE@s E@-ti@-y$     ‘I cut myself.’
           i@∴ cE@s E@-ti@-y$∴   ‘We cut ourselves.’

        b. u@ cE@s E@-tu@-w$     ‘You-Sg cut yourself.’
           u@∴ cE@s E@-tu@-w$∴   ‘You-Pl cut yourselves.’

    For third person subjects, a coindexed direct object is expressed by the
Reflexive pronoun, Singular a@ or Plural a@∴.

(xx2)   a. a@            cE@s E@-ti^˘-∅
           ReflSgO       cut-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘He cut himself.’

        b. a@∴           cE@s E@-ti@-ya$
           ReflPlO       cut-Perf1b-3PlS
           ‘They cut themselves.’


18.1.2 Reflexive possessor

There is no special reflexive form for first or second person possessors. The
regular possessor forms are used even when the clausemate subject is coindexed
(xx1).
(xx1)   a. i&njE$-m               la&r-ti@-y$
           1SgP.dog-Sg.HL         chase.away-Perf1b-1SgS
           ‘I chased my dog away.’

        b. [u@      i@njE$-m]       la&r-tu@-w$
           [2SgP    dog-Sg.HL]      chase.away-Perf1b-2SgS
           ‘You-Sg chased your-Sg dog away.’

    The special third person reflexive-possessor pronominals are used when
the possessor of a nonsubject NP is coindexed to the clausemate subject.
Contrast (xx2.a), where such coindexation applies, to (xx2.b), where the
clausemate subject is not coindexed to the possessor.

(xx2)   a. se&ydu$   [a@        i@njE$-m]   la&r-ti^˘-∅
           Seydou [ReflSgP dog-Sg.HL] chase.away-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘Seydoux chased hisx (own) dog away.’

        b. se&ydu$    [E@r<E@    i@njE$-m]     la&r-ti^˘-∅
           Seydou     [3SgP      dog-Sg.HL] chase.away-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘Seydoux chased hery (e.g. Hawa’s) dog away.’

    A singular clausemate subject may be coindexed with a more inclusive
third person possessor, e.g. denoting the family containing the subject referent.
This requires a plural reflexive pronominal (xx3.a). Of course the same plural
form is used when the coindexed subject and possessor are both plural and
denote the same set (xx3.b).

(xx3)   a. se&ydu$   [a@∴        i$njE$-m]    la&r-ti^˘-∅
           Seydou [ReflPlP dog-Sg.L] chase.away-Perf1b-3SgS
           ‘Seydoux chased theirxy (= hisx family’s) dog away.’

        b. [se&ydu$   ya$⇒↑] [a@˘ma$du$ ya$⇒↓]
           [Seydou    and]      [Amadou and]
           [a@∴       i$njE$-m]     la&r-ti@-ya$
           [ReflPlP dog-Sg.L]       chase.away-Perf1b-3PlS
           ‘Seydoux and Amadouy chased theirxy (jointly owned) dog away.’


18.1.3 Expressions with ‘head’ (ku^˘)

Expressions of the literal type ‘my head’, etc., are not the common reflexives or
emphatics in Beni. However, I did elicit a reflexive-like construction with




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datives (xx1). In the third person form (xx1.a), the Reflexive pronoun a@ is the
possessor of ‘head’.

(xx1)   a. [[u@       ku^˘]        ma$˘]       ka$<-w<
           [[2SgP     head.HL] Dat]            do.Perf.L-2SgS
           ‘You did (it) to yourself.’

        b. [[a@        ku^˘]         ma$˘]     ka$y<-∅
           [[ReflSgP head.HL] Dat]             do.Perf.L-2SgS
           ‘He did (it) to himself.’

        c. [[i@∴      ku$˘]        ma$˘]       ka$<-y$<∴
           [[1PlP     head.L]      Dat]        do.Perf.L-1PlS
           ‘We did (it) to ourselves.’


18.1.4 Expressions with na$Na$na@˘ ‘all’

The noun na$Na$na@˘ has a primary sense ‘all’ (§6.xxx). It may be used in this
sense after a pronoun denoting a plurality (or a mass). It behaves as a
“possessed” noun, with the appropriate tone overlay, {L} or {HL} as the case
may be.

(xxx)   a. [bu^˘      na$Na$na$˘]            sE$llE$-r-a@
           [3PlP      all.L]                 be.healthy-PerfNeg-3PlS
           ‘They are all sick.’

        b. [ku@         na@Na$na$˘]   du$w<ç@˘-rE$-∅
           [InanP       all.HL]       be.finished-Perf-3SgS
           ‘It (e.g. sugar) is finished (= depleted).’

