Time Square Bomb Attempt

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					                                 Time Square Bomb Attempt
ASSOCIATED PRESS UPDATE: 2:00 AM -- NEW YORK -- A Pakistani man believed to be the driver of an
SUV used as a car bomb in a failed terror attack on Times Square was taken into custody early Tuesday by
federal and local police officials while trying to leave the country, a law enforcement official said.
The suspect, Faisal Shahzad, was identified by customs agents at John F. Kennedy International Airport and was
stopped before boarding an Emirates airlines flight to Dubai, according to officials who spoke to The Associated
Press early Tuesday on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the investigation. He had
recently returned from a five-month trip to Pakistan, where he had a wife.
He was being held in New York and couldn't be contacted. He has a Shelton, Conn., address; a phone number
listed there wasn't in service.
Law enforcement officials say Shahzad bought the SUV, a 1993 Nissan Pathfinder, from a Connecticut man
about three weeks ago and paid cash. The officials spoke to the AP on condition of anonymity because of the
sensitive nature of the case.
Police said the bomb could have produced "a significant fireball" and sprayed shrapnel with enough force to kill
pedestrians and knock out windows. The SUV was parked on a street lined with restaurants and Broadway
theaters, including one showing "The Lion King," and full of people out on a Saturday night.
In Washington on Monday, White House press secretary Robert Gibbs said Saturday's attempted bombing was a
terrorist act.
The motive remained unclear. The Pakistani Taliban appeared to claim responsibility for the bomb in three
videos that surfaced after the weekend scare, monitoring groups said. New York officials said police have no
evidence to support the claims. It was unclear if the suspect in custody had any relationship to the group.
The SUV was parked near offices of Viacom Inc., which owns Comedy Central. The network recently aired an
episode of the animated show "South Park" that the group Revolution Muslim had complained insulted the
Prophet Muhammad by depicting him in a bear costume.
The SUV was captured on video crossing an intersection at 6:28 p.m. Saturday. A vendor pointed out the
Pathfinder to an officer about two minutes later. Times Square, clogged with tourists on a warm evening, was
shut down for 10 hours. A bomb squad dismantled the explosive device, and no one was hurt.

Compare this case to each definition of Terrorism from the bell-ringer. In each comparison, use details
from both the definition and the passage to support your answer. Underline at least 2 details in each

1. According to US legal code, this is a case of terrorism. This is because the bomb had to be premeditated
because it had to be built, it was politically motivated because the passage says that the Pakistani Taliban
clamed responsibility, and it targeted noncombatant targets like people who were going to see “The Lion King”
2. Do in your notebook
3. Do in your notebook
4. Do in your notebook
5. Do in your notebook
6. Do in your notebook
Eco-Terrorist Attacks Prompt Federal Action
Friday , June 08, 2001

By Catherine Donaldson-Evans

Dr. Toby Bradshaw was lucky.

The plant geneticist at the University of Washington wasn't killed or hurt in the May 21 arson fire militant
environmentalists set to protest his biotech research on trees, and he was able to salvage most of his work.

But the school's Center for Urban Horticulture burned to the ground in the blaze, which the radical Earth
Liberation Front (ELF) has claimed responsibility for. And next time, Bradshaw may not be so lucky.

He is one of a score of victims of an extreme environmental movement that's becoming ever more violent,
prompting the federal government to take action with a newly-proposed law to crack down more harshly on the

While tofu pie-throwing was once the most outrageous thing extreme environmental groups did to prove a
point, today they make an impact with weapons like firebombs, arson and vandalism. Such acts of "eco-
terrorism" are increasingly common on university campuses where biotech research is underway.

"It’s just a matter of time before somebody dies or is seriously injured," said U.S. Rep. George Nethercutt, R-
Wash., a sponsor of the federal bill. "We have to get ahead of it."

Nethercutt wants to expand the current legislation to protect plant lab research in addition to animal research.
He’s proposing to increase the penalties for terrorism directed against scientists, including a mandatory
minimum penalty of five years in prison for fire bombings and the possibility of a death sentence if lives are

"This is an act of hatred against science, against scientific research. And we need to say, in no uncertain terms,
that’s not acceptable," said Bradshaw.

