Sabon Estates - DOC

Document Sample
Sabon Estates - DOC Powered By Docstoc
					Mapping Urbanisation for Urban and Regional Governance          Main Report
Final Report: September 2003 - DFID Research R8130               Appendix D

                                                     Appendix D
                                           The Background of Kaduna
                                                                in the
                                             Nigerian Federal Context

Max Lock Centre, University of Westminster                              D1
Mapping Urbanisation for Urban and Regional Governance                        Main Report
Final Report: September 2003 - DFID Research R8130                            Appendix D

The Background of Kaduna in the Nigerian Federal Context
Kaduna is one of the major towns in Nigeria, a town created by the colonial
administration within the region of the traditional cities of Kano, Katsina and Zaria,
without being under the control of any traditional authorities. Thus Kaduna was freer
from any local political pressures that might be brought by the Emirs with their own
entrenched and ancient seats of Islamic power in the existing towns.
Sir Frederick Lugard (later Lord Lugard) founded Kaduna just after the turn of the
last century as an administrative and military Headquarters for the recently subdued
northern territories of Nigeria. By 1911 Lugard fixed this site for his new capital from
which he could govern the Protectorate through an administration that arose out of
his concept of `indirect rule’. His capital city was strategically placed in the centre of
the region with water in plenty from the perennial Kaduna River, large parcels of
well-drained land for development and there was freedom from traditional political
structures. The undeveloped state of local educational facilities (in the western
sense) meant that people recruited from outside the region, or attracted to it by the
economic opportunities it offered, largely performed the administrative and technical
services. As such Kaduna has always been a city of in-migrants - a truly federal city
in the predominantly Muslim north. This social, religious and ethnic mix is not only
still the city’s strength but also the potential tinderbox that occasionally explodes in
violence to people and property.
Part of the process for the establishment of Kaduna was the 1902 and 1910
(amendment) Cantonment Proclamation Act. The Act provided a framework for
Commins’ Plan of 1913. It must be noted that service communities and industrial
suburbs were not envisaged in Commins’ plan for the development of Kaduna. This
has implications for the planned areas and indeed the entire metropolis. The plan
was designed for a population of 3000 persons who were envisaged to be engaged
in government services, military and railway as indicated in NAK SNP 9 4643/1914
(Kaduna New Capital Works) and NAK SNP 9 6942/1914 (Report of the Director of
Railway and Works). The plan, which had a vision for 15 – 20 years, covered a land
area of about 6 by 2 kilometres.
It shows the precise, labelling, rank-conscious military mind at work with plots of
appropriate size and location for senior and junior officers drawn up as on a parade
ground below the Governor’s house on the highest point. Commercial and trading
establishments were allocated places well out of sight up in the top left hand corner
albeit for health as well as on social grounds.
The plan took cognisance of residential segregation, land use, layout, health and
sanitary requirements among others. The policies of residential segregation were
central in determining subsequent residential spatial structure that emerged in
Kaduna metropolis. The plan was oblivious or insensitive to the health and
sanitation of the indigenous population. The indigenous population had originally
been segregated into two major groups, which were:

Max Lock Centre, University of Westminster                                             D2
Mapping Urbanisation for Urban and Regional Governance                                            Main Report
Final Report: September 2003 - DFID Research R8130                                                Appendix D

                                    (a)    Strangers, or in other words Africans who were alien to
                                           the Provinces of the North and
                                    (b)    Natives, those Africans who were of the North.
A geographical break-down of levels of segregation shows the following sectors in
the town:
                                    (a)    Sabon Gari          Strangers Town.
                                    (b)    Tudun Wada          Native Town.
                                    (c)    North Villages      Service Communities
                                    (d)    South Villages      Industrial Suburbs
The first two of these were established as part of the original plan in a township and
this was segregated beyond the green belt wrapped around the European
Reservation Area. The first was on both sides of one of the three straight avenues,
Ahmadu Bello Way (or Prince Edward’s Way as it was then called) away towards
the river. The second was to the west across a valley up which the railway line to
Kano was to be built.
The Sabon Gari or Strangers Quarters was laid out in a rigid and monotonous
chequer-board pattern. Here originally was to live the Africans who had come up
with the Army and Government from other parts of Nigeria or the west Coast. The
`Coast’ man had manners, customs and religion so different from the isolated and
traditional man of the north whose well-developed talent for social organisation
based on Koranic Law was to be bolstered and preserved by the British system of
indirect rule. The strict application of the colonial urban planning and development
policies created the population and physical structure of the Sabon Gari.
Tudun Wada on the west or ‘wrong’ side of the railway was also set out in a grid iron
block layout, but the road reservations were wider and lined with cottonwood trees.
The buildings were traditional mud designs - high, blank external without windows
and only one entrance doorway. Here at first lived exclusively the Native population
– indigenees of the Northern Region.
As a matter of policy and
          'in order to maintain intact the control of the Central Government over all
          aliens and to avoid friction and difficulties, it has been the recognised rule
          that the employees of the native administration should consist entirely of
          natives subject to the native authority… For a like reason, whenever
          possible, all non-natives and natives not subject to the local native
          jurisdiction live in the “township” from which natives subject to the native
          administration are as far as possible excluded. This exclusive control of
          aliens by the central Government partakes rather of the nature of "extra-
          territorial jurisdiction" than of dualism.’1

