What is Democracy? Democracy: 1.a. Government by the people, exercised either directly or through elected representatives b. A political unit with this form of government. 2. Social and political equality and respect for the individual within the community. [Gk. Demokratia.] “Democracy is a difficult kind of government. It requires the highest qualities of self-discipline, restraint, a willingness to make commitments and sacrifices for the general interest, and also it requires knowledge.” John F. Kennedy Friday, October 13, 2000 Iverson’s Lyrics On Debut Album Ignites Controversy in NBA By Julie Wood Hoya Staff Writer Former Georgetown basketball standout and Philadelphia 76ers guard Allen Iverson, recently criticized for explicit lyrics directed at gays, women and blacks in his debut rap album Non-Fiction, agreed Thursday to eliminate the offensive lyrics following a meeting with NBC Commissioner David Stern. The full album will not be released to stores until February, but the song “40 Bars,” was released to radio stations on Tuesday. Critics saythe song contains questionable lyrics about gays, women, blacks and gun violence, and ends with the sound of a gun being fired. Other songs on the album include such lyrics as, “Come to me with those [expletive] tendencies and you’ll be sleeping with the maggots be,” and “Get money, kill and [expletive], I’m hittin’ anything and planning on using my riches.” Iverson apologized for the album’s lyrics in a recent statement. “If individuals of the gay community and women of the world are offended by any of the material in my upcoming album, let the record show that I wish to extend a profound apology.” “If a kid thinks that I promote violence by the lyrics of my songs, I beg them not to buy it or listen to it. I want kids to dream and to develop new dreams,” Iverson added in his statement. After issuing the apology, Iverson met on Tuesday with a civil rights group and other critics of his album. He said afterwards that it was “a good meeting,” but refused to change the lyrics. The album has provoked controversy over whether or not the NBA should fine or suspend Iverson. The issue is particularly contentious in light of the comments Atlanta Braves relief pitcher John Rocker made in the Dec. 23, 1999 issue of Sports Illustrated that were highly offensive to many minority groups. Rocker was suspended for his comments by Major League Baseball, fined $500 and required to attend sensitivity training. Following Thursday’s meeting, Stern issued a statement stating that he would not suspend or fine Iverson, but that the lyrics were certainly offensive and that Iverson would, in fact, take steps to change them prior to the album. “The lyrics that have been attributed to Allen Iverson’s soon to be released rap CD are coarse, offensive and anti-social. However, I have come to understand, unfortunately, that certain rap artists regularly spew such lyrics to a wide audience at great profit to some of America’s most successful entertainment companies. “Notwithstanding the music’s wide popularity, Allen, by even recording his lyrics, has done a disservice to himself, the Philadelphia 76ers, his teammates and perhaps all NBA players. However, I do not believe that the NBA should be in the business of regulating artistic expression, no matter how repugnant,” Stern said. A NBA Player’s union official said that changes to the lyrics had been made even before the meeting between Stern and Iverson. Since joining the NBA in 1996, Iverson has gained a rebellious reputation. He pleaded guilty to a class one misdemeanor charge of carrying a weapon in August 1997; in exchange, prosecutors dropped their charge of marijuana possession, a misdemeanor. He was also convicted of felony maiming by mob in 1993 for his involvement in a brawl prior to his time at Georgetown, but he was later pardoned by the Virginia governor, who cited to racial motivations surrounding his conviction. “Why Americans Don't Vote” by By John Dean FindLaw Columnist Special to CNN Interactive (FindLaw) -- Despite the close vote in the presidential election Tuesday, it appears that only about half the potential voters -- 51 percent -- exercised their right to vote. That figure is only marginally better than it was four years ago. According to official Census Bureau and Federal Election Commission figures, only 49 percent of those of voting age participated in the last presidential election in 1996. This follows the trend of a steady decline in voting during the 20th Century, which began with a 75 percent turnout in the 1902 presidential election. American voting habits are particularly striking when compared with those of other democratic nations, like Japan and Germany, where 89 percent of the potential voters go to the polls. In fact, most democracies have about 80 percent voter participation. Of the 153 democracies in the world, the United States ranks near the bottom for voter involvement. When 100 million people fail to vote in a presidential election, as they did in 1996, and as they did again Tuesday, the reason is more than simply apathy. To tag half the voting age population with indifference, unconcern, passivity, lethargy or simply laziness may describe behavior, but it doesn't explain it. And an explanation is needed, if one can be given for 100 million excuses. Cardinals safety Tillman quits to join Army By Mel Reisner / Associated Press PHOENIX -- Arizona Cardinals safety Pat Tillman is giving up the NFL for the Army. Tillman said Thursday he is enlisting in the Army for three years. Cardinals coach Dave McGinnis said Tillman, a two-year starter at free safety, wants to go through boot camp and join the elite Rangers program with his younger brother, Kevin, an infielder