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                            On War
                      Carl von Clausewitz


                               TRANSLATED BY
                             COLONEL J.J. GRAHAM




                           Table of Contents
 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................... 7
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION ............................................ 14
 NOTICE ................................................................................ 18
 THE INTRODUCTION OF THE AUTHOR ...................................... 22
 BRIEF MEMOIR OF GENERAL CLAUSEWITZ ............................... 24
BOOK I. ON THE NATURE OF WAR ........................................ 28
 CHAPTER I. WHAT IS WAR? .................................................... 28
 CHAPTER II. END AND MEANS IN WAR ..................................... 47
 CHAPTER III. THE GENIUS FOR WAR ....................................... 62
 CHAPTER IV. OF DANGER IN WAR ........................................... 81
 CHAPTER V. OF BODILY EXERTION IN WAR .............................. 83
 CHAPTER VI. INFORMATION IN WAR ........................................ 85
 CHAPTER VII. FRICTION IN WAR ............................................. 87
 CHAPTER VIII. CONCLUDING REMARKS, BOOK I ....................... 90
BOOK II. ON THE THEORY OF WAR ....................................... 92
 CHAPTER I. BRANCHES OF THE ART OF WAR ............................ 92
 CHAPTER II. ON THE THEORY OF WAR ................................... 101
 CHAPTER III. ART OR SCIENCE OF WAR ................................. 119
 CHAPTER IV. METHODICISM ................................................. 122
 CHAPTER V. CRITICISM ........................................................ 128
 CHAPTER VI. ON EXAMPLES .................................................. 147
BOOK III. OF STRATEGY IN GENERAL ................................ 154
 CHAPTER I. STRATEGY ......................................................... 154
 CHAPTER II. ELEMENTS OF STRATEGY ................................... 162


                                            3
 CHAPTER III. MORAL FORCES ............................................... 163
 CHAPTER IV. THE CHIEF MORAL POWERS............................... 165
 CHAPTER V. MILITARY VIRTUE OF AN ARMY ........................... 166
 CHAPTER VI. BOLDNESS ...................................................... 170
 CHAPTER VII. PERSEVERANCE .............................................. 174
 CHAPTER VIII. SUPERIORITY OF NUMBERS............................. 175
 CHAPTER IX. THE SURPRISE ................................................. 180
 CHAPTER X. STRATAGEM...................................................... 185
 CHAPTER XI. ASSEMBLY OF FORCES IN SPACE ....................... 187
 CHAPTER XII. ASSEMBLY OF FORCES IN TIME ........................ 188
 CHAPTER XIII. STRATEGIC RESERVE ..................................... 195
 CHAPTER XIV. ECONOMY OF FORCES..................................... 198
 CHAPTER XV. GEOMETRICAL ELEMENT ................................... 199
 CHAPTER XVI. ON THE SUSPENSION OF THE ACT IN WARFARE . 201
 CHAPTER XVII. ON THE CHARACTER OF MODERN WAR ............ 206
 CHAPTER XVIII. TENSION AND REST ..................................... 207
BOOK IV. THE COMBAT ....................................................... 210
 CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY ................................................. 210
 CHAPTER II. CHARACTER OF THE MODERN BATTLE ................. 211
 CHAPTER III. THE COMBAT IN GENERAL ................................ 213
 CHAPTER IV. THE COMBAT IN GENERAL (CONTINUATION) ....... 217
 CHAPTER V. ON THE SIGNIFICATION OF THE COMBAT ............. 225
 CHAPTER VI. DURATION OF THE COMBAT .............................. 228
 CHAPTER VII. DECISION OF THE COMBAT .............................. 230
 CHAPTER VIII. MUTUAL UNDERSTANDING AS TO A BATTLE ...... 237
 CHAPTER IX. THE BATTLE ..................................................... 240
 CHAPTER X. EFFECTS OF VICTORY (continuation) .................... 246
 CHAPTER XI. THE USE OF THE BATTLE (continued).................. 252
 CHAPTER XII. STRATEGIC MEANS OF UTILISING VICTORY ....... 258
 CHAPTER XIII. RETREAT AFTER A LOST BATTLE ...................... 268
 CHAPTER XIV. NIGHT FIGHTING............................................ 271
Book V MILITARY FORCES .................................................. 276
 Chapter I. General Scheme ................................................... 276
 Chapter II. Theatre of War, Army, Campaign .......................... 277
 Chapter III. Relation of Power ............................................... 279
 Chapter IV. Relation of the Three Arms .................................. 282
 Chapter V. Order of Battle of an Army .................................... 292
 Chapter VI. General Disposition of an Army ............................ 299
 Chapter VII. Advanced Guard and Out-Posts ........................... 306
 Chapter VIII. Mode of Action of Advanced Corps...................... 314
 Chapter IX. Camps .............................................................. 319
 Chapter X. Marches ............................................................. 322
 Chapter XI. Marches (Continued)........................................... 329
 Chapter XII. Marches (Continued) ......................................... 333


                                         4
 Chapter XIII. Cantonments ................................................... 336
 Chapter XIV. Subsistence ..................................................... 343
 Chapter XV. Base of Operations ............................................ 359
 Chapter XVI. Lines of Communication .................................... 364
 Chapter XVII. On Country and Ground ................................... 368
 Chapter XVIII. Command of Ground ...................................... 373
Book VI—Defence ............................................................... 377
 Chapter I. Offence and Defence............................................. 377
 Chapter II. The Relations of the Offensive and Defensive ......... 381
 Chapter III. The Relations of the Offensive and Defensive ........ 385
 Chapter IV. Convergence of Attack and Divergence of Defence . 390
 Chapter V. Character of Strategic Defensive ........................... 394
 Chapter VI. Extent of the Means of Defence ............................ 396
 Chapter VII. Mutual Action and Reaction of Attack and Defence. 403
 Chapter VIII. Methods of Resistance ...................................... 405
 Chapter IX. Defensive Battle ................................................. 420
 Chapter X. Fortresses .......................................................... 424
 Chapter XI. Fortresses—(Continued) ...................................... 434
 Chapter XII. Defensive Position ............................................. 440
 Chapter XIII. Strong Positions and Entrenched Camps ............. 446
 Chapter XIV. Flank Positions ................................................. 453
 Chapter XV. Defence of Mountains ......................................... 456
 Chapter XVI. Defence of Mountains—(Continued) .................... 464
 Chapter XVII. Defence of Mountains (Continued) ..................... 473
 Chapter XVIII. Defence of Streams and Rivers ........................ 479
 Chapter XIX. Defence of Streams and Rivers (Continued.) ........ 495
 Chapter XX. ........................................................................ 497
 Chapter XXI. Defence of Forests ............................................ 504
 Chapter XXII. The Cordon .................................................... 506
 Chapter XXIII. Key of the Country ......................................... 510
 Chapter XXIV. Operating Against a Flank ................................ 514
 Chapter XXV. Retreat into the Interior of the Country .............. 526
 Chapter XXVI. Arming the Nation .......................................... 540
 Chapter XXVII. Defence of a Theatre of War ........................... 547
 Chapter XXVIII. Defence of a Theatre of War—(Continued) ....... 552
 Chapter XXIX. Defence of a Theatre of War—(Continued) ......... 567
 Chapter XXX. Defence of a Theatre of War (Continued) ............ 570
Book VII—The Attack ......................................................... 595
 Chapter I. The Attack in Relation to the Defence ..................... 595
 Chapter II. Nature of the Strategical Attack ............................ 596
 Chapter III. Of the Objects of Strategical Attack ...................... 599
 Chapter IV. Decreasing Force of the Attack ............................. 600
 Chapter V. Culminating Point of the Attack ............................. 601
 Chapter VI. Destruction of the Enemy's Armies ....................... 602


                                           5
 Chapter VII. The Offensive Battle .......................................... 603
 Chapter VIII. Passage of Rivers ............................................. 605
 Chapter IX. Attack of Defensive Positions ............................... 608
 Chapter X. Attack of an Entrenched Camp .............................. 609
 Chapter XI. Attack of a Mountain ........................................... 611
 Chapter XII. Attack of Cordon Lines ....................................... 614
 Chapter XIII. Manœuvring .................................................... 615
 Chapter XIV. Attack of Morasses, Inundations, Woods .............. 618
 Chapter XV. Attack of a Theatre of War with the View .............. 620
 Chapter XVI. Attack of a Theatre of War without the View ........ 624
 Chapter XVII. Attack of Fortresses ......................................... 628
 Chapter XVIII. Attack of Convoys .......................................... 633
 Chapter XIX. Attack on the Enemy's Army in its Cantonments ... 636
 Chapter XX. Diversion .......................................................... 642
 Chapter XXI. Invasion .......................................................... 645
Book VIII—Plan of War ...................................................... 656
 Chapter I. Introduction ........................................................ 656
 Chapter II. Absolute and Real War ......................................... 659
 Chapter III. ........................................................................ 663
 Chapter IV. Ends in War More Precisely Defined ...................... 679
 Chapter V. Ends in War More Precisely Defined—(Continued) .... 687
 Chapter VI .......................................................................... 689
 Chapter VII. Limited Object—Offensive War ............................ 699
 Chapter VIII. Limited Object—Defence ................................... 702
 Chapter IX Plan of War when the Destruction of the Enemy ...... 707




                                            6
                         INTRODUCTION

  THE Germans interpret their new national colours--black, red, and
white-by the saying, "Durch Nacht und Blut zur licht." ("Through night
and blood to light"), and no work yet written conveys to the thinker a
clearer conception of all that the red streak in their flag stands for than
this deep and philosophical analysis of "War" by Clausewitz.

  It reveals "War," stripped of all accessories, as the exercise of force
for the attainment of a political object, unrestrained by any law save
that of expediency, and thus gives the key to the interpretation of
German political aims, past, present, and future, which is
unconditionally necessary for every student of the modern conditions
of Europe. Step by step, every event since Waterloo follows with
logical consistency from the teachings of Napoleon, formulated for the
first time, some twenty years afterwards, by this remarkable thinker.

  What Darwin accomplished for Biology generally Clausewitz did for
the Life-History of Nations nearly half a century before him, for both
have proved the existence of the same law in each case, viz., "The
survival of the fittest"--the "fittest," as Huxley long since pointed out,
not being necessarily synonymous with the ethically "best." Neither of
these thinkers was concerned with the ethics of the struggle which
each studied so exhaustively, but to both men the phase or condition
presented itself neither as moral nor immoral, any more than are
famine, disease, or other natural phenomena, but as emanating from a
force inherent in all living organisms which can only be mastered by
understanding its nature. It is in that spirit that, one after the other,
all the Nations of the Continent, taught by such drastic lessons as
Koniggratz and Sedan, have accepted the lesson, with the result that
to-day Europe is an armed camp, and peace is maintained by the
equilibrium of forces, and will continue just as long as this equilibrium
exists, and no longer.

  Whether this state of equilibrium is in itself a good or desirable thing
may be open to argument. I have discussed it at length in my "War
and the World's Life"; but I venture to suggest that to no one would a
renewal of the era of warfare be a change for the better, as far as
existing humanity is concerned. Meanwhile, however, with every year
that elapses the forces at present in equilibrium are changing in
magnitude--the pressure of populations which have to be fed is rising,
and an explosion along the line of least resistance is, sooner or later,
inevitable.



                                     7
  As I read the teaching of the recent Hague Conference, no
responsible Government on the Continent is anxious to form in
themselves that line of least resistance; they know only too well what
War would mean; and we alone, absolutely unconscious of the trend of
the dominant thought of Europe, are pulling down the dam which may
at any moment let in on us the flood of invasion.

  Now no responsible man in Europe, perhaps least of all in Germany,
thanks us for this voluntary destruction of our defences, for all who are
of any importance would very much rather end their days in peace
than incur the burden of responsibility which War would entail. But
they realise that the gradual dissemination of the principles taught by
Clausewitz has created a condition of molecular tension in the minds of
the Nations they govern analogous to the "critical temperature of
water heated above boiling-point under pressure," which may at any
moment bring about an explosion which they will be powerless to
control.

 The case is identical with that of an ordinary steam boiler, delivering
so and so many pounds of steam to its engines as long as the
envelope can contain the pressure; but let a breach in its continuity
arise--relieving the boiling water of all restraint--and in a moment the
whole mass flashes into vapour, developing a power no work of man
can oppose.

  The ultimate consequences of defeat no man can foretell. The only
way to avert them is to ensure victory; and, again following out the
principles of Clausewitz, victory can only be ensured by the creation in
peace of an organisation which will bring every available man, horse,
and gun (or ship and gun, if the war be on the sea) in the shortest
possible time, and with the utmost possible momentum, upon the
decisive field of action-- which in turn leads to the final doctrine
formulated by Von der Goltz in excuse for the action of the late
President Kruger in 1899:

 "The Statesman who, knowing his instrument to be ready, and
seeing War inevitable, hesitates to strike first is guilty of a crime
against his country."

  It is because this sequence of cause and effect is absolutely unknown
to our Members of Parliament, elected by popular representation, that
all our efforts to ensure a lasting peace by securing efficiency with
economy in our National Defences have been rendered nugatory.


                                    8
  This estimate of the influence of Clausewitz's sentiments on
contemporary thought in Continental Europe may appear exaggerated
to those who have not familiarised themselves with M. Gustav de Bon's
exposition of the laws governing the formation and conduct of crowds I
do not wish for one minute to be understood as asserting that
Clausewitz has been conscientiously studied and understood in any
Army, not even in the Prussian, but his work has been the ultimate
foundation on which every drill regulation in Europe, except our own,
has been reared. It is this ceaseless repetition of his fundamental
ideas to which one-half of the male population of every Continental
Nation has been subjected for two to three years of their lives, which
has tuned their minds to vibrate in harmony with his precepts, and
those who know and appreciate this fact at its true value have only to
strike the necessary chords in order to evoke a response sufficient to
overpower any other ethical conception which those who have not
organised their forces beforehand can appeal to.

   The recent set-back experienced by the Socialists in Germany is an
illustration of my position. The Socialist leaders of that country are far
behind the responsible Governors in their knowledge of the
management of crowds. The latter had long before (in 1893, in fact)
made their arrangements to prevent the spread of Socialistic
propaganda beyond certain useful limits. As long as the Socialists only
threatened capital they were not seriously interfered with, for the
Government knew quite well that the undisputed sway of the employer
was not for the ultimate good of the State. The standard of comfort
must not be pitched too low if men are to he ready to die for their
country. But the moment the Socialists began to interfere seriously
with the discipline of the Army the word went round, and the Socialists
lost heavily at the polls.

  If this power of predetermined reaction to acquired ideas can be
evoked successfully in a matter of internal interest only, in which the
"obvious interest" of the vast majority of the population is so clearly
on the side of the Socialist, it must be evident how enormously greater
it will prove when set in motion against an external enemy, where the
"obvious interest" of the people is, from the very nature of things, as
manifestly on the side of the Government; and the Statesman who
failed to take into account the force of the "resultant thought wave" of
a crowd of some seven million men, all trained to respond to their
ruler's call, would be guilty of treachery as grave as one who failed to
strike when he knew the Army to be ready for immediate action.



                                     9
  As already pointed out, it is to the spread of Clausewitz's ideas that
the present state of more or less immediate readiness for war of all
European Armies is due, and since the organisation of these forces is
uniform this "more or less" of readiness exists in precise proportion to
the sense of duty which animates the several Armies. Where the spirit
of duty and self-sacrifice is low the troops are unready and inefficient;
where, as in Prussia, these qualities, by the training of a whole
century, have become instinctive, troops really are ready to the last
button, and might be poured down upon any one of her neighbours
with such rapidity that the very first collision must suffice to ensure
ultimate success--a success by no means certain if the enemy,
whoever he may be, is allowed breathing-time in which to set his
house in order.

  An example will make this clearer. In 1887 Germany was on the very
verge of War with France and Russia. At that moment her superior
efficiency, the consequence of this inborn sense of duty--surely one of
the highest qualities of humanity--was so great that it is more than
probable that less than six weeks would have sufficed to bring the
French to their knees. Indeed, after the first fortnight it would have
been possible to begin transferring troops from the Rhine to the
Niemen; and the same case may arise again. But if France and Russia
had been allowed even ten days' warning the German plan would have
been completely defeated. France alone might then have claimed all
the efforts that Germany could have put forth to defeat her.

  Yet there are politicians in England so grossly ignorant of the German
reading of the Napoleonic lessons that they expect that Nation to
sacrifice the enormous advantage sacrifice and practical patriotism by
an appeal to a Court of Arbitration, and the further delays which must
arise by going through the medieaeval formalities of recalling
Ambassadors and exchanging ultimatums.

  Most of our present-day politicians have made their money in
business--a "form of human competition greatly resembling War," to
paraphrase Clausewitz. Did they, when in the throes of such
competition, send formal notice to their rivals of their plans to get the
better of them in commerce? Did Mr. Carnegie, the arch- priest of
Peace at any price, when he built up the Steel Trust, notify his
competitors when and how he proposed to strike the blows which
successively made him master of millions? Surely the Directors of a
Great Nation may consider the interests of their shareholders--i.e., the
people they govern--as sufficiently serious not to be endangered by
the deliberate sacrifice of the preponderant position of readiness which


                                   10
generations of self-devotion, patriotism and wise forethought have
won for them?

  As regards the strictly military side of this work, though the recent
researches of the French General Staff into the records and documents
of the Napoleonic period have shown conclusively that Clausewitz had
never grasped the essential point of the Great Emperor's strategic
method, yet it is admitted that he has completely fathomed the spirit
which gave life to the form; and notwithstandingthe variations in
application which have resulted from the progress of invention in every
field of national activity (not in the technical improvements in
armament alone), this spirit still remains the essential factor in the
whole matter. Indeed, if anything, modern appliances have intensified
its importance, for though, with equal armaments on both sides, the
form of battles must always remain the same, the facility and certainty
of combination which better methods of communicating orders and
intelligence have conferred upon the Commanders has rendered the
control of great masses immeasurably more certain than it was in the
past.

  Men kill each other at greater distances, it is true-- but killing is a
constant factor in all battles. The difference between "now and then"
lies in this, that, thanks to the enormous increase in range (the
essential feature in modern armaments), it is possible to concentrate
by surprise, on any chosen spot, a man-killing power fully twentyfold
greater than was conceivable in the days of Waterloo; and whereas in
Napoleon's time this concentration of man-killing power (which in his
hands took the form of the great case-shot attack) depended almost
entirely on the shape and condition of the ground, which might or
might not be favourable, nowadays such concentration of fire-power is
almost independent of the country altogether.

 Thus, at Waterloo, Napoleon was compelled to wait till the ground
became firm enough for his guns to gallop over; nowadays every gun
at his disposal, and five times that number had he possessed them,
might have opened on any point in the British position he had
selected, as soon as it became light enough to see.

  Or, to take a more modern instance, viz., the battle of St. Privat-
Gravelotte, August 18, 1870, where the Germans were able to
concentrate on both wings batteries of two hundred guns and
upwards, it would have been practically impossible, owing to the
section of the slopes of the French position, to carry out the old-
fashioned case-shot attack at all. Nowadays there would be no


                                   11
difficulty in turning on the fire of two thousand guns on any point of
the position, and switching this fire up and down the line like water
from a fire-engine hose, if the occasion demanded such concentration.

  But these alterations in method make no difference in the truth of
the picture of War which Clausewitz presents, with which every soldier,
and above all every Leader, should be saturated.

  Death, wounds, suffering, and privation remain the same, whatever
the weapons employed, and their reaction on the ultimate nature of
man is the same now as in the struggle a century ago. It is this
reaction that the Great Commander has to understand and prepare
himself to control; and the task becomes ever greater as, fortunately
for humanity, the opportunities for gathering experience become more
rare.

  In the end, and with every improvement in science, the result
depends more and more on the character of the Leader and his power
of resisting "the sensuous impressions of the battlefield." Finally, for
those who would fit themselves in advance for such responsibility, I
know of no more inspiring advice than that given by Krishna to Arjuna
ages ago, when the latter trembled before the awful responsibility of
launching his Army against the hosts of the Pandav's:

 This Life within all living things, my Prince,
 Hides beyond harm. Scorn thou to suffer, then,
 For that which cannot suffer. Do thy part!
 Be mindful of thy name, and tremble not.
 Nought better can betide a martial soul
 Than lawful war. Happy the warrior
 To whom comes joy of battle....
 . . . But if thou shunn'st

 This honourable field--a Kshittriya--
 If, knowing thy duty and thy task, thou bidd'st
 Duty and task go by--that shall be sin!
 And those to come shall speak thee infamy
 From age to age. But infamy is worse
 For men of noble blood to bear than death!

 Therefore arise, thou Son of Kunti! Brace
 Thine arm for conflict; nerve thy heart to meet,
 As things alike to thee, pleasure or pain,
 Profit or ruin, victory or defeat.


                                   12
So minded, gird thee to the fight, for so
Thou shalt not sin!

          COL. F. N. MAUDE, C.B., late R.E.




                                  13
            PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
  IT will naturally excite surprise that a preface by a female hand
should accompany a work on such a subject as the present. For my
friends no explanation of the circumstance is required; but I hope by a
simple relation of the cause to clear myself of the appearance of
presumption in the eyes also of those to whom I am not known.

  The work to which these lines serve as a preface occupied almost
entirely the last twelve years of the life of my inexpressibly beloved
husband, who has unfortunately been torn too soon from myself and
his country. To complete it was his most earnest desire; but it was not
his intention that it should be published during his life; and if I tried to
persuade him to alter that intention, he often answered, half in jest,
but also, perhaps, half in a foreboding of early death: "Thou shalt
publish it." These words (which in those happy days often drew tears
from me, little as I was inclined to attach a serious meaning to them)
make it now, in the opinion of my friends, a duty incumbent on me to
introduce the posthumous works of my beloved husband, with a few
prefatory lines from myself; and although here may be a difference of
opinion on this point, still I am sure there will be no mistake as to the
feeling which has prompted me to overcome the timidity which makes
any such appearance, even in a subordinate part, so difficult for a
woman.

   It will be understood, as a matter of course, that I cannot have the
most remote intention of considering myself as the real editress of a
work which is far above the scope of my capacity: I only stand at its
side as an affectionate companion on its entrance into the world. This
position I may well claim, as a similar one was allowed me during its
formation and progress. Those who are acquainted with our happy
married life, and know how we shared everything with each other--not
only joy and sorrow, but also every occupation, every interest of daily
life--will understand that my beloved husband could not be occupied
on a work of this kind without its being known to me. Therefore, no
one can like me bear testimony to the zeal, to the love with which he
laboured on it, to the hopes which he bound up with it, as well as the
manner and time of its elaboration. His richly gifted mind had from his
early youth longed for light and truth, and, varied as were his talents,
still he had chiefly directed his reflections to the science of war, to
which the duties of his profession called him, and which are of such
importance for the benefit of States. Scharnhorst was the first to lead
him into the right road, and his subsequent appointment in 1810 as
Instructor at the General War School, as well as the honour conferred


                                     14
on him at the same time of giving military instruction to H.R.H. the
Crown Prince, tended further to give his investigations and studies that
direction, and to lead him to put down in writing whatever conclusions
he arrived at. A paper with which he finished the instruction of H.R.H.
the Crown Prince contains the germ of his subsequent works. But it
was in the year 1816, at Coblentz, that he first devoted himself again
to scientific labours, and to collecting the fruits which his rich
experience in those four eventful years had brought to maturity. He
wrote down his views, in the first place, in short essays, only loosely
connected with each other. The following, without date, which has
been found amongst his papers, seems to belong to those early days.

  "In the principles here committed to paper, in my opinion, the chief
things which compose Strategy, as it is called, are touched upon. I
looked upon them only as materials, and had just got to such a length
towards the moulding them into a whole.

  "These materials have been amassed without any regularly
preconceived plan. My view was at first, without regard to system and
strict connection, to put down the results of my reflections upon the
most important points in quite brief, precise, compact propositions.
The manner in which Montesquieu has treated his subject floated
before me in idea. I thought that concise, sententious chapters, which
I proposed at first to call grains, would attract the attention of the
intelligent just as much by that which was to be developed from them,
as by that which they contained in themselves. I had, therefore, before
me in idea, intelligent readers already acquainted with the subject. But
my nature, which always impels me to development and
systematising, at last worked its way out also in this instance. For
some time I was able to confine myself to extracting only the most
important results from the essays, which, to attain clearness and
conviction in my own mind, I wrote upon different subjects, to
concentrating in that manner their spirit in a small compass; but
afterwards my peculiarity gained ascendency completely--I have
developed what I could, and thus naturally have supposed a reader
not yet acquainted with the subject.

  "The more I advanced with the work, and the more I yielded to the
spirit of investigation, so much the more I was also led to system; and
thus, then, chapter after chapter has been inserted.

  "My ultimate view has now been to go through the whole once more,
to establish by further explanation much of the earlier treatises, and
perhaps to condense into results many analyses on the later ones, and


                                   15
thus to make a moderate whole out of it, forming a small octavo
volume. But it was my wish also in this to avoid everything common,
everything that is plain of itself, that has been said a hundred times,
and is generally accepted; for my ambition was to write a book that
would not be forgotten in two or three years, and which any one
interested in the subject would at all events take up more than once."

  In Coblentz, where he was much occupied with duty, he could only
give occasional hours to his private studies. It was not until 1818,
after his appointment as Director of the General Academy of War at
Berlin, that he had the leisure to expand his work, and enrich it from
the history of modern wars. This leisure also reconciled him to his new
avocation, which, in other respects, was not satisfactory to him, as,
according to the existing organisation of the Academy, the scientific
part of the course is not under the Director, but conducted by a Board
of Studies. Free as he was from all petty vanity, from every feeling of
restless, egotistical ambition, still he felt a desire to be really useful,
and not to leave inactive the abilities with which God had endowed
him. In active life he was not in a position in which this longing could
be satisfied, and he had little hope of attaining to any such position:
his whole energies were therefore directed upon the domain of
science, and the benefit which he hoped to lay the foundation of by his
work was the object of his life. That, notwithstanding this, the
resolution not to let the work appear until after his death became more
confirmed is the best proof that no vain, paltry longing for praise and
distinction, no particle of egotistical views, was mixed up with this
noble aspiration for great and lasting usefulness.

