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                                          Deviance

                                         Chapter 1

1. Introduction and Current Status of Deviance Theory     1

2. Origins of the Field                                   3
   Social Organization
   Social Pathology
   Social Problems
   Social Disorganization
   Chicago School
   Labeling Approach
   Radical and Conflict Schools

3. Present State of the Field                             12

4. Deviance and Social Order                              13
   Deviance as Disorder
   Product of Normative System
   Product of Social Control
   Deviance as a Cause of Disorder
   Deviance's Contribution to Social Order
   Deviance as a Harbinger of Social Change

5. Delineation of Field of Deviance                       17

6. Various Meanings of Deviant in Different Disciplines   21
   Psychological Framework
   Statistical Framework
   Sociological Framework

7. Societal Conceptions of Deviance                       25
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                                           Chapter 1


                                          Introduction



       The purpose of this book is to examine sociological perspectives of deviance. The

major contemporary theories of deviance are presented and relationships between the

theories are explored.

       The current state of deviance theory reflects that of sociology generally--"a multitude
of parts and pieces that do not fit together very well"1. The field of deviance is disjointed:

       1. It lacks a clearly defined territory. Disagreement exists both with respect to what
          constitutes deviance and what is significant to study about deviance.

       2. The concepts are often ambiguous.

       3. The theories are not well articulated nor have they been adequately tested and
            refined.

       4. Large gaps exist in both theory and research.

       5. Conflicting perspectives pull the field in different directions.

       6. Research and theory tend to lack both an historical and cross-cultural perspective.

       7. There is not an overall cumulative body of research and theory in deviance nor has
            been sufficiently integrated into the mainstream of general sociological theory.

        8. Contemporary sociological theory is characterized by a bewildering multitude of

            paradigms that have different and often conflicting perspectives of the nature of
            reality, society, and the sociological enterprise that pull the field in different
            directions (Downes & Rock, 2003).



       "If sociology is to advance significantly, it must evolve a progressively more general
conceptual scheme that is adequate to consolidate a group of special theories" (Merton,
                                               3


l968:51). Currently the field is not unified but pulled in different directions by different

conceptions of deviance, alternative explanations of deviance and different problematical

concerns. This book hopes to stimulate exploration of the relationships between the various

theories of deviance, and between deviance theory and general sociological theory in order to

develop more coherence in the discipline.

       The theories examined in this text deal with various conceptions, causes, and

consequences of deviance and direct attention to processes and structures in society that

contribute to or create deviance.

       Different theories have arisen either because: (a) they were alternative explanations of

a specific form of deviance, (b) they were oriented toward explaining different facets of

deviance, or (c) they reflected different visions of the nature of society and deviance. The

theories included in this text were selected because they represented a major contemporary

theory in the field of deviance and because they dealt with different facets of the process of

deviance. It is hoped that this method of organizing the subject matter will highlight both the

gaps and conflicts in current theories of deviance.

       Deviance theory has not developed as a cumulative endeavor, where each research

builds upon the prior research of others and theories are modified on the basis of empirical

findings so that there is a close correspondence between the state of research and theory.

Rather the theories, with some exceptions, were formed from the thought of one theorist

rather independent of research and other theories, though there are increasing efforts to

integrate theories and bodies of research (Kaplan and Johson:2001).

       Conflicts develop among the various schools frequently based on stereotypes, which

are partial truths or over exaggerations.


                                      Origins of the Field
                                                4


       The history of deviance theory is spotty, and which sociologists would be identified as

the "founding fathers" and what strains of influence would be traced would vary depending

on how the field of deviance was defined and the particular theoretical perspective from

which the history was written. Specific genealogy and precise boundaries do not exist within

a continually changing and emerging body of research and theory in the area of social

deviance. The history of deviance theory will continually be re-written as turns and new

directions are taken by the discipline2.

   Social Organization: Nonetheless, where origins have been traced, it is generally agreed

that some of the earliest roots of the study of deviance can be traced to Durkheim's classic

study of suicide originally published a century ago (Durkheim, 1897:1951).

       Durkheim's interest in suicide stemmed from his concern with the basis of social

cohesion in society. He viewed instances of suicide as manifestations of weakened cohesion

and believed that the suicide rate reflected the overall character and degree of social

integration in the society. Durkheim's integration of empirical data and theory remains a

model even today. However, his pioneering effort to examine the inter-relations between

deviance and social organization did not flourish in the early years of American sociology.

       Durkheim (1938) also pioneered a second line of investigation into the positive

contributions of crime in establishing and maintaining both social order and cohesion in

society. This strain contributed to societal reaction or labeling theory and their focus on the

contributions of deviance to society.

       Social pathology: Much of the popularity enjoyed by the field can be traced to a

second stream of influence, a long- standing concern of sociology with the ills of society. This

tradition shifted attention from the overall organization of society to a narrow focus on specific

behavior patterns such as alcoholism, divorce, or crime.
       This school arose in the early 1900's with a perspective rooted in an "organic

analogy", which viewed society as analogous to a biological organism. "Pathologies" were
                                               5


events or situations that interfered with the "normal" workings of the social organism.

Deviance was viewed as pathology or sickness of the society in much the same way disease

was regarded as a sickness in the human organism. Social pathologists quickly emerged as

"experts" in identifying and studying these ills.

       This approach to the study of deviance had several limitations. The "normal

workings" of a social system were never specified, and, therefore, the criteria for specifying

what constituted "pathology" were never made explicit. The implicit criteria often

underlying what were defined as "ills", was behavior contrary to the values held by the social

pathologist.

       Experts "drew upon their own sense of rightness...or took their cues from the social

reformers of the time and condemned poverty, crime, prostitution...as evils to be stamped

out" (Lemert, 1951:1).3

       Mills (1943) stated that their similar rural and religious backgrounds gave them a

common perspective that shaped their definition of what constituted a problem such that the

mores behind their ideals were those of rural, small town, and middle America. Thus it was

natural for them to regard "urbanism" as alien and destructive to their cherished values of

residential stability, family solidarity, sobriety, and habituation to work (Lemert, l95l:l).

Sociology was not alone in its idealization of the small rural "folk" society, as an examination

of anthropology in that era will reveal (Edgerton, 1976:12-17). This influence is discernable

in current texts, which assert urbanism as a major cause of deviance (Clinard and Meier,

1992:66).

       It was automatically assumed that deviance was harmful to society, a judgment that

considerably colored the character of their studies. Social pathologists were often reformists

oriented toward the amelioration of problems, a stance which also influenced the type of
research they undertook.       Deviance was viewed in negative terms and accordingly

condemned. Whereas Durkheim examined the sometimes-positive effects of deviance in
                                               6


sustaining social solidarity, social pathologists viewed deviance in wholly negative terms as

something to be controlled or eliminated.