    The same construction (with pronominal possessor) may be used as an
emphatic. This is seen most clearly when the pronominal is singular in reference
(xx2).

(xx2)   nu&˘$                  ti@-y$,
        1SgP.person.Pl.HL      send.Impf-1SgS,
        ga$˘      [i@      na@Na$na$˘]    lo@-m$-ndo@-y$
        but       [1Sg     all.HL]        go-Impf-Neg-1SgS
        ‘I am sending my people, but I personally will not go.’




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18.2 Logophoric and indexing pronouns

The logophoric pronouns are a@ (Sg) and a@∴ (Pl). The latter has dying-quail
intonation, like the 1Pl and 2Pl pronouns.


18.2.1 True logophoric function

Logophorics are original 1Sg or 1Pl pronouns that occur somewhere within a
“logophoric space,” i.e., within a (speech or thought) quotation attributed to an
author who is a third person (not the current speaker or addressee). Another
way to say this is that logophorics are a special type of third person pronominal
coindexed to the attributed author of a proposition.
     In (xx1), the logophoric is the subject of a quotative clause. For Quotative
Subject particle /ma˘/, see §xxx. Note that e.g. ‘Hex said that hex isn’t coming’
is a reformulation of the direct quotation ‘He said: “I am not coming.”’

(xx1)   a. [a@          ma@˘     ye@-m$-ndo@-∅] gi$y<-∅
           [LogoSgS QuotS come-Impf-Neg-3SgS] say.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Hex said that hex isn’t coming.’

        b. [a@∴        ma$˘     ye@-m$-n-E@]      gi$y<-bç@
           [LogoPlS QuotS come-Impf-Neg-3PlS] say.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘Theyx said that theyx aren’t coming.’

    In (xx2), the logophoric functions as direct object within its clause.

(xx2)   a. bu@ra^˘       gu@<-w$<              de$,
           Boura         say-Impf.3SgS         if,
           [u@     ma@˘       a@           su$yo$]            wa$
           [2Sg QuotS         LogoSgO      hit.Perf.L]        say
           ‘Bourax says that you-Sg hit-Past himx .’

        b. yi$-tE&˘$      bu^˘       gu@<-w$<               de$,
           child-Pl       3PlS       say-Impf.3SgS          if,
           [i@       ma@˘      a@∴            su$yo$]       wa$
           [1Sg QuotS          LogoPlO        hit.Perf.L]   say
           ‘The childrenx say that I hit-Past themx.’

    In (xx3.a), the logophoric is the possessor of an object NP within its
clause. Since the clausemate subject is second person, there is no ambiguity as
to what the antecedent is. However, (xx3.b) is ambiguous, since the possessive




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/a@/ could be taken either as reflexive possessor coindexed to the the more local
clausemate subject, which here is third person, or as logophoric coindexed to
the attributed author.

(xx3)   a. E@r<E@       gu@<-w$<                de$,
           3SgS         say-Impf.3SgS           if,
           [u@    ma@˘     [a@        i@njE$-m]      la$ri$]  wa$
           [2SgS QuotS [LogoSgP dog-Sg.HL] chase.away.Perf.L] say
           ‘Shex says that you-Sg chased herx dog away.’

        b. E@r<E@       gu@<-w$<                 de$,
           3SgS         say-Impf.3SgS            if,
           [se&ydu$ ma$˘ [a@           i@njE$-m]      la$ri$]          wa$
           [Seydou QuotS [LogoSgP dog-Sg.HL] chase.away.Perf.L] say
                             [ReflSgP …
           ‘Shex says that Seydouy (man’s name) chased herx/hisy dog away.’

    The notion of ‘author’ needs to be stretched to cover examples of the type
‘X knows that …’ and especially ‘X heard that …’. In the case of ‘know’, the
propositional knowledge may be unconscious rather than articulated verbally
(even as thought). With ‘hear’, the focus is on the hearer as one who processes
propositions that originate with other speakers. We do get Logophoric (or,
arguably, Reflexive) third person pronominals in such cases, under the same
conditions as with quoted speech. In (xx4.a-b), note Logophoric object a@≡n$ or
a@.

(xx4)   a. [i@    ma@˘     a@           su@yç@-m$]   ju@wç@-m$
           [1Sg QuotS LogoSgO hit-Impf]              know-Impf.3SgS
           ‘Hex knows that I will hit himx.’

        b. [se&ydu$ ma$˘      a@≡n$         ya@      lu@gu@ro@-m$]
           [S        QuotS LogoSg≡Acc Exist look.for-Impf]
           nu$-∅
           hear.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Shex heard that Seydou was looking for herx.’