  Thus he worked diligently on, until, in the spring of 1830, he was
appointed to the artillery, and his energies were called into activity in
such a different sphere, and to such a high degree, that he was
obliged, for the moment at least, to give up all literary work. He then
put his papers in order, sealed up the separate packets, labelled them,
and took sorrowful leave of this employment which he loved so much.
He was sent to Breslau in August of the same year, as Chief of the
Second Artillery District, but in December recalled to Berlin, and
appointed Chief of the Staff to Field-Marshal Count Gneisenau (for the
term of his command). In March 1831, he accompanied his revered
Commander to Posen. When he returned from there to Breslau in
November after the melancholy event which had taken place, he
hoped to resume his work and perhaps complete it in the course of the
winter. The Almighty has willed it should be otherwise. On the 7th
November he returned to Breslau; on the 16th he was no more; and
the packets sealed by himself were not opened until after his death.


                                    16
  The papers thus left are those now made public in the following
volumes, exactly in the condition in which they were found, without a
word being added or erased. Still, however, there was much to do
before publication, in the way of putting them in order and consulting
about them; and I am deeply indebted to several sincere friends for
the assistance they have afforded me, particularly Major O'Etzel, who
kindly undertook the correction of the Press, as well as the preparation
of the maps to accompany the historical parts of the work. I must also
mention my much-loved brother, who was my support in the hour of
my misfortune, and who has also done much for me in respect of
these papers; amongst other things, by carefully examining and
putting them in order, he found the commencement of the revision
which my dear husband wrote in the year 1827, and mentions in the
Notice hereafter annexed as a work he had in view. This revision has
been inserted in the place intended for it in the first book (for it does
not go any further).

  There are still many other friends to whom I might offer my thanks
for their advice, for the sympathy and friendship which they have
shown me; but if I do not name them all, they will, I am sure, not
have any doubts of my sincere gratitude. It is all the greater, from my
firm conviction that all they have done was not only on my own
account, but for the friend whom God has thus called away from them
so soon.

  If I have been highly blessed as the wife of such a man during one
and twenty years, so am I still, notwithstanding my irreparable loss,
by the treasure of my recollections and of my hopes, by the rich legacy
of sympathy and friendship which I owe the beloved departed, by the
elevating feeling which I experience at seeing his rare worth so
generally and honourably acknowledged.

  The trust confided to me by a Royal Couple is a fresh benefit for
which I have to thank the Almighty, as it opens to me an honourable
occupation, to which Idevote myself. May this occupation be blessed,
and may the dear little Prince who is now entrusted to my care, some
day read this book, and be animated by it to deeds like those of his
glorious ancestors.

 Written at the Marble Palace, Potsdam, 30th June, 1832.

  MARIE VON CLAUSEWITZ, Born Countess Bruhl, Oberhofmeisterinn
to H.R.H. the Princess William.


                                   17
                               NOTICE
  I LOOK upon the first six books, of which a fair copy has now been
made, as only a mass which is still in a manner without form, and
which has yet to be again revised. In this revision the two kinds of War
will be everywhere kept more distinctly in view, by which all ideas will
acquire a clearer meaning, a more precise direction, and a closer
application. The two kinds of War are, first, those in which the object is
the OVERTHROW OF THE ENEMY, whether it be that we aim at his
destruction, politically, or merely at disarming him and forcing him to
conclude peace on our terms; and next, those in which our object is
MERELY TO MAKE SOME CONQUESTS ON THE FRONTIERS OF HIS
COUNTRY, either for the purpose of retaining them permanently, or of
turning them to account as matter of exchange in the settlement of a
peace. Transition from one kind to the other must certainly continue to
exist, but the completely different nature of the tendencies of the two
must everywhere appear, and must separate from each other things
which are incompatible.

  Besides establishing this real difference in Wars, another practically
necessary point of view must at the same time be established, which
is, that WAR IS ONLY A CONTINUATION OF STATE POLICY BY OTHER
MEANS. This point of view being adhered to everywhere, will introduce
much more unity into the consideration of the subject, and things will
be more easily disentangled from each other. Although the chief
application of this point of view does not commence until we get to the
eighth book, still it must be completely developed in the first book,
and also lend assistance throughout the revision of the first six books.
Through such a revision the first six books will get rid of a good deal of
dross, many rents and chasms will be closed up, and much that is of a
general nature will be transformed into distinct conceptions and forms.

  The seventh book--on attack--for the different chapters of which
sketches are already made, is to be considered as a reflection of the
sixth, and must be completed at once, according to the above-
mentioned more distinct points of view, so that it will require no fresh
revision, but rather may serve as a model in the revision of the first
six books.

  For the eighth book--on the Plan of a War, that is, of the organisation
of a whole War in general--several chapters are designed, but they are
not at all to be regarded as real materials, they are merely a track,
roughly cleared, as it were, through the mass, in order by that means
to ascertain the points of most importance. They have answered this


                                    18
object, and I propose, on finishing the seventh book, to proceed at
once to the working out of the eighth, where the two points of view
above mentioned will be chiefly affirmed, by which everything will be
simplified, and at the same time have a spirit breathed into it. I hope
in this book to iron out many creases in the heads of strategists and
statesmen, and at least to show the object of action, and the real point
to be considered in War.

  Now, when I have brought my ideas clearly out by finishing this
eighth book, and have properly established the leading features of
War, it will be easier for me to carry the spirit of these ideas in to the
first six books, and to make these same features show themselves
everywhere. Therefore I shall defer till then the revision of the first six
books.

  Should the work be interrupted by my death, then what is found can
only be called a mass of conceptions not brought into form; but as
these are open to endless misconceptions, they will doubtless give rise
to a number of crude criticisms: for in these things, every one thinks,
when he takes up his pen, that whatever comes into his head is worth
saying and printing, and quite as incontrovertible as that twice two
make four. If such a one would take the pains, as I have done, to
think over the subject, for years, and to compare his ideas with
military history, he would certainly be a little more guarded in his
criticism.

  Still, notwithstanding this imperfect form, I believe that an impartial
reader thirsting for truth and conviction will rightly appreciate in the
first six books the fruits of several years' reflection and a diligent study
of War, and that, perhaps, he will find in them some leading ideas
which may bring about a revolution in the theory of War.

 Berlin, 10th July, 1827.

 Besides this notice, amongst the papers left the following unfinished
memorandum was found, which appears of very recent date:

  The manuscript on the conduct of the Grande Guerre, which will be
found after my death, in its present state can only be regarded as a
collection of materials from which it is intended to construct a theory
of War. With the greater part I am not yet satisfied; and the sixth
book is to be looked at as a mere essay: I should have completely
remodelled it, and have tried a different line.



                                     19
  But the ruling principles which pervade these materials I hold to be
the right ones: they are the result of a very varied reflection, keeping
always in view the reality, and always bearing in mind what I have
learnt by experience and by my intercourse with distinguished soldiers.

  The seventh book is to contain the attack, the subjects of which are
thrown together in a hasty manner: the eighth, the plan for a War, in
which I would have examined War more especially in its political and
human aspects.

 The first chapter of the first book is the only one which I consider as
completed; it will at least serve to show the manner in which I
proposed to treat the subject throughout.

  The theory of the Grande Guerre, or Strategy, as it is called, is beset
with extraordinary difficulties, and we may affirm that very few men
have clear conceptions of the separate subjects, that is, conceptions
carried up to their full logical conclusions. In real action most men are
guided merely by the tact of judgment which hits the object more or
less accurately, according as they possess more or less genius.

   This is the way in which all great Generals have acted, and therein
partly lay their greatness and their genius, that they always hit upon
what was right by this tact. Thus also it will always be in action, and so
far this tact is amply sufficient. But when it is a question, not of acting
oneself, but of convincing others in a consultation, then all depends on
clear conceptions and demonstration of the inherent relations, and so
little progress has been made in this respect that most deliberations
are merely a contention of words, resting on no firm basis, and ending
either in every one retaining his own opinion, or in a compromise from
mutual considerations of respect, a middle course really without any
value.1

  Clear ideas on these matters are therefore not wholly useless;
besides, the human mind has a general tendency to clearness, and
always wants to be consistent with the necessary order of things.

 Owing to the great difficulties attending a philosophical construction
of the Art of War, and the many attempts at it that have failed, most
people have come to the conclusion that such a theory is impossible,

  1
    Herr Clausewitz evidently had before his mind the endless consultations at the Headquarters of the
Bohemian Army in the Leipsic Campaign 1813.



                                                  20
because it concerns things which no standing law can embrace. We
should also join in this opinion and give up any attempt at a theory,
were it not that a great number of propositions make themselves
evident without any difficulty, as, for instance, that the defensive
form, with a negative object, is the stronger form, the attack, with the
positive object, the weaker--that great results carry the little ones with
them--that, therefore, strategic effects may be referred to certain
centres of gravity--that a demonstration is a weaker application of
force than a real attack, that, therefore, there must be some special
reason for resorting to the former--that victory consists not merely in
the conquest on the field of battle, but in the destruction of armed
forces, physically and morally, which can in general only be effected by
a pursuit after the battle is gained--that successes are always greatest
at the point where the victory has been gained, that, therefore, the
change from one line and object to another can only be regarded as a
necessary evil--that a turning movement is only justified by a
superiority of numbers generally or by the advantage of our lines of
communication and retreat over those of the enemy--that flank
positions are only justifiable on similar grounds--that every attack
becomes weaker as it progresses.




                                    21
             THE INTRODUCTION OF THE AUTHOR
  THAT the conception of the scientific does not consist alone, or
chiefly, in system, and its finished theoretical constructions, requires
nowadays no exposition. System in this treatise is not to be found on
the surface, and instead of a finished building of theory, there are only
materials.

  The scientific form lies here in the endeavour to explore the nature of
military phenomena to show their affinity with the nature of the things
of which they are composed. Nowhere has the philosophical argument
been evaded, but where it runs out into too thin a thread the Author
has preferred to cut it short, and fall back upon the corresponding
results of experience; for in the same way as many plants only bear
fruit when they do not shoot too high, so in the practical arts the
theoretical leaves and flowers must not be made to sprout too far, but
kept near to experience, which is their proper soil.

  Unquestionably it would be a mistake to try to discover from the
chemical ingredients of a grain of corn the form of the ear of corn
which it bears, as we have only to go to the field to see the ears ripe.
Investigation and observation, philosophy and experience, must
neither despise nor exclude one another; they mutually afford each
other the rights of citizenship. Consequently, the propositions of this
book, with their arch of inherent necessity, are supported either by
experience or by the conception of War itself as external points, so
that they are not without abutments.2

  It is, perhaps, not impossible to write a systematic theory of War full
of spirit and substance, but ours. hitherto, have been very much the
reverse. To say nothing of their unscientific spirit, in their striving after
coherence and completeness of system, they overflow with
commonplaces, truisms, and twaddle of every kind. If we want a
striking picture of them we have only to read Lichtenberg's extract
from a code of regulations in case of fire.

  If a house takes fire, we must seek, above all things, to protect the
right side of the house standing on the left, and, on the other hand,

  2
     That this is not the case in the works of many military writers especially of those who have aimed at
treating of War itself in a scientific manner, is shown in many instances, in which by their reasoning, the pro
and contra swallow each other up so effectually that there is no vestige of the tails even which were left in the
case of the two lions.



                                                       22
the left side of the house on the right; for if we, for example, should
protect the left side of the house on the left, then the right side of the
house lies to the right of the left, and consequently as the fire lies to
the right of this side, and of the right side (for we have assumed that
the house is situated to the left of the fire), therefore the right side is
situated nearer to the fire than the left, and the right side of the house
might catch fire if it was not protected before it came to the left, which
is protected. Consequently, something might be burnt that is not
protected, and that sooner than something else would be burnt, even
if it was not protected; consequently we must let alone the latter and
protect the former. In order to impress the thing on one's mind, we
have only to note if the house is situated to the right of the fire, then it
is the left side, and if the house is to the left it is the right side.

  In order not to frighten the intelligent reader by such commonplaces,
and to make the little good that there is distasteful by pouring water
upon it, the Author has preferred to give in small ingots of fine metal
his impressions and convictions, the result of many years' reflection on
War, of his intercourse with men of ability, and of much personal
experience. Thus the seemingly weakly bound-together chapters of
this book have arisen, but it is hoped they will not be found wanting in
logical connection. Perhaps soon a greater head may appear, and
instead of these single grains, give the whole in a casting of pure
metal without dross.




                                     23
    BRIEF MEMOIR OF GENERAL CLAUSEWITZ
 (BY TRANSLATOR)

  THE Author of the work here translated, General Carl Von Clausewitz,
was born at Burg, near Magdeburg, in 1780, and entered the Prussian
Army as Fahnenjunker (i.e., ensign) in 1792. He served in the
campaigns of 1793-94 on the Rhine, after which he seems to have
devoted some time to the study of the scientific branches of his
profession. In 1801 he entered the Military School at Berlin, and
remained there till 1803. During his residence there he attracted the
notice of General Scharnhorst, then at the head of the establishment;
and the patronage of this distinguished officer had immense influence
on his future career, and we may gather from his writings that he ever
afterwards continued to entertain a high esteem for Scharnhorst. In
the campaign of 1806 he served as Aide-de-camp to Prince Augustus
of Prussia; and being wounded and taken prisoner, he was sent into
France until the close of that war. On his return, he was placed on
General Scharnhorst's Staff, and employed in the work then going on
for the reorganisation of the Army. He was also at this time selected
as military instructor to the late King of Prussia, then Crown Prince. In
1812 Clausewitz, with several other Prussian officers, having entered
the Russian service, his first appointment was as Aide-de-camp to
General Phul. Afterwards, while serving with Wittgenstein's army, he
assisted in negotiating the famous convention of Tauroggen with York.
Of the part he took in that affair he has left an interesting account in
his work on the "Russian Campaign." It is there stated that, in order to
bring the correspondence which had been carried on with York to a
termination in one way or another, the Author was despatched to
York's headquarters with two letters, one was from General d'Auvray,
the Chief of the Staff of Wittgenstein's army, to General Diebitsch,
showing the arrangements made to cut off York's corps from
Macdonald (this was necessary in order to give York a plausible excuse
for seceding from the French); the other was an intercepted letter
from Macdonald to the Duke of Bassano. With regard to the former of
these, the Author says, "it would not have had weight with a man like
York, but for a military justification, if the Prussian Court should
require one as against the French, it was important."

  The second letter was calculated at the least to call up in General
York's mind all the feelings of bitterness which perhaps for some days
past bad been diminished by the consciousness of his own behaviour
towards the writer.



                                   24
  As the Author entered General York's chamber, the latter called out
to him, "Keep off from me; I will have nothing more to do with you;
your d----d Cossacks have let a letter of Macdonald's pass through
them, which brings me an order to march on Piktrepohnen, in order
there to effect our junction. All doubt is now at an end; your troops do
not come up; you are too weak; march I must, and I must excuse
myself from further negotiation, which may cost me my head." The
Author said that be would make no opposition to all this, but begged
for a candle, as he had letters to show the General, and, as the latter
seemed still to hesitate, the Author added, "Your Excellency will not
surely place me in the embarrassment of departing without having
executed my commission." The General ordered candles, and called in
Colonel von Roeder, the chief of his staff, from the ante-chamber. The
letters were read. After a pause of an instant, the General said,
"Clausewitz, you are a Prussian, do you believe that the letter of
General d'Auvray is sincere, and that Wittgenstein's troops will really
be at the points he mentioned on the 31st?" The Author replied, "I
pledge myself for the sincerity of this letter upon the knowledge I have
of General d'Auvray and the other men of Wittgenstein's headquarters;
whether the dispositions he announces can be accomplished as he lays
down I certainly cannot pledge myself; for your Excellency knows that
in war we must often fall short of the line we have drawn for
ourselves." The General was silent for a few minutes of earnest
reflection; then he held out his hand to the Author, and said, "You
have me. Tell General Diebitsch that we must confer early to-morrow
at the mill of Poschenen, and that I am now firmly determined to
separate myself from the French and their cause." The hour was fixed
for 8 A.M. After this was settled, the General added, "But I will not do
the thing by halves, I will get you Massenbach also." He called in an
officer who was of Massenbach's cavalry, and who had just left them.
Much like Schiller's Wallenstein, he asked, walking up and down the
room the while, "What say your regiments?" The officer broke out with
enthusiasm at the idea of a riddance from the French alliance, and said
that every man of the troops in question felt the same.

 "You young ones may talk; but my older head is shaking on my
shoulders," replied the General.3




  3
     "Campaign in Russia in 1812"; translated from the German of General Von Clausewitz (by Lord
Ellesmere).



                                               25
 After the close of the Russian campaign Clausewitz remained in the
service of that country, but was attached as a Russian staff officer to
Blucher's headquarters till the Armistice in 1813.

 In 1814, he became Chief of the Staff of General Walmoden's Russo-
German Corps, which formed part of the Army of the North under
Bernadotte. His name is frequently mentioned with distinction in that
campaign, particularly in connection with the affair of Goehrde.

 Clausewitz re-entered the Prussian service in 1815, and served as
Chief of the Staff to Thielman's corps, which was engaged with
Grouchy at Wavre, on the 18th of June.

 After the Peace, he was employed in a command on the Rhine. In
1818, he became Major-General, and Director of the Military School at
which he had been previously educated.

  In 1830, he was appointed Inspector of Artillery at Breslau, but soon
after nominated Chief of the Staff to the Army of Observation, under
Marshal Gneisenau on the Polish frontier.

  The latest notices of his life and services are probably to be found in
the memoirs of General Brandt, who, from being on the staff of
Gneisenau's army, was brought into daily intercourse with Clausewitz
in matters of duty, and also frequently met him at the table of Marshal
Gneisenau, at Posen.

  Amongst other anecdotes, General Brandt relates that, upon one
occasion, the conversation at the Marshal's table turned upon a
sermon preached by a priest, in which some great absurdities were
introduced, and a discussion arose as to whether the Bishop should
not be made responsible for what the priest had said. This led to the
topic of theology in general, when General Brandt, speaking of himself,
says, "I expressed an opinion that theology is only to be regarded as
an historical process, as a MOMENT in the gradual development of the
human race. This brought upon me an attack from all quarters, but
more especially from Clausewitz, who ought to have been on my side,
he having been an adherent and pupil of Kiesewetter's, who had
indoctrinated him in the philosophy of Kant, certainly diluted--I might
even say in homoeopathic doses." This anecdote is only interesting as
the mention of Kiesewetter points to a circumstance in the life of
Clausewitz that may have had an influence in forming those habits of
thought which distinguish his writings.



                                    26
  "The way," says General Brandt, "in which General Clausewitz judged
of things, drew conclusions from movements and marches, calculated
the times of the marches, and the points where decisions would take
place, was extremely interesting. Fate has unfortunately denied him an
opportunity of showing his talents in high command, but I have a firm
persuasion that as a strategist he would have greatly distinguished
himself. As a leader on the field of battle, on the other hand, he would
not have been so much in his right place, from a manque d'habitude
du commandement, he wanted the art d'enlever les troupes."

  After the Prussian Army of Observation was dissolved, Clausewitz
returned to Breslau, and a few days after his arrival was seized with
cholera, the seeds of which he must have brought with him from the
army on the Polish frontier. His death took place in November 1831.

  His writings are contained in nine volumes, published after his death,
but his fame rests most upon the three volumes forming his treatise
on "War." In the present attempt to render into English this portion of
the works of Clausewitz, the translator is sensible of many deficiencies,
but he hopes at all events to succeed in making this celebrated
treatise better known in England, believing, as he does, that so far as
the work concerns the interests of this country, it has lost none of the
importance it possessed at the time of its first publication.

 J. J. GRAHAM (Col.)




                                    27
         BOOK I. ON THE NATURE OF WAR
                 CHAPTER I. WHAT IS WAR?

1. INTRODUCTION.

  WE propose to consider first the single elements of our subject, then
each branch or part, and, last of all, the whole, in all its relations--
therefore to advance from the simple to the complex. But it is
necessary for us to commence with a glance at the nature of the
whole, because it is particularly necessary that in the consideration of
any of the parts their relation to the whole should be kept constantly
in view.

2. DEFINITION.

  We shall not enter into any of the abstruse definitions of War used by
publicists. We shall keep to the element of the thing itself, to a duel.
War is nothing but a duel on an extensive scale. If we would conceive
as a unit the countless number of duels which make up a War, we shall
do so best by supposing to ourselves two wrestlers. Each strives by
physical force to compel the other to submit to his will: each
endeavours to throw his adversary, and thus render him incapable of
further resistance.

 WAR THEREFORE IS AN ACT OF VIOLENCE INTENDED TO COMPEL
OUR OPPONENT TO FULFIL OUR WILL.

  Violence arms itself with the inventions of Art and Science in order to
contend against violence. Self- imposed restrictions, almost
imperceptible and hardly worth mentioning, termed usages of
International Law, accompany it without essentially impairing its
power. Violence, that is to say, physical force (for there is no moral
force without the conception of States and Law), is therefore the
MEANS; the compulsory submission of the enemy to our will is the
ultimate object. In order to attain this object fully, the enemy must be
disarmed, and disarmament becomes therefore the immediate OBJECT
of hostilities in theory. It takes the place of the final object, and puts it
aside as something we can eliminate from our calculations.

3. UTMOST USE OF FORCE.




                                     28
  Now, philanthropists may easily imagine there is a skilful method of
disarming and overcoming an enemy withoutgreat bloodshed, and that
this is the proper tendency of the Art of War. However plausible this
may appear, still it is an error which must be extirpated; for in such
dangerous things as War, the errors which proceed from a spirit of
benevolence are the worst. As the use of physical power to the utmost
extent by no means excludes the co-operation of the intelligence, it
follows that he who uses force unsparingly, without reference to the
bloodshed involved, must obtain a superiority if his adversary uses
less vigour in its application. The former then dictates the law to the
latter, and both proceed to extremities to which the only limitations
are those imposed by the amount of counter- acting force on each
side.

  This is the way in which the matter must be viewed and it is to no
purpose, it is even against one's own interest, to turn away from the
consideration of the real nature of the affair because the horror of its
elements excites repugnance.

  If the Wars of civilised people are less cruel and destructive than
those of savages, the difference arises from the social condition both
of States in themselves and in their relations to each other. Out of this
social condition and its relations War arises, and by it War is subjected
to conditions, is controlled and modified. But these things do not
belong to War itself; they are only given conditions; and to introduce
into the philosophy of War itself a principle of moderation would be an
absurdity.

  Two motives lead men to War: instinctive hostility and hostile
intention. In our definition of War, we have chosen as its characteristic
the latter of these elements, because it is the most general. It is
impossible to conceive the passion of hatred of the wildest description,
bordering on mere instinct, without combining with it the idea of a
hostile intention. On the other hand, hostile intentions may often exist
without being accompanied by any, or at all events by any extreme,
hostility of feeling. Amongst savages views emanating from the
feelings, amongst civilised nations those emanating from the
understanding, have the predominance; but this difference arises from
attendant circumstances, existing institutions, &c., and, therefore, is
not to be found necessarily in all cases, although it prevails in the
majority. In short, even the most civilised nations may burn with
passionate hatred of each other.




                                    29
  We may see from this what a fallacy it would be to refer the War of a
civilised nation entirely to an intelligent act on the part of the
Government, and to imagine it as continually freeing itself more and
more from all feeling of passion in such a way that at last the physical
masses of combatants would no longer be required; in reality, their
mere relations would suffice--a kind of algebraic action.

  Theory was beginning to drift in this direction until the facts of the
last War4 taught it better. If War is an ACT of force, it belongs
necessarily also to the feelings. If it does not originate in the feelings,
it REACTS, more or less, upon them, and the extent of this reaction
depends not on the degree of civilisation, but upon the importance and
duration of the interests involved.

  Therefore, if we find civilised nations do not put their prisoners to
death, do not devastate towns and countries, this is because their
intelligence exercises greater influence on their mode of carrying on
War, and has taught them more effectual means of applying force than
these rude acts of mere instinct. The invention of gunpowder, the
constant progress of improvements in the construction of firearms, are
sufficient proofs that the tendency to destroy the adversary which lies
at the bottom of the conception of War is in no way changed or
modified through the progress of civilisation.

  We therefore repeat our proposition, that War is an act of violence
pushed to its utmost bounds; as one side dictates the law to the other,
there arises a sort of reciprocal action, which logically must lead to an
extreme. This is the first reciprocal action, and the first extreme with
which we meet (FIRST RECIPROCAL ACTION).

4. THE AIM IS TO DISARM THE ENEMY.

  We have already said that the aim of all action in War is to disarm
the enemy, and we shall now show that this, theoretically at least, is
indispensable.

  If our opponent is to be made to comply with our will, we must place
him in a situation which is more oppressive to him than the sacrifice
which we demand; but the disadvantages of this position must
naturally not be of a transitory nature, at least in appearance,
otherwise the enemy, instead of yielding, will hold out, in the prospect
of a change for the better. Every change in this position which is

 4
     Clausewitz alludes here to the "Wars of Liberation," 1813,14,15.


                                                       30
produced by a continuation of the War should therefore be a change
for the worse. The worst condition in which a belligerent can be placed
is that of being completely disarmed. If, therefore, the enemy is to be
reduced to submission by an act of War, he must either be positively
disarmed or placed in such a position that he is threatened with it.
From this it follows that the disarming or overthrow of the enemy,
whichever we call it, must always be the aim of Warfare. Now War is
always the shock of two hostile bodies in collision, not the action of a
living power upon an inanimate mass, because an absolute state of
endurance would not be making War; therefore, what we have just
said as to the aim of action in War applies to both parties. Here, then,
is another case of reciprocal action. As long as the enemy is not
defeated, he may defeat me; then I shall be no longer my own
master; he will dictate the law to me as I did to him. This is the
second reciprocal action, and leads to a second extreme (SECOND
RECIPROCAL ACTION).