who spent last year with the Cleveland Indians' organization. "This is very serious with Pat," McGinnis said. "It's very personal, and I honor that. I honor the integrity of that. It was not a snap decision he woke up and made yesterday. This has been an ongoing process, and he feels very strongly about it." Tillman, a California native who was married two weeks ago and returned from a honeymoon in Bora Bora on Monday, talked to Cardinals owner Bill Bidwill, McGinnis and defensive coordinator Larry Marmie in separate interviews Wednesday. He could not be reached for comment. His agent, Frank Bauer, called the decision consistent with his client's contemplative, nonmaterialistic nature. Tillman, an unrestricted free agent, spurned a $9 million, five-year offer sheet from the St. Louis Rams in 2001 and allowed a multiyear deal with the Cardinals to sit on the table this spring despite Bauer's urging to sign. "This is very consistent with how he conducts his life," Bauer said. "Patty is the type of guy who is very smart and very loyal. I remember when the Rams made their offer, he said, 'No, I want to stay with the Cardinals. If I have to play for the minimum, I don't care.' He axed the offer sheet and played another year. But he's always had a blueprint for what he wants to do. Now everything else is on the back burner." Tillman, 25, never tired of football, but felt his hand was forced by the military's age restriction on entry in special forces units, Bauer said. The agent said Tillman hopes to resume his NFL career when his enlistment is up. Newlywed Marie Tillman supports her husband's decision to leave one rugged profession for a more dangerous one, Bauer said. The 5-foot-11, 200-pound Tillman has always been distinguished by his appetite for rugged play and intelligence. As an undersized linebacker at Arizona State, he was the Pac-10's defensive player of the year in 1997. He warmed up for last year's training camp by competing in a 70.2-mile triathlon in June, and he finished his fourth NFL year with 478 career tackles and three interceptions. As a scholar, Tillman carried a 3.84 grade point average through college and graduated summa cum laude in 3 1/2 academic years with a degree in marketing. "The guy has got something to him, and that's why I wanted him on the team all these years," McGinnis said. Barry Arrested on Cocaine Charges in Undercover FBI, Police Operation Sources Say Mayor Used Crack in Downtown D.C. Hotel Room By Sharon LaFraniere Washington Post Staff Writer Friday, Jan. 19, 1990; Page A01 D.C. Mayor Marion Barry was arrested on charges of possession of cocaine last night at the downtown Vista International Hotel after a fast-moving undercover investigation by the FBI and D.C. police that began several weeks ago, according to law enforcement officials and sources familiar with the arrest. Sources said that the mayor, who was arrested shortly after 8 p.m., smoked crack cocaine in the hotel room. The sources said the mayor was with a longtime female friend of the mayor who agreed to work with federal authorities. After his arrest, Barry was taken to FBI headquarters and later released on his own recognizance by a magistrate. After the red-eyed Barry emerged from the van, he was guided into his house by three FBI agents. A member of the mayor's security detail led the way, carrying a shotgun. Early this morning, Barry's house was flooded with bright lights from television cameras as more than a dozen reporters and curious observers surrounded the house. About 1:15 a.m., two women came out of the back of the house with Barry's son, Christopher, and drove away. The mayor's wife, Effi, had told friends last night that she would not be going to FBI's headquarters to see her husband and that she would keep her son home from school today. A spokesman for U.S. Attorney Jay B. Stephens said the mayor will be arraigned in U.S. District Court at noon today. In a statement released last night, Stephens and Thomas E. DuHadway, who heads the Washington field office, said, "tonight's undercover operation was part of an ongoing public corruption probe under the supervision of the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia." The statement said Barry was arrested on "narcotics charges" but gave no details. Barry, who has steadfastly denied using drugs since allegations first surfaced against him in 1981, was expected to announce his campaign for a fourth term on Sunday. News of the arrest threw the District government into turmoil and raised questions about the mayor's ability to continue to administer the city. By law, the mayor can keep his office even though he has been arrested, according to Gregory E. Mize, general counsel to the D.C. Council. "The mayor is entitled to his office because he's been elected to it," Mize said. "At bottom, the people have elected him mayor and it will be up to the people to decide whether to keep him." “Just as this gate swings firmly on hinges solidly affixed to its pillars, the ideals of Culver – including three more elements of the Leadership Circle – duty, honor, and service - pivot on, or rotate around, the four cardinal virtues. Remember them well.” Dr. Kevin MacNeil Pericles' Funeral Oration (after 490 BCE) from Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War When Pericles was asked to give the official funeral oration for the Athenian soldiers who had died at one of the opening battles of the Peloponnesian War, he took the occasion not only to praise the dead, but Athens itself, in a speech which has been praised as enshrining the highest ideals of democracy and condemned as blatant propaganda on behalf of a warlike, imperialistic state, which--despite what Pericles says--was heartily detested by