What is Democracy

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					                                  What is Democracy?

Democracy: 1.a. Government by the people, exercised either directly or through elected
representatives b. A political unit with this form of government. 2. Social and political
equality and respect for the individual within the community. [Gk. Demokratia.]

“Democracy is a difficult kind of government. It requires the highest qualities of
self-discipline, restraint, a willingness to make commitments and sacrifices for the
general interest, and also it requires knowledge.”
John F. Kennedy

Friday, October 13, 2000

Iverson’s Lyrics On Debut Album Ignites Controversy in NBA
By Julie Wood
Hoya Staff Writer
Former Georgetown basketball standout and Philadelphia 76ers
guard Allen Iverson, recently criticized for explicit lyrics directed
at gays, women and blacks in his debut rap album Non-Fiction,
agreed Thursday to eliminate the offensive lyrics following a
meeting with NBC Commissioner David Stern.
The full album will not be released to stores until February, but
the song “40 Bars,” was released to radio stations on Tuesday.
Critics saythe song contains questionable lyrics about gays,
women, blacks and gun violence, and ends with the sound of a
gun being fired.
Other songs on the album include such lyrics as, “Come to me
with those [expletive] tendencies and you’ll be sleeping with the
maggots be,” and “Get money, kill and [expletive], I’m hittin’
anything and planning on using my riches.”
Iverson apologized for the album’s lyrics in a recent statement.
“If individuals of the gay community and women of the world are
offended by any of the material in my upcoming album, let the
record show that I wish to extend a profound apology.”
“If a kid thinks that I promote violence by the lyrics of my songs, I
beg them not to buy it or listen to it. I want kids to dream and to
develop new dreams,” Iverson added in his statement.
After issuing the apology, Iverson met on Tuesday with a civil
rights group and other critics of his album. He said afterwards that
it was “a good meeting,” but refused to change the lyrics.
The album has provoked controversy over whether or not the
NBA should fine or suspend Iverson. The issue is particularly
contentious in light of the comments Atlanta Braves relief pitcher
John Rocker made in the Dec. 23, 1999 issue of Sports Illustrated
that were highly offensive to many minority groups. Rocker was
suspended for his comments by Major League Baseball, fined
$500 and required to attend sensitivity training.
Following Thursday’s meeting, Stern issued a statement stating
that he would not suspend or fine Iverson, but that the lyrics were
certainly offensive and that Iverson would, in fact, take steps to
change them prior to the album.
“The lyrics that have been attributed to Allen Iverson’s soon to be
released rap CD are coarse, offensive and anti-social. However, I
have come to understand, unfortunately, that certain rap artists
regularly spew such lyrics to a wide audience at great profit to
some of America’s most successful entertainment companies.
“Notwithstanding the music’s wide popularity, Allen, by even
recording his lyrics, has done a disservice to himself, the
Philadelphia 76ers, his teammates and perhaps all NBA players.
However, I do not believe that the NBA should be in the business
of regulating artistic expression, no matter how repugnant,” Stern
A NBA Player’s union official said that changes to the lyrics had
been made even before the meeting between Stern and Iverson.
Since joining the NBA in 1996, Iverson has gained a rebellious
reputation. He pleaded guilty to a class one misdemeanor charge
of carrying a weapon in August 1997; in exchange, prosecutors
dropped their charge of marijuana possession, a misdemeanor. He
was also convicted of felony maiming by mob in 1993 for his
involvement in a brawl prior to his time at Georgetown, but he
was later pardoned by the Virginia governor, who cited to racial
motivations surrounding his conviction.

“Why Americans Don't Vote”
by By John Dean
FindLaw Columnist
Special to CNN Interactive

 (FindLaw) -- Despite the close vote in the presidential election Tuesday, it appears that
only about half the potential voters -- 51 percent -- exercised their right to vote. That
figure is only marginally better than it was four years ago. According to official Census
Bureau and Federal Election Commission figures, only 49 percent of those of voting age
participated in the last presidential election in 1996. This follows the trend of a steady
decline in voting during the 20th Century, which began with a 75 percent turnout in the
1902 presidential election.