5. UTMOST EXERTION OF POWERS.

  If we desire to defeat the enemy, we must proportion our efforts to
his powers of resistance. This is expressed by the product of two
factors which cannot be separated, namely, the sum of available
means and the strength of the Will. The sum of the available means
may be estimated in a measure, as it depends (although not entirely)
upon numbers; but the strength of volition is more difficult to
determine, and can only be estimated to a certain extent by the
strength of the motives. Granted we have obtained in this way an
approximation to the strength of the power to be contended with, we
can then take of our own means, and either increase them so as to
obtain a preponderance, or, in case we have not the resources to
effect this, then do our best by increasing our means as far as
possible. But the adversary does the same; therefore, there is a new
mutual enhancement, which, in pure conception, must create a fresh
effort towards an extreme. This is the third case of reciprocal action,
and a third extreme with which we meet (THIRD RECIPROCAL
ACTION).

6. MODIFICATION IN THE REALITY.

  Thus reasoning in the abstract, the mind cannot stop short of an
extreme, because it has to deal with an extreme, with a conflict of
forces left to themselves, and obeying no other but their own inner
laws. If we should seek to deduce from the pure conception of War an
absolute point for the aim which we shall propose and for the means


                                   31
which we shall apply, this constant reciprocal action would involve us
in extremes, which would be nothing but a play of ideas produced by
an almost invisible train of logical subtleties. If, adhering closely to the
absolute, we try to avoid all difficulties by a stroke of the pen, and
insist with logical strictness that in every case the extreme must be
the object, and the utmost effort must be exerted in that direction,
such a stroke of the pen would be a mere paper law, not by any
means adapted to the real world.

  Even supposing this extreme tension of forces was an absolute which
could easily be ascertained, still we must admit that the human mind
would hardly submit itself to this kind of logical chimera. There would
be in many cases an unnecessary waste of power, which would be in
opposition to other principles of statecraft; an effort of Will would be
required disproportioned to the proposed object, which therefore it
would be impossible to realise, for the human will does not derive its
impulse from logical subtleties.

  But everything takes a different shape when we pass from
abstractions to reality. In the former, everything must be subject to
optimism, and we must imagine the one side as well as the other
striving after perfection and even attaining it. Will this ever take place
in reality? It will if,

 (1) War becomes a completely isolated act, which arises suddenly,
and is in no way connected with the previous history of the combatant
States.

 (2) If it is limited to a single solution, or to several simultaneous
solutions.

  (3) If it contains within itself the solution perfect and complete, free
from any reaction upon it, through a calculation beforehand of the
political situation which will follow from it.

7. WAR IS NEVER AN ISOLATED ACT.

 With regard to the first point, neither of the two opponents is an
abstract person to the other, not even as regards that factor in the
sum of resistance which does not depend on objective things, viz., the
Will. This Will is not an entirely unknown quantity; it indicates what it
will be to-morrow by what it is to-day. War does not spring up quite
suddenly, it does not spread to the full in a moment; each of the two
opponents can, therefore, form an opinion of the other, in a great


                                     32
measure, from what he is and what he does, instead of judging of him
according to what he, strictly speaking, should be or should do. But,
now, man with his incomplete organisation is always below the line of
absolute perfection, and thus these deficiencies, having an influence
on both sides, become a modifying principle.

8. WAR DOES NOT CONSIST OF A SINGLE INSTANTANEOUS
BLOW.

 The second point gives rise to the following considerations:--

  If War ended in a single solution, or a number of simultaneous ones,
then naturally all the preparations for the same would have a tendency
to the extreme, for an omission could not in any way be repaired; the
utmost, then, that the world of reality could furnish as a guide for us
would be the preparations of the enemy, as far as they are known to
us; all the rest would fall into the domain of the abstract. But if the
result is made up from several successive acts, then naturally that
which precedes with all its phases may be taken as a measure for that
which will follow, and in this manner the world of reality again takes
the place of the abstract, and thus modifies the effort towards the
extreme.

  Yet every War would necessarily resolve itself into a single solution,
or a sum of simultaneous results, if all the means required for the
struggle were raised at once, or could be at once raised; for as one
adverse result necessarily diminishes the means, then if all the means
have been applied in the first, a second cannot properly be supposed.
All hostile acts which might follow would belong essentially to the first,
and form, in reality only its duration.

  But we have already seen that even in the preparation for War the
real world steps into the place of mere abstract conception--a material
standard into the place of the hypotheses of an extreme: that
therefore in that way both parties, by the influence of the mutual
reaction, remain below the line of extreme effort, and therefore all
forces are not at once brought forward.

  It lies also in the nature of these forces and their application that
they cannot all be brought into activity at the same time. These forces
are THE ARMIES ACTUALLY ON FOOT, THE COUNTRY, with its
superficial extent and its population, AND THE ALLIES.




                                    33
  In point of fact, the country, with its superficial area and the
population, besides being the source of all military force, constitutes in
itself an integral part of the efficient quantities in War, providing either
the theatre of war or exercising a considerable influence on the same.

 Now, it is possible to bring all the movable military forces of a
country into operation at once, but not all fortresses, rivers,
mountains, people, &c.--in short, not the whole country, unless it is so
small that it may be completely embraced by the first act of the War.
Further, the co-operation of allies does not depend on the Will of the
belligerents; and from the nature of the political relations of states to
each other, this co-operation is frequently not afforded until after the
War has commenced, or it may be increased to restore the balance of
power.

 That this part of the means of resistance, which cannot at once be
brought into activity, in many cases, is a much greater part of the
whole than might at first be supposed, and that it often restores the
balance of power, seriously affected by the great force of the first
decision, will be more fully shown hereafter. Here it is sufficient to
show that a complete concentration of all available means in a
moment of time is contradictory to the nature of War.

  Now this, in itself, furnishes no ground for relaxing our efforts to
accumulate strength to gain the first result, because an unfavourable
issue is always a disadvantage to which no one would purposely
expose himself, and also because the first decision, although not the
only one, still will have the more influence on subsequent events, the
greater it is in itself.

  But the possibility of gaining a later result causes men to take refuge
in that expectation, owing to the repugnance in the human mind to
making excessive efforts; and therefore forces are not concentrated
and measures are not taken for the first decision with that energy
which would otherwise be used. Whatever one belligerent omits from
weakness, becomes to the other a real objective ground for limiting his
own efforts, and thus again, through this reciprocal action, extreme
tendencies are brought down to efforts on a limited scale.

9. THE RESULT IN WAR IS NEVER ABSOLUTE.

  Lastly, even the final decision of a whole War is not always to be
regarded as absolute. The conquered State often sees in it only a
passing evil, which may be repaired in after times by means of political


                                     34
combinations. How much this must modify the degree of tension, and
the vigour of the efforts made, is evident in itself.

10. THE PROBABILITIES OF REAL LIFE TAKE THE PLACE OF THE
CONCEPTIONS OF THE EXTREME AND THE ABSOLUTE.

  In this manner, the whole act of War is removed from the rigorous
law of forces exerted to the utmost. If the extreme is no longer to be
apprehended, and no longer to be sought for, it is left to the judgment
to determine the limits for the efforts to be made in place of it, and
this can only be done on the data furnished by the facts of the real
world by the LAWS OF PROBABILITY. Once the belligerents are no
longer mere conceptions, but individual States and Governments, once
the War is no longer an ideal, but a definite substantial procedure,
then the reality will furnish the data to compute the unknown
quantities which are required to be found.

 From the character, the measures, the situation of the adversary,
and the relations with which he is surrounded, each side will draw
conclusions by the law of probability as to the designs of the other,
and act accordingly.

11. THE POLITICAL OBJECT NOW REAPPEARS.

  Here the question which we had laid aside forces itself again into
consideration (see No. 2), viz., the political object of the War. The law
of the extreme, the view to disarm the adversary, to overthrow him,
has hitherto to a certain extent usurped the place of this end or object.
Just as this law loses its force, the political must again come forward.
If the whole consideration is a calculation of probability based on
definite persons and relations, then the political object, being the
original motive, must be an essential factor in the product. The smaller
the sacrifice we demand from our, the smaller, it may be expected,
will be the means of resistance which he will employ; but the smaller
his preparation, the smaller will ours require to be. Further, the
smaller our political object, the less value shall we set upon it, and the
more easily shall we be induced to give it up altogether.

  Thus, therefore, the political object, as the original motive of the
War, will be the standard for determining both the aim of the military
force and also the amount of effort to be made. This it cannot be in
itself, but it is so in relation to both the belligerent States, because we
are concerned with realities, not with mere abstractions. One and the
same political object may produce totally different effects upon


                                    35
different people, or even upon the same people at different times; we
can, therefore, only admit the political object as the measure, by
considering it in its effects upon those masses which it is to move, and
consequently the nature of those masses also comes into
consideration. It is easy to see that thus the result may be very
different according as these masses are animated with a spirit which
will infuse vigour into the action or otherwise. It is quite possible for
such a state of feeling to exist between two States that a very trifling
political motive for War may produce an effect quite disproportionate--
in fact, a perfect explosion.

  This applies to the efforts which the political object will call forth in
the two States, and to the aim which the military action shall prescribe
for itself. At times it may itself be that aim, as, for example, the
conquest of a province. At other times the political object itself is not
suitable for the aim of military action; then such a one must be chosen
as will be an equivalent for it, and stand in its place as regards the
conclusion of peace. But also, in this, due attention to the peculiar
character of the States concerned is always supposed. There are
circumstances in which the equivalent must be much greater than the
political object, in order to secure the latter. The political object will be
so much the more the standard of aim and effort, and have more
influence in itself, the more the masses are indifferent, the less that
any mutual feeling of hostility prevails in the two States from other
causes, and therefore there are cases where the political object almost
alone will be decisive.

  If the aim of the military action is an equivalent for the political
object, that action will in general diminish as the political object
diminishes, and in a greater degree the more the political object
dominates. Thus it is explained how, without any contradiction in itself,
there may be Wars of all degrees of importance and energy, from a
War of extermination down to the mere use of an army of observation.
This, however, leads to a question of another kind which we have
hereafter to develop and answer.

12. A SUSPENSION IN THE ACTION OF WAR UNEXPLAINED BY
ANYTHING SAID AS YET.

  However insignificant the political claims mutually advanced,
however weak the means put forth, however small the aim to which
military action is directed, can this action be suspended even for a
moment? This is a question which penetrates deeply into the nature of
the subject.


                                     36
  Every transaction requires for its accomplishment a certain time
which we call its duration. This may be longer or shorter, according as
the person acting throws more or less despatch into his movements.

  About this more or less we shall not trouble ourselves here. Each
person acts in his own fashion; but the slow person does not protract
the thing because he wishes to spend more time about it, but because
by his nature he requires more time, and if he made more haste would
not do the thing so well. This time, therefore, depends on subjective
causes, and belongs to the length, so called, of the action.

  If we allow now to every action in War this, its length, then we must
assume, at first sight at least, that any expenditure of time beyond
this length, that is, every suspension of hostile action, appears an
absurdity; with respect to this it must not be forgotten that we now
speak not of the progress of one or other of the two opponents, but of
the general progress of the whole action of the War.

13. THERE IS ONLY ONE CAUSE WHICH CAN SUSPEND THE
ACTION, AND THIS SEEMS TO BE ONLY POSSIBLE ON ONE SIDE
IN ANY CASE.

 If two parties have armed themselves for strife, then a feeling of
animosity must have moved them to it; as long now as they continue
armed, that is, do not come to terms of peace, this feeling must exist;
and it can only be brought to a standstill by either side by one single
motive alone, which is, THAT HE WAITS FOR A MORE FAVOURABLE
MOMENT FOR ACTION. Now, at first sight, it appears that this motive
can never exist except on one side, because it, eo ipso, must be
prejudicial to the other. If the one has an interest in acting, then the
other must have an interest in waiting.

  A complete equilibrium of forces can never produce a suspension of
action, for during this suspension he who has the positive object (that
is, the assailant) must continue progressing; for if we should imagine
an equilibrium in this way, that he who has the positive object,
therefore the strongest motive, can at the same time only command
the lesser means, so that the equation is made up by the product of
the motive and the power, then we must say, if no alteration in this
condition of equilibrium is to be expected, the two parties must make
peace; but if an alteration is to be expected, then it can only be
favourable to one side, and therefore the other has a manifest interest
to act without delay. We see that the conception of an equilibrium


                                   37
cannot explain a suspension of arms, but that it ends in the question
of the EXPECTATION OF A MORE FAVOURABLE MOMENT.

  Let us suppose, therefore, that one of two States has a positive
object, as, for instance, the conquest of one of the enemy's provinces-
-which is to be utilised in the settlement of peace. After this conquest,
his political object is accomplished, the necessity for action ceases,
and for him a pause ensues. If the adversary is also contented with
this solution, he will make peace; if not, he must act. Now, if we
suppose that in four weeks he will be in a better condition to act, then
he has sufficient grounds for putting off the time of action.

  But from that moment the logical course for the enemy appears to be
to act that he may not give the conquered party THE DESIRED time.
Of course, in this mode of reasoning a complete insight into the state
of circumstances on both sides is supposed.

14. THUS A CONTINUANCE OF ACTION WILL ENSUE WHICH
WILL ADVANCE TOWARDS A CLIMAX.

  If this unbroken continuity of hostile operations really existed, the
effect would be that everything would again be driven towards the
extreme; for, irrespective of the effect of such incessant activity in
inflaming the feelings, and infusing into the whole a greater degree of
passion, a greater elementary force, there would also follow from this
continuance of action a stricter continuity, a closer connection between
cause and effect, and thus every single action would become of more
importance, and consequently more replete with danger.

  But we know that the course of action in War has seldom or never
this unbroken continuity, and that there have been many Wars in
which action occupied by far the smallest portion of time employed,
the whole of the rest being consumed in inaction. It is impossible that
this should be always an anomaly; suspension of action in War must
therefore be possible, that is no contradiction in itself. We now proceed
to show how this is.

15. HERE, THEREFORE, THE PRINCIPLE OF POLARITY IS
BROUGHT INTO REQUISITION.

 As we have supposed the interests of one Commander to be always
antagonistic to those of the other, we have assumed a true POLARITY.
We reserve a fuller explanation of this for another chapter, merely
making the following observation on it at present.


                                   38
  The principle of polarity is only valid when it can be conceived in one
and the same thing, where the positive and its opposite the negative
completely destroy each other. In a battle both sides strive to
conquer; that is true polarity, for the victory of the one side destroys
that of the other. But when we speak of two different things which
have a common relation external to themselves, then it is not the
things but their relations which have the polarity.

16. ATTACK AND DEFENCE ARE THINGS DIFFERING IN KIND
AND OF UNEQUAL FORCE. POLARITY IS, THEREFORE, NOT
APPLICABLE TO THEM.

  If there was only one form of War, to wit, the attack of the enemy,
therefore no defence; or, in other words, if the attack was
distinguished from the defence merely by the positive motive, which
the one has and the other has not, but the methods of each were
precisely one and the same: then in this sort of fight every advantage
gained on the one side would be a corresponding disadvantage on the
other, and true polarity would exist.

  But action in War is divided into two forms, attack and defence,
which, as we shall hereafter explain more particularly, are very
different and of unequal strength. Polarity therefore lies in that to
which both bear a relation, in the decision, but not in the attack or
defence itself.

  If the one Commander wishes the solution put off, the other must
wish to hasten it, but only by the same form of action. If it is A's
interest not to attack his enemy at present, but four weeks hence,
then it is B's interest to be attacked, not four weeks hence, but at the
present moment. This is the direct antagonism of interests, but it by
no means follows that it would be for B's interest to attack A at once.
That is plainly something totally different.

17. THE EFFECT OF POLARITY IS OFTEN DESTROYED BY THE
SUPERIORITY OF THE DEFENCE OVER THE ATTACK, AND THUS
THE SUSPENSION OF ACTION IN WAR IS EXPLAINED.

  If the form of defence is stronger than that of offence, as we shall
hereafter show, the question arises, Is the advantage of a deferred
decision as great on the one side as the advantage of the defensive
form on the other? If it is not, then it cannot by its counter-weight
over- balance the latter, and thus influence the progress of the action


                                    39
of the War. We see, therefore, that the impulsive force existing in the
polarity of interests may be lost in the difference between the strength
of the offensive and the defensive, and thereby become ineffectual.

  If, therefore, that side for which the present is favourable, is too
weak to be able to dispense with the advantage of the defensive, he
must put up with the unfavourable prospects which the future holds
out; for it may still be better to fight a defensive battle in the
unpromising future than to assume the offensive or make peace at
present. Now, being convinced that the superiority of the defensive5
(rightly understood) is very great, and much greater than may appear
at first sight, we conceive that the greater number of those periods of
inaction which occur in war are thus explained without involving any
contradiction. The weaker the motives to action are, the more will
those motives be absorbed and neutralised by this difference between
attack and defence, the more frequently, therefore, will action in
warfare be stopped, as indeed experience teaches.

18 A SECOND GROUND CONSISTS IN THE IMPERFECT
KNOWLEDGE OF CIRCUMSTANCES.

  But there is still another cause which may stop action in War, viz., an
incomplete view of the situation. Each Commander can only fully know
his own position; that of his opponent can only be known to him by
reports, which are uncertain; he may, therefore, form a wrong
judgment with respect to it upon data of this description, and, in
consequence of that error, he may suppose that the power of taking
the initiative rests with his adversary when it lies really with himself.
This want of perfect insight might certainly just as often occasion an
untimely action as untimely inaction, and hence it would in itself no
more contribute to delay than to accelerate action in War. Still, it must
always be regarded as one of the natural causes which may bring
action in War to a standstill without involving a contradiction. But if we
reflect how much more we are inclined and induced to estimate the
power of our opponents too high than too low, because it lies in
human nature to do so, we shall admit that our imperfect insight into
facts in general must contribute very much to delay action in War, and
to modify the application of the principles pending our conduct.

  The possibility of a standstill brings into the action of War a new
modification, inasmuch as it dilutes that action with the element of
time, checks the influence or sense of danger in its course, and

 5
     It must be remembered that all this antedates by some years the introduction of long-range weapons.


                                                       40
increases the means of reinstating a lost balance of force. The greater
the tension of feelings from which the War springs, the greater
therefore the energy with which it is carried on, so much the shorter
will be the periods of inaction; on the other hand, the weaker the
principle of warlike activity, the longer will be these periods: for
powerful motives increase the force of the will, and this, as we know,
is always a factor in the product of force.

19. FREQUENT PERIODS OF INACTION IN WAR REMOVE IT
FURTHER FROM THE ABSOLUTE, AND MAKE IT STILL MORE A
CALCULATION OF PROBABILITIES.

  But the slower the action proceeds in War, the more frequent and
longer the periods of inaction, so much the more easily can an error be
repaired; therefore, so much the bolder a General will be in his
calculations, so much the more readily will he keep them below the
line of the absolute, and build everything upon probabilities and
conjecture. Thus, according as the course of the War is more or less
slow, more or less time will be allowed for that which the nature of a
concrete case particularly requires, calculation of probability based on
given circumstances.

20. THEREFORE, THE ELEMENT OF CHANCE ONLY IS WANTING
TO MAKE OF WAR A GAME, AND IN THAT ELEMENT IT IS LEAST
OF ALL DEFICIENT.

  We see from the foregoing how much the objective nature of War
makes it a calculation of probabilities; now there is only one single
element still wanting to make it a game, and that element it certainly
is not without: it is chance. There is no human affair which stands so
constantly and so generally in close connection with chance as War.
But together with chance, the accidental, and along with it good luck,
occupy a great place in War.

21. WAR IS A GAME BOTH OBJECTIVELY AND SUBJECTIVELY.

  If we now take a look at the subjective nature of War, that is to say,
at those conditions under which it is carried on, it will appear to us still
more like a game. Primarily the element in which the operations of
War are carried on is danger; but which of all the moral qualities is the
first in danger? COURAGE. Now certainly courage is quite compatible
with prudent calculation, but still they are things of quite a different
kind, essentially different qualities of the mind; on the other hand,
daring reliance on good fortune, boldness, rashness, are only


                                     41
expressions of courage, and all these propensities of the mind look for
the fortuitous (or accidental), because it is their element.

 We see, therefore, how, from the commencement, the absolute, the
mathematical as it is called, nowhere finds any sure basis in the
calculations in the Art of War; and that from the outset there is a play
of possibilities, probabilities, good and bad luck, which spreads about
with all the coarse and fine threads of its web, and makes War of all
branches of human activity the most like a gambling game.

22. HOW THIS ACCORDS BEST WITH THE HUMAN MIND IN
GENERAL.

  Although our intellect always feels itself urged towards clearness and
certainty, still our mind often feels itself attracted by uncertainty.
Instead of threading its way with the understanding along the narrow
path of philosophical investigations and logical conclusions, in order,
almost unconscious of itself, to arrive in spaces where it feels itself a
stranger, and where it seems to part from all well-known objects, it
prefers to remain with the imagination in the realms of chance and
luck. Instead of living yonder on poor necessity, it revels here in the
wealth of possibilities; animated thereby, courage then takes wings to
itself, and daring and danger make the element into which it launches
itself as a fearless swimmer plunges into the stream.

  Shall theory leave it here, and move on, self-satisfied with absolute
conclusions and rules? Then it is of no practical use. Theory must also
take into account the human element; it must accord a place to
courage, to boldness, even to rashness. The Art of War has to deal
with living and with moral forces, the consequence of which is that it
can never attain the absolute and positive. There is therefore
everywhere a margin for the accidental, and just as much in the
greatest things as in the smallest. As there is room for this accidental
on the one hand, so on the other there must be courage and self-
reliance in proportion to the room available. If these qualities are
forthcoming in a high degree, the margin left may likewise be great.
Courage and self-reliance are, therefore, principles quite essential to
War; consequently, theory must only set up such rules as allow ample
scope for all degrees and varieties of these necessary and noblest of
military virtues. In daring there may still be wisdom, and prudence as
well, only they are estimated by a different standard of value.

23. WAR IS ALWAYS A SERIOUS MEANS FOR A SERIOUS
OBJECT. ITS MORE PARTICULAR DEFINITION.


                                   42
 Such is War; such the Commander who conducts it; such the theory
which rules it. But War is no pastime; no mere passion for venturing
and winning; no work of a free enthusiasm: it is a serious means for a
serious object. All that appearance which it wears from the varying
hues of fortune, all that it assimilates into itself of the oscillations of
passion, of courage, of imagination, of enthusiasm, are only particular
properties of this means.

  The War of a community--of whole Nations, and particularly of
civilised Nations--always starts from a political condition, and is called
forth by a political motive. It is, therefore, a political act. Now if it was
a perfect, unrestrained, and absolute expression of force, as we had to
deduct it from its mere conception, then the moment it is called forth
by policy it would step into the place of policy, and as something quite
independent of it would set it aside, and only follow its own laws, just
as a mine at the moment of explosion cannot be guided into any other
direction than that which has been given to it by preparatory
arrangements. This is how the thing has really been viewed hitherto,
whenever a want of harmony between policy and the conduct of a War
has led to theoretical distinctions of the kind. But it is not so, and the
idea is radically false. War in the real world, as we have already seen,
is not an extreme thing which expends itself at one single discharge; it
is the operation of powers which do not develop themselves
completely in the same manner and in the same measure, but which
at one time expand sufficiently to overcome the resistance opposed by
inertia or friction, while at another they are too weak to produce an
effect; it is therefore, in a certain measure, a pulsation of violent force
more or less vehement, consequently making its discharges and
exhausting its powers more or less quickly--in other words, conducting
more or less quickly to the aim, but always lasting long enough to
admit of influence being exerted on it in its course, so as to give it this
or that direction, in short, to be subject to the will of a guiding
intelligence., if we reflect that War has its root in a political object,
then naturally this original motive which called it into existence should
also continue the first and highest consideration in its conduct. Still,
the political object is no despotic lawgiver on that account; it must
accommodate itself to the nature of the means, and though changes in
these means may involve modification in the political objective, the
latter always retains a prior right to consideration. Policy, therefore, is
interwoven with the whole action of War, and must exercise a
continuous influence upon it, as far as the nature of the forces
liberated by it will permit.



                                     43
24. WAR IS A MERE CONTINUATION OF POLICY BY OTHER
MEANS.

  We see, therefore, that War is not merely a political act, but also a
real political instrument, a continuation of political commerce, a
carrying out of the same by other means. All beyond this which is
strictly peculiar to War relates merely to the peculiar nature of the
means which it uses. That the tendencies and views of policy shall not
be incompatible with these means, the Art of War in general and the
Commander in each particular case may demand, and this claim is
truly not a trifling one. But however powerfully this may react on
political views in particular cases, still it must always be regarded as
only a modification of them; for the political view is the object, War is
the means, and the means must always include the object in our
conception.

25. DIVERSITY IN THE NATURE OF WARS.

  The greater and the more powerful the motives of a War, the more it
affects the whole existence of a people. The more violent the
excitement which precedes the War, by so much the nearer will the
War approach to its abstract form, so much the more will it be directed
to the destruction of the enemy, so much the nearer will the military
and political ends coincide, so much the more purely military and less
political the War appears to be; but the weaker the motives and the
tensions, so much the less will the natural direction of the military
element-- that is, force--be coincident with the direction which the
political element indicates; so much the more must, therefore, the War
become diverted from its natural direction, the political object diverge
from the aim of an ideal War, and the War appear to become political.

  But, that the reader may not form any false conceptions, we must
here observe that by this natural tendency of War we only mean the
philosophical, the strictly logical, and by no means the tendency of
forces actually engaged in conflict, by which would be supposed to be
included all the emotions and passions of the combatants. No doubt in
some cases these also might be excited to such a degree as to be with
difficulty restrained and confined to the political road; but in most
cases such a contradiction will not arise, because by the existence of
such strenuous exertions a great plan in harmony therewith would be
implied. If the plan is directed only upon a small object, then the
impulses of feeling amongst the masses will be also so weak that
these masses will require to be stimulated rather than repressed.



                                   44
26. THEY MAY ALL BE REGARDED AS POLITICAL ACTS.