 Lugard, Sir F.D. (1926 2nd ed. page 207) The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa. William Blackwood & Sons
Ltd Edinburgh and London

Max Lock Centre, University of Westminster                                                                   D3
Mapping Urbanisation for Urban and Regional Governance                                             Main Report
Final Report: September 2003 - DFID Research R8130                                                 Appendix D

This general policy was made far more explicit in an earlier part of the
Political Memorandum2.
          `The area included in a Township is usually excluded from the jurisdiction
          of the Native court of the district by the terms of the warrant which
          defines its jurisdiction. The Natives who are permitted to reside in the
          township should (except in Lagos) consist chiefly of those who are in the
          immediate employment of European, or are engaged in trades that either
          require the facilities afforded by the Township, or minister to the
          requirements of its inhabitants.'
Following these early directives that had such fundamental spatial
implications for the future development of Kaduna, Town and Country
Planning, Township, Local Government and Land Tenure legislation was
introduced. The former was based on the immediate post-war UK planning
legislation of 1944 and 1947. Various attempts through the professional
institutes and government have been made to up date this planning
legislation but has yet to be accomplished. The Land Tenure laws were
based on the early interpretation of the British administrators of traditional
Nigerian land tenure. It was a concept of the state having ultimate ownership
of land and a system of leasehold rights to occupy with varying security being
granted. This system recognised the existence of 'customary' rights but these
were relegated to the lowest form of security and could be taken over with
usually minimal compensation by local, state or federal government grant of
right to occupy. Rights to occupy were granted through cadastral land
registration. The Township and Local Government laws also have
implications for land control and urban and regional planning.
Following Independence in 1960, Kaduna's status was institutionalised as the
administrative capital territory of Northern Nigeria when Nigeria was a
federation of four self-governing regional governments. A Capital Territory
boundary was legally established and tightly drawn around the urban area as
it then existed. Almost all areas for expansion fell in the surrounding Native
Authority controlled areas outside the planning control and jurisdiction of the
Capital Territory Administrator. At that time Kaduna was experiencing
unprecedented growth and investment as the capital of the largest and most
backward region in the Federation. Strongly backed Federal Government and
Commonwealth Development Corporation subsidies were ensuring that
investment in industrial development was taking place in the Northern Region
and particularly Kaduna. South of the river infrastructure in railway and road
access to large serviced industrial plots was built and major cotton textile
mills ranging from basic spinning to quality textile printing for the West
African market were developed by UK and Japanese companies in particular.

 The quotations in italics are given in Oyadele, E. (1977): The History Of the Establishment Of Kaduna (1917 – 19
57) B. A History Project, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Max Lock Centre, University of Westminster                                                                    D4
Mapping Urbanisation for Urban and Regional Governance                  Main Report
Final Report: September 2003 - DFID Research R8130                      Appendix D

Encouragement was given to many of the traditional West African multi-
nationals such as UAC, Kingsway, BEWAC, SCOA, Leventis and major
banking and insurance institutions to make Kaduna their headquarters for the
emerging market of the largest concentration of population. It was backward
indeed at that time but with the greatest potential for growth in the Federation
as it then existed. These were highly political decisions within the context of
the then current post independence economic investment programmes. They
were not without controversy, tensions and much lobbying.
In January 1966 the tensions resulted in a military coup, which plunged the
country into a four year period of uncertain change, pogram and civil war out
of which issued a more stable federation of twelve states each with a military
governor. Six of these states were carved out of the old northern region and
they still looked to Kaduna to provide common services and it was a regular
meeting place for the northern military governors. During this latter period of
the 1970s oil revenue boom, physical investments were made in Federal
roads, water and drainage and various housing, health and education
schemes. Some, such as the development of Kaduna Polytechnic and
investments in water supply and drainage had major advantages. Whilst
others such as the upgrading to dual carriageway standard of the Federal
Trunk Road (Ahmadu Bello Way), with World Bank funding tied to the
improvement of existing trunk road alignments rather than new, cut through
the heart of the high density commercial central areas, was divisive and
counter-productive. A major 'low-cost' housing programme designed in Lagos
built thousands of houses in hundreds of estates and was totally unsuitable
to the climatic conditions of the north.
The Land Use Decree of 1978 and Local Government reforms of the same
period did not clear up the various anomalies affecting planning and land
tenure in particular and consolidating legislation has yet to come to pass. All
in all, the continual political shake up through military intervention and the
creation of additional states has prevented this somewhat confused legal
base being sorted out.
The number of states has grown considerably due to increasing pressure for
local rights of self-rule against central government control. Civilian rule by
democratic universal election has replaced military government and a second
five-year term national election has just taken place. The city has undergone
many movements of its people during this period. Recent civil strife and
religious riots have caused further upheavals. However, the core of the city in
Sabon Gari has remained multi-ethnic and an attractive growth centre for
trade and commerce.
Kaduna is now the capital of a reduced size Kaduna State and some 200kms
north of Abuja - the newly built capital of Nigeria. It is accessible by rail, road
and air (with a new jet standard airport to the north west of the city) to all
parts of Nigeria and attracts industry, commerce and government
investments. A combination of these has kept the wheel of urban growth and