American voting habits are particularly striking when compared with those of other
democratic nations, like Japan and Germany, where 89 percent of the potential voters go
to the polls. In fact, most democracies have about 80 percent voter participation. Of the
153 democracies in the world, the United States ranks near the bottom for voter

When 100 million people fail to vote in a presidential election, as they did in 1996, and as
they did again Tuesday, the reason is more than simply apathy. To tag half the voting age
population with indifference, unconcern, passivity, lethargy or simply laziness may
describe behavior, but it doesn't explain it. And an explanation is needed, if one can be
given for 100 million excuses.

Cardinals safety Tillman quits to join Army
By Mel Reisner / Associated Press

  PHOENIX -- Arizona Cardinals safety Pat Tillman is giving up the NFL for the Army.
  Tillman said Thursday he is enlisting in the Army for three years. Cardinals coach Dave
McGinnis said Tillman, a two-year starter at free safety, wants to go through boot camp
and join the elite Rangers program with his younger brother, Kevin, an infielder who
spent last year with the Cleveland Indians' organization.
  "This is very serious with Pat," McGinnis said. "It's very personal, and I honor that. I
honor the integrity of that. It was not a snap decision he woke up and made yesterday.
This has been an ongoing process, and he feels very strongly about it."
  Tillman, a California native who was married two weeks ago and returned from a
honeymoon in Bora Bora on Monday, talked to Cardinals owner Bill Bidwill, McGinnis
and defensive coordinator Larry Marmie in separate interviews Wednesday. He could not
be reached for comment.
  His agent, Frank Bauer, called the decision consistent with his client's contemplative,
nonmaterialistic nature.
  Tillman, an unrestricted free agent, spurned a $9 million, five-year offer sheet from the
St. Louis Rams in 2001 and allowed a multiyear deal with the Cardinals to sit on the table
this spring despite Bauer's urging to sign.
  "This is very consistent with how he conducts his life," Bauer said. "Patty is the type of
guy who is very smart and very loyal. I remember when the Rams made their offer, he
said, 'No, I want to stay with the Cardinals. If I have to play for the minimum, I don't
care.' He axed the offer sheet and played another year. But he's always had a blueprint for
what he wants to do. Now everything else is on the back burner."
  Tillman, 25, never tired of football, but felt his hand was forced by the military's age
restriction on entry in special forces units, Bauer said. The agent said Tillman hopes to
resume his NFL career when his enlistment is up.
  Newlywed Marie Tillman supports her husband's decision to leave one rugged
profession for a more dangerous one, Bauer said.
  The 5-foot-11, 200-pound Tillman has always been distinguished by his appetite for
rugged play and intelligence. As an undersized linebacker at Arizona State, he was the
Pac-10's defensive player of the year in 1997.
  He warmed up for last year's training camp by competing in a 70.2-mile triathlon in
June, and he finished his fourth NFL year with 478 career tackles and three interceptions.
  As a scholar, Tillman carried a 3.84 grade point average through college and graduated
summa cum laude in 3 1/2 academic years with a degree in marketing.
  "The guy has got something to him, and that's why I wanted him on the team all these
years," McGinnis said.