  Returning now to the main subject, although it is true that in one
kind of War the political element seems almost to disappear, whilst in
another kind it occupies a very prominent place, we may still affirm
that the one is as political as the other; for if we regard the State
policy as the intelligence of the personified State, then amongst all the
constellations in the political sky whose movements it has to compute,
those must be included which arise when the nature of its relations
imposes the necessity of a great War. It is only if we understand by
policy not a true appreciation of affairs in general, but the conventional
conception of a cautious, subtle, also dishonest craftiness, averse from
violence, that the latter kind of War may belong more to policy than
the first.

27. INFLUENCE OF THIS VIEW ON THE RIGHT UNDERSTANDING
OF MILITARY HISTORY, AND ON THE FOUNDATIONS OF
THEORY.

  We see, therefore, in the first place, that under all circumstances
War is to be regarded not as an independent thing, but as a political
instrument; and it is only by taking this point of view that we can
avoid finding ourselves in opposition to all military history. This is the
only means of unlocking the great book and making it intelligible.
Secondly, this view shows us how Wars must differ in character
according to the nature of the motives and circumstances from which
they proceed.

  Now, the first, the grandest, and most decisive act of judgment
which the Statesman and General exercises is rightly to understand in
this respect the War in which he engages, not to take it for something,
or to wish to make of it something, which by the nature of its relations
it is impossible for it to be. This is, therefore, the first, the most
comprehensive, of all strategical questions. We shall enter into this
more fully in treating of the plan of a War.

 For the present we content ourselves with having brought the subject
up to this point, and having thereby fixed the chief point of view from
which War and its theory are to be studied.

28. RESULT FOR THEORY.

 War is, therefore, not only chameleon-like in character, because it
changes its colour in some degree in each particular case, but it is


                                    45
also, as a whole, in relation to the predominant tendencies which are
in it, a wonderful trinity, composed of the original violence of its
elements, hatred and animosity, which may be looked upon as blind
instinct; of the play of probabilities and chance, which make it a free
activity of the soul; and of the subordinate nature of a political
instrument, by which it belongs purely to the reason.

  The first of these three phases concerns more the people the second,
more the General and his Army; the third, more the Government. The
passions which break forth in War must already have a latent
existence in the peoples. The range which the display of courage and
talents shall get in the realm of probabilities and of chance depends on
the particular characteristics of the General and his Army, but the
political objects belong to the Government alone.

  These three tendencies, which appear like so many different law-
givers, are deeply rooted in the nature of the subject, and at the same
time variable in degree. A theory which would leave any one of them
out of account, or set up any arbitrary relation between them, would
immediately become involved in such a contradiction with the reality,
that it might be regarded as destroyed at once by that alone.

 The problem is, therefore, that theory shall keep itself poised in a
manner between these three tendencies, as between three points of
attraction.

 The way in which alone this difficult problem can be solved we shall
examine in the book on the "Theory of War." In every case the
conception of War, as here defined, will be the first ray of light which
shows us the true foundation of theory, and which first separates the
great masses and allows us to distinguish them from one another.




                                   46
        CHAPTER II. END AND MEANS IN WAR

  HAVING in the foregoing chapter ascertained the complicated and
variable nature of War, we shall now occupy ourselves in examining
into the influence which this nature has upon the end and means in
War.

  If we ask, first of all, for the object upon which the whole effort of
War is to be directed, in order that it may suffice for the attainment of
the political object, we shall find that it is just as variable as are the
political object and the particular circumstances of the War.

  If, in the next place, we keep once more to the pure conception of
War, then we must say that the political object properly lies out of its
province, for if War is an act of violence to compel the enemy to fulfil
our will, then in every case all depends on our overthrowing the
enemy, that is, disarming him, and on that alone. This object,
developed from abstract conceptions, but which is also the one aimed
at in a great many cases in reality, we shall, in the first place, examine
in this reality.

 In connection with the plan of a campaign we shall hereafter examine
more closely into the meaning of disarming a nation, but here we must
at once draw a distinction between three things, which, as three
general objects, comprise everything else within them. They are the
MILITARY POWER, THE COUNTRY, and THE WILL OF THE ENEMY.

  The military power must be destroyed, that is, reduced to such a
state as not to be able to prosecute the War. This is the sense in which
we wish to be understood hereafter, whenever we use the expression
"destruction of the enemy's military power."

  The country must be conquered, for out of the country a new military
force may be formed.

  But even when both these things are done, still the War, that is, the
hostile feeling and action of hostile agencies, cannot be considered as
at an end as long as the will of the enemy is not subdued also; that is,
its Government and its Allies must be forced into signing a peace, or
the people into submission; for whilst we are in full occupation of the
country, the War may break out afresh, either in the interior or
through assistance given by Allies. No doubt, this may also take place
after a peace, but that shows nothing more than that every War does



                                    47
not carry in itself the elements for a complete decision and final
settlement.

  But even if this is the case, still with the conclusion of peace a
number of sparks are always extinguished which would have
smouldered on quietly, and the excitement of the passions abates,
because all those whose minds are disposed to peace, of which in all
nations and under all circumstances there is always a great number,
turn themselves away completely from the road to resistance.
Whatever may take place subsequently, we must always look upon the
object as attained, and the business of War as ended, by a peace.

  As protection of the country is the primary object for which the
military force exists, therefore the natural order is, that first of all this
force should be destroyed, then the country subdued; and through the
effect of these two results, as well as the position we then hold, the
enemy should be forced to make peace. Generally the destruction of
the enemy's force is done by degrees, and in just the same measure
the conquest of the country follows immediately. The two likewise
usually react upon each other, because the loss of provinces occasions
a diminution of military force. But this order is by no means necessary,
and on that account it also does not always take place. The enemy's
Army, before it is sensibly weakened, may retreat to the opposite side
of the country, or even quite outside of it. In this case, therefore, the
greater part or the whole of the country is conquered.

  But this object of War in the abstract, this final means of attaining
the political object in which all others are combined, the DISARMING
THE ENEMY, is rarely attained in practice and is not a condition
necessary to peace. Therefore it can in no wise be set up in theory as
a law. There are innumerable instances of treaties in which peace has
been settled before either party could be looked upon as disarmed;
indeed, even before the balance of power had undergone any sensible
alteration. Nay, further, if we look at the case in the concrete, then we
must say that in a whole class of cases, the idea of a complete defeat
of the enemy would be a mere imaginative flight, especially when the
enemy is considerably superior.

  The reason why the object deduced from the conception of War is not
adapted in general to real War lies in the difference between the two,
which is discussed in the preceding chapter. If it was as pure theory
gives it, then a War between two States of very unequal military
strength would appear an absurdity; therefore impossible. At most,
the inequality between the physical forces might be such that it could


                                     48
be balanced by the moral forces, and that would not go far with our
present social condition in Europe. Therefore, if we have seen Wars
take place between States of very unequal power, that has been the
case because there is a wide difference between War in reality and its
original conception.

  There are two considerations which as motives may practically take
the place of inability to continue the contest. The first is the
improbability, the second is the excessive price, of success.

  According to what we have seen in the foregoing chapter, War must
always set itself free from the strict law of logical necessity, and seek
aid from the calculation of probabilities; and as this is so much the
more the case, the more the War has a bias that way, from the
circumstances out of which it has arisen--the smaller its motives are,
and the excitement it has raised--so it is also conceivable how out of
this calculation of probabilities even motives to peace may arise. War
does not, therefore, always require to be fought out until one party is
overthrown; and we may suppose that, when the motives and
passions are slight, a weak probability will suffice to move that side to
which it is unfavourable to give way. Now, were the other side
convinced of this beforehand, it is natural that he would strive for this
probability only, instead of first wasting time and effort in the attempt
to achieve the total destruction of the enemy's Army.

  Still more general in its influence on the resolution to peace is the
consideration of the expenditure of force already made, and further
required. As War is no act of blind passion, but is dominated by the
political object, therefore the value of that object determines the
measure of the sacrifices by which it is to be purchased. This will be
the case, not only as regards extent, but also as regards duration. As
soon, therefore, as the required outlay becomes so great that the
political object is no longer equal in value, the object must be given
up, and peace will be the result.

  We see, therefore, that in Wars where one side cannot completely
disarm the other, the motives to peace on both sides will rise or fall on
each side according to the probability of future success and the
required outlay. If these motives were equally strong on both sides,
they would meet in the centre of their political difference. Where they
are strong on one side, they might be weak on the other. If their
amount is only sufficient, peace will follow, but naturally to the
advantage of that side which has the weakest motive for its
conclusion. We purposely pass over here the difference which the


                                    49
POSITIVE and NEGATIVE character of the political end must
necessarily produce practically; for although that is, as we shall
hereafter show, of the highest importance, still we are obliged to keep
here to a more general point of view, because the original political
views in the course of the War change very much, and at last may
become totally different, JUST BECAUSE THEY ARE DETERMINED BY
RESULTS AND PROBABLE EVENTS.

  Now comes the question how to influence the probability of success.
In the first place, naturally by the same means which we use when the
object is the subjugation of the enemy, by the destruction of his
military force and the conquest of his provinces; but these two means
are not exactly of the same import here as they would be in reference
to that object. If we attack the enemy's Army, it is a very different
thing whether we intend to follow up the first blow with a succession of
others, until the whole force is destroyed, or whether we mean to
content ourselves with a victory to shake the enemy's feeling of
security, to convince him of our superiority, and to instil into him a
feeling of apprehension about the future. If this is our object, we only
go so far in the destruction of his forces as is sufficient. In like
manner, the conquest, of the enemy's provinces is quite a different
measure if the object is not the destruction of the enemy's Army. In
the latter case the destruction of the Army is the real effectual action,
and the taking of the provinces only a consequence of it; to take them
before the Army had been defeated would always be looked upon only
as a necessary evil. On the other hand, if our views are not directed
upon the complete destruction of the enemy's force, and if we are sure
that the enemy does not seek but fears to bring matters to a bloody
decision, the taking possession of a weak or defenceless province is an
advantage in itself, and if this advantage is of sufficient importance to
make the enemy apprehensive about the general result, then it may
also be regarded as a shorter road to peace.

  But now we come upon a peculiar means of influencing the
probability of the result without destroying the enemy's Army, namely,
upon the expeditions which have a direct connection with political
views. If there are any enterprises which are particularly likely to
break up the enemy's alliances or make them inoperative, to gain new
alliances for ourselves, to raise political powers in our own favour, &c.
&c., then it is easy to conceive how much these may increase the
probability of success, and become a shorter way towards our object
than the routing of the enemy's forces.




                                   50
  The second question is how to act upon the enemy's expenditure in
strength, that is, to raise the price of success.

  The enemy's outlay in strength lies in the WEAR AND TEAR of his
forces, consequently in the DESTRUCTION of them on our part, and in
the LOSS of PROVINCES, consequently the CONQUEST of them by us.

  Here, again, on account of the various significations of these means,
so likewise it will be found that neither of them will be identical in its
signification in all cases if the objects are different. The smallness in
general of this difference must not cause us perplexity, for in reality
the weakest motives, the finest shades of difference, often decide in
favour of this or that method of applying force. Our only business here
is to show that, certain conditions being supposed, the possibility of
attaining our purpose in different ways is no contradiction, absurdity,
nor even error.

  Besides these two means, there are three other peculiar ways of
directly increasing the waste of the enemy's force. The first is
INVASION, that is THE OCCUPATION OF THE ENEMY'S TERRITORY,
NOT WITH A VIEW TO KEEPING IT, but in order to levy contributions
upon it, or to devastate it.

  The immediate object here is neither the conquest of the enemy's
territory nor the defeat of his armed force, but merely to DO HIM
DAMAGE IN A GENERAL WAY. The second way is to select for the
object of our enterprises those points at which we can do the enemy
most harm. Nothing is easier to conceive than two different directions
in which our force may be employed, the first of which is to be
preferred if our object is to defeat the enemy's Army, while the other
is more advantageous if the defeat of the enemy is out of the
question. According to the usual mode of speaking, we should say that
the first is primarily military, the other more political. But if we take
our view from the highest point, both are equally military, and neither
the one nor the other can be eligible unless it suits the circumstances
of the case. The third, by far the most important, from the great
number of cases which it embraces, is the WEARING OUT of the
enemy. We choose this expression not only to explain our meaning in
few words, but because it represents the thing exactly, and is not so
figurative as may at first appear. The idea of wearing out in a struggle
amounts in practice to A GRADUAL EXHAUSTION OF THE PHYSICAL
POWERS AND OF THE WILL BY THE LONG CONTINUANCE OF
EXERTION.



                                    51
  Now, if we want to overcome the enemy by the duration of the
contest, we must content ourselves with as small objects as possible,
for it is in the nature of the thing that a great end requires a greater
expenditure of force than a small one; but the smallest object that we
can propose to ourselves is simple passive resistance, that is a combat
without any positive view. In this way, therefore, our means attain
their greatest relative value, and therefore the result is best secured.
How far now can this negative mode of proceeding be carried? Plainly
not to absolute passivity, for mere endurance would not be fighting;
and the defensive is an activity by which so much of the enemy's
power must be destroyed that he must give up his object. That alone
is what we aim at in each single act, and therein consists the negative
nature of our object.

  No doubt this negative object in its single act is not so effective as
the positive object in the same direction would be, supposing it
successful; but there is this difference in its favour, that it succeeds
more easily than the positive, and therefore it holds out greater
certainty of success; what is wanting in the efficacy of its single act
must be gained through time, that is, through the duration of the
contest, and therefore this negative intention, which constitutes the
principle of the pure defensive, is also the natural means of
overcoming the enemy by the duration of the combat, that is of
wearing him out.

  Here lies the origin of that difference of OFFENSIVE and DEFENSIVE,
the influence of which prevails throughout the whole province of War.
We cannot at present pursue this subject further than to observe that
from this negative intention are to be deduced all the advantages and
all the stronger forms of combat which are on the side of the
Defensive, and in which that philosophical-dynamic law which exists
between the greatness and the certainty of success is realised. We
shall resume the consideration of all this hereafter.

  If then the negative purpose, that is the concentration of all the
means into a state of pure resistance, affords a superiority in the
contest, and if this advantage is sufficient to BALANCE whatever
superiority in numbers the adversary may have, then the mere
DURATION of the contest will suffice gradually to bring the loss of
force on the part of the adversary to a point at which the political
object can no longer be an equivalent, a point at which, therefore, he
must give up the contest. We see then that this class of means, the
wearing out of the enemy, includes the great number of cases in which
the weaker resists the stronger.


                                   52
  Frederick the Great, during the Seven Years' War, was never strong
enough to overthrow the Austrian monarchy; and if he had tried to do
so after the fashion of Charles the Twelfth, he would inevitably have
had to succumb himself. But after his skilful application of the system
of husbanding his resources had shown the powers allied against him,
through a seven years' struggle, that the actual expenditure of
strength far exceeded what they had at first anticipated, they made
peace.

  We see then that there are many ways to one's object in War; that
the complete subjugation of the enemy is not essential in every case;
that the destruction of the enemy's military force, the conquest of the
enemy's provinces, the mere occupation of them, the mere invasion of
them--enterprises which are aimed directly at political objects--lastly,
a passive expectation of the enemy's blow, are all means which, each
in itself, may be used to force the enemy's will according as the
peculiar circumstances of the case lead us to expect more from the
one or the other. We could still add to these a whole category of
shorter methods of gaining the end, which might be called arguments
ad hominem. What branch of human affairs is there in which these
sparks of individual spirit have not made their appearance,
surmounting all formal considerations? And least of all can they fail to
appear in War, where the personal character of the combatants plays
such an important part, both in the cabinet and in the field. We limit
ourselves to pointing this out, as it would be pedantry to attempt to
reduce such influences into classes. Including these, we may say that
the number of possible ways of reaching the object rises to infinity.

  To avoid under-estimating these different short roads to one's
purpose, either estimating them only as rare exceptions, or holding
the difference which they cause in the conduct of War as insignificant,
we must bear in mind the diversity of political objects which may
cause a War-- measure at a glance the distance which there is
between a death struggle for political existence and a War which a
forced or tottering alliance makes a matter of disagreeable duty.
Between the two innumerable gradations occur in practice. If we reject
one of these gradations in theory, we might with equal right reject the
whole, which would be tantamount to shutting the real world
completely out of sight.

 These are the circumstances in general connected with the aim which
we have to pursue in War; let us now turn to the means.



                                   53
  There is only one single means, it is the FIGHT. However diversified
this may be in form, however widely it may differ from a rough vent of
hatred and animosity in a hand-to-hand encounter, whatever number
of things may introduce themselves which are not actual fighting, still
it is always implied in the conception of War that all the effects
manifested have their roots in the combat.

  That this must always be so in the greatest diversity and
complication of the reality is proved in a very simple manner. All that
takes place in War takes place through armed forces, but where the
forces of War, i.e., armed men, are applied, there the idea of fighting
must of necessity be at the foundation.

  All, therefore, that relates to forces of War--all that is connected with
their creation, maintenance, and application-- belongs to military
activity.

 Creation and maintenance are obviously only the means, whilst
application is the object.

  The contest in War is not a contest of individual against individual,
but an organised whole, consisting of manifold parts; in this great
whole we may distinguish units of two kinds, the one determined by
the subject, the other by the object. In an Army the mass of
combatants ranges itself always into an order of new units, which
again form members of a higher order. The combat of each of these
members forms, therefore, also a more or less distinct unit. Further,
the motive of the fight; therefore its object forms its unit.

 Now, to each of these units which we distinguish in the contest we
attach the name of combat.

 If the idea of combat lies at the foundation of every application of
armed power, then also the application of armed force in general is
nothing more than the determining and arranging a certain number of
combats.

  Every activity in War, therefore, necessarily relates to the combat
either directly or indirectly. The soldier is levied, clothed, armed,
exercised, he sleeps, eats, drinks, and marches, all MERELY TO FIGHT
AT THE RIGHT TIME AND PLACE.

 If, therefore, all the threads of military activity terminate in the
combat, we shall grasp them all when we settle the order of the


                                    54
combats. Only from this order and its execution proceed the effects,
never directly from the conditions preceding them. Now, in the combat
all the action is directed to the DESTRUCTION of the enemy, or rather
of HIS FIGHTING POWERS, for this lies in the conception of combat.
The destruction of the enemy's fighting power is, therefore, always the
means to attain the object of the combat.

  This object may likewise be the mere destruction of the enemy's
armed force; but that is not by any means necessary, and it may be
something quite different. Whenever, for instance, as we have shown,
the defeat of the enemy is not the only means to attain the political
object, whenever there are other objects which may be pursued as the
aim in a War, then it follows of itself that such other objects may
become the object of particular acts of Warfare, and therefore also the
object of combats.

 But even those combats which, as subordinate acts, are in the strict
sense devoted to the destruction of the enemy's fighting force need
not have that destruction itself as their first object.

  If we think of the manifold parts of a great armed force, of the
number of circumstances which come into activity when it is
employed, then it is clear that the combat of such a force must also
require a manifold organisation, a subordinating of parts and
formation. There may and must naturally arise for particular parts a
number of objects which are not themselves the destruction of the
enemy's armed force, and which, while they certainly contribute to
increase that destruction, do so only in an indirect manner. If a
battalion is ordered to drive the enemy from a rising ground, or a
bridge, &c., then properly the occupation of any such locality is the
real object, the destruction of the enemy's armed force which takes
place only the means or secondary matter. If the enemy can be driven
away merely by a demonstration, the object is attained all the same;
but this hill or bridge is, in point of fact, only required as a means of
increasing the gross amount of loss inflicted on the enemy's armed
force. It is the case on the field of battle, much more must it be so on
the whole theatre of war, where not only one Army is opposed to
another, but one State, one Nation, one whole country to another.
Here the number of possible relations, and consequently possible
combinations, is much greater, the diversity of measures increased,
and by the gradation of objects, each subordinate to another the first
means employed is further apart from the ultimate object.




                                   55
  It is therefore for many reasons possible that the object of a combat
is not the destruction of the enemy's force, that is, of the force
immediately opposed to us, but that this only appears as a means. But
in all such cases it is no longer a question of complete destruction, for
the combat is here nothing else but a measure of strength--has in
itself no value except only that of the present result, that is, of its
decision.

  But a measuring of strength may be effected in cases where the
opposing sides are very unequal by a mere comparative estimate. In
such cases no fighting will take place, and the weaker will immediately
give way.

  If the object of a combat is not always the destruction of the enemy's
forces therein engaged--and if its object can often be attained as well
without the combat taking place at all, by merely making a resolve to
fight, and by the circumstances to which this resolution gives rise--
then that explains how a whole campaign may be carried on with great
activity without the actual combat playing any notable part in it.

  That this may be so military history proves by a hundred examples.
How many of those cases can be justified, that is, without involving a
contradiction and whether some of the celebrities who rose out of
them would stand criticism, we shall leave undecided, for all we have
to do with the matter is to show the possibility of such a course of
events in War.

  We have only one means in War--the battle; but this means, by the
infinite variety of paths in which it may be applied, leads us into all the
different ways which the multiplicity of objects allows of, so that we
seem to have gained nothing; but that is not the case, for from this
unity of means proceeds a thread which assists the study of the
subject, as it runs through the whole web of military activity and holds
it together.

  But we have considered the destruction of the enemy's force as one
of the objects which maybe pursued in War, and left undecided what
relative importance should be given to it amongst other objects. In
certain cases it will depend on circumstances, and as a general
question we have left its value undetermined. We are once more
brought back upon it, and we shall be able to get an insight into the
value which must necessarily be accorded to it.




                                    56
  The combat is the single activity in War; in the combat the
destruction of the enemy opposed to us is the means to the end; it is
so even when the combat does not actually take place, because in that
case there lies at the root of the decision the supposition at all events
that this destruction is to be regarded as beyond doubt. It follows,
therefore, that the destruction of the enemy's military force is the
foundation-stone of all action in War, the great support of all
combinations, which rest upon it like the arch on its abutments. All
action, therefore, takes place on the supposition that if the solution by
force of arms which lies at its foundation should be realised, it will be a
favourable one. The decision by arms is, for all operations in War,
great and small, what cash payment is in bill transactions. However
remote from each other these relations, however seldom the
realisation may take place, still it can never entirely fail to occur.

  If the decision by arms lies at the foundation of all combinations,
then it follows that the enemy can defeat each of them by gaining a
victory on the field, not merely in the one on which our combination
directly depends, but also in any other encounter, if it is only
important enough; for every important decision by arms --that is,
destruction of the enemy's forces--reacts upon all preceding it,
because, like a liquid element, they tend to bring themselves to a
level.

  Thus, the destruction of the enemy's armed force appears, therefore,
always as the superior and more effectual means, to which all others
must give way.

  It is, however, only when there is a supposed equality in all other
conditions that we can ascribe to the destruction of the enemy's armed
force the greater efficacy. It would, therefore, be a great mistake to
draw the conclusion that a blind dash must always gain the victory
over skill and caution. An unskilful attack would lead to the destruction
of our own and not of the enemy's force, and therefore is not what is
here meant. The superior efficacy belongs not to the MEANS but to the
END, and we are only comparing the effect of one realised purpose
with the other.

  If we speak of the destruction of the enemy's armed force, we must
expressly point out that nothing obliges us to confine this idea to the
mere physical force; on the contrary, the moral is necessarily implied
as well, because both in fact are interwoven with each other, even in
the most minute details, and therefore cannot be separated. But it is
just in connection with the inevitable effect which has been referred to,


                                    57
of a great act of destruction (a great victory) upon all other decisions
by arms, that this moral element is most fluid, if we may use that
expression, and therefore distributes itself the most easily through all
the parts.

  Against the far superior worth which the destruction of the enemy's
armed force has over all other means stands the expense and risk of
this means, and it is only to avoid these that any other means are
taken. That these must be costly stands to reason, for the waste of our
own military forces must, ceteris paribus, always be greater the more
our aim is directed upon the destruction of the enemy's power.

  The danger lies in this, that the greater efficacy which we seek
recoils on ourselves, and therefore has worse consequences in case we
fail of success.

  Other methods are, therefore, less costly when they succeed, less
dangerous when they fail; but in this is necessarily lodged the
condition that they are only opposed to similar ones, that is, that the
enemy acts on the same principle; for if the enemy should choose the
way of a great decision by arms, OUR MEANS MUST ON THAT
ACCOUNT BE CHANGED AGAINST OUR WILL, IN ORDER TO
CORRESPOND WITH HIS. Then all depends on the issue of the act of
destruction; but of course it is evident that, ceteris paribus, in this act
we must be at a disadvantage in all respects because our views and
our means had been directed in part upon other objects, which is not
the case with the enemy. Two different objects of which one is not
partthe other exclude each other, and therefore a force which may be
applicable for the one may not serve for the other. If, therefore, one of
two belligerents is determined to seek the great decision by arms,
then he has a high probability of success, as soon as he is certain his
opponent will not take that way, but follows a different object; and
every one who sets before himself any such other aim only does so in
a reasonable manner, provided he acts on the supposition that his
adversary has as little intention as he has of resorting to the great
decision by arms.

  But what we have here said of another direction of views and forces
relates only to other POSITIVE OBJECTS, which we may propose to
ourselves in War, besides the destruction of the enemy's force, not by
any means to the pure defensive, which may be adopted with a view
thereby to exhaust the enemy's forces. In the pure defensive the
positive object is wanting, and therefore, while on the defensive, our



                                    58
forces cannot at the same time be directed on other objects; they can
only be employed to defeat the intentions of the enemy.

  We have now to consider the opposite of the destruction of the
enemy's armed force, that is to say, the preservation of our own.
These two efforts always go together, as they mutually act and react
on each other; they are integral parts of one and the same view, and
we have only to ascertain what effect is produced when one or the
other has the predominance. The endeavour to destroy the enemy's
force has a positive object, and leads to positive results, of which the
final aim is the conquest of the enemy. The preservation of our own
forces has a negative object, leads therefore to the defeat of the
enemy's intentions, that is to pure resistance, of which the final aim
can be nothing more than to prolong the duration of the contest, so
that the enemy shall exhaust himself in it.