       This school's early preoccupation with the evils and ills of society manifested itself in

the direction of making moral pronouncements about deviance and its harmful effects on

society rather than documenting through research such effects or investigating the causes of

deviance. Research was divorced from sociological theory and was largely based on common

sense understandings of immoral behavior.           Little effort was directed towards the

explanation of deviant behavior, or to the testing and the verification of specific hypothesis

about deviance. Studies were of a "fact gathering" or statistical nature investigating the

prevalence of a particular form of deviant behavior, or were case studies that illustrated the

harmful or undesirable aspects of deviance.

       Thus studies were more descriptive than analytical and relied on official records and

statistics that were accepted uncritically. When explanations were offered, "explanations of

the pathological conditions were often ad hoc in character" (Gibbons and Jones, 1975:15)

and rarely tied to the general features of society. Such studies as were conducted were tied to

social policy questions or concerns of governmental agencies for information to more

effectively control deviance.

       Consequently, the studies, as Mills (1943) points out, were arrested at low levels of

conceptualization. The understanding and study of deviance was shaped by the prevailing

moralities of the time by sociologists as well as laymen. Deviance was viewed as an isolated

phenomenon, generally unrelated either to the character of society or ongoing social

processes.

       When explanations were sought, it was tacitly assumed they could be traced to other

"ills" in the society, such as the lack of education, adequate housing or poverty.
   C. Wright Mills (1943) describes textbooks of that era:
                                               7

     The level of abstraction which characterizes these texts is so low that often they seem to
be empirically confused for lack of abstraction to knit them together. They display bodies of
meagerly connected facts, ranging from rape in rural districts to public housing, and
intellectually sanction this low level of abstraction. The "informational" character of social
psychology is linked with a failure to consider total social structures. Collecting and dealing
in a fragmentary way with scattered problems and facts of milieux, these books are not
focused on larger stratifications or upon structured wholes....
     But even though the perspective of these texts are not usually explicit, the facts selected
for treatment are not "random"...The direction is towards particular practical problems,
problems of everyday life. One pervasive way of defining problems or of detecting
"disorganization" is in terms of deviation from norms...the norms so used are usually held to
be standards of "society"...There are few attempts to explain deviations from norms in terms
of the norms themselves. In another form the political is tacitly identified with the proper
functioning of the current and unexamined political order; it is especially likely to be
identified with a legal process or the administration of the laws.


        The preoccupation with "problems" blinded these sociologists to the larger structures

of society and their small town origins, conservative political bias, and reformist orientations

made them seek piecemeal rather than structural solutions.            The social pathologist's

perspective dominated the study of deviance for almost thirty years and some of its legacy

still lingers.

        Social Problems: The social pathologist perspective was replaced in popularity in the

l940's by the "social problems" approach, which abandoned the organismic analogy and the

metaphors associated with it. Nonetheless, in many regards, the approaches were basically

similar. The subject matter was confined to the study of problems rather than the overall

organization of the society. Sometimes "experts" continued to define what were "problems"

in much the same fashion that social pathologists defined "ills". A second approach emerged

within this school where the "perspectives of members" of the society was taken as the

defining perspective of what was regarded as "problems" (see Fuller and Myers, 1941). In

this approach, sociologists were not to intrude their values in the specification of problems,

but were to rely solely upon member evaluations. Deviance was an important concern, but
"social problems" extended beyond deviance to divorce, poverty, and soil erosion, and
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excluded norm violations that failed to arouse the concern of the community.

       Similar to social pathologists, the criteria for identifying a "problem" were also not

made explicit and tended to be simply moralistic judgments made from either the perspective

of the sociologist-expert or from the value perspective of dominant groups in the society.

Situations, which were regarded as problematic by either group, were ipso facto social

problems.

       When members’ perspectives served as the reference point for identifying problems, it

was frequently only the value perspective of the dominant groups in society that served to

define what was problematic. Sociological theory was then directed to those areas, and

focused on why the problematic situations arose. The question of how and why certain

situations came to be regarded as a problem received little attention. The influence of

dominant groups on the mass media or governmental agencies, which act as "official"

defining agencies and shape what members in the society define as problems, went largely

unnoticed by sociologists.    Even today such groups remain a powerful, but largely

unexamined influence on what is regarded as problematic by sociologists. Governmental

agencies and private foundations fund much of the research conducted by sociologists, and

they are the ones who define crime, delinquency, mental illness, addiction, or alcoholism as

"problems" to study.

       Furthermore, no distinctive body of theory was associated with the social problems

school in the analysis of the causes of deviance4, although their explanations of social

problems drew heavily from "social disorganization theory.

       Social Disorganization: This perspective took root in sociology around the 1920's and

was more global in its focus, looking at the malfunctioning of the community as an

explanation for both social problems and deviance. What constituted "disorganization"
varied by theorist, but such factors as the degree of integration, stability, or the adaptive

character of the social system were focused upon as aspects of disorganization and the cause
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of deviant behavior.

       A lack of coordination among the parts of a system reflected "disorganization."

"Organization" referred to the patterned and mutually supplementary character of social

behavior. The failure of the social system to effectively regulate and coordinate behavior

through its system of norms and supporting sanctions evidenced disorganization.

       Factors believed to cause disorganization were social change, immigration,

industrialization, and urbanization, all of which increased the difficulty of coordination and

regulation of behavior as traditions and norms no longer adequately guided behavior. A

breakdown or weakening of social controls received attention in this tradition.

       Deviance was viewed as a result of the breakdown in the social rules that govern

behavior, but could also occur without disorganization as disorganization could be present

without deviance.

       Ecological studies linked mental illness to social isolation (Faris and Dunham: 1939)

and delinquency (Shaw and McKay: 1942) to slum areas. Certain sectors of cities were

characterized by social isolation, poverty, overcrowding, broken institutions, culture

heterogeneity, etc. which led to a breakdown of the normative consensus and the social fabric

characterized as disorganization. Both impairments in the system of rules and in the system

of social controls were manifestations of disorganization.         This approach has been

characterized as the Chicago School as many sociologists were associated with the University

of Chicago.

       The concept of "disorganization" was also not clearly formulated, and in many cases

tended to reflect value judgments by sociologists rather than objectively determinable states

of societal functioning.

       By the end of World War II, Merton's (1938) theory of Anomie emerged as one of the
most influential and widely cited theories. The theory of Anomie was oriented specifically

towards explaining deviant behavior. Merton linked the frequency of deviant behavior in a
                                              10


group to the degree to which the social structure impaired access to desired social goals.

Disorganization was caused by the mal-integration of goals and means. The distribution of

deviant behavior in the population was related to the differential access to social goals.