Barry Arrested on Cocaine Charges in Undercover FBI, Police
Sources Say Mayor Used Crack in Downtown D.C. Hotel Room

By Sharon LaFraniere
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, Jan. 19, 1990; Page A01

D.C. Mayor Marion Barry was arrested on charges of possession of cocaine last night at
the downtown Vista International Hotel after a fast-moving undercover investigation by
the FBI and D.C. police that began several weeks ago, according to law enforcement
officials and sources familiar with the arrest.
Sources said that the mayor, who was arrested shortly after 8 p.m., smoked crack cocaine
in the hotel room. The sources said the mayor was with a longtime female friend of the
mayor who agreed to work with federal authorities.
After his arrest, Barry was taken to FBI headquarters and later released on his own
recognizance by a magistrate.
After the red-eyed Barry emerged from the van, he was guided into his house by three
FBI agents. A member of the mayor's security detail led the way, carrying a shotgun.
Early this morning, Barry's house was flooded with bright lights from television cameras
as more than a dozen reporters and curious observers surrounded the house. About 1:15
a.m., two women came out of the back of the house with Barry's son, Christopher, and
drove away.
The mayor's wife, Effi, had told friends last night that she would not be going to FBI's
headquarters to see her husband and that she would keep her son home from school
A spokesman for U.S. Attorney Jay B. Stephens said the mayor will be arraigned in U.S.
District Court at noon today.
In a statement released last night, Stephens and Thomas E. DuHadway, who heads the
Washington field office, said, "tonight's undercover operation was part of an ongoing
public corruption probe under the supervision of the U.S. Attorney for the District of
The statement said Barry was arrested on "narcotics charges" but gave no details.
Barry, who has steadfastly denied using drugs since allegations first surfaced against him
in 1981, was expected to announce his campaign for a fourth term on Sunday.
News of the arrest threw the District government into turmoil and raised questions about
the mayor's ability to continue to administer the city. By law, the mayor can keep his
office even though he has been arrested, according to Gregory E. Mize, general counsel
to the D.C. Council.
"The mayor is entitled to his office because he's been elected to it," Mize said. "At
bottom, the people have elected him mayor and it will be up to the people to decide
whether to keep him."

“Just as this gate swings firmly on hinges solidly affixed to its pillars, the ideals of Culver
– including three more elements of the Leadership Circle – duty, honor, and service -
pivot on, or rotate around, the four cardinal virtues. Remember them well.”

                                                                          Dr. Kevin MacNeil
Pericles' Funeral Oration (after 490 BCE)
from Thucydides, The               Peloponnesian War

When Pericles was asked to give the official funeral oration for the Athenian soldiers
who had died at one of the opening battles of the Peloponnesian War, he took the
occasion not only to praise the dead, but Athens itself, in a speech which has been
praised as enshrining the highest ideals of democracy and condemned as blatant
propaganda on behalf of a warlike, imperialistic state, which--despite what Pericles
says--was heartily detested by its allies. Note that he praises not only his city's freedom,
but its empire. It was its oppressive and aggressive rule over this empire that was
eventually to lead to Athens' downfall in the Peloponnesian War. It is unlikely that
Pericles uttered precisely these words, since it was customary for ancient historians to
invent the speeches of the figures they wrote about, based on what they knew about them;
but it certainly reflects the attitudes of many Athenians.
What are the main virtues that Pericles praises as characteristic of the Athenians? How does he contrast
Athens with Sparta? What does he say is the proper role of women?