 The effort with a positive object calls into existence the act of
destruction; the effort with the negative object awaits it.

  How far this state of expectation should and may be carried we shall
enter into more particularly in the theory of attack and defence, at the
origin of which we again find ourselves. Here we shall content
ourselves with saying that the awaiting must be no absolute
endurance, and that in the action bound up with it the destruction of
the enemy's armed force engaged in this conflict may be the aim just
as well as anything else. It would therefore be a great error in the
fundamental idea to suppose that the consequence of the negative
course is that we are precluded from choosing the destruction of the
enemy's military force as our object, and must prefer a bloodless
solution. The advantage which the negative effort gives may certainly
lead to that, but only at the risk of its not being the most advisable
method, as that question is dependent on totally different conditions,
resting not with ourselves but with our opponents. This other bloodless
way cannot, therefore, be looked upon at all as the natural means of
satisfying our great anxiety to spare our forces; on the contrary, when
circumstances are not favourable, it would be the means of completely
ruining them. Very many Generals have fallen into this error, and been
ruined by it. The only necessary effect resulting from the superiority of
the negative effort is the delay of the decision, so that the party acting
takes refuge in that way, as it were, in the expectation of the decisive
moment. The consequence of that is generally THE POSTPONEMENT
OF THE ACTION as much as possible in time, and also in space, in so
far as space is in connection with it. If the moment has arrived in
which this can no longer be done without ruinous disadvantage, then


                                    59
the advantage of the negative must be considered as exhausted, and
then comes forward unchanged the effort for the destruction of the
enemy's force, which was kept back by a counterpoise, but never
discarded.

  We have seen, therefore, in the foregoing reflections, that there are
many ways to the aim, that is, to the attainment of the political object;
but that the only means is the combat, and that consequently
everything is subject to a supreme law: which is the DECISION BY
ARMS; that where this is really demanded by one, it is a redress which
cannot be refused by the other; that, therefore, a belligerent who
takes any other way must make sure that his opponent will not take
this means of redress, or his cause may be lost in that supreme court;
hence therefore the destruction of the enemy's armed force, amongst
all the objects which can be pursued in War, appears always as the
one which overrules all others.

  What may be achieved by combinations of another kind in War we
shall only learn in the sequel, and naturally only by degrees. We
content ourselves here with acknowledging in general their possibility,
as something pointing to the difference between the reality and the
conception, and to the influence of particular circumstances. But we
could not avoid showing at once that the BLOODY SOLUTION OF THE
CRISIS, the effort for the destruction of the enemy's force, is the
firstborn son of War. If when political objects are unimportant, motives
weak, the excitement of forces small, a cautious commander tries in
all kinds of ways, without great crises and bloody solutions, to twist
himself skilfully into a peace through the characteristic weaknesses of
his enemy in the field and in the Cabinet, we have no right to find fault
with him, if the premises on which he acts are well founded and
justified by success; still we must require him to remember that he
only travels on forbidden tracks, where the God of War may surprise
him; that he ought always to keep his eye on the enemy, in order that
he may not have to defend himself with a dress rapier if the enemy
takes up a sharp sword.

  The consequences of the nature of War, how ends and means act in
it, how in the modifications of reality it deviates sometimes more,
sometimes less, from its strict original conception, fluctuating
backwards and forwards, yet always remaining under that strict
conception as under a supreme law: all this we must retain before us,
and bear constantly in mind in the consideration of each of the
succeeding subjects, if we would rightly comprehend their true
relations and proper importance, and not become involved incessantly


                                   60
in the most glaring contradictions with the reality, and at last with our
own selves.




                                    61
         CHAPTER III. THE GENIUS FOR WAR

  EVERY special calling in life, if it is to be followed with success,
requires peculiar qualifications of understanding and soul. Where these
are of a high order, and manifest themselves by extraordinary
achievements, the mind to which they belong is termed GENIUS.

  We know very well that this word is used in many significations which
are very different both in extent and nature, and that with many of
these significations it is a very difficult task to define the essence of
Genius; but as we neither profess to be philosopher nor grammarian,
we must be allowed to keep to the meaning usual in ordinary
language, and to understand by "genius" a very high mental capacity
for certain employments.

  We wish to stop for a moment over this faculty and dignity of the
mind, in order to vindicate its title, and to explain more fully the
meaning of the conception. But we shall not dwell on that (genius)
which has obtained its title through a very great talent, on genius
properly so called, that is a conception which has no defined limits.
What we have to do is to bring under consideration every common
tendency of the powers of the mind and soul towards the business of
War, the whole of which common tendencies we may look upon as the
ESSENCE OF MILITARY GENIUS. We say "common," for just therein
consists military genius, that it is not one single quality bearing upon
War, as, for instance, courage, while other qualities of mind and soul
are wanting or have a direction which is unserviceable for War, but
that it is AN HARMONIOUS ASSOCIATION OF POWERS, in which one or
other may predominate, but none must be in opposition.

  If every combatant required to be more or less endowed with military
genius, then our armies would be very weak; for as it implies a
peculiar bent of the intelligent powers, therefore it can only rarely be
found where the mental powers of a people are called into requisition
and trained in many different ways. The fewer the employments
followed by a Nation, the more that of arms predominates, so much
the more prevalent will military genius also be found. But this merely
applies to its prevalence, by no means to its degree, for that depends
on the general state of intellectual culture in the country. If we look at
a wild, warlike race, then we find a warlike spirit in individuals much
more common than in a civilised people; for in the former almost
every warrior possesses it, whilst in the civilised whole, masses are
only carried away by it from necessity, never by inclination. But



                                    62
amongst uncivilised people we never find a really great General, and
very seldom what we can properly call a military genius, because that
requires a development of the intelligent powers which cannot be
found in an uncivilised state. That a civilised people may also have a
warlike tendency and development is a matter of course; and the more
this is general, the more frequently also will military spirit be found in
individuals in their armies. Now as this coincides in such case with the
higher degree of civilisation, therefore from such nations have issued
forth the most brilliant military exploits, as the Romans and the French
have exemplified. The greatest names in these and in all other nations
that have been renowned in War belong strictly to epochs of higher
culture.

  From this we may infer how great a share the intelligent powers have
in superior military genius. We shall now look more closely into this
point.

  War is the province of danger, and therefore courage above all things
is the first quality of a warrior.

 Courage is of two kinds: first, physical courage, or courage in
presence of danger to the person; and next, moral courage, or
courage before responsibility, whether it be before the judgment-seat
of external authority, or of the inner power, the conscience. We only
speak here of the first.

  Courage before danger to the person, again, is of two kinds. First, it
may be indifference to danger, whether proceeding from the organism
of the individual, contempt of death, or habit: in any of these cases it
is to be regarded as a permanent condition.

 Secondly, courage may proceed from positive motives, such as
personal pride, patriotism, enthusiasm of any kind. In this case
courage is not so much a normal condition as an impulse.

  We may conceive that the two kinds act differently. The first kind is
more certain, because it has become a second nature, never forsakes
the man; the second often leads him farther. In the first there is more
of firmness, in the second, of boldness. The first leaves the judgment
cooler, the second raises its power at times, but often bewilders it. The
two combined make up the most perfect kind of courage.

 War is the province of physical exertion and suffering. In order not to
be completely overcome by them, a certain strength of body and mind


                                    63
is required, which, either natural or acquired, produces indifference to
them. With these qualifications, under the guidance of simply a sound
understanding, a man is at once a proper instrument for War; and
these are the qualifications so generally to be met with amongst wild
and half-civilised tribes. If we go further in the demands which War
makes on it, then we find the powers of the understanding
predominating. War is the province of uncertainty: three-fourths of
those things upon which action in War must be calculated, are hidden
more or less in the clouds of great uncertainty. Here, then, above all a
fine and penetrating mind is called for, to search out the truth by the
tact of its judgment.

  An average intellect may, at one time, perhaps hit upon this truth by
accident; an extraordinary courage, at another, may compensate for
the want of this tact; but in the majority of cases the average result
will always bring to light the deficient understanding.

 War is the province of chance. In no sphere of human activity is such
a margin to be left for this intruder, because none is so much in
constant contact with him on all sides. He increases the uncertainty of
every circumstance, and deranges the course of events.

  From this uncertainty of all intelligence and suppositions, this
continual interposition of chance, the actor in War constantly finds
things different from his expectations; and this cannot fail to have an
influence on his plans, or at least on the presumptions connected with
these plans. If this influence is so great as to render the pre-
determined plan completely nugatory, then, as a rule, a new one must
be substituted in its place; but at the moment the necessary data are
often wanting for this, because in the course of action circumstances
press for immediate decision, and allow no time to look about for fresh
data, often not enough for mature consideration.

  But it more often happens that the correction of one premise, and
the knowledge of chance events which have arisen, are not sufficient
to overthrow our plans completely, but only suffice to produce
hesitation. Our knowledge of circumstances has increased, but our
uncertainty, instead of having diminished, has only increased. The
reason of this is, that we do not gain all our experience at once, but by
degrees; thus our determinations continue to be assailed incessantly
by fresh experi- ence; and the mind, if we may use the expression,
must always be "under arms."




                                    64
  Now, if it is to get safely through this perpetual conflict with the
unexpected, two qualities are indispensable: in the first place an
intellect which, even in the midst of this intense obscurity, is not
without some traces of inner light, which lead to the truth, and then
the courage to follow this faint light. The first is figuratively expressed
by the French phrase coup d'oeil. The other is resolution. As the battle
is the feature in War to which attention was originally chiefly directed,
and as time and space are important elements in it, more particularly
when cavalry with their rapid decisions were the chief arm, the idea of
rapid and correct decision related in the first instance to the estimation
of these two elements, and to denote the idea an expression was
adopted which actually only points to a correct judgment by eye. Many
teachers of the Art of War then gave this limited signification as the
definition of coup d'oeil. But it is undeniable that all able decisions
formed in the moment of action soon came to be understood by the
expression, as, for instance, the hitting upon the right point of attack,
&c. It is, therefore, not only the physical, but more frequently the
mental eye which is meant in coup d'oeil. Naturally, the expression,
like the thing, is always more in its place in the field of tactics: still, it
must not be wanting in strategy, inasmuch as in it rapid decisions are
often necessary. If we strip this conception of that which the
expression has given it of the over-figurative and restricted, then it
amounts simply to the rapid discovery of a truth which to the ordinary
mind is either not visible at all or only becomes so after long
examination and reflection.

  Resolution is an act of courage in single instances, and if it becomes
a characteristic trait, it is a habit of the mind. But here we do not
mean courage in face of bodily danger, but in face of responsibility,
therefore, to a certain extent against moral danger. This has been
often called courage d'esprit, on the ground that it springs from the
understanding; nevertheless, it is no act of the understanding on that
account; it is an act of feeling. Mere intelligence is still not courage, for
we often see the cleverest people devoid of resolution. The mind must,
therefore, first awaken the feeling of courage, and then be guided and
supported by it, because in momentary emergencies the man is
swayed more by his feelings than his thoughts.

  We have assigned to resolution the office of removing the torments
of doubt, and the dangers of delay, when there are no sufficient
motives for guidance. Through the unscrupulous use of language which
is prevalent, this term is often applied to the mere propensity to
daring, to bravery, boldness, or temerity. But, when there are
SUFFICIENT MOTIVES in the man, let them be objective or subjective,


                                      65
true or false, we have no right to speak of his resolution; for, when we
do so, we put ourselves in his place, and we throw into the scale
doubts which did not exist with him.

  Here there is no question of anything but of strength and weakness.
We are not pedantic enough to dispute with the use of language about
this little misapplication, our observation is only intended to remove
wrong objections.

  This resolution now, which overcomes the state of doubting, can only
be called forth by the intellect, and, in fact, by a peculiar tendency of
the same. We maintain that the mere union of a superior
understanding and the necessary feelings are not sufficient to make up
resolution. There are persons who possess the keenest perception for
the most difficult problems, who are also not fearful of responsibility,
and yet in cases of difficulty cannot come to a resolution. Their
courage and their sagacity operate independently of each other, do not
give each other a hand, and on that account do not produce resolution
as a result. The forerunner of resolution is an act of the mind making
evident the necessity of venturing, and thus influencing the will. This
quite peculiar direction of the mind, which conquers every other fear in
man by the fear of wavering or doubting, is what makes up resolution
in strong minds; therefore, in our opinion, men who have little
intelligence can never be resolute. They may act without hesitation
under perplexing circumstances, but then they act without reflection.
Now, of course, when a man acts without reflection he cannot be at
variance with himself by doubts, and such a mode of action may now
and then lead to the right point; but we say now as before, it is the
average result which indicates the existence of military genius. Should
our assertion appear extraordinary to any one, because he knows
many a resolute hussar officer who is no deep thinker, we must
remind him that the question here is about a peculiar direction of the
mind, and not about great thinking powers.

  We believe, therefore, that resolution is indebted to a special
direction of the mind for its existence, a direction which belongs to a
strong head rather than to a brilliant one. In corroboration of this
genealogy of resolution we may add that there have been many
instances of men who have shown the greatest resolution in an inferior
rank, and have lost it in a higher position. While, on the one hand,
they are obliged to resolve, on the other they see the dangers of a
wrong decision, and as they are surrounded with things new to them,
their understanding loses its original force, and they become only the
more timid the more they become aware of the danger of the


                                   66
irresolution into which they have fallen, and the more they have
formerly been in the habit of acting on the spur of the moment.

  From the coup d'oeil and resolution we are naturally to speak of its
kindred quality, PRESENCE OF MIND, which in a region of the
unexpected like War must act a great part, for it is indeed nothing but
a great conquest over the unexpected. As we admire presence of mind
in a pithy answer to anything said unexpectedly, so we admire it in a
ready expedient on sudden danger. Neither the answer nor the
expedient need be in themselves extraordinary, if they only hit the
point; for that which as the result of mature reflection would be
nothing unusual, therefore insignificant in its impression on us, may as
an instantaneous act of the mind produce a pleasing impression. The
expression "presence of mind" certainly denotes very fitly the
readiness and rapidity of the help rendered by the mind.

  Whether this noble quality of a man is to be ascribed more to the
peculiarity of his mind or to the equanimity of his feelings, depends on
the nature of the case, although neither of the two can be entirely
wanting. A telling repartee bespeaks rather a ready wit, a ready
expedient on sudden danger implies more particularly a well-balanced
mind.

  If we take a general view of the four elements composing the
atmosphere in which War moves, of DANGER, PHYSICAL EFFORT,
UNCERTAINTY, and CHANCE, it is easy to conceive that a great force
of mind and understanding is requisite to be able to make way with
safety and success amongst such opposing elements, a force which,
according to the different modifications arising out of circumstances,
we find termed by military writers and annalists as ENERGY,
FIRMNESS, STAUNCHNESS, STRENGTH OF MIND AND CHARACTER. All
these manifestations of the heroic nature might be regarded as one
and the same power of volition, modified according to circumstances;
but nearly related as these things are to each other, still they are not
one and the same, and it is desirable for us to distinguish here a little
more closely at least the action of the powers of the soul in relation to
them.

  In the first place, to make the conception clear, it is essential to
observe that the weight, burden, resistance, or whatever it may be
called, by which that force of the soul in the General is brought to
light, is only in a very small measure the enemy's activity, the enemy's
resistance, the enemy's action directly. The enemy's activity only
affects the General directly in the first place in relation to his person,


                                    67
without disturbing his action as Commander. If the enemy, instead of
two hours, resists for four, the Commander instead of two hours is
four hours in danger; this is a quantity which plainly diminishes the
higher the rank of the Commander. What is it for one in the post of
Commander-in-Chief? It is nothing.

  Secondly, although the opposition offered by the enemy has a direct
effect on the Commander through the loss of means arising from
prolonged resistance, and the responsibility connected with that loss,
and his force of will is first tested and called forth by these anxious
considerations, still we maintain that this is not the heaviest burden by
far which he has to bear, because he has only himself to settle with.
All the other effects of the enemy's resistance act directly upon the
combatants under his command, and through them react upon him.

  As long as his men full of good courage fight with zeal and spirit, it is
seldom necessary for the Chief to show great energy of purpose in the
pursuit of his object. But as soon as difficulties arise--and that must
always happen when great results are at stake--then things no longer
move on of themselves like a well-oiled machine, the machine itself
then begins to offer resistance, and to overcome this the Commander
must have a great force of will. By this resistance we must not exactly
suppose disobedience and murmurs, although these are frequent
enough with particular individuals; it is the whole feeling of the
dissolution of all physical and moral power, it is the heartrending sight
of the bloody sacrifice which the Commander has to contend with in
himself, and then in all others who directly or indirectly transfer to him
their impressions, feelings, anxieties, and desires. As the forces in one
individual after another become prostrated, and can no longer be
excited and supported by an effort of his own will, the whole inertia of
the mass gradually rests its weight on the Will of the Commander: by
the spark in his breast, by the light of his spirit, the spark of purpose,
the light of hope, must be kindled afresh in others: in so far only as he
is equal to this, he stands above the masses and continues to be their
master; whenever that influence ceases, and his own spirit is no
longer strong enough to revive the spirit of all others, the masses
drawing him down with them sink into the lower region of animal
nature, which shrinks from danger and knows not shame. These are
the weights which the courage and intelligent faculties of the military
Commander have to overcome if he is to make his name illustrious.
They increase with the masses, and therefore, if the forces in question
are to continue equal to the burden, they must rise in proportion to
the height of the station.



                                    68
  Energy in action expresses the strength of the motive through which
the action is excited, let the motive have its origin in a conviction of
the understanding, or in an impulse. But the latter can hardly ever be
wanting where great force is to show itself.

  Of all the noble feelings which fill the human heart in the exciting
tumult of battle, none, we must admit, are so powerful and constant
as the soul's thirst for honour and renown, which the German
language treats so unfairly and tends to depreciate by the unworthy
associations in the words Ehrgeiz (greed of honour) and Ruhmsucht
(hankering after glory). No doubt it is just in War that the abuse of
these proud aspirations of the soul must bring upon the human race
the most shocking outrages, but by their origin they are certainly to be
counted amongst the noblest feelings which belong to human nature,
and in War they are the vivifying principle which gives the enormous
body a spirit. Although other feelings may be more general in their
influence, and many of them--such as love of country, fanaticism,
revenge, enthusiasm of every kind--may seem to stand higher, the
thirst for honour and renown still remains indispensable. Those other
feelings may rouse the great masses in general, and excite them more
powerfully, but they do not give the Leader a desire to will more than
others, which is an essential requisite in his position if he is to make
himself distinguished in it. They do not, like a thirst for honour, make
the military act specially the property of the Leader, which he strives
to turn to the best account; where he ploughs with toil, sows with
care, that he may reap plentifully. It is through these aspirations we
have been speaking of in Commanders, from the highest to the lowest,
this sort of energy, this spirit of emulation, these incentives, that the
action of armies is chiefly animated and made successful. And now as
to that which specially concerns the head of all, we ask, Has there ever
been a great Commander destitute of the love of honour, or is such a
character even conceivable?

  FIRMNESS denotes the resistance of the will in relation to the force of
a single blow, STAUNCHNESS in relation to a continuance of blows.
Close as is the analogy between the two, and often as the one is used
in place of the other, still there is a notable difference between them
which cannot be mistaken, inasmuch as firmness against a single
powerful impression may have its root in the mere strength of a
feeling, but staunchness must be supported rather by the
understanding, for the greater the duration of an action the more
systematic deliberation is connected with it, and from this staunchness
partly derives its power.



                                    69
 If we now turn to STRENGTH OF MIND OR SOUL, then the first
question is, What are we to understand thereby?

  Plainly it is not vehement expressions of feeling, nor easily excited
passions, for that would be contrary to all the usage of language, but
the power of listening to reason in the midst of the most intense
excitement, in the storm of the most violent passions. Should this
power depend on strength of understanding alone? We doubt it. The
fact that there are men of the greatest intellect who cannot command
themselves certainly proves nothing to the contrary, for we might say
that it perhaps requires an understanding of a powerful rather than of
a comprehensive nature; but we believe we shall be nearer the truth if
we assume that the power of submitting oneself to the control of the
understanding, even in moments of the most violent excitement of the
feelings, that power which we call SELF-COMMAND, has its root in the
heart itself. It is, in point of fact, another feeling, which in strong
minds balances the excited passions without destroying them; and it is
only through this equilibrium that the mastery of the understanding is
secured. This counterpoise is nothing but a sense of the dignity of
man, that noblest pride, that deeply- seated desire of the soul always
to act as a being endued with understanding and reason. We may
therefore say that a strong mind is one which does not lose its balance
even under the most violent excitement.

 If we cast a glance at the variety to be observed in the human
character in respect to feeling, we find, first, some people who have
very little excitability, who are called phlegmatic or indolent.

  Secondly, some very excitable, but whose feelings still never
overstep certain limits, and who are therefore known as men full of
feeling, but sober-minded.

 Thirdly, those who are very easily roused, whose feelings blaze up
quickly and violently like gunpowder, but do not last.

 Fourthly, and lastly, those who cannot be moved by slight causes,
and who generally are not to be roused suddenly, but only gradually;
but whose feelings become very powerful and are much more lasting.
These are men with strong passions, lying deep and latent.

 This difference of character lies probably close on the confines of the
physical powers which move the human organism, and belongs to that
amphibious organisation which we call the nervous system, which
appears to be partly material, partly spiritual. With our weak


                                   70
philosophy, we shall not proceed further in this mysterious field. But it
is important for us to spend a moment over the effects which these
different natures have on, action in War, and to see how far a great
strength of mind is to be expected from them.

  Indolent men cannot easily be thrown out of their equanimity, but we
cannot certainly say there is strength of mind where there is a want of
all manifestation of power.

  At the same time, it is not to be denied that such men have a certain
peculiar aptitude for War, on account of their constant equanimity.
They often want the positive motive to action, impulse, and
consequently activity, but they are not apt to throw things into
disorder.

 The peculiarity of the second class is that they are easily excited to
act on trifling grounds, but in great matters they are easily
overwhelmed. Men of this kind show great activity in helping an
unfortunate individual, but by the distress of a whole Nation they are
only inclined to despond, not roused to action.

  Such people are not deficient in either activity or equanimity in War;
but they will never accomplish anything great unless a great
intellectual force furnishes the motive, and it is very seldom that a
strong, independent mind is combined with such a character.

  Excitable, inflammable feelings are in themselves little suited for
practical life, and therefore they are not very fit for War. They have
certainly the advantage of strong impulses, but that cannot long
sustain them. At the same time, if the excitability in such men takes
the direction of courage, or a sense of honour, they may often be very
useful in inferior positions in War, because the action in War over
which commanders in inferior positions have control is generally of
shorter duration. Here one courageous resolution, one effervescence of
the forces of the soul, will often suffice. A brave attack, a soul-stirring
hurrah, is the work of a few moments, whilst a brave contest on the
battle-field is the work of a day, and a campaign the work of a year.

  Owing to the rapid movement of their feelings, it is doubly difficult
for men of this description to preserve equilibrium of the mind;
therefore they frequently lose head, and that is the worst phase in
their nature as respects the conduct of War. But it would be contrary
to experience to maintain that very excitable spirits can never
preserve a steady equilibrium--that is to say, that they cannot do so


                                    71
even under the strongest excitement. Why should they not have the
sentiment of self-respect, for, as a rule, they are men of a noble
nature? This feeling is seldom wanting in them, but it has not time to
produce an effect. After an outburst they suffer most from a feeling of
inward humiliation. If through education, self-observance, and
experience of life, they have learned, sooner or later, the means of
being on their guard, so that at the moment of powerful excitement
they are conscious betimes of the counteracting force within their own
breasts, then even such men may have great strength of mind.

  Lastly, those who are difficult to move, but on that account
susceptible of very deep feelings, men who stand in the same relation
to the preceding as red heat to a flame, are the best adapted by
means of their Titanic strength to roll away the enormous masses by
which we may figuratively represent the difficulties which beset
command in War. The effect of their feelings is like the movement of a
great body, slower, but more irresistible.

  Although such men are not so likely to be suddenly surprised by their
feelings and carried away so as to be afterwards ashamed of
themselves, like the preceding, still it would be contrary to experience
to believe that they can never lose their equanimity, or be overcome
by blind passion; on the contrary, this must always happen whenever
the noble pride of self-control is wanting, or as often as it has not
sufficient weight. We see examples of this most frequently in men of
noble minds belonging to savage nations, where the low degree of
mental cultivation favours always the dominance of the passions. But
even amongst the most civilised classes in civilised States, life is full of
examples of this kind--of men carried away by the violence of their
passions, like the poacher of old chained to the stag in the forest.

  We therefore say once more a strong mind is not one that is merely
susceptible of strong excitement, but one which can maintain its
serenity under the most powerful excitement, so that, in spite of the
storm in the breast, the perception and judgment can act with perfect
freedom, like the needle of the compass in the storm-tossed ship.

  By the term STRENGTH OF CHARACTER, or simply CHARACTER, is
denoted tenacity of conviction, let it be the result of our own or of
others' views, and whether they are principles, opinions, momentary
inspirations, or any kind of emanations of the understanding; but this
kind of firmness certainly cannot manifest itself if the views
themselves are subject to frequent change. This frequent change need
not be the consequence of external influences; it may proceed from


                                     72
the continuous activity of our own mind, in which case it indicates a
characteristic unsteadiness of mind. Evidently we should not say of a
man who changes his views every moment, however much the
motives of change may originate with himself, that he has character.
Only those men, therefore, can be said to have this quality whose
conviction is very constant, either because it is deeply rooted and clear
in itself, little liable to alteration, or because, as in the case of indolent
men, there is a want of mental activity, and therefore a want of
motives to change; or lastly, because an explicit act of the will, derived
from an imperative maxim of the understanding, refuses any change
of opinion up to a certain point.

  Now in War, owing to the many and powerful impressions to which
the mind is exposed, and in the uncertainty of all knowledge and of all
science, more things occur to distract a man from the road he has
entered upon, to make him doubt himself and others, than in any
other human activity.