Bradshaw, a plant genetics professor who studies hybrid poplar trees, said the ELF was misguided in targeting
him. Though the group’s self-proclaimed reason for the attack was its opposition to genetic engineering and its
effects on the environment, Bradshaw said he doesn’t genetically engineer trees. Instead, he said, he uses
traditional means of cross-breeding to study how the trees pass on traits instead of injecting them with genes.

Still, the attack shook Bradshaw enough to band with other victims of eco-terrorism and speak at a news
conference this week to heighten awareness about the problem. Their hope is that public education will help
curb the violence.

"I would like there to be a social outrage about these attempts to stifle open research and universities," said one
of the panelists, Dr. Steve Strauss. Strauss, a forest science professor at Oregon State University, lost 900 trees
that were cut down by vandals in protest of his work.
Afghan Civilians Attacked By
NATO Troops: Four Killed, 18
Wounded In Kandahar
KATHY GANNON AND NOOR KHAN | 04/12/10 09:19 PM |
KANDAHAR, Afghanistan — Afghans burned tires and chanted "Death to America" after U.S. troops fired on
a civilian bus near Kandahar, killing four people and wounding more than a dozen. Afghanistan's president
accused NATO of violating its commitment to safeguard civilian lives.
The attack Monday enraged Afghan officials and the public in Kandahar, the Taliban's birthplace, and dealt a
fresh blow to U.S. and NATO efforts to win popular support for a coming offensive to drive the insurgents
from the biggest city in the south. NATO expressed regret for the loss of civilian lives and said it was
Nearly 200 Afghans blocked highway where the shooting occurred, burning tires, firing weapons and chanting
"Death to America" and other slogans. They also called for the ouster of Afghan President Hamid Karzai, a
Kandahar native who has been appealing for the people here to support the U.S.-led campaign against the
"The Americans are constantly killing our civilians and the government is not demanding an explanation,"
protester Mohammad Razaq said. "We demand justice from the Karzai government and the punishment of
those soldiers responsible."
There were conflicting accounts of the shooting, which took place before dawn in the Taliban-infiltrated Zhari
district along the main highway linking Kandahar with the western provinces of Helmand and Nimroz.
NATO said the bus approached a slow-moving military patrol from the rear at a high speed. Troops opened fire
after the driver ignored flares and other warnings – including flashlights and hand signals – to slow down,
NATO said in a statement. It confirmed four people were killed, adding the alliance "deeply regrets the tragic
loss of life."
The alliance statement did not identify the soldiers' nationality, but witnesses and local Afghan officials said
they were Americans. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they did not want to create
problems with the NATO command.
One of the survivors, Rozi Mohammad, told The Associated Press at Kandahar hospital that the bus had just
left a terminal when it pulled over to the side of the road to allow an American convoy to pass. Shooting broke
out as the third or fourth American vehicle passed by, he said.
"They just suddenly opened fire. I don't know why. We had been stopped and after that I don't know what
happened," said Mohammad, his left eye swollen shut and his beard and clothing matted with blood.
Editorial Observer; The Rise and Violent Fall of Patrice Lumumba

There is a scene in the director Raul Peck's chilling biographical film ''Lumumba'' in which the title character,
the doomed Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, played by Eriq Ebouaney, confers alone with his
army chief of staff, the soon-to-be military strongman Joseph-Désiré Mobutu. It is September 1960. Their
fledgling independent nation is disintegrating into chaos. ''I am at your side,'' coos the suavely malign Mobutu,
played by Alex Descas. Lumumba replies: ''You are no longer beside me. You're behind my back.'' Mobutu
returns soon thereafter to place Lumumba under house arrest.

''Lumumba'' recounts the swift rise and fall of the man who became Congo's first and last legitimately elected
prime minister after it won independence from Belgium in 1960.

The film begins with images from the Belgian colonial era -- pith-helmeted white officers lording it over
barefoot natives in scenes that recall one of Africa's most violent and predatory colonial orders. The narrative
picks up the energetic and articulate Lumumba as a young salesman for a Belgian beer company who emerged
in 1959 as a popular nationalist leader. Jailed and brutally beaten, he was then freed to participate in
negotiations in Brussels that would lead to the Congo's independence. Lumumba's party won the largest
number of votes in the country's first free elections, and he became prime minister at the age of 35.