     My assistant did not use logophorics in (xx5), where the main-clause verb is
tE@mbi@- ‘find’. This verb suggests that one event (here, Amadou’s arrival)
happens to coincide with a situation (here, the fact that Seydou is looking for
Amadou). Local French ça trouve/trouvait que … is used in the same sense, and
its impersonal ça captures the pragmatics. So both Amadou and Seydou are
resumed by ordinary 3Sg E@r<E@.




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(xx5)   a@˘ma@du$   se&ydu$ [E@r<E@≡ni$ E@r<E@   lu@gu@ro@-m$≡ba$y]
        A           S       [3Sg≡Acc 3SgS        look.for-Impf≡Ppl.Past]
        tE$mbi$-∅
        find.Perf.L-3SgS
        ‘Amadoux found (= arrived to find) that Seydou was looking for himx.’


18.2.2 Non-logophoric topic-indexing function

In some other Dogon languages, one observes that Logophoric/Reflexive
pronouns are used to resume the referent of preposed topical NP: ‘As for
Seydou, he-Logo/Refl is going away.’
    In elicitation, my Beni assistant treated the topical NP as part of the clause
proper, even when marked by Topic particle ka$y. Both the set-up elicitation cue
with first person topic (xx1.a) and the third person cue (xx1.b) had this
structure. The French cues were with quand même (e.g. Moi quand même, je
pars à Beni).

(xx1)   a. [i@       ka$y]   be^˘n     lo@-y$
           [1SgS     Top]    Beni      go.Impf-1SgS
           ‘As for me (moi quand même), I’m going to Beni.’

        b. [se&ydu$ ka$y] be^˘n lo@-m$
           [S        Top] Beni go-Impf.3SgS
           ‘As for Seydou, he’s going to Beni.’

    It was possible to elicit a topical resumptive pronoun in (xx2), where the
topical NP is heavy (a conjunction of two NPs). Here the topical resumptive
pronoun is ordinary 3Pl bu^˘, not a Reflexive.

(xx2)   [[se&ydu$ ya$⇒]   [a@˘ma@du$ ya$⇒] bu^˘        lo@-m$-n-E@
        [[S       and]    [A          and]     3Pl     go-Impf-Neg.3Pl
        Seydou and Amadou, as for them, they will not go.’




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18.3 Reciprocal

18.3.1 Simple reciprocals (tu&˘)

The Reciprocal pronoun tu&˘ is invariant in form (i.e. it does not agree
pronominally with the antecedent). It is related to the ordinary noun tu&-m
‘comrade, colleague’, plural tu&˘.
    In the typical case, tu&˘ functions as direct object (xx1.a-b), as the
complement of a postposition (xx1.c), or as possessor of a non-subject NP
(xx1.d), in each case with the clause-mate subject as antecedent. The clause is
not detransitivized.

(xx1)   a. tu&˘            yi$-r-a@
           Recip           see-PerfNeg-3PlS
           ‘They didn’t see each other.’

        b. [n$je@     gi$n]      tu&˘      su$yç$-w$∴
           [what?     for]       Recip     hit.Perf.L-2PlS
           ‘Why did you-Pl hit each other?’

        c. [tu&˘     ma^˘]      bu@˘du$          ni@-y$∴
           [Recip    Dat]       money            give.Impf-1PlS
           ‘We give money to each other.’

        d. [tu&˘      o@njo$]                  jE$-bç@
           [Recip     younger.sibing.Pl.HL]    marry.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They (=two men) married each other’s (younger) sisters.’

     In direct-object function, Accusative clitic ≡ni$ (≡n$) may be added, though
in textual occurrences this is uncommon.

(xx2)   a. tu&˘(≡ni$)                 su$yç$-bç@
           Recip(≡ObjF)               hit.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They hit each other.’

        b. [n$je@     gi$n]      tu&˘(≡ni$)             su$yç$-bç@
           [what?     for]       Recip(≡ObjF)           hit.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘Why did they hit each other?’




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18.4 Restrictions on reflexives

The syntax of reflexives appears to be very close to that in Jamsay. For
example, the possessor of a subject NP may not serve as antecedent, so in (xx1)
we get the ordinary 3Sg object pronominal even when it is coindexed to the
subject possessor.

(xx1)   [E@r<E@     i@njE$-m]       E@r<E@      ku$wo$-∅
        [3SgP       dog-Sg.HL]      3SgO        bite.Perf.L-3SgS
        ‘Hisx dog bit himx.’
        or: 'Hisx dog bit hery.’