Anomie theory became a dominant perspective especially as it was later conjoined with sub-

cultural theories of deviance found in the work of Cohen (1955) and Cloward and Ohlin

(1960). This theory clearly fed back into the stream pioneered by Durkheim, and thought

was once again diverted toward the inter-relationship between deviance and social

organization

       The Chicago School: A fifth stream of influence on deviance theory can be traced to

the 1930's and the Chicago School. Two traditions were associated with this school. One was

grounded in disorganization theory and mapped the distribution of deviance in the

community linking rates of deviance to areas of social disorganization in the community. A

second tradition was characterized by an ethnographic orientation toward studying social life

that resulted in a number of descriptive studies that were rich in detail about the lives of

deviants. These accounts of deviance often included the perspective of the deviants. Thus

deviance was not studied primarily from the vantage point of officials or dominant groups in

society, as tended to characterize the social pathology and social problems approach. This

school evidenced a more accepting attitude toward deviants than was characteristic of other

approaches and attention and credibility was given to the perspective and life styles of

deviants. These studies, however, generally lacked a theoretical orientation. This second

tradition emerged into what is described as labeling theory.

       Labeling Theory: The Chicago tradition gave birth to labeling theory, which came to

prominence in the 1960's. This tradition is rooted in the work of Tannenbaum (1951) and

Lemert (1951) and more recently in the works of Becker (1963), Goffman (1963) and Scheff
(1966) among others.     The primary focus of attention of this perspective is upon social

definitions of deviance and societal reaction to deviance. These processes were studied in their
                                               11


own right and as contributory factors to deviant behavior. This approach has been variously

identified as "societal reaction" theory, "labeling" theory, and the "interactionist"

perspective (Rubington and Weinberg: 1973). It emphasizes: (a) societal definitions and

reactions to deviance, (b) the labeling process, and (c) the social role and career of the

deviant. The primary focus of this approach is on societal reaction to deviant behavior, in

that it is not deviant unless reacted to negatively by others. It is currently popular among

sociologists though its influence is waning. It has resulted in some redefinition of the central

concepts in the study of deviance and a shift in the focus of attention from the causes of

deviant behavior to societal reaction to deviant behavior.      It is also identified as social

constructionism.

       This orientation shifted attention from the harms of deviance to society to the harmful

consequences of official control and labeling on the lives of individuals who are designated as

deviants by society. The emergence of this perspective also served to raise questions about

value positions, which are implicit in particular ways of conceptualizing and studying

deviance by incorporating the perspectives of deviants. It tended to focus on the fluid and

less deterministic nature of social interaction and social processes rather than on social

structure and stricter determinism characteristic of functional approaches.

       Radical and Conflict Theory: This stream of influence can be traced to Marx's work

in the 1890's. It has not enjoyed the popularity of other approaches in America, and its

influence has been primarily centered in criminology dating back to the 1930's with Bonger's

(1916) work. A renaissance of interest in conflict and radical theory occurred in the late

1960's stimulated by the social unrest of the times and the failure of functional perspectives to

account for the social upheavals. Its influence has been growing steadily in the United States

particularly in criminology, and is reflected in the work of Taylor, Walton and Young (1973),
Quinney (1977), Chambliss (1976), Platt (1978), among others.

       Radical theorists see the very definition of "deviance" as reflecting the perspectives of
                                               12


elites who control the power structures in society and view the creation of deviance as a

power struggle between various factions and conflicting interests in society. Laws both

embody the interests of ruling classes and are selectively applied to sustain their privilege and

power in the existing social order.

       Radical theorists believe deviance can only be understood in relation to the character

of the total society. Crime is viewed as an inevitable consequence of the social organization of

society, and the root causes of crime are traced to the master economic and political

institutions in the society. The role of power in the creation of definitions of undesirable

behavior, in influencing societal reaction, and in creating opportunities to obtain social

rewards, plays a central role in the conflict and radical approaches to the study of deviance.

       Both the conflict and radical approaches do not ask whether deviance is harmful or

helpful to "society", but ask instead, whose interests in the society are served by the existing

or proposed arrangements. Although some argue the crimes of elites are criminal, whether

or not they are prohibited by law or reacted to by others, as they violate basic human rights.

This reflects an absolutist notion of deviance rather than the social constructionist one of

labeling theory.

       A limitation of this approach is that its application to the study of deviance has not

been well developed.     There is a lack of specification of both hypotheses and relevant

variables with respect to explaining deviance and an absence of supporting empirical

research and adequate testing of their theories.

       Other Tributaries: Other influences are increasingly discernible on the study of

deviance including critical theory, feminist theory, ethnomethodology, phenomenology, and

post modernism. It is too early to assess the impact of these approaches on the overall

development of deviance theory. What is clear is that any impact from these approaches or
others will redirect the discipline in new and perhaps unanticipated areas.

       Recently voices have been raised about the viability of the field of deviance itself as a
                                               13


special area of study, and some have pronounced it’s demise and written it’s obituary

(Sumner:1994) while others (Goode:2003) affirm its vitality and continuing importance.



                                   Present State of the Field


       Unfortunately these streams of influence have not flowed into a singular torrent of

thought from which has evolved a cumulative body of knowledge with a progressive

refinement of concepts, measurement procedures, and findings. More replication of studies

and reformulation of theories based upon empirical research are needed. There is a paucity

of an elaborated body of knowledge based upon substantiated research findings, which has

evolved to date in the area of social deviance. In limited areas glimmers of this emerging.

       Instead the field has been characterized by a shifting focus of attention and a

continual redefinition of subject matter. This has resulted in a change in the sociologist's

conception of what constitutes "deviance" as well as what is important to ascertain about

deviance.

       These streams of influence have contributed to shaping the character of the study of

deviance and evolving it as a special field in American sociology. Historically, there has been

a shift in attention from discovering causes of non-conforming behavior and identifying

characteristics of norm violators to a concern with societal reaction to deviance and the

impact of labeling persons as deviant. New concerns are being raised by conflict and radical

theorists, which may redirect interest to the political character of deviance, its relation to the

total society, and its specific linkages to economic and political institutions. Thus new

questions, concerns, and perspectives continually arise to change the character of the study of

deviance in American sociology. Changing social conditions in the United States have also

played a role in shaping the study of deviance as the crises and conflicts in the late 1960's
brought conflict and radical perspectives into prominence.
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       Presently, the field is in need of more systematic treatment of various issues,

perspectives, theories, and empirical research than currently exists. The horizons of the field

need to be extended to encompass both historical development and cross-cultural studies. In

addition, a rapprochement between deviance theory and the larger body of general

sociological theory needs to be advanced. The problem of deviance and non-conformity and

the question that has concerned the central figures of sociology since its inception of "why

order exists in society," are really two sides of the same coin.



                                   Deviance and Social Order


       Another stream of influence on deviance theory from general sociological theory has

been the long-standing concern of sociologists with the question of why order exists in social

life. Some sociologists view the "problem of order" as the most important facing the

discipline of sociology. Differing views of the relationship between deviance and social order

have evolved.