Lumumba and his neophyte nation, which at independence had barely a dozen university graduates, were
caught up in a web of cold-war intrigue and neocolonial knavery. Just six months after he took office,
Lumumba was murdered by Congolese rivals with the collusion of the United States and Belgium.

Americans tend to think of Africa's current wars as remote and irrelevant to our interests. ''Lumumba'' recalls
that in fact Americans have been centrally involved in events that set the stage for these wars. The movie is
grounded in well-documented historical fact. The Senate Intelligence Committee concluded in 1975 that there
were grounds for ''a reasonable inference'' that President Eisenhower had authorized Lumumba's assassination,
and that the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles, had approved a plot that involved
sending a doctor equipped with vials of poison to Léopoldville, the Congo's capital. The committee found no
evidence of direct American involvement in Lumumba's eventual murder, though. Instead, it said Washington
had supplied money and arms that enabled Mobutu to consolidate power. Mobutu in turn delivered Lumumba
into the hands of his Congolese rivals and their Belgian allies.

In martyrdom, Lumumba achieved iconic status across Africa and much of the third world. It is not necessary
to accept Mr. Peck's largely uncritical rendering of his personal character, nor to assume that Lumumba would
have proved an enlightened leader. What we do know is that his murder paved the way for three decades of
Mobutu's kleptocratic despotism, in what he called Zaire, and the chaos that has engulfed Congo since he fled
in 1997.

Some 2.5 million Congolese may have died in three years of fighting, famine and disease in wars that have
drawn in six neighboring countries and profited business as far afield as Belgium, Pakistan and Russia.

''We thought we controlled our destiny,'' the embattled Lumumba laments at one point in this moving film,
''but other powerful interests pulled the strings.'' Forty years on, Congolese can be forgiven if they feel the
same way.
           Excerpt from Wikipedia article on the Ku Klux Klan
Klan members adopted masks and robes that hid their identities and added to the drama of their night rides,
their chosen time for attacks. Many of them operated in small towns and rural areas where people otherwise
knew each other's faces, and sometimes still recognized the attackers. "The kind of thing that men are afraid
or ashamed to do openly, and by day, they accomplish secretly, masked, and at night." With this method both
the high and the low could be attacked. The Ku Klux Klan night riders "sometimes claimed to be ghosts of
Confederate soldiers so, as they claimed, to frighten superstitious blacks. Few freedmen took such nonsense
The Klan attacked black members of the Loyal Leagues and intimidated southern Republicans and Freedmen's
Bureau workers. When they killed black political leaders, they also took heads of families, along with the
leaders of churches and community groups, because people had many roles. Agents of the Freedmen's Bureau
reported weekly assaults and murders of blacks. "Armed guerilla warfare killed thousands of Negroes;
political riots were staged; their causes or occasions were always obscure, their results always certain: ten to
one hundred times as many Negroes were killed as whites." Masked men shot into houses and burned them,
sometimes with the occupants still inside. They drove successful black farmers off their land. Generally, it can
be reported that in North and South Carolina, in 18 months ending in June 1867, there were 197 murders and
548 cases of aggravated assault.
Klan violence worked to suppress black voting. As the following examples indicate, over 2,000 persons were
killed, wounded and otherwise injured in Louisiana within a few weeks prior to the Presidential election of
November 1868. Although St. Landry Parish had a registered Republican majority of 1,071, after the murders,
no Republicans voted in the fall elections. White Democrats cast the full vote of the parish for Grant's
opponent. The KKK killed and wounded more than 200 black Republicans, hunting and chasing them through
the woods. Thirteen captives were taken from jail and shot; a half-buried pile of 25 bodies was found in the
woods. The KKK made people vote Democratic and gave them certificates of the fact.
In the April 1868 Georgia gubernatorial election, Columbia County cast 1, 222 votes for Republican Rufus
Bullock. By the November presidential election, however, Klan intimidation led to suppression of the
Republican vote and only one person voted for Ulysses S. Grant.
Klansmen killed more than 150 African Americans in a county in Florida, and hundreds more in other
counties. Freedmen's Bureau records provided a detailed recounting of beatings and murders of freedmen and
their white allies by Klansmen
Milder encounters also occurred. In Mississippi, according to the Congressional inquiry
One of these teachers (Miss Allen of Illinois), whose school was at Cotton Gin Port in Monroe County, was
visited ... between one and two o'clock in the morning on March 1871, by about fifty men mounted and
disguised. Each man wore a long white robe and his face was covered by a loose mask with scarlet stripes.
She was ordered to get up and dress which she did at once and then admitted to her room the captain and
lieutenant who in addition to the usual disguise had long horns on their heads and a sort of device in front. The
lieutenant had a pistol in his hand and he and the captain sat down while eight or ten men stood inside the
door and the porch was full. They treated her "gentlemanly and quietly" but complained of the heavy school-
tax, said she must stop teaching and go away and warned her that they never gave a second notice. She heeded
the warning and left the county.
By 1868, two years after the Klan's creation, its activity was beginning to decrease. Members were hiding
behind Klan masks and robes as a way to avoid prosecution for free-lance violence. Many influential southern
Democrats feared that Klan lawlessness provided an excuse for the federal government to retain its power
over the South, and they began to turn against it. There were outlandish claims made, such as Georgian B. H.
Hill stating "that some of these outrages were actually perpetrated by the political friends of the parties slain."
         Excerpt from Wikipedia article on the Oklahoma City Bombing