     A coordinand may not serve as antecedent with respect to the other
coordinand. For example, in (xx2) there is no indication whether possessive
E@r<E@ 'his' in the right conjunct is coindexed with the left conjunct ‘Amadou’.

(xx2)   [a@˘ma@du$ ya@⇒] [E@r<E@     bç^˘       ya$⇒] yE&˘-r-a$˘
        [A         and]   [3SgP father.HL and]        come-Perf-3PlS
        ‘Amadoux and hisx father came.’
        or: 'Amadoux and his/hery father came.’

     As with logophorics, it is possible to extend the coindexation from the
subject of one clause into the object of a complement clause if there is no
intervening third person subject. Therefore the third person subject equivalent
of (xx3.a) is (xx3.b), with a Reflexive pronominal object in the lower clause.

(xx3)   a. [i@≡n$       E@r<E@     su$y-i^˘]     ha$dE$-y$
           [1Sg≡Acc 3SgS           hit-VblN] prevent.Perf.L-1SgS
           ‘I prevented him/her from hitting me.’

        b. [a@≡n$        i@        su$y-i^˘]    ha$dE$-∅
           [ReflSg≡Acc 1SgS        hit-VblN] prevent.Perf.L-3SgS
           Hex prevented me from hitting himx.’




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19 Grammatical pragmatics




19.1 Topic

19.1.1 Topic (ka$y)

This particle may follow an NP or adverbial. It usually occurs at a shift from
one topical referent to another in the broader discourse. A nonpronominal
topical NP may be followed directly by ka$y (xx1.a-b)

(xx1)   a. [i@       ka$y]      N$gu@-ru$   wa@s a@-y$
           [1Sg      Topic]     here        remain.Impf-1SgS
           ‘(As for) me, I’m staying here.’

        b. [i@ye@     ka$y],    bi@rE@        bi@rE@-m$-ndo@-y$
           [today     Topic], work(noun) work-Impf-Neg-1SgS
           ‘(As for) today, I’m not working.’

    Alternatively, the topical constituent may be uttered in isolation form as a
pre-clausal phrase, followed (after a prosodic break) by an appositional
independent pronoun with the Topic particle (xx2).


19.1.2 ‘Now’ (nu@w<ç$y<, nE@˘)

The most common ‘now’ adverb in the temporal sense (‘at this time’) is
nu@w<ç$y<. It may be used by itself, or as a topical phrase in the form nu@w<ç$y<
ka$y.

(xx1)   a. nu@w<ç$y<    bi@rE@              bi@rE@⇒-y$
           now          work[noun]          work.Impf-1PlS
           ‘Now we will work.’

        b. [nu@w<ç$y<   ka$y]     u$su@     dE$r<E@˘-rE$-∅
           [now         Top]      sun       spend.daytime-Perf1a-3SgS
           ‘Now the day is over (= it’s night).’
    There is also a morpheme nE@˘ (variant ne@˘) which tends to function as a
kind of topic marker. Here the ‘now’ is discourse-centered rather than temporal,
as the center of attention shifts from one topical referent to another. One
common combination is with Topic morpheme ka$y in the phrase nE@˘ ka$y.
Another type of combination is with a preceding personal pronoun (xx2.b).

(xxx)   a. [nE@˘  ka$y]       dç&˘-rE$-y$∴
           [now   Top]        arrive-Perf1a-1PlS
           ‘Now we have arrived.’

        b. N$gu@-da@˘⇑,    [u@     nE@˘]      [mo$˘       N$gu@      da@˘]
           here,           [2Sg now]          [mouth.L this.Inan around]
           [u@        bu@-w$     ku$]     pi@˘r<i@-tu@-w$       de$,
           [2SgS be-2SgS Def] open-Perf-2SgS                    if,
           ‘Over here, you-Sg now, at the opening on this side, where you-Sg
           are, you’ll open it (= apiary) up, …’ [2005-1a.09]


19.1.3 ‘Also, even’ (ka@la$)

This particle can mean either ‘also, too’ or ‘even’. In the sense ‘also, too’,
something is added to a previously mentioned set (of entities, spatiotemporal
coordinates, or eventualities). The sense ‘even’ is logically similar, but this time
there is an element of surprise in the incremental addition.
     The particle follows the constituent that differentiates the overall
proposition from others already expressed or assumed. Even when it has logical
scope over a VP (or entire clause), it is preferentially attached to a preverbal
constituent, such as a cognate nominal. If there is no suitable nominal, it may
follow the verb.
     The unmarked sense ‘also, too’ with a clear connection to a specific
constituent is exemplified in (xx1.a-b). With clausal scope, the cognate-object
type is (xx1.c), while the postverbal type is (xx1.d).