       A. Deviance as Disorder: Some sociologists see order as the "natural" state of society,

and view deviance as a sign, symptom, or consequence of disorder or disorganization.

Conformity is viewed as typical and natural to a smoothly functioning society. Deviance is

viewed as troublesome, disruptive and harmful behavior. According to this perspective,

persons orienting their actions to common norms and values create social order.

Disorder or deviance can be brought about in several ways:

       1. Disorder is a product of the Normative System. If order is a result of shared norms

then deviance can be traced to a problem in the normative system in the society. Durkheim,

for example, believed egoistic suicide resulted from the breakdown of cohesion in society. A

weak system of norms was the singular force responsible for diminished cohesion in society.
The extent to which norms: (a) were commonly held, (b) pervasive, and (c) the degree to
                                               15


which they regulated conduct, were the critical dimensions of their ability to produce social

cohesion as well as order. Thus the cause of deviance (disorder) was rooted in the breakdown

and diversity of social norms. Functionalism, with its central concern with social order and

its belief in the importance of social norms in creating social order, is sometimes referred to

as the Normative Paradigm.

       2. Disorder is a product of the Breakdown of Social Controls. A second approach

also views deviance as disorder, but resulting from a failure in social control processes, rather

than a breakdown in the system of norms. Social order is achieved through socialization,

whereby individuals internalize social definitions and values as well as the desire to conform

to other's expectations. A failure to adequately instill social values can create deviance.

Society also relies upon a system of sanctions external to the individual to control behavior, so

that order is also obtained by effective social control mechanisms. This view presupposes

that persons are malleable creatures who can, under normal conditions, be infused with

social values and shaped to respond to social sanctions. Personality is the subjective aspect of

culture, and if persons deviate from the norms, the fault lies in the society and its mechanisms

of social control.

       Freud, Hobbes, and others have argued that individuals are not “tablas rosas” or

blank slates who can be totally socialized but instead are capable of acting independent of

societal definitions on impulses not socially derived. And if the individual's basic natures are

not sufficiently restrained through mechanisms of social control, deviance will result.5

       Some of the factors emphasized in the social control approach are: (a) internalization

of norms, (b) sensitization to other group member's expectations, (c) the exercise of self

control, and (d) external formal and informal sanctions, Sociologist have focused on the inter-

relation of internal and external controls, and labeling theorists on informal social
condemnation and formal institutions of social control. Thus deviance is believed to result

from a failure in internal or external controls, and its very presence in society reflects these
                                               16


weakened social controls.     Society's insufficient presence in the individual, the failure of

social control processes or the inherent difficulty in gaining total control over an individual's

behavior, result in disorder or deviance in society.

       Whereas the first approach focuses on the system of norms and beliefs as the main

cause of deviance, the second focuses on the system of social arrangements which sustain or

enforce the specific norms, such as socialization (building internalized motivation to conform)

and external controls which fail to adequately regulate individual conduct, as the major cause

of deviance.

       Labeling theorists argue deviance is created by the very process of societal reaction

and social control whereby individuals are condemned by others and sometimes sanction by

formal agencies of social control to bring peoples behavior in line with group expectations

       B. Deviance as a Cause of Disorder: Rather than viewing deviance as a product of a

malfunctioning normative system or ineffective social control mechanisms, this view examines

the consequences of deviance for breaking down social order.

       Deviance, i.e., behavior that fails to conform to social expectations, is believed to

weaken the underlying basis of all social order. This occurs because social order is based, in

part, on the assumption that individuals will conform to social rules because of assurance that

others will also conform to the rules. Under the principle of reciprocity, an individual's non-

compliance cancels other's obligations to conform and weakens the tacit understandings

upon which social order is based. In this analysis, the causal order is reversed. Deviance

weakens the social order rather than a weakened social order causing deviance. Though both

arguments could be joined in a mutual influence process whereby a weakened social order

causes deviance, which, in turn, lessens other's commitment to social order, further

increasing the likelihood of more non-conforming behavior.
       C. Deviance as a Contributor to Social Order: In both Durkheim's (1938) and

Erikson's (1962) work, deviance is regarded as necessary to achieve social order. Deviance, it
                                                17


is argued, defines the contours of morality and acceptable behavior within a society, thus

insuring predictability in social life and making social order possible. The setting aside and

public punishment of individuals defined as deviants affirms the rightness of group norms,

defines moral boundaries, and increases social solidarity by uniting the group against the

transgressor. Deviance needs to be created by the group to establish the boundaries of

acceptable behavior, to strengthen the norms, and unify the group against transgressions.

The group accomplishes this by continually redefining unacceptable behavior until some

individual's behavior falls into the domain of public censure. The very processes of social

control create order and cohesion in society as deviance is essential for maintaining a healthy

society. The relationship between order and deviance is a complex and multi-dimensional

one.

       D. Deviance As a Forerunner of Social Change: Deviance is also viewed as a necessary

antecedent to social change. In order for new norms to emerge, old norms must be violated.

Temporary disorder is a transitional stage to social change. The deviance of today may lead

the way to the conforming behavior of tomorrow. Without transgression of norms, society

would be static and rigid, no longer able to adapt to new and changing conditions. Deviance,

from this viewpoint permits social change and paves the way for the new and emerging social

order and insures flexibility in the society.

       The perhaps contradictory relationships between deviance and social order have

never been reconciled in sociological theory. The lack of relevant research and specifications

of the conditions under which these relationships hold true, has permitted the situation to

stand as it has for many years.

       However the relationship between deviance and social order is conceived, there is an

intimate connection between the two concerns in sociology. Theories of social order and
social organization can form the basis for understanding deviance, and the study of deviance

can serve to illuminate the process of social order.
                                               18


       It should be clear that deviance theory (a theoretical concern with the nature, causes,

and consequences of deviance) could not be divorced from theories of social organization and

the more general question of why persons conform to social norms. Deviance cannot be

explained without reference to more general understandings of the nature of humans, society,

and inter-relationships between the individual and society.           Yet despite this obvious

connection, the implications for understanding deviance have not been sufficiently explored

by general theorists, nor have deviance theorists fully examined the implications of their

theories for what they imply about the nature of individuals, conformity, and the

inter-relationship between the individual and society.



                              Delineation of the Field of Deviance


       The field of deviance is disjointed and somewhat confused as to its subject matter and

approach to explaining social behavior. This is due to the absence of any viable, much less

specific, formulation of the concept of "deviance".

       The need for conceptual clarification can be seen from a cursory examination of

chapter headings of leading textbooks in the field. The topics treated under the heading of

"deviant behavior" range from crime, mental illness and suicide to divorce, old age, poverty

and war. C. Wright Mill's (1943) criticism still holds good today.