  The harrowing sight of danger and suffering easily leads to the
feelings gaining ascendency over the conviction of the understanding;
and in the twilight which surrounds everything a deep clear view is so
difficult that a change of opinion is more conceivable and more
pardonable. It is, at all times, only conjecture or guesses at truth
which we have to act upon. This is why differences of opinion are
nowhere so great as in War, and the stream of impressions acting
counter to one's own convictions never ceases to flow. Even the
greatest impassibility of mind is hardly proof against them, because
the impressions are powerful in their nature, and always act at the
same time upon the feelings.

  When the discernment is clear and deep, none but general principles
and views of action from a high standpoint can be the result; and on
these principles the opinion in each particular case immediately under
consideration lies, as it were, at anchor. But to keep to these results of
bygone reflection, in opposition to the stream of opinions and
phenomena which the present brings with it, is just the difficulty.
Between the particular case and the principle there is often a wide
space which cannot always be traversed on a visible chain of
conclusions, and where a certain faith in self is necessary and a certain
amount of scepticism is serviceable. Here often nothing else will help
us but an imperative maxim which, independent of reflection, at once
controls it: that maxim is, in all doubtful cases to adhere to the first
opinion, and not to give it up until a clear conviction forces us to do so.
We must firmly believe in the superior authority of well-tried maxims,


                                      73
and under the dazzling influence of momentary events not forget that
their value is of an inferior stamp. By this preference which in doubtful
cases we give to first convictions, by adherence to the same our
actions acquire that stability and consistency which make up what is
called character.

 It is easy to see how essential a well-balanced mind is to strength of
character; therefore men of strong minds generally have a great deal
of character.

 Force of character leads us to a spurious variety of it --OBSTINACY.

 It is often very difficult in concrete cases to say where the one ends
and the other begins; on the other hand, it does not seem difficult to
determine the difference in idea.

  Obstinacy is no fault of the understanding; we use the term as
denoting a resistance against our better judgment, and it would be
inconsistent to charge that to the understanding, as the understanding
is the power of judgment. Obstinacy is A FAULT OF THE FEELINGS or
heart. This inflexibility of will, this impatience of contradiction, have
their origin only in a particular kind of egotism, which sets above every
other pleasure that of governing both self and others by its own mind
alone. We should call it a kind of vanity, were it not decidedly
something better. Vanity is satisfied with mere show, but obstinacy
rests upon the enjoyment of the thing.

  We say, therefore, force of character degenerates into obstinacy
whenever the resistance to opposing judgments proceeds not from
better convictions or a reliance upon a trustworthy maxim, but from a
feeling of opposition. If this definition, as we have already admitted, is
of little assistance practically, still it will prevent obstinacy from being
considered merely force of character intensified, whilst it is something
essentially different--something which certainly lies close to it and is
cognate to it, but is at the same time so little an intensification of it
that there are very obstinate men who from want of understanding
have very little force of character.

  Having in these high attributes of a great military Commander made
ourselves acquainted with those qualities in which heart and head co-
operate, we now come to a speciality of military activity which perhaps
may be looked upon as the most marked if it is not the most
important, and which only makes a demand on the power of the mind



                                     74
without regard to the forces of feelings. It is the connection which
exists between War and country or ground.

  This connection is, in the first place, a permanent condition of War,
for it is impossible to imagine our organised Armies effecting any
operation otherwise than in some given space; it is, secondly, of the
most decisive importance, because it modifies, at times completely
alters, the action of all forces; thirdly, while on the one hand it often
concerns the most minute features of locality, on the other it may
apply to immense tracts of country.

  In this manner a great peculiarity is given to the effect of this
connection of War with country and ground. If we think of other
occupations of man which have a relation to these objects, on
horticulture, agriculture, on building houses and hydraulic works, on
mining, on the chase, and forestry, they are all confined within very
limited spaces which may be soon explored with sufficient exactness.
But the Commander in War must commit the business he has in hand
to a corresponding space which his eye cannot survey, which the
keenest zeal cannot always explore, and with which, owing to the
constant changes taking place, he can also seldom become properly
acquainted. Certainly the enemy generally is in the same situation;
still, in the first place, the difficulty, although common to both, is not
the less a difficulty, and he who by talent and practice overcomes it
will have a great advantage on his side; secondly, this equality of the
difficulty on both sides is merely an abstract supposition which is
rarely realised in the particular case, as one of the two opponents (the
defensive) usually knows much more of the locality than his adversary.

  This very peculiar difficulty must be overcome by a natural mental
gift of a special kind which is known by the--too restricted--term of
Orisinn sense of locality. It is the power of quickly forming a correct
geometrical idea of any portion of country, and consequently of being
able to find one's place in it exactly at any time. This is plainly an act
of the imagination. The perception no doubt is formed partly by means
of the physical eye, partly by the mind, which fills up what is wanting
with ideas derived from knowledge and experience, and out of the
fragments visible to the physical eye forms a whole; but that this
whole should present itself vividly to the reason, should become a
picture, a mentally drawn map, that this picture should be fixed, that
the details should never again separate themselves--all that can only
be effected by the mental faculty which we call imagination. If some
great poet or painter should feel hurt that we require from his goddess
such an office; if he shrugs his shoulders at the notion that a sharp


                                    75
gamekeeper must necessarily excel in imagination, we readily grant
that we only speak here of imagination in a limited sense, of its service
in a really menial capacity. But, however slight this service, still it
must be the work of that natural gift, for if that gift is wanting, it
would be difficult to imagine things plainly in all the completeness of
the visible. That a good memory is a great assistance we freely allow,
but whether memory is to be considered as an independent faculty of
the mind in this case, or whether it is just that power of imagination
which here fixes these things better on the memory, we leave
undecided, as in many respects it seems difficult upon the whole to
conceive these two mental powers apart from each other.

  That practice and mental acuteness have much to do with it is not to
be denied. Puysegur, the celebrated Quartermaster-General of the
famous Luxemburg, used to say that he had very little confidence in
himself in this respect at first, because if he had to fetch the parole
from a distance he always lost his way.

  It is natural that scope for the exercise of this talent should increase
along with rank. If the hussar and rifleman in command of a patrol
must know well all the highways and byways, and if for that a few
marks, a few limited powers of observation, are sufficient, the Chief of
an Army must make himself familiar with the general geographical
features of a province and of a country; must always have vividly
before his eyes the direction of the roads, rivers, and hills, without at
the same time being able to dispense with the narrower "sense of
locality" Orisinn. No doubt, information of various kinds as to objects
in general, maps, books, memoirs, and for details the assistance of his
Staff, are a great help to him; but it is nevertheless certain that if he
has himself a talent for forming an ideal picture of a country quickly
and distinctly, it lends to his action an easier and firmer step, saves
him from a certain mental helplessness, and makes him less
dependent on others.

  If this talent then is to be ascribed to imagination, it is also almost
the only service which military activity requires from that erratic
goddess, whose influence is more hurtful than useful in other respects.

  We think we have now passed in review those manifestations of the
powers of mind and soul which military activity requires from human
nature. Everywhere intellect appears as an essential co-operative
force; and thus we can understand how the work of War, although so
plain and simple in its effects, can never be conducted with



                                    76
distinguished success by people without distinguished powers of the
understanding.

  When we have reached this view, then we need no longer look upon
such a natural idea as the turning an enemy's position, which has been
done a thousand times, and a hundred other similar conceptions, as
the result of a great effort of genius.

  Certainly one is accustomed to regard the plain honest soldier as the
very opposite of the man of reflection, full of inventions and ideas, or
of the brilliant spirit shining in the ornaments of refined education of
every kind. This antithesis is also by no means devoid of truth; but it
does not show that the efficiency of the soldier consists only in his
courage, and that there is no particular energy and capacity of the
brain required in addition to make a man merely what is called a true
soldier. We must again repeat that there is nothing more common
than to hear of men losing their energy on being raised to a higher
position, to which they do not feel themselves equal; but we must also
remind our readers that we are speaking of pre-eminent services, of
such as give renown in the branch of activity to which they belong.
Each grade of command in War therefore forms its own stratum of
requisite capacity of fame and honour.

  An immense space lies between a General--that is, one at the head
of a whole War, or of a theatre of War--and his Second in Command,
for the simple reason that the latter is in more immediate
subordination to a superior authority and supervision, consequently is
restricted to a more limited sphere of independent thought. This is why
common opinion sees no room for the exercise of high talent except in
high places, and looks upon an ordinary capacity as sufficient for all
beneath: this is why people are rather inclined to look upon a
subordinate General grown grey in the service, and in whom constant
discharge of routine duties has produced a decided poverty of mind, as
a man of failing intellect, and, with all respect for his bravery, to laugh
at his simplicity. It is not our object to gain for these brave men a
better lot--that would contribute nothing to their efficiency, and little
to their happiness; we only wish to represent things as they are, and
to expose the error of believing that a mere bravo without intellect can
make himself distinguished in War.

  As we consider distinguished talents requisite for those who are to
attain distinction, even in inferior positions, it naturally follows that we
think highly of those who fill with renown the place of Second in
Command of an Army; and their seeming simplicity of character as


                                     77
compared with a polyhistor, with ready men of business, or with
councillors of state, must not lead us astray as to the superior nature
of their intellectual activity. It happens sometimes that men import the
fame gained in an inferior position into a higher one, without in reality
deserving it in the new position; and then if they are not much
employed, and therefore not much exposed to the risk of showing their
weak points, the judgment does not distinguish very exactly what
degree of fame is really due to them; and thus such men are often the
occasion of too low an estimate being formed of the characteristics
required to shine in certain situations.

 For each station, from the lowest upwards, to render distinguished
services in War, there must be a particular genius. But the title of
genius, history and the judgment of posterity only confer, in general,
on those minds which have shone in the highest rank, that of
Commanders- in-Chief. The reason is that here, in point of fact, the
demand on the reasoning and intellectual powers generally is much
greater.

  To conduct a whole War, or its great acts, which we call campaigns,
to a successful termination, there must be an intimate knowledge of
State policy in its higher relations. The conduct of the War and the
policy of the State here coincide, and the General becomes at the
same time the Statesman.

  We do not give Charles XII. the name of a great genius, because he
could not make the power of his sword subservient to a higher
judgment and philosophy--could not attain by it to a glorious object.
We do not give that title to Henry IV. (of France), because he did not
live long enough to set at rest the relations of different States by his
military activity, and to occupy himself in that higher field where noble
feelings and a chivalrous disposition have less to do in mastering the
enemy than in overcoming internal dissension.

  In order that the reader may appreciate all that must be
comprehended and judged of correctly at a glance by a General, we
refer to the first chapter. We say the General becomes a Statesman,
but he must not cease to be the General. He takes into view all the
relations of the State on the one hand; on the other, he must know
exactly what he can do with the means at his disposal.

  As the diversity, and undefined limits, of all the circumstances bring
a great number of factors into consideration in War, as the most of
these factors can only be estimated according to probability, therefore,


                                    78
if the Chief of an Army does not bring to bear upon them a mind with
an intuitive perception of the truth, a confusion of ideas and views
must take place, in the midst of which the judgment will become
bewildered. In this sense, Buonaparte was right when he said that
many of the questions which come before a General for decision would
make problems for a mathematical calculation not unworthy of the
powers of Newton or Euler.

  What is here required from the higher powers of the mind is a sense
of unity, and a judgment raised to such a compass as to give the mind
an extraordinary faculty of vision which in its range allays and sets
aside a thousand dim notions which an ordinary understanding could
only bring to light with great effort, and over which it would exhaust
itself. But this higher activity of the mind, this glance of genius, would
still not become matter of history if the qualities of temperament and
character of which we have treated did not give it their support.

  Truth alone is but a weak motive of action with men, and hence
there is always a great difference between knowing and action,
between science and art. The man receives the strongest impulse to
action through the feelings, and the most powerful succour, if we may
use the expression, through those faculties of heart and mind which
we have considered under the terms of resolution, firmness,
perseverance, and force of character.

  If, however, this elevated condition of heart and mind in the General
did not manifest itself in the general effects resulting from it, and
could only be accepted on trust and faith, then it would rarely become
matter of history.

  All that becomes known of the course of events in War is usually very
simple, and has a great sameness in appearance; no one on the mere
relation of such events perceives the difficulties connected with them
which had to be overcome. It is only now and again, in the memoirs of
Generals or of those in their confidence, or by reason of some special
historical inquiry directed to a particular circumstance, that a portion
of the many threads composing the whole web is brought to light. The
reflections, mental doubts, and conflicts which precede the execution
of great acts are purposely concealed because they affect political
interests, or the recollection of them is accidentally lost because they
have been looked upon as mere scaffolding which had to be removed
on the completion of the building.




                                    79
  If, now, in conclusion, without venturing upon a closer definition of
the higher powers of the soul, we should admit a distinction in the
intelligent faculties themselves according to the common ideas
established by language, and ask ourselves what kind of mind comes
closest to military genius, then a look at the subject as well as at
experience will tell us that searching rather than inventive minds,
comprehensive minds rather than such as have a special bent, cool
rather than fiery heads, are those to which in time of War we should
prefer to trust the welfare of our women and children, the honour and
the safety of our fatherland.




                                   80
            CHAPTER IV. OF DANGER IN WAR

  USUALLY before we have learnt what danger really is, we form an
idea of it which is rather attractive than repulsive. In the intoxication
of enthusiasm, to fall upon the enemy at the charge--who cares then
about bullets and men falling? To throw oneself, blinded by excitement
for a moment, against cold death, uncertain whether we or another
shall escape him, and all this close to the golden gate of victory, close
to the rich fruit which ambition thirsts for--can this be difficult? It will
not be difficult, and still less will it appear so. But such moments,
which, however, are not the work of a single pulse-beat, as is
supposed, but rather like doctors' draughts, must be taken diluted and
spoilt by mixture with time--such moments, we say, are but few.

  Let us accompany the novice to the battle-field. As we approach, the
thunder of the cannon becoming plainer and plainer is soon followed
by the howling of shot, which attracts the attention of the
inexperienced. Balls begin to strike the ground close to us, before and
behind. We hasten to the hill where stands the General and his
numerous Staff. Here the close striking of the cannon balls and the
bursting of shells is so frequent that the seriousness of life makes itself
visible through the youthful picture of imagination. Suddenly some one
known to us falls--a shell strikes amongst the crowd and causes some
involuntary movements--we begin to feel that we are no longer
perfectly at ease and collected; even the bravest is at least to some
degree confused. Now, a step farther into the battle which is raging
before us like a scene in a theatre, we get to the nearest General of
Division; here ball follows ball, and the noise of our own guns
increases the confusion. From the General of Division to the Brigadier.
He, a man of acknowledged bravery, keeps carefully behind a rising
ground, a house, or a tree--a sure sign of increasing danger. Grape
rattles on the roofs of the houses and in the fields; cannon balls howl
over us, and plough the air in all directions, and soon there is a
frequent whistling of musket balls. A step farther towards the troops,
to that sturdy infantry which for hours has maintained its firmness
under this heavy fire; here the air is filled with the hissing of balls
which announce their proximity by a short sharp noise as they pass
within an inch of the ear, the head, or the breast.

  To add to all this, compassion strikes the beating heart with pity at
the sight of the maimed and fallen. The young soldier cannot reach
any of these different strata of danger without feeling that the light of
reason does not move here in the same medium, that it is not



                                     81
refracted in the same manner as in speculative contemplation. Indeed,
he must be a very extraordinary man who, under these impressions
for the first time, does not lose the power of making any instantaneous
decisions. It is true that habit soon blunts such impressions; in half in
hour we begin to be more or less indifferent to all that is going on
around us: but an ordinary character never attains to complete
coolness and the natural elasticity of mind; and so we perceive that
here again ordinary qualities will not suffice--a thing which gains truth,
the wider the sphere of activity which is to be filled. Enthusiastic,
stoical, natural bravery, great ambition, or also long familiarity with
danger--much of all this there must be if all the effects produced in
this resistant medium are not to fall far short of that which in the
student's chamber may appear only the ordinary standard.

 Danger in War belongs to its friction; a correct idea of its influence is
necessary for truth of perception, and therefore it is brought under
notice here.




                                    82
    CHAPTER V. OF BODILY EXERTION IN WAR

  IF no one were allowed to pass an opinion on the events of War,
except at a moment when he is benumbed by frost, sinking from heat
and thirst, or dying with hunger and fatigue, we should certainly have
fewer judgments correct objectively; but they would be so,
SUBJECTIVELY, at least; that is, they would contain in themselves the
exact relation between the person giving the judgment and the object.
We can perceive this by observing how modestly subdued, even
spiritless and desponding, is the opinion passed upon the results of
untoward events by those who have been eye-witnesses, but
especially if they have been parties concerned. This is, according to
our view, a criterion of the influence which bodily fatigue exercises,
and of the allowance to be made for it in matters of opinion.

  Amongst the many things in War for which no tariff can be fixed,
bodily effort may be specially reckoned. Provided there is no waste, it
is a coefficient of all the forces, and no one can tell exactly to what
extent it may be carried. But what is remarkable is, that just as only a
strong arm enables the archer to stretch the bowstring to the utmost
extent, so also in War it is only by means of a great directing spirit
that we can expect the full power latent in the troops to be developed.
For it is one thing if an Army, in consequence of great misfortunes,
surrounded with danger, falls all to pieces like a wall that has been
thrown down, and can only find safety in the utmost exertion of its
bodily strength; it is another thing entirely when a victorious Army,
drawn on by proud feelings only, is conducted at the will of its Chief.
The same effort which in the one case might at most excite our pity
must in the other call forth our admiration, because it is much more
difficult to sustain.

 By this comes to light for the inexperienced eye one of those things
which put fetters in the dark, as it were, on the action of the mind,
and wear out in secret the powers of the soul.

  Although here the question is strictly only respecting the extreme
effort required by a Commander from his Army, by a leader from his
followers, therefore of the spirit to demand it and of the art of getting
it, still the personal physical exertion of Generals and of the Chief
Commander must not be overlooked. Having brought the analysis of
War conscientiously up to this point, we could not but take account
also of the weight of this small remaining residue.




                                    83
  We have spoken here of bodily effort, chiefly because, like danger, it
belongs to the fundamental causes of friction, and because its
indefinite quantity makes it like an elastic body, the friction of which is
well known to be difficult to calculate.

  To check the abuse of these considerations, of such a survey of
things which aggravate the difficulties of War, nature has given our
judgment a guide in our sensibilities. just as an individual cannot with
advantage refer to his personal deficiencies if he is insulted and ill-
treated, but may well do so if he has successfully repelled the affront,
or has fully revenged it, so no Commander or Army will lessen the
impression of a disgraceful defeat by depicting the danger, the
distress, the exertions, things which would immensely enhance the
glory of a victory. Thus our feeling, which after all is only a higher kind
of judgment, forbids us to do what seems an act of justice to which
our judgment would be inclined.




                                    84
         CHAPTER VI. INFORMATION IN WAR

  By the word "information" we denote all the knowledge which we
have of the enemy and his country; therefore, in fact, the foundation
of all our ideas and actions. Let us just consider the nature of this
foundation, its want of trustworthiness, its changefulness, and we shall
soon feel what a dangerous edifice War is, how easily it may fall to
pieces and bury us in its ruins. For although it is a maxim in all books
that we should trust only certain information, that we must be always
suspicious, that is only a miserable book comfort, belonging to that
description of knowledge in which writers of systems and
compendiums take refuge for want of anything better to say.

  Great part of the information obtained in War is contradictory, a still
greater part is false, and by far the greatest part is of a doubtful
character. What is required of an officer is a certain power of
discrimination, which only knowledge of men and things and good
judgment can give. The law of probability must be his guide. This is
not a trifling difficulty even in respect of the first plans, which can be
formed in the chamber outside the real sphere of War, but it is
enormously increased when in the thick of War itself one report follows
hard upon the heels of another; it is then fortunate if these reports in
contradicting each other show a certain balance of probability, and
thus themselves call forth a scrutiny. It is much worse for the
inexperienced when accident does not render him this service, but one
report supports another, confirms it, magnifies it, finishes off the
picture with fresh touches of colour, until necessity in urgent haste
forces from us a resolution which will soon be discovered to be folly, all
those reports having been lies, exaggerations, errors, &c. &c. In a few
words, most reports are false, and the timidity of men acts as a
multiplier of lies and untruths. As a general rule, every one is more
inclined to lend credence to the bad than the good. Every one is
inclined to magnify the bad in some measure, and although the alarms
which are thus propagated like the waves of the sea subside into
themselves, still, like them, without any apparent cause they rise
again. Firm in reliance on his own better convictions, the Chief must
stand like a rock against which the sea breaks its fury in vain. The role
is not easy; he who is not by nature of a buoyant disposition, or
trained by experience in War, and matured in judgment, may let it be
his rule to do violence to his own natural conviction by inclining from
the side of fear to that of hope; only by that means will he be able to
preserve his balance. This difficulty of seeing things correctly, which is
one of the greatest sources of friction in War, makes things appear



                                    85
quite different from what was expected. The impression of the senses
is stronger than the force of the ideas resulting from methodical
reflection, and this goes so far that no important undertaking was ever
yet carried out without the Commander having to subdue new doubts
in himself at the time of commencing the execution of his work.
Ordinary men who follow the suggestions of others become, therefore,
generally undecided on the spot; they think that they have found
circumstances different from what they had expected, and this view
gains strength by their again yielding to the suggestions of others. But
even the man who has made his own plans, when he comes to see
things with his own eyes will often think he has done wrong. Firm
reliance on self must make him proof against the seeming pressure of
the moment; his first conviction will in the end prove true, when the
foreground scenery which fate has pushed on to the stage of War, with
its accompaniments of terrific objects, is drawn aside and the horizon
extended. This is one of the great chasms which separate
CONCEPTION from EXECUTION.




                                   86
            CHAPTER VII. FRICTION IN WAR

  As long as we have no personal knowledge of War, we cannot
conceive where those difficulties lie of which so much is said, and what
that genius and those extraordinary mental powers required in a
General have really to do. All appears so simple, all the requisite
branches of knowledge appear so plain, all the combinations so
unimportant, that in comparison with them the easiest problem in
higher mathematics impresses us with a certain scientific dignity. But
if we have seen War, all becomes intelligible; and still, after all, it is
extremely difficult to describe what it is which brings about this
change, to specify this invisible and completely efficient factor.

  Everything is very simple in War, but the simplest thing is difficult.
These difficulties accumulate and produce a friction which no man can
imagine exactly who has not seen War, Suppose now a traveller, who
towards evening expects to accomplish the two stages at the end of
his day's journey, four or five leagues, with post-horses, on the high
road--it is nothing. He arrives now at the last station but one, finds no
horses, or very bad ones; then a hilly country, bad roads; it is a dark
night, and he is glad when, after a great deal of trouble, he reaches
the next station, and finds there some miserable accommodation. So
in War, through the influence of an infinity of petty circumstances,
which cannot properly be described on paper, things disappoint us,
and we fall short of the mark. A powerful iron will overcomes this
friction; it crushes the obstacles, but certainly the machine along with
them. We shall often meet with this result. Like an obelisk towards
which the principal streets of a town converge, the strong will of a
proud spirit stands prominent and commanding in the middle of the
Art of War.

  Friction is the only conception which in a general way corresponds to
that which distinguishes real War from War on paper. The military
machine, the Army and all belonging to it, is in fact simple, and
appears on this account easy to manage. But let us reflect that no part
of it is in one piece, that it is composed entirely of individuals, each of
which keeps up its own friction in all directions. Theoretically all
sounds very well: the commander of a battalion is responsible for the
execution of the order given; and as the battalion by its discipline is
glued together into one piece, and the chief must be a man of
acknowledged zeal, the beam turns on an iron pin with little friction.
But it is not so in reality, and all that is exaggerated and false in such
a conception manifests itself at once in War. The battalion always



                                    87
remains composed of a number of men, of whom, if chance so wills,
the most insignificant is able to occasion delay and even irregularity.
The danger which War brings with it, the bodily exertions which it
requires, augment this evil so much that they may be regarded as the
greatest causes of it.

  This enormous friction, which is not concentrated, as in mechanics,
at a few points, is therefore everywhere brought into contact with
chance, and thus incidents take place upon which it was impossible to
calculate, their chief origin being chance. As an instance of one such
chancethe weather. Here the fog prevents the enemy from being
discovered in time, a battery from firing at the right moment, a report
from reaching the General; there the rain prevents a battalion from
arriving at the right time, because instead of for three it had to march
perhaps eight hours; the cavalry from charging effectively because it is
stuck fast in heavy ground.

  These are only a few incidents of detail by way of elucidation, that
the reader may be able to follow the author, for whole volumes might
be written on these difficulties. To avoid this, and still to give a clear
conception of the host of small difficulties to be contended with in War,
we might go on heaping up illustrations, if we were not afraid of being
tiresome. But those who have already comprehended us will permit us
to add a few more.

  Activity in War is movement in a resistant medium. Just as a man
immersed in water is unable to perform with ease and regularity the
most natural and simplest movement, that of walking, so in War, with
ordinary powers, one cannot keep even the line of mediocrity. This is
the reason that the correct theorist is like a swimming master, who
teaches on dry land movements which are required in the water, which
must appear grotesque and ludicrous to those who forget about the
water. This is also why theorists, who have never plunged in
themselves, or who cannot deduce any generalities from their
experience, are unpractical and even absurd, because they only teach
what every one knows--how to walk.