Our form of government does not enter into rivalry with the institutions of others. Our government does not
copy our neighbors', but is an example to them. It is true that we are called a democracy, for the
administration is in the hands of the many (1) and not of the few. But while there exists equal justice to all
and alike in their private disputes, the claim of excellence is also recognized; and when a citizen is in any
way distinguished, he is preferred to the public service, not as a matter of privilege, but as the reward of
merit. Neither is poverty an obstacle, but a man may benefit his country whatever the obscurity of his
condition… A spirit of reverence pervades our public acts; we are prevented from doing wrong by respect
for the authorities and for the laws, having a particular regard to those which are ordained for the protection
of the injured as well as those unwritten laws which bring upon the transgressor of them the reprobation of
the general sentiment.
And we have not forgotten to provide for our weary spirits many relaxations from toil; we have regular
games and sacrifices throughout the year; our homes are beautiful and elegant; and the delight which we
daily feel in all these things helps to banish sorrow. Because of the greatness of our city the fruits of the
whole earth flow in upon us; so that we enjoy the goods of other countries as freely as our own.
Then, again, our military training is in many respects superior to that of our adversaries. Our city is thrown
open to the world, though and we never expel a foreigner and prevent him from seeing or learning anything
of which the secret if revealed to an enemy might profit him. We rely not upon management or trickery, but
upon our own hearts and hands. And in the matter of education, whereas they from early youth are always
undergoing laborious exercises, which are to make them brave, we live at ease, and yet are equally ready to
face the perils, which they face… We are lovers of the beautiful in our tastes and our strength lies, in our
opinion, not in deliberation and discussion, but that knowledge which is gained by discussion preparatory
to action. To avow poverty with us is no disgrace; the disgrace is in doing nothing to avoid it. We alone
regard a man who takes no interest in public affairs, not as harmless, but as a useless character. For we
have a peculiar power of thinking before we act, and of acting, too, whereas other men are courageous from
ignorance but hesitate upon reflection. And they are surely to be esteemed the Bravest spirits who, having
the clearest sense both of the pains and pleasures of life, do not on that account shrink from danger. In
doing good, again, we are unlike others; we make our friends by conferring, not by receiving favors. We
alone do good to our neighbors not upon a calculation of interest, but in the confidence of freedom and in a
frank and fearless spirit. To sum up: I say that Athens is the school of Hellas, and that the individual
Athenian in his own person seems to have the power of adapting himself to the most varied forms of action
with the utmost versatility and grace. This is no passing and idle word, but truth and fact; and the assertion
is verified by the position to which these qualities have raised the state. For in the hour of trial Athens alone
among her contemporaries is superior to the report of her. No enemy who comes against her is indignant at
the reverses which he sustains at the hands of such a city; no subject complains that his masters are
unworthy of him. For we have compelled every land and every sea to open a path for our valor, and have
everywhere planted eternal memorials of our friendship and of our enmity. Such is the city for whose sake
these men nobly fought and died; they could not bear the thought that she might be taken from them; and
every one of us who survive should gladly toil on her behalf.
I have dwelt upon the greatness of Athens because I want to show you that we are contending for a higher
prize than those who enjoy none of these privileges, and to establish by manifest proof the merit of these
men whom I am now commemorating. Their loftiest praise has been already spoken. For in magnifying the
city I have magnified them, and men like them whose virtues made her glorious. And of how few Hellenes
(2) can it be said as of them, that their deeds when weighed in the balance have been found equal to their
fame! Methinks that a death such as theirs has been the true measure of a man's worth; it may be the first
revelation of his virtues, but is at any rate their final seal. For even those who come short in other ways may
justly plead the valor with which they have fought for their country; they have blotted out the evil with the
good, and have benefited the state more by their public services than they have injured her by their private
actions. None of these men were enervated by wealth or hesitated to resign the pleasures of life; none of
them put off the evil day in the hope, natural to poverty, that a man, though poor, may one day become
rich. But, deeming that the punishment of their enemies was sweeter than any of these things, and that they
could fall in no nobler cause, they determined at the hazard of their lives to be honorably avenged, and to