its allies. Note that he praises not only his city's freedom, but its empire. It was its oppressive and aggressive rule over this empire that was eventually to lead to Athens' downfall in the Peloponnesian War. It is unlikely that Pericles uttered precisely these words, since it was customary for ancient historians to invent the speeches of the figures they wrote about, based on what they knew about them; but it certainly reflects the attitudes of many Athenians. What are the main virtues that Pericles praises as characteristic of the Athenians? How does he contrast Athens with Sparta? What does he say is the proper role of women? Our form of government does not enter into rivalry with the institutions of others. Our government does not copy our neighbors', but is an example to them. It is true that we are called a democracy, for the administration is in the hands of the many (1) and not of the few. But while there exists equal justice to all and alike in their private disputes, the claim of excellence is also recognized; and when a citizen is in any way distinguished, he is preferred to the public service, not as a matter of privilege, but as the reward of merit. Neither is poverty an obstacle, but a man may benefit his country whatever the obscurity of his condition… A spirit of reverence pervades our public acts; we are prevented from doing wrong by respect for the authorities and for the laws, having a particular regard to those which are ordained for the protection of the injured as well as those unwritten laws which bring upon the transgressor of them the reprobation of the general sentiment. And we have not forgotten to provide for our weary spirits many relaxations from toil; we have regular games and sacrifices throughout the year; our homes are beautiful and elegant; and the delight which we daily feel in all these things helps to banish sorrow. Because of the greatness of our city the fruits of the whole earth flow in upon us; so that we enjoy the goods of other countries as freely as our own. Then, again, our military training is in many respects superior to that of our adversaries. Our city is thrown open to the world, though and we never expel a foreigner and prevent him from seeing or learning anything of which the secret if revealed to an enemy might profit him. We rely not upon management or trickery, but upon our own hearts and hands. And in the matter of education, whereas they from early youth are always undergoing laborious exercises, which are to make them brave, we live at ease, and yet are equally ready to face the perils, which they face… We are lovers of the beautiful in our tastes and our strength lies, in our opinion, not in deliberation and discussion, but that knowledge which is gained by discussion preparatory to action. To avow poverty with us is no disgrace; the disgrace is in doing nothing to avoid it. We alone regard a man who takes no interest in public affairs, not as harmless, but as a useless character. For we have a peculiar power of thinking before we act, and of acting, too, whereas other men are courageous from ignorance but hesitate upon reflection. And they are surely to be esteemed the Bravest spirits who, having the clearest sense both of the pains and pleasures of life, do not on that account shrink from danger. In doing good, again, we are unlike others; we make our friends by conferring, not by receiving favors. We alone do good to our neighbors not upon a calculation of interest, but in the confidence of freedom and in a frank and fearless spirit. To sum up: I say that Athens is the school of Hellas, and that the individual Athenian in his own person seems to have the power of adapting himself to the most varied forms of action with the utmost versatility and grace. This is no passing and idle word, but truth and fact; and the assertion is verified by the position to which these qualities have raised the state. For in the hour of trial Athens alone among her contemporaries is superior to the report of her. No enemy who comes against her is indignant at the reverses which he sustains at the hands of such a city; no subject complains that his masters are unworthy of him. For we have compelled every land and every sea to open a path for our valor, and have everywhere planted eternal memorials of our friendship and of our enmity. Such is the city for whose sake these men nobly fought and died; they could not bear the thought that she might be taken from them; and every one of us who survive should gladly toil on her behalf. I have dwelt upon the greatness of Athens because I want to show you that we are contending for a higher prize than those who enjoy none of these privileges, and to establish by manifest proof the merit of these men whom I am now commemorating. Their loftiest praise has been already spoken. For in magnifying the city I have magnified them, and men like them whose virtues made her glorious. And of how few Hellenes (2) can it be said as of them, that their deeds when weighed in the balance have been found equal to their fame! Methinks that a death such as theirs has been the true measure of a man's worth; it may be the first revelation of his virtues, but is at any rate their final seal. For even those who come short in other ways may justly plead the valor with which they have fought for their country; they have blotted out the evil with the good, and have benefited the state more by their public services than they have injured her by their private actions. None of these men were enervated by wealth or hesitated to resign the pleasures of life; none of them put off the evil day in the hope, natural to poverty, that a man, though poor, may one day become rich. But, deeming that the punishment of their