  Further, every War is rich in particular facts, while at the same time
each is an unexplored sea, full of rocks which the General may have a
suspicion of, but which he has never seen with his eye, and round
which, moreover, he must steer in the night. If a contrary wind also
springs up, that is, if any great accidental event declares itself adverse
to him, then the most consummate skill, presence of mind, and energy
are required, whilst to those who only look on from a distance all


                                    88
seems to proceed with the utmost ease. The knowledge of this friction
is a chief part of that so often talked of, experience in War, which is
required in a good General. Certainly he is not the best General in
whose mind it assumes the greatest dimensions, who is the most
over-awed by it (this includes that class of over-anxious Generals, of
whom there are so many amongst the experienced); but a General
must be aware of it that he may overcome it, where that is possible,
and that he may not expect a degree of precision in results which is
impossible on account of this very friction. Besides, it can never be
learnt theoretically; and if it could, there would still be wanting that
experience of judgment which is called tact, and which is always more
necessary in a field full of innumerable small and diversified objects
than in great and decisive cases, when one's own judgment may be
aided by consultation with others. Just as the man of the world,
through tact of judgment which has become habit, speaks, acts, and
moves only as suits the occasion, so the officer experienced in War will
always, in great and small matters, at every pulsation of War as we
may say, decide and determine suitably to the occasion. Through this
experience and practice the idea comes to his mind of itself that so
and so will not suit. And thus he will not easily place himself in a
position by which he is compromised, which, if it often occurs in War,
shakes all the foundations of confidence and becomes extremely
dangerous.

  It is therefore this friction, or what is so termed here, which makes
that which appears easy in War difficult in reality. As we proceed, we
shall often meet with this subject again, and it will hereafter become
plain that besides experience and a strong will, there are still many
other rare qualities of the mind required to make a man a
consummate General.




                                   89
 CHAPTER VIII. CONCLUDING REMARKS, BOOK I

  THOSE things which as elements meet together in the atmosphere of
War and make it a resistant medium for every activity we have
designated under the terms danger, bodily effort (exertion),
information, and friction. In their impedient effects they may therefore
be comprehended again in the collective notion of a general friction.
Now is there, then, no kind of oil which is capable of diminishing this
friction? Only one, and that one is not always available at the will of
the Commander or his Army. It is the habituation of an Army to War.

  Habit gives strength to the body in great exertion, to the mind in
great danger, to the judgment against first impressions. By it a
valuable circumspection is generally gained throughout every rank,
from the hussar and rifleman up to the General of Division, which
facilitates the work of the Chief Commander.

  As the human eye in a dark room dilates its pupil, draws in the little
light that there is, partially distinguishes objects by degrees, and at
last knows them quite well, so it is in War with the experienced soldier,
whilst the novice is only met by pitch dark night.

  Habituation to War no General can give his Army at once, and the
camps of manoeuvre (peace exercises) furnish but a weak substitute
for it, weak in comparison with real experience in War, but not weak in
relation to other Armies in which the training is limited to mere
mechanical exercises of routine. So to regulate the exercises in peace
time as to include some of these causes of friction, that the judgment,
circumspection, even resolution of the separate leaders may be
brought into exercise, is of much greater consequence than those
believe who do not know the thing by experience. It is of immense
importance that the soldier, high or low, whatever rank he has, should
not have to encounter in War those things which, when seen for the
first time, set him in astonishment and perplexity; if he has only met
with them one single time before, even by that he is half acquainted
with them. This relates even to bodily fatigues. They should be
practised less to accustom the body to them than the mind. In War the
young soldier is very apt to regard unusual fatigues as the
consequence of faults, mistakes, and embarrassment in the conduct of
the whole, and to become distressed and despondent as a
consequence. This would not happen if he had been prepared for this
beforehand by exercises in peace.




                                    90
  Another less comprehensive but still very important means of gaining
habituation to War in time of peace is to invite into the service officers
of foreign armies who have had experience in War. Peace seldom
reigns over all Europe, and never in all quarters of the world. A State
which has been long at peace should, therefore, always seek to
procure some officers who have done good service at the different
scenes of Warfare, or to send there some of its own, that they may get
a lesson in War.

  However small the number of officers of this description may appear
in proportion to the mass, still their influence is very sensibly felt.6
Their experience, the bent of their genius, the stamp of their
character, influence their subordinates and comrades; and besides
that, if they cannot be placed in positions of superior command, they
may always be regarded as men acquainted with the country, who
may be questioned on many special occasions.




  6
     The War of 1870 furnishes a marked illustration. Von Moltke and von Goeben, not to mention many
others, had both seen service in this manner, the former in Turkey and Syria, the latter in Spain—EDITOR.


                                                   91
        BOOK II. ON THE THEORY OF WAR
   CHAPTER I. BRANCHES OF THE ART OF WAR

  WAR in its literal meaning is fighting, for fighting alone is the efficient
principle in the manifold activity which in a wide sense is called War.
But fighting is a trial of strength of the moral and physical forces by
means of the latter. That the moral cannot be omitted is evident of
itself, for the condition of the mind has always the most decisive
influence on the forces employed in War.

  The necessity of fighting very soon led men to special inventions to
turn the advantage in it in their own favour: in consequence of these
the mode of fighting has undergone great alterations; but in whatever
way it is conducted its conception remains unaltered, and fighting is
that which constitutes War.

  The inventions have been from the first weapons and equipments for
the individual combatants. These have to be provided and the use of
them learnt before the War begins. They are made suitable to the
nature of the fighting, consequently are ruled by it; but plainly the
activity engaged in these appliances is a different thing from the fight
itself; it is only the preparation for the combat, not the conduct of the
same. That arming and equipping are not essential to the conception
of fighting is plain, because mere wrestling is also fighting.

  Fighting has determined everything appertaining to arms and
equipment, and these in turn modify the mode of fighting; there is,
therefore, a reciprocity of action between the two.

 Nevertheless, the fight itself remains still an entirely special activity,
more particularly because it moves in an entirely special element,
namely, in the element of danger.

  If, then, there is anywhere a necessity for drawing a line between
two different activities, it is here; and in order to see clearly the
importance of this idea, we need only just to call to mind how often
eminent personal fitness in one field has turned out nothing but the
most useless pedantry in the other.

  It is also in no way difficult to separate in idea the one activity from
the other, if we look at the combatant forces fully armed and equipped



                                     92
as a given means, the profitable use of which requires nothing more
than a knowledge of their general results.

  The Art of War is therefore, in its proper sense, the art of making use
of the given means in fighting, and we cannot give it a better name
than the "Conduct of War." On the other hand, in a wider sense all
activities which have their existence on account of War, therefore the
whole creation of troops, that is levying them, arming, equipping, and
exercising them, belong to the Art of War.

  To make a sound theory it is most essential to separate these two
activities, for it is easy to see that if every act of War is to begin with
the preparation of military forces, and to presuppose forces so
organised as a primary condition for conducting War, that theory will
only be applicable in the few cases to which the force available
happens to be exactly suited. If, on the other hand, we wish to have a
theory which shall suit most cases, and will not be wholly useless in
any case, it must be founded on those means which are in most
general use, and in respect to these only on the actual results
springing from them.

  The conduct of War is, therefore, the formation and conduct of the
fighting. If this fighting was a single act, there would be no necessity
for any further subdivision, but the fight is composed of a greater or
less number of single acts, complete in themselves, which we call
combats, as we have shown in the first chapter of the first book, and
which form new units. From this arises the totally different activities,
that of the FORMATION and CONDUCT of these single combats in
themselves, and the COMBINATION of them with one another, with a
view to the ultimate object of the War. The first is called TACTICS, the
other STRATEGY.

  This division into tactics and strategy is now in almost general use,
and every one knows tolerably well under which head to place any
single fact, without knowing very distinctly the grounds on which the
classification is founded. But when such divisions are blindly adhered
to in practice, they must have some deep root. We have searched for
this root, and we might say that it is just the usage of the majority
which has brought us to it. On the other hand, we look upon the
arbitrary, unnatural definitions of these conceptions sought to be
established by some writers as not in accordance with the general
usage of the terms.




                                    93
 According to our classification, therefore, tactics IS THE THEORY OF
THE USE OF MILITARY FORCES IN COMBAT. Strategy IS THE THEORY
OF THE USE OF COMBATS FOR THE OBJECT OF THE WAR.

  The way in which the conception of a single, or independent combat,
is more closely determined, the conditions to which this unit is
attached, we shall only be able to explain clearly when we consider the
combat; we must content ourselves for the present with saying that in
relation to space, therefore in combats taking place at the same time,
the unit reaches just as far as PERSONAL COMMAND reaches; but in
regard to time, and therefore in relation to combats which follow each
other in close succession, it reaches to the moment when the crisis
which takes place in every combat is entirely passed.

  That doubtful cases may occur, cases, for instance, in which several
combats may perhaps be regarded also as a single one, will not
overthrow the ground of distinction we have adopted, for the same is
the case with all grounds of distinction of real things which are
differentiated by a gradually diminishing scale. There may, therefore,
certainly be acts of activity in War which, without any alteration in the
point of view, may just as well be counted strategic as tactical; for
example, very extended positions resembling a chain of posts, the
preparations for the passage of a river at several points, &c.

  Our classification reaches and covers only the USE OF THE MILITARY
FORCE. But now there are in War a number of activities which are
subservient to it, and still are quite different from it; sometimes
closely allied, sometimes less near in their affinity. All these activities
relate to the MAINTENANCE OF THE MILITARY FORCE. In the same
way as its creation and training precede its use, so its maintenance is
always a necessary condition. But, strictly viewed, all activities thus
connected with it are always to be regarded only as preparations for
fighting; they are certainly nothing more than activities which are very
close to the action, so that they run through the hostile act alternate in
importance with the use of the forces. We have therefore a right to
exclude them as well as the other preparatory activities from the Art of
War in its restricted sense, from the conduct of War properly so called;
and we are obliged to do so if we would comply with the first principle
of all theory, the elimination of all heterogeneous elements. Who
would include in the real "conduct of War" the whole litany of
subsistence and administration, because it is admitted to stand in
constant reciprocal action with the use of the troops, but is something
essentially different from it?



                                    94
 We have said, in the third chapter of our first book, that as the fight
or combat is the only directly effective activity, therefore the threads
of all others, as they end in it, are included in it. By this we meant to
say that to all others an object was thereby appointed which, in
accordance with the laws peculiar to themselves, they must seek to
attain. Here we must go a little closer into this subject.

 The subjects which constitute the activities outside of the combat are
of various kinds.

  The one part belongs, in one respect, to the combat itself, is identical
with it, whilst it serves in another respect for the maintenance of the
military force. The other part belongs purely to the subsistence, and
has only, in consequence of the reciprocal action, a limited influence
on the combats by its results. The subjects which in one respect
belong to the fighting itself are MARCHES, CAMPS, and
CANTONMENTS, for they suppose so many different situations of
troops, and where troops are supposed there the idea of the combat
must always be present.

 The other subjects, which only belong to the maintenance, are
SUBSISTENCE, CARE OF THE SICK, the SUPPLY AND REPAIR OF ARMS
AND EQUIPMENT.

 Marches are quite identical with the use of the troops. The act of
marching in the combat, generally called manoeuvring, certainly does
not necessarily include the use of weapons, but it is so completely and
necessarily combined with it that it forms an integral part of that which
we call a combat. But the march outside the combat is nothing but the
execution of a strategic measure. By the strategic plan is settled
WHEN, WHERE, and WITH WHAT FORCES a battle is to be delivered--
and to carry that into execution the march is the only means.

  The march outside of the combat is therefore an instrument of
strategy, but not on that account exclusively a subject of strategy, for
as the armed force which executes it may be involved in a possible
combat at any moment, therefore its execution stands also under
tactical as well as strategic rules. If we prescribe to a column its route
on a particular side of a river or of a branch of a mountain, then that is
a strategic measure, for it contains the intention of fighting on that
particular side of the hill or river in preference to the other, in case a
combat should be necessary during the march.




                                    95
  But if a column, instead of following the road through a valley,
marches along the parallel ridge of heights, or for the convenience of
marching divides itself into several columns, then these are tactical
arrangements, for they relate to the manner in which we shall use the
troops in the anticipated combat.

  The particular order of march is in constant relation with readiness
for combat, is therefore tactical in its nature, for it is nothing more
than the first or preliminary disposition for the battle which may
possibly take place.

  As the march is the instrument by which strategy apportions its
active elements, the combats, but these last often only appear by their
results and not in the details of their real course, it could not fail to
happen that in theory the instrument has often been substituted for
the efficient principle. Thus we hear of a decisive skilful march, allusion
being thereby made to those combat- combinations to which these
marches led. This substitution of ideas is too natural and conciseness
of expression too desirable to call for alteration, but still it is only a
condensed chain of ideas in regard to which we must never omit to
bear in mind the full meaning, if we would avoid falling into error.

  We fall into an error of this description if we attribute to strategical
combinations a power independent of tactical results. We read of
marches and manoeuvres combined, the object attained, and at the
same time not a word about combat, from which the conclusion is
drawn that there are means in War of conquering an enemy without
fighting. The prolific nature of this error we cannot show until
hereafter.

  But although a march can be regarded absolutely as an integral part
of the combat, still there are in it certain relations which do not belong
to the combat, and therefore are neither tactical nor strategic. To
these belong all arrangements which concern only the accommodation
of the troops, the construction of bridges, roads, &c. These are only
conditions; under many circumstances they are in very close
connection, and may almost identify themselves with the troops, as in
building a bridge in presence of the enemy; but in themselves they are
always activities, the theory of which does not form part of the theory
of the conduct of War.

 Camps, by which we mean every disposition of troops in
concentrated, therefore in battle order, in contradistinction to
cantonments or quarters, are a state of rest, therefore of restoration;


                                    96
but they are at the same time also the strategic appointment of a
battle on the spot, chosen; and by the manner in which they are taken
up they contain the fundamental lines of the battle, a condition from
which every defensive battle starts; they are therefore essential parts
of both strategy and tactics.

  Cantonments take the place of camps for the better refreshment of
the troops. They are therefore, like camps, strategic subjects as
regards position and extent; tactical subjects as regards internal
organisation, with a view to readiness to fight.

  The occupation of camps and cantonments no doubt usually
combines with the recuperation of the troops another object also, for
example, the covering a district of country, the holding a position; but
it can very well be only the first. We remind our readers that strategy
may follow a great diversity of objects, for everything which appears
an advantage may be the object of a combat, and the preservation of
the instrument with which War is made must necessarily very often
become the object of its partial combinations.

  If, therefore, in such a case strategy ministers only to the
maintenance of the troops, we are not on that account out of the field
of strategy, for we are still engaged with the use of the military force,
because every disposition of that force upon any point Whatever of the
theatre of War is such a use.

  But if the maintenance of the troops in camp or quarters calls forth
activities which are no employment of the armed force, such as the
construction of huts, pitching of tents, subsistence and sanitary
services in camps or quarters, then such belong neither to strategy nor
tactics.

  Even entrenchments, the site and preparation of which are plainly
part of the order of battle, therefore tactical subjects, do not belong to
the theory of the conduct of War so far as respects the execution of
their construction the knowledge and skill required for such work
being, in point of fact, qualities inherent in the nature of an organised
Army; the theory of the combat takes them for granted.

  Amongst the subjects which belong to the mere keeping up of an
armed force, because none of the parts are identified with the combat,
the victualling of the troops themselves comes first, as it must be done
almost daily and for each individual. Thus it is that it completely
permeates military action in the parts constituting strategy--we say


                                    97
parts constituting strategy, because during a battle the subsistence of
troops will rarely have any influence in modifying the plan, although
the thing is conceivable enough. The care for the subsistence of the
troops comes therefore into reciprocal action chiefly with strategy, and
there is nothing more common than for the leading strategic features
of a campaign and War to be traced out in connection with a view to
this supply. But however frequent and however important these views
of supply may be, the subsistence of the troops always remains a
completely different activity from the use of the troops, and the former
has only an influence on the latter by its results.

 The other branches of administrative activity which we have
mentioned stand much farther apart from the use of the troops. The
care of sick and wounded, highly important as it is for the good of an
Army, directly affects it only in a small portion of the individuals
composing it, and therefore has only a weak and indirect influence
upon the use of the rest. The completing and replacing articles of arms
and equipment, except so far as by the organism of the forces it
constitutes a continuous activity inherent in them--takes place only
periodically, and therefore seldom affects strategic plans.

  We must, however, here guard ourselves against a mistake. In
certain cases these subjects may be really of decisive importance. The
distance of hospitals and depo^ts of munitions may very easily be
imagined as the sole cause of very important strategic decisions. We
do not wish either to contest that point or to throw it into the shade.
But we are at present occupied not with the particular facts of a
concrete case, but with abstract theory; and our assertion therefore is
that such an influence is too rare to give the theory of sanitary
measures and the supply of munitions and arms an importance
intheory of the conduct of War such as to make it worth while to
include in the theory of the conduct of War the consideration of the
different ways and systems which the above theories may furnish, in
the same way as is certainly necessary in regard to victualling troops.

  If we have clearly understood the results of our reflections, then the
activities belonging to War divide themselves into two principal
classes, into such as are only "preparations for War" and into the "War
itself." This division must therefore also be made in theory.

 The knowledge and applications of skill in the preparations for War
are engaged in the creation, discipline, and maintenance of all the
military forces; what general names should be given to them we do
not enter into, but we see that artillery, fortification, elementary


                                   98
tactics, as they are called, the whole organisation and administration
of the various armed forces, and all such things are included. But the
theory of War itself occupies itself with the use of these prepared
means for the object of the war. It needs of the first only the results,
that is, the knowledge of the principal properties of the means taken in
hand for use. This we call "The Art of War" in a limited sense, or
"Theory of the Conduct of War," or "Theory of the Employment of
Armed Forces," all of them denoting for us the same thing.

  The present theory will therefore treat the combat as the real
contest, marches, camps, and cantonments as circumstances which
are more or less identical with it. The subsistence of the troops will
only come into consideration like OTHER GIVEN CIRCUMSTANCES in
respect of its results, not as an activity belonging to the combat.

  The Art of War thus viewed in its limited sense divides itself again
into tactics and strategy. The former occupies itself with the form of
the separate combat, the latter with its use. Both connect themselves
with the circumstances of marches, camps, cantonments only through
the combat, and these circumstances are tactical or strategic
according as they relate to the form or to the signification of the
battle.

  No doubt there will be many readers who will consider superfluous
this careful separation of two things lying so close together as tactics
and strategy, because it has no direct effect on the conduct itself of
War. We admit, certainly that it would be pedantry to look for direct
effects on the field of battle from a theoretical distinction.

  But the first business of every theory is to clear up conceptions and
ideas which have been jumbled together, and, we may say, entangled
and confused; and only when a right understanding is established, as
to names and conceptions, can we hope to progress with clearness and
facility, and be certain that author and reader will always see things
from the same point of view. Tactics and strategy are two activities
mutually permeating each other in time and space, at the same time
essentially different activities, the inner laws and mutual relations of
which cannot be intelligible at all to the mind until a clear conception
of the nature of each activity is established.

 He to whom all this is nothing, must either repudiate all theoretical
consideration, OR HIS UNDERSTANDING HAS NOT AS YET BEEN
PAINED by the confused and perplexing ideas resting on no fixed point
of view, leading to no satisfactory result, sometimes dull, sometimes


                                   99
fantastic, sometimes floating in vague generalities, which we are often
obliged to hear and read on the conduct of War, owing to the spirit of
scientific investigation having hitherto been little directed to these
subjects.




                                  100
        CHAPTER II. ON THE THEORY OF WAR

1. THE FIRST CONCEPTION OF THE "ART OF WAR" WAS MERELY
THE PREPARATION OF THE ARMED FORCES.

  FORMERLY by the term "Art of War," or "Science of War," nothing
was understood but the totality of those branches of knowledge and
those appliances of skill occupied with material things. The pattern and
preparation and the mode of using arms, the construction of
fortifications and entrenchments, the organism of an army and the
mechanism of its movements, were the subjectthese branches of
knowledge and skill above referred to, and the end and aim of them all
was the establishment of an armed force fit for use in War. All this
concerned merely things belonging to the material world and a one-
sided activity only, and it was in fact nothing but an activity advancing
by gradations from the lower occupations to a finer kind of mechanical
art. The relation of all this to War itself was very much the same as
the relation of the art of the sword cutler to the art of using the sword.
The employment in the moment of danger and in a state of constant
reciprocal action of the particular energies of mind and spirit in the
direction proposed to them was not yet even mooted.

2. TRUE WAR FIRST APPEARS IN THE ART OF SIEGES.

  In the art of sieges we first perceive a certain degree of guidance of
the combat, something of the action of the intellectual faculties upon
the material forces placed under their control, but generally only so far
that it very soon embodied itself again in new material forms, such as
approaches, trenches, counter-approaches, batteries, &c., and every
step which this action of the higher faculties took was marked by some
such result; it was only the thread that was required on which to string
these material inventions in order. As the intellect can hardly manifest
itself in this kind of War, except in such things, so therefore nearly all
that was necessary was done in that way.

3. THEN TACTICS TRIED TO FIND ITS WAY IN THE SAME
DIRECTION.

  Afterwards tactics attempted to give to the mechanism of its joints
the character of a general disposition, built upon the peculiar
properties of the instrument, which character leads indeed to the
battle-field, but instead of leading to the free activity of mind, leads to
an Army made like an automaton by its rigid formations and orders of



                                    101
battle, which, movable only by the word of command, is intended to
unwind its activities like a piece of clockwork.

4. THE REAL CONDUCT OF WAR ONLY MADE ITS APPEARANCE
INCIDENTALLY AND INCOGNITO.

  The conduct of War properly so called, that is, a use of the prepared
means adapted to the most special requirements, was not considered
as any suitable subject for theory, but one which should be left to
natural talents alone. By degrees, as War passed from the hand-to-
hand encounters of the middle ages into a more regular and
systematic form, stray reflections on this point also forced themselves
into men's minds, but they mostly appeared only incidentally in
memoirs and narratives, and in a certain measure incognito.

5. REFLECTIONS ON MILITARY EVENTS BROUGHT ABOUT THE
WANT OF A THEORY.

  As contemplation on War continually increased, and its history every
day assumed more of a critical character, the urgent want appeared of
the support of fixed maxims and rules, in order that in the
controversies naturally arising about military events the war of
opinions might be brought to some one point. This whirl of opinions,
which neither revolved on any central pivot nor according to any
appreciable laws, could not but be very distasteful to people's minds.

6. ENDEAVOURS TO ESTABLISH A POSITIVE THEORY.

  There arose, therefore, an endeavour to establish maxims, rules, and
even systems for the conduct of War. By this the attainment of a
positive object was proposed, without taking into view the endless
difficulties which the conduct of War presents in that respect. The
conduct of War, as we have shown, has no definite limits in any
direction, while every system has the circumscribing nature of a
synthesis, from which results an irreconcileable opposition between
such a theory and practice.

7. LIMITATION TO MATERIAL OBJECTS.

  Writers on theory felt the difficulty of the subject soon enough, and
thought themselves entitled to get rid of it by directing their maxims
and systems only upon material things and a one-sided activity. Their
aim was to reach results, as in the science for the preparation for War,



                                  102
entirely certain and positive, and therefore only to take             into
consideration that which could be made matter of calculation.

8. SUPERIORITY OF NUMBERS.

  The superiority in numbers being a material condition, it was chosen
from amongst all the factors required to produce victory, because it
could be brought under mathematical laws through combinations of
time and space. It was thought possible to leave out of sight all other
circumstances, by supposing them to be equal on each side, and
therefore to neutralise one another. This would have been very well if
it had been done to gain a preliminary knowledge of this one factor,
according to its relations, but to make it a rule for ever to consider
superiority of numbers as the sole law; to see the whole secret of the
Art of War in the formula, IN A CERTAIN TIME, AT A CERTAIN POINT,
TO BRING UP SUPERIOR MASSES--was a restriction overruled by the
force of realities.

9. VICTUALLING OF TROOPS.

  By one theoretical school an attempt was made to systematise
another material element also, by making the subsistence of troops,
according to a previously established organism of the Army, the
supreme legislator in the higher conduct of War. In this way certainly
they arrived at definite figures, but at figures which rested on a
number of arbitrary calculations, and which therefore could not stand
the test of practical application.

10. BASE.

  An ingenious author tried to concentrate in a single conception, that
of a BASE, a whole host of objects amongst which sundry relations
even with immaterial forces found their way in as well. The list
comprised the subsistence of the troops, the keeping them complete in
numbers and equipment, the security of communications with the
home country, lastly, the security of retreat in case it became
necessary; and, first of all, he proposed to substitute this conception
of a base for all these things; then for the base itself to substitute its
own length (extent); and, last of all, to substitute the angle formed by
the army with this base: all this was done to obtain a pure geometrical
result utterly useless. This last is, in fact, unavoidable, if we reflect
that none of these substitutions could be made without violating truth
and leaving out some of the things contained in the original
conception. The idea of a base is a real necessity for strategy, and to


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have conceived it is meritorious; but to make such a use of it as we
have depicted is completely inadmissible, and could not but lead to
partial conclusions which have forced these theorists into a direction
opposed to common sense, namely, to a belief in the decisive effect of
the enveloping form of attack.

11. INTERIOR LINES.

  As a reaction against this false direction, another geometrical
principle, that of the so-called interior lines, was then elevated to the
throne. Although this principle rests on a sound foundation, on the
truth that the combat is the only effectual means in War, still it is, just
on account of its purely geometrical nature, nothing but another case
of one-sided theory which can never gain ascendency in the real world.

12. ALL THESE ATTEMPTS ARE OPEN TO OBJECTION.

 All these attempts at theory are only to be considered in their
analytical part as progress in the province of truth, but in their
synthetical part, in their precepts and rules, they are quite
unserviceable.

 They strive after determinate quantities, whilst in War all is
undetermined, and the calculation has always to be made with varying
quantities.

  They direct the attention only upon material forces, while the whole
military action is penetrated throughout by intelligent forces and their
effects.

  They only pay regard to activity on one side, whilst War is a constant
state of reciprocal action, the effects of which are mutual.

13. AS A RULE THEY EXCLUDE GENIUS.

  All that was not attainable by such miserable philosophy, the
offspring of partial views, lay outside the precincts of science--and was
the field of genius, which RAISES ITSELF ABOVE RULES.

  Pity the warrior who is contented to crawl about in this beggardom of
rules, which are too bad for genius, over which it can set itself
superior, over which it can perchance make merry! What genius does
must be the best of all rules, and theory cannot do better than to show
how and why it is so.


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  Pity the theory which sets itself in opposition to the mind! It cannot
repair this contradiction by any humility, and the humbler it is so much
the sooner will ridicule and contempt drive it out of real life.