(xx1)   a. [i@        ka@la$]     lo@-y$
           [1Sg       too]        go.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I too will go.’

        b. [i@ye@     bi@rE@           bi@rE@-y$∴]
           [today     work(noun)       work.Impf-1PlS]
           [[[E@y<        de@]  ka@la$] bi@rE@-y$∴]
           [[[tomorrow]         too]     work.Impf-1PlS]
           ‘We’re working today, and we’ll work tomorrow too.’




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        c. [gi$ye@               gi@ye@-m$],
           [dance(noun)          dance-Impf.3SgS],
           [[nu$w<ç@     ka@la$]      nu@w<ç@-m$]
           [[song        too]         sing-Impf.3SgS]
           ‘He dances, and he sings too.’
           (lit. “he dances dances, and songs too he sings.”)

        d. lE@˘tE@rE$   ti@-ti^˘-∅,          yi$-ye@-m$               ka@la$
           letter       send-Perf-3SgS, Rdp-come-Impf.3SgS            too
           ‘She sent a letter, (and) she is coming too.’

     A free translation with the marked sense ‘even’ is appropriate in (xx2). In
positive sentences, ‘also, too’ and ‘even’ have no sharp boundary, and free
translation of textual examples is sometimes arbitrary. The sense ‘even’ lends
itself well to negation (‘not even’). In (xx2.a), there is a clear focus on a
constituent. In (xx2.b), ‘even’ has clausal (or at least VP) scope but the particle
is positioned after a NP.

(xx2)   a. [a@mbi@ri$-m     ka@la$] ji$ye@      ji$ye$-∅
           [chief-Sg        even]   dance(noun) dance.Perf.L-3SgS
           ‘Even the chief danced.’

        b. [po&˘      ka@la$]      po$˘-li$-ri@-∅
           [greeting even]         greeting-Verb-PerfNeg-3SgS
           ‘He/She did not even say hello.’


19.2 Presentential discourse markers

19.2.1 ‘Well, …’ (ha@ya$)

ha@ya$ ‘well, …’ is a preclausal pragmatic marker. It is used in all languages of
the zone.


19.2.2 ‘But …’ (ga$˘)

ga$˘, often with low pitch is another preclausal pragmatic marker.




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19.2.3 ‘Lo, …’ (ja@ka$)

The preclausal particle ja@ka$, which I gloss as ‘lo, …’, is used in narrative
preceding a clause denoting a surprising or key event. This is another regional
particle found in all local languages.


19.3 ‘Only’ particles

19.3.1 ‘Only’ (sa&y)

The basic ‘only X’ phrase takes the form [X sa&y]. In many contexts including
prepausally, sa&y has low pitch, but I normalize transcription as sa&y and take the
low pitch to be intonational rather than phonological.
    In the examples below, sa&y follows a pronoun (xx1.a), a nonpronominal NP
(xx1.b-c), an adverb (xx1.d), or a PP (xx1.e).

(xx1)   a. [u@       ba@r-i$]           mi$-ra@-y$,
           [2SgP help.Nom.HL]           want-StatNeg-1SgS,
           [i@       sa&y]      wa@ra@-y$
           [1Sg      only]      farm.Impf-1SgS
           ‘I don’t want your-Sg help, I’ll do the farming alone (=by myself).’

        b. [[na&˘    ye$y]     sa&y]         so$-y
           [[cow     two.L] only]            have-1SgS
           ‘I have only two cows.’

        c. [[na&˘     ye&y]      sa&y]        b-E$˘<
           [[cow      two.L]     only]        be-3PlS
           ‘There are only two cows.’

        d. [i@ye@    sa&y]     bi@rE@             bi@rE@-m$
           [today    only]     work(noun)         work-Impf.3SgS
           ‘He/She will work today only.’

        e. bu^˘   [[nu&˘      ye&y      ma^˘] sa&y]          ni$-bç@
           3Pl    [[person    two.L     Dat]    only]        give.Perf.L-3PlS
           ‘They gave (some) to two people only.’

    When sa&y has logical scope over a VP (or clause), it is nonetheless
preferentially attached to an NP. This may be a cognate nominal of the sort that




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abounds in Dogon languages (xx2.a). If there is no suitable NP for sa&y to attach
to, it may follow the verb (xx2.b).