       Further confusion is added by the multitude of books in other disciplines, which deal

with the same topics. Textbooks in abnormal psychology apply the concept of deviance to

neurosis, psychosis, and mental retardation. Poverty is dealt with in economic treatises, and

war, segregation and racism are dealt with in political science treatises.

       What, if anything, do these phenomena have in common that allow them to be labeled

as "deviance"? A definition must somehow imply a rule for the application of the label. Yet
it is not obvious what criteria the authors have explicitly or implicitly employed in their use of
                                                19


the concept of "deviance". How can such a vast array of phenomena be treated in any

coherent way, much less by a single discipline? This problem faces the field of deviance

today.

         One reason for this confusion is that "deviant" is primarily a layman's concept which

has been taken over by sociologists without a careful scrutiny or specification of its meaning.

Therefore, it lacks the precision of a scientific concept. Studies have shown that an enormous

range of behavior is included under the layman's concept of deviance (Simmons, 1969). And

if historical and cross-cultural comparisons are made, almost every conceivable type of

behavior at one time or another has been considered deviant. The lack of specificity exists for

scholars as well as layman.



                                Different Meanings of "Deviant"


         By examining a variety of books dealing with deviant behavior, it is possible to

identify at least three distinct frameworks for conceptualizing deviant behavior in just the

disciplines of psychology, statistics, and sociology.6

1. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

         The    basic    dimension       cross-cutting   this   framework      is   that     of

"normality--abnormality". "Deviance" is equated with "abnormality" and "conformity"

with "normality." This view generally reflects a conservative bias towards social conformity

and usually implies, implicitly or explicitly, that psychological abnormality is the cause of

deviance.

         Two aspects of this framework influence the study of deviance: its conceptualization

of deviance as "abnormal", and its position regarding psychological abnormality as the cause

of deviance.
         The theories usually imply that deviance is the result of some particular
                                               20


malfunctioning within the individual's personality, and that deviance is evidence of the

presence of disease or psychopathology. The cause of deviance is consequently sought within

the individual, frequently in the individual's personality or character.            Psychoanalytic

theories locate the source of deviance in personality psychopathology traceable to

disturbances in early family relationships. Deviant acts are conceptualized as resolutions of

internal psychic conflicts or the result of inadequately developed personalities.

       In the U.S., a "mental health--mental illness" model has emerged where deviance is

believed caused by some form of mental illness within the individual and psychiatric

treatment is proposed as a remedy to deviance. Alcoholism, addiction, lack of attention,

depression, anxiety and shyness are now regarded as diseases. American society has

elaborated the concept of "mental illness" to account for unusual or unacceptable behavior.

While every society develops its own explanation of deviant behavior, such explanations must

be acknowledged as products of the culture from which they arise, and not accepted

uncritically. Ways of explaining behavior evolve from the value system prevalent in the

society and are couched in terms of acceptable "rhetorics of motives" in that culture, that is,

what constitutes a socially acceptable explanation of behavior in that society for atypical or

socially unacceptable behavior. Explanations, which locate the source of socially disapproved

behavior within the individual, serve to preserve the status quo in society since the existing

social order is not examined. Thus the perspective focuses attention on the makeup of the

deviant while ignoring or at least de-emphasizing the influence of the social context on

behavior. The increasing acceptance of "mental illness" as a way to explain such diverse

behavior as gambling, lack of attention, shyness, etc. and a belief that persons who engage in

such behavior are not “normal”, has lead to an increasing involvement of mental health

professions in aspects of deviance control.
       There is a danger in this perspective of circular reasoning. When it is asserted, for

example, that mental illness causes suicide, and the proof rests on the argument that anyone
                                                    21


who commits suicide must be mentally ill as it is an abnormal or irrational act--then the

assertion becomes tautological. The circular reasoning comes from defining the act as prima

facie evidence of mental illness, and then using the concept of mental illness to explain the act.

Unless there is an independent determination of mental illness apart from the act of suicide,

the proposition is not subject to disproof.

       A range of theories can be found within the psychological framework and problems of

this approach will be discussed in the chapter on mental illness. This approach has had an

influence on social scientist's view of deviance as they are exposed to the same cultural

influences as other members of society. Whether a theory becomes accepted or appears to

make "good sense" is a function of how compatible it is with other taken for granted

assumptions about human behavior within that culture.

   2. THE STATISTICAL FRAMEWORK

       Deviance, within this perspective, is viewed in statistical terms as departures from the

"mode"     or   "average"    and    thus      the    critical   axis   of   this   framework   is   a

"frequency--infrequency" dimension. Deviance is assessed by the use of statistical means

whereby the distribution of behaviors within a population is examined, and then the specific

behavior is located in relation to its relative frequency in the population. Anything that

differs from what is most common would be regarded as "deviant". Deviance, then, is

associated with rarity of occurrence, while frequent events are "normal" ones.

       No value judgment or stigma is placed on the behavior, which is regarded as deviant,

and therefore both a genius and an imbecile would be regarded as deviant since their scores

on IQ tests represent radical departures from the mode or average. An event's statistical

frequency is determined on the basis of a specific population at a particular point in time.

The dividing lines, however, between "frequent" and "infrequent" are arbitrary.
       The advantages of this approach are not obvious. What general conclusions can be

drawn about "atypical" behavior patterns is not specified? It appears that only limited
                                              22


generalization would be possible on the basis of the statistical frequency of behavior. Persons

who violate infrequently violated social norms would be lumped in the same category as

persons who engage in infrequent, yet socially acceptable behavior. This has led some

sociologists to describe positive deviants (Heckert: 1996). What these persons would share in

common is the a-typicality of their behavior patterns. There are no criteria for focusing on

some behavior patterns rather than others, and, therefore, the total spectrum of human

behavior constitutes the subject matter for discourse. In addition, this framework does not

make apparent the relationship, if any, between the social meaning of behavior and its

statistical occurrence in the population.    Sometimes uniformity of behavior implies the

existence of social norms, and thus atypical behavior may reflect non-conforming behavior,

but this is not always the case.




                                            Figure 1
                           Behavior distributed along a normal curve

                                          x (average)
                                             23




              Deviance                                     Deviance




 3. THE SOCIOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

       There is diversity within sociological thought so that no single framework could be

identified as "the" sociological framework. Important differences in definitions of "deviant"

exist within sociology and will be discussed later. For purposes of comparison, however, the

primary concept employed by functional sociologists is a norm-violation conception of

deviance.       The      underlying   dimension    of   this    framework     is   that    of

"conformity--non-conformity". "Moral" norms are cultural proscriptions for behavior and

refer to what persons in the group "should" or "ought" to do. "Statistical" norms describe

what people actually do. Thus deviance in this perspective refers to behavior, which departs

from the normative expectations and is equated with "non-conformity". Nothing is implied

about either the normality of the individual, as in the psychological framework, or the

frequency of the act, as in the statistical framework. Rule violating behavior constitutes

deviance.