leave the rest. They resigned to hope their unknown chance of happiness; but in the face of death they
resolved to rely upon themselves alone. And when the moment came they were minded to resist and suffer,
rather than to fly and save their lives; they ran away from the word of dishonor, but on the battlefield their
feet stood fast, and in an instant, at the height of their fortune, they passed away from the scene, not of their
fear, but of their glory.
Such was the end of these men; they were worthy of Athens, and the living need not desire to have a more
heroic spirit, although they may pray for a less fatal issue. The value of such a spirit is not to be expressed
in words. Any one can discourse to you for ever about the advantages of a Brave defense, which you know
already. But instead of listening to him I would have you day by day fix your eyes upon the greatness of
Athens, until you become filled with the love of her; and when you are impressed by the spectacle of her
glory, reflect that this empire has been acquired by men who knew their duty and had the courage to do it,
who in the hour of conflict had the fear of dishonor always present to them, and who, if ever they failed in
an enterprise, would not allow their virtues to be lost to their country, but freely gave their lives to her as
the fairest offering which they could present at her feast. The sacrifice which they collectively made was
individually repaid to them; for they received again each one for himself a praise which grows not old, and
the noblest of all tombs--I speak not of that in which their remains are laid, but of that in which their glory
survives, and is proclaimed always and on every fitting occasion both in word and deed. For the whole
earth is the tomb of famous men; not only are they commemorated by columns and inscriptions in their
own country, but in foreign lands there dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not on stone but
in the hearts of men. Make them your examples, and, esteeming courage to be freedom and freedom to be
happiness, do not weigh too nicely the perils of war. The unfortunate who has no hope of a change for the
better has less reason to throw away his life than the prosperous who, if he survive, is always liable to a
change for the worse, and to whom any accidental fall makes the most serious difference. To a man of
spirit, cowardice and disaster coming together are far more bitter than death striking him unperceived at a
time when he is full of courage and animated by the general hope.
Wherefore I do not now pity the parents of the dead who stand here; I would rather comfort them. You
know that your dead have passed away amid manifold vicissitudes; and that they may be deemed fortunate
who have gained their utmost honor, whether an honorable death like theirs, or an honorable sorrow like
yours, and whose share of happiness has been so ordered that the term of their happiness is likewise the
term of their life. I know how hard it is to make you feel this, when the good fortune of others will too often
remind you of the gladness which once lightened your hearts. And sorrow is felt at the want of those
blessings, not which a man never knew, but which were a part of his life before they were taken from him.
Some of you are of an age at which they may hope to have other children, and they ought to bear their
sorrow better; not only will the children who may hereafter be born make them forget their own lost ones,
but the city will be doubly a gainer. She will not be left desolate, and she will be safer. For a man's counsel
cannot have equal weight or worth, when he alone has no children to risk in the general danger. To those of
you who have passed their prime, I say: "Congratulate yourselves that you have been happy during the
greater part of your days; remember that your life of sorrow will not last long, and be comforted by the
glory of those who are gone. For the love of honor alone is ever young, and not riches, as some say, but
honor is the delight of men when they are old and useless.
To you who are the sons and brothers of the departed, I see that the struggle to emulate them will be an
arduous one. For all men praise the dead, and, however preeminent your virtue may be, I do not say even to
approach them, and avoid living their rivals and detractors, but when a man is out of the way, the honor and
goodwill which he receives is unalloyed. And, if I am to speak of womanly virtues to those of you who will
henceforth be widows, let me sum them up in one short admonition: To a woman not to show more
weakness than is natural to her sex is a great glory, and not to be talked about for good or for evil among
I have paid the required tribute, in obedience to the law, making use of such fitting words as I had. The
tribute of deeds has been paid in part; for the dead have them in deeds, and it remains only that their
children should be maintained at the public charge until they are grown up: this is the solid prize with
which, as with a garland, Athens crowns her sons living and dead, after a struggle like-theirs. For where the
rewards of virtue are greatest, there the noblest citizens are enlisted in the service of the state. And now,
when you have duly lamented every one his own dead, you may depart.