(xx2)   a. wo@Ngo@ro@        wa@ra@-m$-ndo@-∅,
           farming           farm-Impf-Neg-3SgS,
           [yç&˘           sa$y]         yç&˘-ra$-w
           [weeping        only]         weep-Impf-3SgS
           ‘He doesn’t do farm work, he just cries.’

        b. ye@-m$-∅                     sa$y
           come-Impf-3SgS               only
           ‘She just comes.’


19.3.2 ‘A mere …’ (lo@k)

lo@k is an intensifier for ‘one’, emphasizing that the quantity is not greater than
one (perhaps against expectations). In some contexts, the free translation may
include a disparaging adjective (e.g. ‘one lousy …’).

(xx1)   [na$˘          tu$w<ç@-m$        lo@k]     so$-y$
        [cow.L         one-Sg            mere]     have.Perf.L-1SgS
        ‘I have (just) a single cow.’


19.3.3 ‘If’ or ‘if (only)’ (ta@n)

The Fulfulde particle ta@n ‘only’, which is widely used in languages of the zone
(especially in conditional antecedents), can be used in the sense ‘only’ in
phrase-final (typically prepausal) position, as an alternative to sa&y.

(xx1)   a. [ku@        do$˘-wo^y] a$r<a$-be@ru$   ta@n
           [that       all]        help           only
           ‘All that is simply helping (someone).’ [2005.2b]

        b. [[u@     yi@tE$˘        bu^˘]   lo@     bi@rE@-yE$]
           [[2SgP children.HL DefPl] go            work-Impf.3PlS]
           [u@ro$       bi$yE@-w$              ta@n]
           [house       lie.down.Impf-2SgS     only]
           ‘Your children will go and work, you-Sg will just lie down at
           home.’ [2005.1a.13]




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     Clause-final ta@n is also used in a more complex discourse function,
indicating a temporal and (usually) causal relationship between the clause in the
question and a following clause. In this construction, ta@n can be glossed freely
as ‘if’ or ‘as soon as’.


19.4 Phrase-final emphatics

19.4.1 Clause-final ko&y

ko&y is a common clause-final emphatic. It is regional (Fulfulde, etc.). It is used
in contexts like (xx1), where the reply is a strong confirmation of the ‘yes’
answer to the question.

(xx1)   Q: u@ro$  n)a$w<a@˘-rE$-∅      ma$
           house be.ruined-Perf1a-3SgS Q
           ‘Was the house ruined?’

        A: n)a$wa@˘-rE$-∅             ko&y
           be.ruined-Perf1a-3SgS Emph
           ‘It sure (as hell) was ruined.’


19.4.2 Clause-final de@

Clause-final de@, also a regional form, has an admonitive function. It is common
in warnings, including admonitive imperatives (positive or negative). English
unstressed clause-final ‘now’ (in pragmatic function rather than in a temporal
deictic sense) is a reasonable free translation.

(xx1)   a. ya$ƒa@-rE@          de@
           fall-ImprtNeg       Emph
           ‘Don’t fall down, now!’

        b. gu$ru@      ta@yka$           de@
           thief.Pl    watch.out.Imprt Emph
           ‘Watch out for thieves, now!’




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19.4.3 Clause-final ‘(not) at all!’ particles (pE@y, pE@s )

The interjection-like ‘(not) at all!’ particle at the end of a clause or phrase is
pE@y, or its iteration pe@y-pe@y. It may occur at the end of a negative predication,
or it may be used by itself as a negative answer to a yes/no question.

(xx1)   a. bo$lu@        mi$r<E$-r<i@-∅    pE@y
           rain(noun) rain.fall-PerfNeg-3SgS not.at.all
           ‘It didn’t rain (or: hasn’t rained) at all.’

unclear -w
        b. Q: [u@∴ ma$˘ da@˘]       bo$lu@     mi$r<E@-w$
              [2Pl Dat around] rain(noun) rain.fall.Perf-Ppl.Inan
              ‘Has it rained in your-Pl area?’

             A: pE@y-pE@y
                not.at.all
                ‘Not a bit.’

    A variant pE@s is also in use. Cf. fE@s in Fulfulde.
    One may also use the emphatic adverb so@y ‘everything’ with a negative
predicate, as in so@y mi$r<E$-r<i@-∅ ‘it didn’t rain at all’.


19.5 Clause-final adverbial na$ ⇒

Clause-final adverbial na$⇒, with intonational prolongation, suggests a mild
adversarial relationship between the clause containing it and the following
clause (or a proposition negated by the following clause). The examples in
(xx1) were given by my assistant, who was asked to formulate examples
showing the typical function of the morpheme. ‘Just’ combined with an
unstressed clause-final ‘now’ (pragmatic, not tempora) or ‘mind you’ in the free
gloss seems to capture the flavor.