       Once departures from the norms are taken as the frame of reference, and no

pre-judgments are made about the normality of the individual, the causes of non-conforming
behavior can be empirically investigated.    The origins of non-conforming behavior are

diverse. The causes of any specific type of non-conforming behavior must not be determined
                                              24


by armchair speculation or prejudgment, but only by careful empirical research.

       This approach to the study of deviance is culturally relative as non-conformity can

only be conceived of from the reference point of a particular norm or group perspective. The

normative structure provides one general orientation from which a sociological perspective of

deviance can be developed.        The observations made by sociologists employing this

perspective, the concepts utilized and theories proposed, will be related to the particular

normative structure as a reference point.

       Many sociologists however do not accept this framework, as there is considerable

disagreement among sociologists as to the most adequate framework and concepts to be

employed in the study of deviance. Labeling theorists assert what the norm is can only be

determined by how it is applied in particular situations and to specific persons. This can only

be determined by the reactions of the group members. The norm is only revealed by whom is

sanctioned or labeled. These differing viewpoints will be discussed shortly.



                             Relationships Between Frameworks

       The same concept, "deviance", has a different meaning within each of the three

frameworks. This has contributed to considerable confusion, ambiguity and contradiction in

the use of this concept.

       To illustrate the conflicts entailed in using different frameworks for conceptualizing

deviance, let us look at one example. Until 1965, Oklahoma prohibited the consumption of

alcohol. Thus in terms of the legal norms, anyone who drank during that era was a deviant.

Yet, within the state, fully 70% of the residents violated this particular norm. In this

example, if deviance were defined in legal terms as a departure from legal norms, then a

majority of the residents were engaging in deviant behavior. Statistically, however, the
non-drinking population would be the deviants. Sociologists have discovered situations

where most persons violate the norms, unbeknownst to one another, and have labeled this
                                                            25


situation as "pluralistic ignorance7”. This highlights the disparities between sociological and

statistical models of deviance.            A similar critique can be leveled at the psychological

framework, for there is no reason to assume that norm violators, drinkers in this case, are

abnormal merely because they have violated legal codes. Nearly everyone in the population

engaged in this behavior. Should they all be regarded as abnormal? Thus the frameworks

differ in "who" would be described as deviant.

       The above example is illustrative of the fact that the same concept has different

meanings. In principle, these dimensions are independent of one another. They are separate

ways of looking at human behavior. The three frameworks can be viewed as continuum along

which specific observations can be compared.




                                                     Figure 2

                                   Frameworks for Defining Deviance



1. PSYCHOlOGICAL

    Normality (Health)                     Abnormality (Illness)



      l------------------------------------------------l



       2. STATISTICAL

    Frequent                               Infrequent

      l-------------------------------------------------l


3. SOCIOLOGICAL

       Conformity                            Non-conformity
                                                        26


       l------------------------------------------------l



       Once these frameworks are distinguished, misunderstandings can be avoided, and

more fruitful questions posed.             For example, how much non-conformity can a norm

withstand before it is weakened or altered? Will norms about premarital sex change as

individuals increasingly deviate from them?                  Or do violations have to become public

knowledge, a part of the shared understandings before changes will occur? Kinsey's book

served to make the public aware of the discrepancy between the norms and actual sexual

behavior. Public awareness of the discrepancy may have led to significant changes in the

norms rather than the rate of norm violating behavior per se. Provocative behavior on

websites such as Myspace or Facebook which attract many hits may have immediate impacts

on what is acceptable to young people.

       Another factor to be considered is that there can be important differences in the types

of norms involved in a situation. In Oklahoma, legal codes may not have been congruent

with social norms. Legal codes sometimes reflect only the views of those who control the

political machinery, a small and not always representative sample of individuals.

       It must also be kept in mind that non-conformity is defined only with respect to a

specific norm and is not a generalized attribute of all the individuals’ behavior. Criminals

might exhibit conventionality is most aspects of their behavior.

       These frameworks have been employed by different investigators without carefully

distinguishing between them leading to seemingly contradictory conclusions. The choice of

framework may influence both the selection of certain problems and the types of explanations

as assumptions about human nature often are unrecognized baggage of the framework.


                                    Societal Conceptions of Deviance

       Every society also evolves its own conceptions and ways of thinking about deviance. A
                                              27


plethora of such folk myths, within which deviance is interpreted or understood, exists in all

societies.

        The concept of deviance is basically a layman's term, and has been incorporated from

its use in the wider society to sociology without careful examination or study of the concept.

It is not clear whether this term, which has evolved in the United States, is identical to

presumed analogous terms in other societies. This is not just to state that the behaviors,

which are regarded as deviant may differ between societies, but also to suggest that the very

concept of deviance may involve different constituent elements and meanings in different

societies in different historical periods. In addition, as noted earlier, there is an extensive

range of behaviors encompassed by this label even within the United States. Furthermore,

there is probably variability in not only the application of this label but in the very meaning

of the term between various groups within this society. Class, age, regional, sexual, and

ethnic differences have been noted in use of words in American society. Therefore, more

empirical study of the meaning of this term must be undertaken before it can be defined more

rigorously even within one culture. Different schools within sociology have arisen partly

because they have focused on different aspects of the definition of "deviant".

        The explanations that are offered for deviance are generally consistent with the value

system of the culture as most cultural myths legitimate social institutions. The explanations

are couched in the same terms in which motivation is generally understood within that

culture. In every society there exists accepted reasons why people do the things they do or

"rhetorics of motives". These constitute the rules for understanding behavior within that

culture. Some societies invoke demons or evil spirits who take possession of individuals and

cause them to deviate from social norms. Other societies may locate the cause of behavior in

the movement of the stars, deep inside the body, in the psyche, in the experience of the
individual or in their social environment or circumstances. Usually motives for conforming

are regarded as different from motives for non-conforming behavior, and deviants are
                                               28


viewed as essentially different kinds of persons or persons subject to different kinds of

influences than conforming members.

       In American society there are competing rhetorics for interpreting non-conforming

behavior. A husband who drinks too much can be regarded as "sinful" within a religious

framework, as "weak" within a common sense understanding, as "criminal" within a legal

framework and as "mentally ill" within a psychiatric framework. In the United States the

"medicalization of deviance" is occurring in numerous areas; alcoholic or suicidal behavior,

delinquency or unusual sexual behavior tend to be regarded as "sick" behavior and the

person in need of psychiatric care.

       Viewing troublesome behavior in this fashion, as a psychiatric or "medical" problem,

has resulted in certain institutional patterns and roles being invoked. The "medical model"

invokes concepts of "sickness", "treatment", and "doctors" and "nurses" "who treat" this

behavior in "hospitals" with "medicine" and cast persons into the role of "patient" who have

"diseases" and "prognoses. This way of approaching the problem prejudges the causes of

troublesome behavior and restricts the response to an already institutionalized pattern that

may not be appropriate to the particular problems involved.