enemies was sweeter than any of these things, and that they could fall in no nobler cause, they determined at the hazard of their lives to be honorably avenged, and to leave the rest. They resigned to hope their unknown chance of happiness; but in the face of death they resolved to rely upon themselves alone. And when the moment came they were minded to resist and suffer, rather than to fly and save their lives; they ran away from the word of dishonor, but on the battlefield their feet stood fast, and in an instant, at the height of their fortune, they passed away from the scene, not of their fear, but of their glory. Such was the end of these men; they were worthy of Athens, and the living need not desire to have a more heroic spirit, although they may pray for a less fatal issue. The value of such a spirit is not to be expressed in words. Any one can discourse to you for ever about the advantages of a Brave defense, which you know already. But instead of listening to him I would have you day by day fix your eyes upon the greatness of Athens, until you become filled with the love of her; and when you are impressed by the spectacle of her glory, reflect that this empire has been acquired by men who knew their duty and had the courage to do it, who in the hour of conflict had the fear of dishonor always present to them, and who, if ever they failed in an enterprise, would not allow their virtues to be lost to their country, but freely gave their lives to her as the fairest offering which they could present at her feast. The sacrifice which they collectively made was individually repaid to them; for they received again each one for himself a praise which grows not old, and the noblest of all tombs--I speak not of that in which their remains are laid, but of that in which their glory survives, and is proclaimed always and on every fitting occasion both in word and deed. For the whole earth is the tomb of famous men; not only are they commemorated by columns and inscriptions in their own country, but in foreign lands there dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not on stone but in the hearts of men. Make them your examples, and, esteeming courage to be freedom and freedom to be happiness, do not weigh too nicely the perils of war. The unfortunate who has no hope of a change for the better has less reason to throw away his life than the prosperous who, if he survive, is always liable to a change for the worse, and to whom any accidental fall makes the most serious difference. To a man of spirit, cowardice and disaster coming together are far more bitter than death striking him unperceived at a time when he is full of courage and animated by the general hope. Wherefore I do not now pity the parents of the dead who stand here; I would rather comfort them. You know that your dead have passed away amid manifold vicissitudes; and that they may be deemed fortunate who have gained their utmost honor, whether an honorable death like theirs, or an honorable sorrow like yours, and whose share of happiness has been so ordered that the term of their happiness is likewise the term of their life. I know how hard it is to make you feel this, when the good fortune of others will too often remind you of the gladness which once lightened your hearts. And sorrow is felt at the want of those blessings, not which a man never knew, but which were a part of his life before they were taken from him. Some of you are of an age at which they may hope to have other children, and they ought to bear their sorrow better; not only will the children who may hereafter be born make them forget their own lost ones, but the city will be doubly a gainer. She will not be left desolate, and she will be safer. For a man's counsel cannot have equal weight or worth, when he alone has no children to risk in the general danger. To those of you who have passed their prime, I say: "Congratulate yourselves that you have been happy during the greater part of your days; remember that your life of sorrow will not last long, and be comforted by the glory of those who are gone. For the love of honor alone is ever young, and not riches, as some say, but honor is the delight of men when they are old and useless. To you who are the sons and brothers of the departed, I see that the struggle to emulate them will be an arduous one. For all men praise the dead, and, however preeminent your virtue may be, I do not say even to approach them, and avoid living their rivals and detractors, but when a man is out of the way, the honor and goodwill which he receives is unalloyed. And, if I am to speak of womanly virtues to those of you who will henceforth be widows, let me sum them up in one short admonition: To a woman not to show more weakness than is natural to her sex is a great glory, and not to be talked about for good or for evil among men. I have paid the required tribute, in obedience to the law, making use of such fitting words as I had. The tribute of deeds has been paid in part; for the dead have them in deeds, and it remains only that their children should be maintained at the public charge until they are grown up: this is the solid prize with which, as with a garland, Athens crowns her sons living and dead, after a struggle like-theirs. For where the rewards of virtue are greatest, there the noblest citizens are enlisted in the service of the state. And now, when you have duly lamented every one his own dead, you may depart. ____________________________________________________________________________ JFK’s Inaugural Address January 20, 1961 We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. . . symbolizing an end as well as a beginning. . .signifying renewal as well as change for