(xx1)   a. cE$mnE^˘≡∅           na$⇒, [kç$˘<      la&-w$]≡∅≡ra@-∅
           amusement≡it.is just,         [thing.L other-Inan≡it.is≡StatNeg-3SgS
           ‘It’s just (for) fun now, it’s not anything else.’ (cE$mnE@, la&-w)

        b. ti$ye$-ma@nu$           na$⇒, ja^y≡∅≡ra@-∅
           cross.cousin-laughter just,      fight(noun)≡it.is≡StatNeg-3SgS
           ‘It’s just horseplay (among cross-cousins) mind you, it’s not a (real)
           fight.’ (ja@y)




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19.6 Greetings

The general verb ‘greet, say hello to (someone)’ is po@˘-li@-, which ends in a
transitive suffix also used as a Causative and Inchoative suffix allomorph. The
noun ‘greeting’ is po&˘. The verb phrase ‘reply to a greeting’ is po&˘ sa@ (with verb
sa@ ‘reply’).
      Time-of-day greetings and their responses are in (xx1). The -ni$ in the
plural-addressee version of some greetings can be identified with Plural
Imperative -n$. The reply form o@∴ has dying-quail intonation.

(xx1)       greeting (G)       gloss                        situation
            response (R)

        a. na@y               ‘good morning-Sg’            morning to 11 AM
           na@y-ni$           ‘good morning-Pl’
           na@˘-kç$           (reply, archaic)
           o@∴                (reply preferred by younger speakers)
           (na@y irregularly related to verb na@- ‘spend night’)

        b. po&˘                ‘good day-Sg’                11 AM to dusk
           po&˘-ni$            ‘good day-Pl’
           o@∴                 (reply)

        c. dE$r<E&y            ‘good evening-Sg’          after sundown
           dE$r<E&y-ni$        ‘good evening-Pl’
           dE@r<u@wa^˘         (reply, archaic)
           o@∴                 (reply preferred by younger speakers)

     The stems na@y (xx1.a) and dE$r<E&y (xx1.c) have a fairly clear (to native
speakers) connection to verbs na@- ‘spend night’ and dE$r<E@ ‘spend the mid-day’.
This suggests that a minor derivational suffiix -y@ is present here (see §9.3), but
its (literal) sense is unclear and segmentation is not transparent. (xx1.a,c) are
therefore retrospective in time reference, referring to the time of day or night
already past.
     Greetings of the ‘good night!’ variety (i.e. ‘may you have a good night’) are
prospective in time reference.

(xx2)   a. ji&nja$ [E$su@    wo@]    i@∴       na@˘-w<i$-y$
           God     [good     in]     1PlO      spend.night-Caus-Hort.3SgS
           ‘May God have us spend the night in goodness!’




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     The formal Arabic greeting, generally used among adult men, and in
Muslim prayer, is a$s a$la@˘mu@-a$le@yku$m (or variant). The response is
wa$-a$le@yku$mma@sa$la^˘m (or variant). The verb phrase ‘pronounce the Arabic
greeting’ is sa$la^m sa@lmE@ (with cognate nominal), sa$la^m ga&y< (with ga&y<
‘put’), or just sa@lmi@nE@ (the latter contains Fulfulde Causative -in-). Other
Arabic exclamations include a$lha@mdu$ru$la^˘y ‘God be praised!’, and the
invitational expression bi$si@mi@la$ ‘in God’s name’ (inviting someone to e.g.
share a meal).
     There are also some situation-specific greetings based on the location the
addressee is in (if associated with a regular task or work), or is coming back
from. The greeting phrse begins with the noun denoting the location (‘well’,
‘fields’, ‘market’, etc.).

(xx3)       greeting          gloss                       at or coming from…

        a. ç$r<ç@˘ po&˘       ‘hello-Sg in the field’     field(s)
           ç$r<ç@˘ po&˘-ni$   ‘hello-Pl in the field’
           o@∴                (reply)

        b. ta&˘ po&˘          ‘hello-Sg at the well’      well
           ta&˘ po&˘-ni$      ‘hello-Pl at the well’
           o@∴                (reply)

        c. du$yç@-r<u$ po&˘     ‘hello-Sg at pounding’    pounding place
           du$yç@-r<u$ po&˘-ni$ ‘hello-Pl at pounding’
           o@∴                  (reply)

        d. E@wa@˘ po&˘        ‘hello-Sg at market’        weekly market
           E@wa@˘ po&˘-ni$    ‘hello-Pl at market’
           o@∴                (reply)