       This type of interpretation is, of course, like all myths, consistent with American

traditions of "rugged individualism" which sees problems as things within individuals and

interprets behavior in an individualistic way.        Explanations that locate the cause of

disapproved behavior as some malfunction within the individual serve to maintain the status

quo by preventing either the social order or the criteria by which members are judged from

ever being questioned. This method of interpreting behavior allows members to sustain a

particular world-view.

       Cognizance must be paid to these everyday conceptions because they usually find their
way into scholarly or scientific accounts of deviance. In fact, the interest of scientists in the

problems of deviance often is propelled by community concern. After all sociologists are also
                                               29


members of the society, and accordingly are likely to be influenced by the prevailing

mythology, as are other members of the society. These explanations, however, must be

acknowledged as products of the culture from which they arise and not accepted uncritically,

anymore than one would accept explanations from some other cultures which indict evil

spirits, witchcraft, or the stars, as causes of deviance. The society's notions of human nature

and its conceptions of motivations are of great interest to sociologists, but are little studied.

How the society defines and accounts for non-conformity or deviance is not only a neglected

problem, but also a very important one for sociology. Why the concept of "mental illness" is

used in one society and "witchcraft" in another to account for troublesome behavior is not

altogether clear. We have little information about the conditions, which influence societal

definitions of deviance.

       The prevailing societal folklore about deviance influences deviants as well as social

scientists. Indeed, deviants are often likely to interpret their behavior from such perspectives.

Studies that rely upon the explanations offered by deviants for their behavior are likely to

get confirmation of existing cultural myths about deviance. This process is a self-confirming

one. Delinquents institutionalized in correctional institutions with "psychiatric" orientations

internalize the rhetoric and replace the standard question of "what are you in for?"

addressed to new inmates with "what is your problem?"          Deviants can also fight cultural

labeling. Inmates frequently resent psychiatric treatment, stating they are not crazy, just

dishonest! Homosexuals fought to change existing psychiatric classification of homosexuality

as "pathological".

       Everyday or lay conceptions of deviance serve as the basis of some sociological

perspectives of deviance. Labeling theory, for example, adopts the group's definitions of

members as the critical factor in determining deviance.
       In addition to the different meanings of "deviance" found among disciplines and in

everyday life, there are numerous schools of thought within sociology with respect to not only
                                              30


what constitutes "deviance", but its specific causes. These differences in sociology are of a

deep magnitude and often flow from fundamental differences in various sociologists’

conception of the nature of humans and social life, as well as the nature of the sociological

enterprise itself. In order to examine the factors that give rise to disagreement and disparity

in deviance theory today, it is necessary to examine the roots of thought which are lodged in

somewhat different paradigms and meta theoretical assumptions which have powerful, but

usually unexamined influences on the sociologist's perspective of deviance.        Since these

paradigms give rise to different perspectives of deviance, and are at the root of much conflict

within the discipline, it is necessary to examine these paradigms in some detail, so the fruit

they bear can be seen as the logical outcome of philosophical positions and assumptions

which differ among the paradigms.


                        Historical Foundations of Approaches to Deviance

       There has been a vast array of explanations of deviant behavior over the course of

history. The earliest were supernatural explanations which have been replaced in the last

few hundred years by scientific explanations. Historically, the causes for deviant behavior

have been sought in such diverse sources as: the stars, in person’s souls, bodies, and minds,

and most recently in social environments, roles, relationships, culture and societies.

       Supernatural Explanations: The earliest explanations, going back centuries, relied

upon supernatural forces, believing unseen evil spirits or forces were responsible for

disruptive and harmful social behavior. Spiritual explanations lodged the cause of deviant

behavior in persons’ souls or in other-worldly causes. Religious explanations included the

influence of the devil or demonic possession which often led to community responses such

as exorcism rituals to rid the person from possession by the evil spirits. Before the age of
                                             31

enlightenment, guilt was determined by trails by ordeal, battle, fire, or drowning based on

the belief that God would intervene to save the innocent and, therefore, only the guilty

would die.

       Positivistic Explanations: Supernatural and pre-scientific explanations were

eclipsed during the age of enlightenment by naturalistic explanations which were based on

empirical evidence and were scientifically testable. They arose in different disciplines.

       The Classical School: rational choice. One of the earliest approaches was the

“classical” school which viewed crime as the product of rational choices of individuals who

possessed free will. Rational calculations were made based on weighing various

pleasurable outcomes and their relative risks against painful ones. Individuals would seek

choices that would maximize their pleasure over possible pain that might result. This

approach was largely a humanistic effort to reform the harsh, brutal, arbitrary, and

excessive punishment of the times by calibrating and limiting punishment only to the point

that it would outweigh the pleasure derived by engaging in criminal behavior. The law

would fix the amount of punishment necessary to exceed the possible pleasure of

committing the crime and thus would deter crime.

       This approach was not primarily oriented toward predicting or explaining

individual criminal behavior, since the factors which influenced the choice of criminal

behavior were never empirically examined. Why some individuals choose crime and not

others was not accounted for or explained. Also people did not always behave rationally.

This approach has been reconfigured today into “rational choice” theory and “deterrence”

theory, which do seek to make specific predictions about criminal behavior and are more
                                              32

amenable to scientific testing.

       Biological Explanations: In searching for causes of deviant behavior, especially

crime and mental illness, positivism first focused on biological explanations. Inherited

characteristics, biological abnormalities, body types, biochemical imbalances, defective

genes, etc., were all offered, at one time or another, as explanations of deviance. Mapping

of the DNA molecular structure has led to a resurgence of searches for biological factors

related to forms of deviance.

       Psychological Explanations: Subsequent to rational choice and biological

explanations, the spotlight turned to psychological characteristics of individuals including a

wide range of psychological abnormalities. Feeblemindedness, low I.Q. scores, mental

illness such as psychosis or psychopathy, character disorders, sociopathic personalities, and

more recent personality characteristics such as impulsivity, ADD, irritability, lack of self

control, etc., have been offered as explanations of crime.

       Sociological Explanations: The most recent wave of positivistic explanatory factors

has focused on sociological explanations examining: social forces, social structures,

socialization, impaired opportunities, deviant subcultures, and inequality, have gained in

importance in understanding deviant behavior. Each of these approaches also contains

different proscriptions for controlling or reducing deviance that are linked to their basic

frameworks.

       The study of deviance can be traced to the very origins of sociology. Over a century

ago, Durkheim examined relationships between the organization of society and patterns of

suicide. Not only does the study of deviance have a long history in sociology, it also
                                             33

spawned much empirical research and has been a rich source of theory in sociology. It has

also been a source of controversy.