I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe. . .the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place. . .to friend and foe alike. . that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans. . . born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage. . .and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today. . .at home and around the world. Let every nation know. . .whether it wishes us well or ill. . . that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge. . .and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share: we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United. . .there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures. Divided. . .there is little we can do. . .for we dare not meet a powerful challenge, at odds, and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free: we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom. . .and to remember that. . .in the past. . .those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery: we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required. . .not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border: we offer a special pledge. . . to convert our good words into good deeds. . .in a new alliance for progress . . .to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. . .and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign states: the United Nations. . . our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support. . .to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective. . .to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak. . . and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversaries, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace; before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course. . .both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of Mankind's final war. So let us begin anew. . .remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms. . .and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah. . .to "undo the heavy burdens. . . let the oppressed go free." And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion. . . let both sides join in creating not a new balance of power. . . but a new world of law. . .where the strong are just. . . and the weak secure. . .and the peace preserved. . . . All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days. . . nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens. . .more than mine. . .will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again... not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need. . .not as a call to battle... though embattled we are. . .but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle. . .year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation. . .a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny. . .poverty. . .disease. . .and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance. . .North and South. . . East and West. . .that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger; I do not shrink from this responsibility. . .I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. . .and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans. . .ask not what your country can do for you. . .ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world. . .ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the Freedom of Man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds; let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. Anarchist protesters burn an upside-down American flag in front of the LAPD building in Downtown Los Angeles. Draft-dodging in the US now socially acceptable from Richard Scott Tuesday April 12, 1966 Washington For the young Americans who are being called up to fight in Vietnam this is one of the most unpopular wars in American history. At least it appears to evoke no sort of enthusiasm. While attempts to escape the call-up or draft have been made on a small scale in all wars the extent and deviousness of the present draft-dodging is unparalleled and it is today socially acceptable as it never was in the past. There is no reason to believe that American youth is any less patriotic today than in the past. According to nation-wide surveys undertaken recently by both the magazine "News Week" and the "Wall Street Journal" the real cause seems to be a signal lack of personal involvement in the cause for which the US is fighting in Vietnam. Many young men have no objection to being called up into the services but they do strongly resent being sent off to die, for they are not quite sure what good reason, in the jungles and swamps of distant Vietnam. One university teacher says that during the Cuban missile crisis several students volunteered for military duty but that none had done so for Vietnam. Some of the illegal methods employed include the purchase of forged documents. The Federal Bureau of Investigation recently unearthed two draft-dodging organisations in New York and Cleveland, Ohio. Thirty-eight men were arrested who had paid $5000 for forged Air Force Reserve and National Guard papers that removed them from the draft. Then there are the draft- card burners who are presumed to be even more concerned to demonstrate their own, and to encourage their fellows', political opposition to US involvement in the Vietnam war than personally to evade the draft. A small number of young men attempt to deceive their draft medical board into grading them unfit for service. Some represent themselves as homosexuals - "Wear lace panties and worry no more" - "News Week"; or drug addicts - by pricking their arms to simulate hypodermic injections; or tuberculosis sufferers - drops of ink on cigarettes are said to produce temporary patches on the lung.