Max Lock Centre, University of Westminster                                      D5
Mapping Urbanisation for Urban and Regional Governance                          Main Report
Final Report: September 2003 - DFID Research R8130                              Appendix D

expansion moving in Kaduna. Industries such as textiles, automobile
assembly, petroleum refinery and numerous service industries in the south of
Kaduna in addition to the numerous markets and small scale informal
economic activities on streets, homes and public pavements are pull factors
into Kaduna. Spatially, Kaduna covers an area of about 25km long and 8-
10km wide - from Kawo in the north to the oil refinery in the south and its
population has grown rapidly from 40,000 in 1952 to 149,000 in 19633, to an
estimated 150,000 in 19654 and 500,000 in 19845. A recent estimate puts the
population at 1.5 million (, but this must be
compared to the 2002 satellite imagery, which shows 'on the ground' urban
development more in scale with an overall population of around 4-500,000
(see following paragraphs).
With the creation of the new state a Kaduna State Urban Planning &
Development Authority (KASUPDA) has been created with responsibility for
planning all urban areas in Kaduna State. In Kaduna itself it has a planning
radius of 35kms. The Capital Territory law and its consequent tight boundary
mentioned above has been revoked. KASUPDA has taken over some of the
powers such as that to refuse all proposals for single storey building along
either side of the main commercial artery of Ahmadu Bello Way through the
heart of the city. KASUPDA has three computers. Two are used for
administration and finance and only one is used in the planning office. The
one in the planning office is a Pentium 3. No money has been allocated for
any capital project in the past six years, thus major activity has been that of
development control. No budgetary allocation has been made so far this year
but KASUPDA has met some influential PDP (controlling political party)
members and top civil servants to convince the Governor to approve the re-
planning of Kaduna and Zaria.
The only mapping (1:2500 scale) available is that commissioned by the ODA
for the master planning of Kaduna in 1965 by Max Lock & Partners and that
set is no longer complete. The Federal Government commissioned new
mapping in the mid 1970s but the parts covering the urban areas of Kaduna
have not been delivered. It is understood the federal government, through the
Nigerian Space Agency and Surrey Satellite Technology Ltd, is planning to
launch a satellite with image capturing facilities in late 2003. One of the
stated aims for this project is to aid urban planning.
An examination of satellite imagery for 1990 shows a huge growth of the
city’s suburbs since 1965. South of the River Kaduna it is based on the
growing industrial/employment opportunities. To the west of Tudun Wada it
was encouraged by the building of a western bypass by the Federal
Government in the late 1970s as part of the new north/south trunk road
linking Kano, Kaduna, Abuja and a Niger River crossing at Lokoja. Ribbon
    Nigeria National Census 1951 and 1961
    Kaduna 1917-1967-2017 Max Lock & Partners Faber & Faber 1967
    Kaduna State Ministry of Economic Planning cited by Mohammed Bello Yunusa

Max Lock Centre, University of Westminster                                             D6
Mapping Urbanisation for Urban and Regional Governance              Main Report
Final Report: September 2003 - DFID Research R8130                  Appendix D

development has also taken place along the major roads out of the city to the
north, south- east and west in particular. Judging by the 2002 imagery, this
expansion of green-field urban development appears to have halted although
there seems to have been consolidation and intensification of building within
the limits reached by 1990.
The development of the new Federal Capital Abuja some 200kms south of
Kaduna has attracted huge investment funds seeming to leave little spare for
Kaduna. There has also been a movement or downgrading of multi-national
representation in Kaduna. They often judge their obligatory representation in
Abuja as being a northern representation as well. A number have already
pulled out of Kaduna in recent years. The civil disturbances of the past few
years have discouraged investment in the particularly vulnerable central retail
and commercial locations. These vital contextual economic changes will
need closer examination in the second phase of the research.

Max Lock Centre, University of Westminster                                  D7

Shared By:
Description: Sabon Estates document sample