The Oklahoma City bombing was a bomb attack on the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in downtown
Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995 by Timothy McVeigh, an American militia movement sympathizer who
detonated an explosive-filled truck parked in front of the building. McVeigh's co-conspirator, Terry Nichols,
had assisted in the bomb preparation. It was the most destructive act of terrorism on American soil until the
September 11, 2001 attacks. The Oklahoma blast claimed 168 lives, including 19 children under the age of 6,
and injured more than 680 people. The blast destroyed or damaged 324 buildings within a sixteen-block
radius, destroyed or burned 86 cars, and shattered glass in 258 nearby buildings. The bomb was estimated to
have caused at least $652 million worth of damage
Motivated by his hatred of the federal government and angered by what he perceived as its mishandling of
the Waco Siege (1993) and the Ruby Ridge incident (1992), McVeigh timed his attack to coincide with the
second anniversary of the deaths at Waco Within 90 minutes of the explosion, McVeigh was stopped by
Oklahoma State Trooper Charlie Hanger for driving without a license plate and arrested for unlawfully
carrying a weapon. Forensic evidence quickly linked McVeigh and Nichols to the attack; Nichols was
arrested, and within days both were charged. Michael and Lori Fortier were later identified as accomplices.
Extensive rescue efforts were undertaken by local, state, federal, and worldwide agencies in the wake of the
bombing, and substantial donations were received from across the country. The Federal Emergency
Management Agency (FEMA) activated eleven of its Urban Search and Rescue Task Forces, consisting of
665 rescue workers who assisted in rescue and recovery operations.

The official investigation, known as "OKBOMB", was the largest criminal investigation case in American
history; FBI agents conducted 28,000 interviews, amassing 3.5 short tons (3.2 t) of evidence, and collected
nearly one billion pieces of information. The bombers were tried and convicted in 1997. McVeigh was
executed by lethal injection on June 11, 2001, and Nichols was sentenced to life in prison. Michael and Lori
Fortier testified against McVeigh and Nichols; Michael was sentenced to twelve years in prison for failing to
warn the U.S. government, and Lori received immunity from prosecution in exchange for her testimony. As
with other large-scale terrorist attacks, conspiracy theories dispute the official claims and allege the
involvement of additional perpetrators.
As a result of the bombing, the U.S. government passed legislation designed to increase the protection
around federal buildings to deter future terrorist attacks. From 1995 to 2005, over 60 domestic terrorism plots
were foiled due to preventive measures taken in response to the bombing. On April 19, 2000, the Oklahoma
City National Memorial was dedicated on the site of the Murrah Federal Building, commemorating the
victims of the bombing. Annual remembrance services are held at the same time of day as the original
explosion occurred.

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