     o@∴ (in all contexts) has a variant a$wa@⇒. In work contexts, bi$ra@⇒ is used
by older speakers as a response to po&˘ greetings.
     An alternative greeting to someone in a field is [u@ ya@⇒] [ç$r<ç@˘ ya@⇒],
literally ‘you-Sg and (the) field(s)’. The plural-addressee equivalent replaces
2Sg pronoun u@ with 2Pl u@∴. Another alternative in the same situation is po&˘
bi$ra$⇒.
     The initial greeting and its response may be followed up by any of a variety
of additional greeting formulae. Some of these are more current in, and
probably borrowed from, other languages, like n$se@˘ (Bambara), ja^m ‘peace’
(Fulfulde and Jamsay), ja^m sa&y ‘only (= nothing but) peace’ (Jamsay, which is




                                       285
named after this greeting). Another follow-up, not (to my knowledge)
borrowed, is ka@nja@-ka@nja@ ‘peace’.
    ja^m ‘peace’ and sE@⇒w, another term vaguely meaning ‘well-being’ or the
like and confined to greetings, occur in phrases like (xx4) in these greeting
sequences. Those with ja^m may be borrowings from Jamsay.

(xx4)   a. sE@⇒w        bu@-w$
           well.being   be-2SgS
           ‘Are you well?’

        b. ja^m       dE$r<E@-w$
           ‘peace     spend.day-2SgS’
           ‘Has your day been (spent) in peace?’

        c. ja^m       na@-w$
           peace      spend.night-2SgS
           ‘Did you spend the night in peace?’ (= ‘Did you sleep well?’)

     The reply to ja&m na@-w$ is na@˘-so$-y ‘I spent the night (well).’
     ‘Excuse me!’ (e.g. after accidentally bumping someone) is ka&wru$ ka@y< or
just ka&wru$. Here ka@y< ‘do’ is imperative. The response is ka&wru$ ba$-ri@-∅.
     On either of the two major Islamic holy days, and at marriages, the
formulaic wish in (xx5) is uttered.

(xx5)   ji&njE$ [na$Ngi@ri$ ji$re$]    i@∴       cE@˘ri$-y$1
        God     [next.year face.L]     1PlO      show-Hort.3SgS
        ‘May God show us the face of next year!’

   The formulaic A-B sequence in (xx6) is exchanged among persons who
meet where condolences are being given to the survivors of a departed one.

(xx6)   A: [[ji&njE$ bi$rE$]         n)a^y] po&˘-ni$
           [[God       work(noun).L] with] greeting-Imprt.2Pl
           ‘Greetings to you on the occasion of God’s doing!’
        B: o@∴
           [reply]
        A: ma$yni@           E@r<E@   ya@˘pa$-n$
           take.courage      3SgO     pardon-Imprt.2Pl
           ‘Take-2Pl heart and forgive him/her (the deceased)!’
        B: ya@˘pE@-y$∴        [u@∴ ya$]      E@r<E@  ya@˘pa$-n$
           pardon.Impf-1PlS [2Pl and]        3SgO pardon-Imprt.2Pl
           ‘We pardon (him/her). And you-Pl too, pardon-2Pl him/her!’




                                     286
        A: ya@˘pE@-y$∴
           pardon.Impf-1PlS
           ‘We pardon (him/her).’

   Some other greetings are in (xx7). ja^m ‘peace, well-being’ (< Fulfulde) is a
common element in greetings in all local languages.

(xx7)       greeting                gloss                     situation

        a. ji&njE$ u@ jE&˘$-∅       ‘God brought you-Sg!’     arriving traveler
           ji&njE$ u@∴ jE&˘-∅$      ‘God brought you-Pl!’
           o@∴                      (reply)

        b. lo@ ja^m dç@             ‘go arrive-Sg in peace!’ departing traveler
           lo@ ja^m dç@-ni$         ‘go arrive-Pl in peace!’
           a$mi@˘na$                ‘amen!’ (reply)

        c. ji&njE$ ja^m u@ dç&˘-li$-y$ ‘may God deliver you-Sg in peace!’ (= b)
           ji&njE$ ja^m u@∴ dç&˘-li$-y ‘may God deliver you-Sg in peace!’
           a$mi@˘na$                   ‘amen!’ (reply)

    At a leave-taking, (xx8) may be uttered.

(xx8)   ji&njE$ ji$re$-[yi&-y$]       pç@dE@-y@
        God     eye.L-[see-VblN]      God.bring.about-Hort.3SgS
        ‘May God grant (= bring about) (our) seeing (each other again)!’




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