       Social Constructionism; An Alternative to Positivism: This perspective is not based

on the functional perspective in sociology described earlier, but is based on a school

described as symbolic interactionism. Deviance is not measured as departures from some

objective rules known as norms. Rather, norms must be understood as they are

constructed and applied in everyday interaction. Deviance is created by the reactions of

others in condemning an individual’s behavior or the individual. Deviance is constructed

by the reactions of people to the actions of individuals which gives that person a new

meaning, as deviant. Thus there is disagreement over what constitutes deviance and who is

a deviant.

       Positivism versus Social Constructionism. Different perspectives are brought to

bear upon the study of deviance which leads to conflicting definitions about what

sociologists regard as deviant. For positivists many of whom are functionalists, deviance

refers to behavior which violates social norms. For social constructionists and labeling

theorists, deviance refers only to behavior which elicits social condemnation. Deviance

need not even involve rule violating conduct. Merely the possession of any attributes which

evoke social disapproval, such as being overweight, having a disability or even being a

certain ethnicity, age or gender can cause social condemnation. Social condemnation for

any reason can lead to an individual occupying a deviant status, which is the essence and

hallmark of deviance. Deviance, for constructionists, is not lodged in what the individual

does, but in how others in the group react to the individual.
                                              34

       Thus positivistic definitions focus on the conduct or behavior of the individual,

specifically violating norms, that makes them deviant. While constructionists do not focus

on the conduct of the individual but on how others react to the individual, as some may

violate norms but never get condemned and therefore, by definition, would not be deviant.

Their deviance is anchored in their status in the eyes of other group members. Some

persons experience condemnation for what they do and others for what characteristics they

may possess, which in both situations leads to social rejection and a state of deviance.

       Conflict Theory: A third perspective, conflict/radical theory, contains elements of

both positivism and constructionism. It focuses on the power of individuals and groups to:

(a) define what is regarded as deviance, (b) to label others and to insulate themselves from

social condemnation, and, what differentiates radicals from social constructionists, on (c)

the connection of such power to economic and political structures in society. They use

structural explanations to account for societal reactions and the labeling process and the

power to designate what and who is deviant. Similar to positivistic functionalists, (d)

examine the role of economic structures, such as capitalism or social class, in generating

deviant conduct such as crime.

       Positivism and social constructionism differ along several dimensions ( Thio, 2007:

Ch 1-3, and Goode, 2008: Ch 1- 2). Positivism views deviance as objectively real,

observable, scientifically measurable, and determined behavior. Deviants can be

distinguished from non deviants and the causes of the behavior can be identified.

Constructionists do not view deviance as objectively real, but relative to situations and only

what people label in that context. Deviance is subjective in that it is a mental construction
                                               35

expressed in the form of a label. And lastly it is a volunteristic act of actors who have free

will and choice and therefore is not amenable to scientific rigor.

       Thio (2006: Ch 1) has differentiated positivists from social constructionists in that in

positivism deviance is viewed is absolutely real, deviants can be distinguished from non-

deviants, deviance can be studied objectively by methods of science, and deviant behavior

is determined by other events. Constructionists believe deviance is relative and socially

constructed, exists in the meanings persons give their experiences hence is subjective not

objective, and people have free will and their behavior cannot be accounted for in strict

deterministic terms. Radical/conflict theorists define who is deviant in terms of conflict and

power. Deviance attain their position as an oppressed group from their lack of power and

the ability of the ruling class to define them as criminals in much the same way

constructionists approach the study of deviance. However, they view power and

oppression as realities, and seek to link power to economic and political structures and

oppression as an effort to sustain ruling class dominance in society, in the same way

positivists approach problems in deviance.

       The perspectives differ in: (1) how to define deviance, (2) what is important to

explain about deviance, (3) what method to use to study deviance, and (4) what kind of

theory to employ in order to make sense of the phenomena. This will be explored in more

depth later.

       We shall now turn to examining the paradigms in sociology that give rise to the

different perspectives of studying deviance.
                                               36




                                         ENDNOTES

1
    Cited in Merton (1968:49) as Feynman's remarks about the state of physics.
2
 See Rubington and Weinberg (1977:15-46) for a detailed description of the various schools
of thought.
3
   There have been later attempts to revive the concept of social pathology and give it an
objective dimension. Rosenberg et al (1964) used the term to refer to social conditions, which
are nullifying and destructive of humanity. These can be objectively determined as
undesirable and painful states, and reliable evidence on their negative consequences for
humans in society can be established. "Pathological" situations are those of an especially
foreboding nature such as nuclear holocausts or death camps--crises of a different magnitude
than simple "deviance" or "dysfunction" might connote. Kavolis (1969) proposed
"destructiveness" as an objective basis upon which to redefine the concept of pathology.
Destructiveness is manifest in behavior damaging to life, health and sense of identity. Modern
efforts to define basic human rights by agencies like the U.N. fit this tradition. The discipline
of social psychology should seek objective indices of destructiveness and the characteristics of
social structure that produce pathology. In both of these approaches deviance might or might
not be pathological. Other sociologists take the position that the concept of pathology is value
laden and there can never be agreement on defined pathological states. For example, the
whole (society) may be healthy at the expense of the parts and vice versa. The overall society
can function effectively in war or in the production of goods while its members can be
subjugated or exploited. There also may be conflict in what is good for the persistence or
expansion of the system and that, which maximizes individual satisfactions. In society, unlike
biological organisms, the health or well being of one sector may be dependent on the ill health
of another. Few, if any, of society's actions benefits everyone in the society. There are always
conflicting interests, and the definition of normalcy depends on the perspective that is
applied. Those who benefit most by the existing social arrangements see persistence as a
value and therefore "normal" and disruptions as "pathological". Those who stand to benefit
from change see the existing system as "pathological". Since society can be organized in an
infinite number of ways, no one set of relations can be seen as necessary or "normal".
                                               37

4
  Later formulations of the social problems approach (Spector and Kitsuse, 1973:145-159)
focused solely upon the process of "problem defining" within the society. Troublesome
events that become identified as "problems" usually entail: (1) a violation of rules, (2) which
occur frequently enough to cause alarm, and (3) call for action to solve the problem. Thus the
concern has been shifted to how the "reaction" happened, although some attention is still
directed to how the problematic events that elicited societal concern occurred.
5
  See Wrong, Dennis "Oversocialized Concept of Man" (1961:ASR 26,183-193) and Hirshi's
Control Theory ("Social Bond Theory" in Causes of Delinquency (1969) that argues deviance
results from the lack of bonds to society which permit inherent deviant impulses to be
expressed.

6
    See Becker (1963:4-8) for a discussion of these frameworks.

7
 See Lindzey, Gardener (Editor) Handbook of Social Psychology, Vol II (1954:744) Addison-
Weley Publishing, Cambridge, Mass. See also David Gold.

				
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