         JFK’s Inaugural Address
         January 20, 1961

         We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. . . symbolizing an
         end as well as a beginning. . .signifying renewal as well as change for I have sworn
         before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a
         century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish
all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary
beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe. . .the belief that
the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We
dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.

Let the word go forth from this time and place. . .to friend and foe alike. . that the torch
has been passed to a new generation of Americans. . . born in this century, tempered by
war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage. . .and unwilling
to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has
always been committed, and to which we are committed today. . .at home and around the

Let every nation know. . .whether it wishes us well or ill. . . that we shall pay any price,
bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the
survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge. . .and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share: we pledge the loyalty of
faithful friends. United. . .there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.
Divided. . .there is little we can do. . .for we dare not meet a powerful challenge, at odds,
and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free: we
pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to
be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them
supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their
own freedom. . .and to remember that. . .in the past. . .those who foolishly sought power
by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of
half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery: we pledge our best efforts to
help them help themselves, for whatever period is required. . .not because the
Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a
free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border: we offer a special pledge. . . to convert our
good words into good deeds. . .in a new alliance for progress . . .to assist free men and
free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of
hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall
join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. . .and let
every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own

To that world assembly of sovereign states: the United Nations. . . our last best hope in an
age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew
our pledge of support. . .to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective. . .to
strengthen its shield of the new and the weak. . . and to enlarge the area in which its writ
may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversaries, we offer not a
pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace; before the dark
powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental
self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are
sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be
employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from
our present course. . .both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both
rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that
uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of Mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew. . .remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness,
and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us
never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of
belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate
serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms. . .and bring the
absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both
sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore
the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the
arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command
of Isaiah. . .to "undo the heavy burdens. . . let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion. . . let both
sides join in creating not a new balance of power. . . but a new world of law. . .where the
strong are just. . . and the weak secure. . .and the peace preserved. . . .

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the
first one thousand days. . . nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our
lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens. . .more than mine. . .will rest the final success or
failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has
been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans
who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us
again... not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need. . .not as a call to battle... though
embattled we are. . .but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle. . .year in and
year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation. . .a struggle against the common
enemies of man: tyranny. . .poverty. . .disease. . .and war itself. Can we forge against
these enemies a grand and global alliance. . .North and South. . . East and West. . .that
can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of
defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger; I do not shrink from this
responsibility. . .I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with
any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we
bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. . .and the glow from that
fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans. . .ask not what your country can do for you. . .ask what
you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world. . .ask not what America
will do for you, but what together we can do for the Freedom of Man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the
same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good
conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds; let us go forth
to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth
God's work must truly be our own.
Anarchist protesters burn an upside-down American flag in front of the LAPD building in Downtown Los

Draft-dodging in the US now socially acceptable
from Richard Scott
Tuesday April 12, 1966


For the young Americans who are being called up to fight in Vietnam this is one of the most
unpopular wars in American history. At least it appears to evoke no sort of enthusiasm. While
attempts to escape the call-up or draft have been made on a small scale in all wars the extent
and deviousness of the present draft-dodging is unparalleled and it is today socially acceptable
as it never was in the past.

There is no reason to believe that American youth is any less patriotic today than in the past.
According to nation-wide surveys undertaken recently by both the magazine "News Week" and
the "Wall Street Journal" the real cause seems to be a signal lack of personal involvement in the
cause for which the US is fighting in Vietnam.

Many young men have no objection to being called up into the services but they do strongly
resent being sent off to die, for they are not quite sure what good reason, in the jungles and
swamps of distant Vietnam. One university teacher says that during the Cuban missile crisis
several students volunteered for military duty but that none had done so for Vietnam.

Some of the illegal methods employed include the purchase of forged documents. The Federal
Bureau of Investigation recently unearthed two draft-dodging organisations in New York and
Cleveland, Ohio. Thirty-eight men were arrested who had paid $5000 for forged Air Force
Reserve and National Guard papers that removed them from the draft. Then there are the draft-
card burners who are presumed to be even more concerned to demonstrate their own, and to
encourage their fellows', political opposition to US involvement in the Vietnam war than
personally to evade the draft.

A small number of young men attempt to deceive their draft medical board into grading them unfit
for service. Some represent themselves as homosexuals - "Wear lace panties and worry no
more" - "News Week"; or drug addicts - by pricking their arms to simulate hypodermic injections;
or tuberculosis sufferers - drops of ink on cigarettes are said to produce temporary patches on the