14. THE DIFFICULTY OF THEORY AS SOON AS MORAL
QUANTITIES COME INTO CONSIDERATION.

  Every theory becomes infinitely more difficult from the moment that
it touches on the province of moral quantities. Architecture and
painting know quite well what they are about as long as they have
only to do with matter; there is no dispute about mechanical or optical
construction. But as soon as the moral activities begin their work, as
soon as moral impressions and feelings are produced, the whole set of
rules dissolves into vague ideas.

 The science of medicine is chiefly engaged with bodily phenomena
only; its business is with the animal organism, which, liable to
perpetual change, is never exactly the same for two moments. This
makes its practice very difficult, and places the judgment of the
physician above his science; but how much more difficult is the case if
a moral effect is added, and how much higher must we place the
physician of the mind?

15. THE MORAL QUANTITIES MUST NOT BE EXCLUDED IN WAR.

  But now the activity in War is never directed solely against matter; it
is always at the same time directed against the intelligent force which
gives life to this matter, and to separate the two from each other is
impossible.

  But the intelligent forces are only visible to the inner eye, and this is
different in each person, and often different in the same person at
different times.

  As danger is the general element in which everything moves in War,
it is also chiefly by courage, the feeling of one's own power, that the
judgment is differently influenced. It is to a certain extent the
crystalline lens through which all appearances pass before reaching
the understanding.

 And yet we cannot doubt that these things acquire a certain objective
value simply through experience.



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  Every one knows the moral effect of a surprise, of an attack in flank
or rear. Every one thinks less of the enemy's courage as soon as he
turns his back, and ventures much more in pursuit than when pursued.
Every one judges of the enemy's General by his reputed talents, by his
age and experience, and shapes his course accordingly. Every one
casts a scrutinising glance at the spirit and feeling of his own and the
enemy's troops. All these and similar effects in the province of the
moral nature of man have established themselves by experience, are
perpetually recurring, and therefore warrant our reckoning them as
real quantities of their kind. What could we do with any theory which
should leave them out of consideration?

 Certainly experience is an indispensable title for these truths. With
psychological and philosophical sophistries no theory, no General,
should meddle.

16. PRINCIPAL DIFFICULTY OF A THEORY FOR THE CONDUCT
OF WAR.

  In order to comprehend clearly the difficulty of the proposition which
is contained in a theory for the conduct of War, and thence to deduce
the necessary characteristics of such a theory, we must take a closer
view of the chief particulars which make up the nature of activity in
War.

17. FIRST SPECIALITY.--MORAL FORCES AND THEIR EFFECTS.
(HOSTILE FEELING.)

 The first of these specialities consists in the moral forces and effects.

  The combat is, in its origin, the expression of HOSTILE FEELING, but
in our great combats, which we call Wars, the hostile feeling frequently
resolves itself into merely a hostile VIEW, and there is usually no
innate hostile feeling residing in individual against individual.
Nevertheless, the combat never passes off without such feelings being
brought into activity. National hatred, which is seldom wanting in our
Wars, is a substitute for personal hostility in the breast of individual
opposed to individual. But where this also is wanting, and at first no
animosity of feeling subsists, a hostile feeling is kindled by the combat
itself; for an act of violence which any one commits upon us by order
of his superior, will excite in us a desire to retaliate and be revenged
on him, sooner than on the superior power at whose command the act
was done. This is human, or animal if we will; still it is so. We are very
apt to regard the combat in theory as an abstract trial of strength,


                                   106
without any participation on the part of the feelings, and that is one of
the thousand errors which theorists deliberately commit, because they
do not see its consequences.

  Besides that excitation of feelings naturally arising from the combat
itself, there are others also which do not essentially belong to it, but
which, on account of their relationship, easily unite with it--ambition,
love of power, enthusiasm of every kind, &c. &c.

18. THE IMPRESSIONS OF DANGER. (COURAGE.)

  Finally, the combat begets the element of danger, in which all the
activities of War must live and move, like the bird in the air or the fish
in the water. But the influences of danger all pass into the feelings,
either directly--that is, instinctively--or through the medium of the
understanding. The effect in the first case would be a desire to escape
from the danger, and, if that cannot be done, fright and anxiety. If this
effect does not take place, then it is COURAGE, which is a counterpoise
to that instinct. Courage is, however, by no means an act of the
understanding, but likewise a feeling, like fear; the latter looks to the
physical preservation, courage to the moral preservation. Courage,
then, is a nobler instinct. But because it is so, it will not allow itself to
be used as a lifeless instrument, which produces its effects exactly
according to prescribed measure. Courage is therefore no mere
counterpoise to danger in order to neutralise the latter in its effects,
but a peculiar power in itself.

19. EXTENT OF THE INFLUENCE OF DANGER.

  But to estimate exactly the influence of danger upon the principal
actors in War, we must not limit its sphere to the physical danger of
the moment. It dominates over the actor, not only by threatening him,
but also by threatening all entrusted to him, not only at the moment in
which it is actually present, but also through the imagination at all
other moments, which have a connection with the present; lastly, not
only directly by itself, but also indirectly by the responsibility which
makes it bear with tenfold weight on the mind of the chief actor. Who
could advise, or resolve upon a great battle, without feeling his mind
more or less wrought up, or perplexed by, the danger and
responsibility which such a great act of decision carries in itself? We
may say that action in War, in so far as it is real action, not a mere
condition, is never out of the sphere of danger.

20. OTHER POWERS OF FEELING.


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  If we look upon these affections which are excited by hostility and
danger as peculiarly belonging to War, we do not, therefore, exclude
from it all others accompanying man in his life's journey. They will also
find room here frequently enough. Certainly we may say that many a
petty action of the passions is silenced in this serious business of life;
but that holds good only in respect to those acting in a lower sphere,
who, hurried on from one state of danger and exertion to another, lose
sight of the rest of the things of life, BECOME UNUSED TO DECEIT,
because it is of no avail with death, and so attain to that soldierly
simplicity of character which has always been the best representative
of the military profession. In higher regions it is otherwise, for the
higher a man's rank, the more he must look around him; then arise
interests on every side, and a manifold activity of the passions of good
and bad. Envy and generosity, pride and humility, fierceness and
tenderness, all may appear as active powers in this great drama.

21. PECULIARITY OF MIND.

  The peculiar characteristics of mind in the chief actor have, as well as
those of the feelings, a high importance. From an imaginative, flighty,
inexperienced head, and from a calm, sagacious understanding,
different things are to be expected.

22. FROM THE DIVERSITY IN MENTAL INDIVIDUALITIES
ARISES THE DIVERSITY OF WAYS LEADING TO THE END.

  It is this great diversity in mental individuality, the influence of which
is to be supposed as chiefly felt in the higher ranks, because it
increases as we progress upwards, which chiefly produces the diversity
of ways leading to the end noticed by us in the first book, and which
gives, to the play of probabilities and chance, such an unequal share in
determining the course of events.

23. SECOND PECULIARITY.--LIVING REACTION.

  The second peculiarity in War is the living reaction, and the reciprocal
action resulting therefrom. We do not here speak of the difficulty of
estimating that reaction, for that is included in the difficulty before
mentioned, of treating the moral powers as quantities; but of this, that
reciprocal action, by its nature, opposes anything like a regular plan.
The effect which any measure produces upon the enemy is the most
distinct of all the data which action affords; but every theory must
keep to classes (or groups) of phenomena, and can never take up the


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really individual case in itself: that must everywhere be left to
judgment and talent. It is therefore natural that in a business such as
War, which in its plan--built upon general circumstances--is so often
thwarted by unexpected and singular accidents, more must generally
be left to talent; and less use can be made of a THEORETICAL GUIDE
than in any other.

24. THIRD PECULIARITY.--UNCERTAINTY OF ALL DATA.

 Lastly, the great uncertainty of all data in War is a peculiar difficulty,
because all action must, to a certain extent, be planned in a mere
twilight, which in addition not unfrequently--like the effect of a fog or
moonshine-- gives to things exaggerated dimensions and an unnatural
appearance.

  What this feeble light leaves indistinct to the sight talent must
discover, or must be left to chance. It is therefore again talent, or the
favour of fortune, on which reliance must be placed, for want of
objective knowledge.

25. POSITIVE THEORY IS IMPOSSIBLE.

  With materials of this kind we can only say to ourselves that it is a
sheer impossibility to construct for the Art of War a theory which, like
a scaffolding, shall ensure to the chief actor an external support on all
sides. In all those cases in which he is thrown upon his talent he would
find himself away from this scaffolding of theory and in opposition to
it, and, however many-sided it might be framed, the same result
would ensue of which we spoke when we said that talent and genius
act beyond the law, and theory is in opposition to reality.

26. MEANS LEFT BY WHICH A THEORY IS POSSIBLE (THE
DIFFICULTIES ARE NOT EVERYWHERE EQUALLY GREAT).

  Two means present themselves of getting out of this difficulty. In the
first place, what we have said of the nature of military action in
general does not apply in the same manner to the action of every one,
whatever may be his standing. In the lower ranks the spirit of self-
sacrifice is called more into request, but the difficulties which the
understanding and judgment meet with are infinitely less. The field of
occurrences is more confined. Ends and means are fewer in number.
Data more distinct; mostly also contained in the actually visible. But
the higher we ascend the more the difficulties increase, until in the



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Commander-in-Chief they reach their climax, so that with him almost
everything must be left to genius.

  Further, according to a division of the subject in AGREEMENT WITH
ITS NATURE, the difficulties are not everywhere the same, but
diminish the more results manifest themselves in the material world,
and increase the more they pass into the moral, and become motives
which influence the will. Therefore it is easier to determine, by
theoretical rules, the order and conduct of a battle, than the use to be
made of the battle itself. Yonder physical weapons clash with each
other, and although mind is not wanting therein, matter must have its
rights. But in the effects to be produced by battles when the material
results become motives, we have only to do with the moral nature. In
a word, it is easier to make a theory for TACTICS than for STRATEGY.

27. THEORY MUST BE OF THE NATURE OF OBSERVATIONS NOT
OF DOCTRINE.

  The second opening for the possibility of a theory lies in the point of
view that it does not necessarily require to be a DIRECTION for action.
As a general rule, whenever an ACTIVITY is for the most part occupied
with the same objects over and over again, with the same ends and
means, although there may be trifling alterations and a corresponding
number of varieties of combination, such things are capable of
becoming a subject of study for the reasoning faculties. But such study
is just the most essential part of every THEORY, and has a peculiar
title to that name. It is an analytical investigation of the subject that
leads to an exact knowledge; and if brought to bear on the results of
experience, which in our case would be military history, to a thorough
familiarity with it. The nearer theory attains the latter object, so much
the more it passes over from the objective form of knowledge into the
subjective one of skill in action; and so much the more, therefore, it
will prove itself effective when circumstances allow of no other decision
but that of personal talents; it will show its effects in that talent itself.
If theory investigates the subjects which constitute War; if it separates
more distinctly that which at first sight seems amalgamated; if it
explains fully the properties of the means; if it shows their probable
effects; if it makes evident the nature of objects; if it brings to bear all
over the field of War the light of essentially critical investigation--then
it has fulfilled the chief duties of its province. It becomes then a guide
to him who wishes to make himself acquainted with War from books; it
lights up the whole road for him, facilitates his progress, educates his
judgment, and shields him from error.



                                     110
  If a man of expertness spends half his life in the endeavour to clear
up an obscure subject thoroughly, he will probably know more about it
than a person who seeks to master it in a short time. Theory is
instituted that each person in succession may not have to go through
the same labour of clearing the ground and toiling through his subject,
but may find the thing in order, and light admitted on it. It should
educate the mind of the future leader in War, or rather guide him in
his self-instruction, but not accompany him to the field of battle; just
as a sensible tutor forms and enlightens the opening mind of a youth
without, therefore, keeping him in leading strings all through his life.

  If maxims and rules result of themselves from the considerations
which theory institutes, if the truth accretes itself into that form of
crystal, then theory will not oppose this natural law of the mind; it will
rather, if the arch ends in such a keystone, bring it prominently out;
but so does this, only in order to satisfy the philosophical law of
reason, in order to show distinctly the point to which the lines all
converge, not in order to form out of it an algebraical formula for use
upon the battle-field; for even these maxims and rules serve more to
determine in the reflecting mind the leading outline of its habitual
movements than as landmarks indicating to it the way in the act of
execution.

28. BY THIS POINT OF VIEW THEORY BECOMES POSSIBLE, AND
CEASES TO BE IN CONTRADICTION TO PRACTICE.

  Taking this point of view, there is a possibility afforded of a
satisfactory, that is, of a useful, theory of the conduct of War, never
coming into opposition with the reality, and it will only depend on
rational treatment to bring it so far into harmony with action that
between theory and practice there shall no longer be that absurd
difference which an unreasonable theory, in defiance of common
sense, has often produced, but which, just as often, for giving way to
their natural incapacity.

29. THEORY THEREFORE CONSIDERS THE NATURE OF ENDS
AND MEANS--ENDS AND MEANS IN TACTICS.

 Theory has therefore to consider the nature of the means and ends.

  In tactics the means are the disciplined armed forces which are to
carry on the contest. The object is victory. The precise definition of
this conception can be better explained hereafter in the consideration
of the combat. Here we content ourselves by denoting the retirement


                                   111
of the enemy from the field of battle as the sign of victory. By means
of this victory strategy gains the object for which it appointed the
combat, and which constitutes its special signification. This
signification has certainly some influence on the nature of the victory.
A victory which is intended to weaken the enemy's armed forces is a
different thing from one which is designed only to put us in possession
of a position. The signification of a combat may therefore have a
sensible influence on the preparation and conduct of it, consequently
will be also a subject of consideration in tactics.

30. CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH ALWAYS ATTEND THE
APPLICATION OF THE MEANS.

  As there are certain circumstances which attend the combat
throughout, and have more or less influence upon its result, therefore
these must be taken into consideration in the application of the armed
forces.

  These circumstances are the locality of the combat (ground), the
time of day, and the weather.

31. LOCALITY.

  The locality, which we prefer leaving for solution, under the head of
"Country and Ground," might, strictly speaking, be without any
influence at all if the combat took place on a completely level and
uncultivated plain.

  In a country of steppes such a case may occur, but in the cultivated
countries of Europe it is almost an imaginary idea. Therefore a combat
between civilised nations, in which country and ground have no
influence, is hardly conceivable.

32. TIME OF DAY.

  The time of day influences the combat by the difference between day
and night; but the influence naturally extends further than merely to
the limits of these divisions, as every combat has a certain duration,
and great battles last for several hours. In the preparations for a great
battle, it makes an essential difference whether it begins in the
morning or the evening. At the same time, certainly many battles may
be fought in which the question of the time of day is quite immaterial,
and in the generality of cases its influence is only trifling.



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33. WEATHER.

 Still more rarely has the weather any decisive influence, and it is
mostly only by fogs that it plays a part.

34. END AND MEANS IN STRATEGY.

  Strategy has in the first instance only the victory, that is, the tactical
result, as a means to its object, and ultimately those things which lead
directly to peace. The application of its means to this object is at the
same time attended by circumstances which have an influence thereon
more or less.

35. CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH ATTEND THE APPLICATION OF
THE MEANS OF STRATEGY.

  These circumstances are country and ground, the former including
the territory and inhabitants of the whole theatre of war; next the time
of the day, and the time of the year as well; lastly, the weather,
particularly any unusual state of the same, severe frost, &c.

36. THESE FORM NEW MEANS.

  By bringing these things into combination with the results of a
combat, strategy gives this result--and therefore the combat--a special
signification, places before it a particular object. But when this object
is not that which leads directly to peace, therefore a subordinate one,
it is only to be looked upon as a means; and therefore in strategy we
may look upon the results of combats or victories, in all their different
significations, as means. The conquest of a position is such a result of
a combat applied to ground. But not only are the different combats
with special objects to be considered as means, but also every higher
aim which we may have in view in the combination of battles directed
on a common object is to be regarded as a means. A winter campaign
is a combination of this kind applied to the season.

 There remain, therefore, as objects, only those things which may be
supposed as leading DIRECTLY to peace, Theory investigates all these
ends and means according to the nature of their effects and their
mutual relations.

37. STRATEGY DEDUCES ONLY FROM EXPERIENCE THE ENDS
AND MEANS TO BE EXAMINED.



                                    113
  The first question is, How does strategy arrive at a complete list of
these things? If there is to be a philosophical inquiry leading to an
absolute result, it would become entangled in all those difficulties
which the logical necessity of the conduct of War and its theory
exclude. It therefore turns to experience, and directs its attention on
those combinations which military history can furnish. In this manner,
no doubt, nothing more than a limited theory can be obtained, which
only suits circumstances such as are presented in history. But this
incompleteness is unavoidable, because in any case theory must either
have deduced from, or have compared with, history what it advances
with respect to things. Besides, this incompleteness in every case is
more theoretical than real.

  One great advantage of this method is that theory cannot lose itself
in abstruse disquisitions, subtleties, and chimeras, but must always
remain practical.

38. HOW FAR THE ANALYSIS OF THE MEANS SHOULD BE
CARRIED.

  Another question is, How far should theory go in its analysis of the
means? Evidently only so far as the elements in a separate form
present themselves for consideration in practice. The range and effect
of different weapons is very important to tactics; their construction,
although these effects result from it, is a matter of indifference; for the
conduct of War is not making powder and cannon out of a given
quantity of charcoal, sulphur, and saltpetre, of copper and tin: the
given quantities for the conduct of War are arms in a finished state
and their effects. Strategy makes use of maps without troubling itself
about triangulations; it does not inquire how the country is subdivided
into departments and provinces, and how the people are educated and
governed, in order to attain the best military results; but it takes
things as it finds them in the community of European States, and
observes where very different conditions have a notable influence on
War.

39. GREAT SIMPLIFICATION OF THE KNOWLEDGE REQUIRED.

  That in this manner the number of subjects for theory is much
simplified, and the knowledge requisite for the conduct of War much
reduced, is easy to perceive. The very great mass of knowledge and
appliances of skill which minister to the action of War in general, and
which are necessary before an army fully equipped can take the field,
unite in a few great results before they are able to reach, in actual


                                    114
War, the final goal of their activity; just as the streams of a country
unite themselves in rivers before they fall into the sea. Only those
activities emptying themselves directly into the sea of War have to be
studied by him who is to conduct its operations.

40. THIS EXPLAINS THE RAPID GROWTH OF GREAT GENERALS,
AND WHY A GENERAL IS NOT A MAN OF LEARNING.

  This result of our considerations is in fact so necessary,any other
would have made us distrustful of their accuracy. Only thus is
explained how so often men have made their appearance with great
success in War, and indeed in the higher ranks even in supreme
Command, whose pursuits had been previously of a totally different
nature; indeed how, as a rule, the most distinguished Generals have
never risen from the very learned or really erudite class of officers, but
have been mostly men who, from the circumstances of their position,
could not have attained to any great amount of knowledge. On that
account those who have considered it necessary or even beneficial to
commence the education of a future General by instruction in all
details have always been ridiculed as absurd pedants. It would be easy
to show the injurious tendency of such a course, because the human
mind is trained by the knowledge imparted to it and the direction given
to its ideas. Only what is great can make it great; the little can only
make it little, if the mind itself does not reject it as something
repugnant.

41. FORMER CONTRADICTIONS.

 Because this simplicity of knowledge requisite in War was not
attended to, but that knowledge was always jumbled up with the
whole impedimenta of subordinate sciences and arts, therefore the
palpable opposition to the events of real life which resulted could not
be solved otherwise than by ascribing it all to genius, which requires
no theory and for which no theory could be prescribed.

42. ON THIS ACCOUNT ALL USE OF KNOWLEDGE WAS DENIED,
AND EVERYTHING ASCRIBED TO NATURAL TALENTS.

  People with whom common sense had the upper hand felt sensible of
the immense distance remaining to be filled up between a genius of
the highest order and a learned pedant; and they became in a manner
free-thinkers, rejected all belief in theory, and affirmed the conduct of
War to be a natural function of man, which he performs more or less
well according as he has brought with him into the world more or less


                                   115
talent in that direction. It cannot be denied that these were nearer to
the truth than those who placed a value on false knowledge: at the
same time it may easily be seen that such a view is itself but an
exaggeration. No activity of the human understanding is possible
without a certain stock of ideas; but these are, for the greater part at
least, not innate but acquired, and constitute his knowledge. The only
question therefore is, of what kind should these ideas be; and we think
we have answered it if we say that they should be directed on those
things which man has directly to deal with in War.

43. THE KNOWLEDGE MUST BE MADE SUITABLE TO THE
POSITION.

  Inside this field itself of military activity, the knowledge required
must be different according to the station of the Commander. It will be
directed on smaller and more circumscribed objects if he holds an
inferior, upon greater and more comprehensive ones if he holds a
higher situation. There are Field Marshals who would not have shone
at the head of a cavalry regiment, and vice versa.

44. THE KNOWLEDGE IN WAR IS VERY SIMPLE, BUT NOT, AT
THE SAME TIME, VERY EASY.

  But although the knowledge in War is simple, that is to say directed
to so few subjects, and taking up those only in their final results, the
art of execution is not, on that account, easy. Of the difficulties to
which activity in War is subject generally, we have already spoken in
the first book; we here omit those things which can only be overcome
by courage, and maintain also that the activity of mind, is only simple,
and easy in inferior stations, but increases in difficulty with increase of
rank, and in the highest position, in that of Commander-in-Chief, is to
be reckoned among the most difficult which there is for the human
mind.

45. OF THE NATURE OF THIS KNOWLEDGE.

  The Commander of an Army neither requires to be a learned explorer
of history nor a publicist, but he must be well versed in the higher
affairs of State; he must know, and be able to judge correctly of
traditional tendencies, interests at stake, the immediate questions at
issue, and the characters of leading persons; he need not be a close
observer of men, a sharp dissector of human character, but he must
know the character, the feelings, the habits, the peculiar faults and
inclinations of those whom he is to command. He need not understand


                                    116
anything about the make of a carriage, or the harness of a battery
horse, but he must know how to calculate exactly the march of a
column, under different circumstances, according to the time it
requires. These are matters the knowledge of which cannot be forced
out by an apparatus of scientific formula and machinery: they are only
to be gained by the exercise of an accurate judgment in the
observation of things and of men, aided by a special talent for the
apprehension of both.

  The necessary knowledge for a high position in military. action is
therefore distinguished by this, that by observation, therefore by study
and reflection, it is only to be attained through a special talent which
as an intellectual instinct understands how to extract from the
phenomena of life only the essence or spirit, as bees do the honey
from the flowers; and that it is also to be gained by experience of life
as well as by study and reflection. Life will never bring forth a Newton
or an Euler by its rich teachings, but it may bring forth great
calculators in War, such as Conde' or Frederick.

  It is therefore not necessary that, in order to vindicate the
intellectual dignity of military activity, we should resort to untruth and
silly pedantry. There never has been a great and distinguished
Commander of contracted mind, but very numerous are the instances
of men who, after serving with the greatest distinction in inferior
positions, remained below mediocrity in the highest, from insufficiency
of intellectual capacity. That even amongst those holding the post of
Commander-in-Chief there may be a difference according to the
degree of their plenitude of power is a matter of course.

46. SCIENCE MUST BECOME ART.

  Now we have yet to consider one condition which is more necessary
for the knowledge of the conduct of War than for any other, which is,
that it must pass completely into the mind and almost completely
cease to be something objective. In almost all other arts and
occupations of life the active agent can make use of truths which he
has only learnt once, and in the spirit and sense of which he no longer
lives, and which he extracts from dusty books. Even truths which he
has in hand and uses daily may continue something external to
himself, If the architect takes up a pen to settle the strength of a pier
by a complicated calculation, the truth found as a result is no
emanation from his own mind. He had first to find the data with
labour, and then to submit these to an operation of the mind, the rule
for which he did not discover, the necessity of which he is perhaps at


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the moment only partly conscious of, but which he applies, for the
most part, as if by mechanical dexterity. But it is never so in War. The
moral reaction, the ever- changeful form of things, makes it necessary
for the chief actor to carry in himself the whole mental apparatus of
his knowledge, that anywhere and at every pulse-beat he may be
capable of giving the requisite decision from himself. Knowledge must,
by this complete assimilation with his own mind and life, be converted
into real power. This is the reason why everything seems so easy with
men distinguished in War, and why everything is ascribed to natural
talent. We say natural talent, in order thereby to distinguish it from
that which is formed and matured by observation and study.

 We think that by these reflections we have explained the problem of
a theory of the conduct of War; and pointed out the way to its
solution.

  Of the two fields into which we have divided the conduct of War,
tactics and strategy, the theory of the latter contains unquestionably,
as before observed, the greatest difficulties, because the first is almost
limited to a circumscribed field of objects, but the latter, in the
direction of objects leading directly to peace, opens to itself an
unlimited field of possibilities. Since for the most part the Commander-
in-Chief has only to keep these objects steadily in view, therefore the
part of strategy in which he moves is also that which is particularly
subject to this difficulty.

  Theory, therefore, especially where it comprehends the highest
services, will stop much sooner in strategy than in tactics at the simple
consideration of things, and content itself to assist the Commander to
that insight into things which, blended with his whole thought, makes
his course easier and surer, never forces him into opposition with
himself in order to obey an objective truth.




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       CHAPTER III. ART OR SCIENCE OF WAR

1.--USAGE STILL UNSETTLED

 (POWER AND KNOWLEDGE. SCIENCE WHEN MERE KNOWING; ART,
WHEN DOING, IS THE OBJECT.)

  THE choice between these terms seems to be still unsettled, and no
one seems to know rightly on what grounds it should be decided, and
yet the thing is simple. We have already said elsewhere that "knowing"
is something different from "doing." The two are so different that they
should not easily be mistaken the one for the other. The "doing"
cannot properly stand in any book, and therefore also Art should never
be the title of a book. But because we have once accustomed
ourselves to combine in conception, under the name of theory of Art,
or simply Art, the branches of knowledge (which may be separately
pure sciences) necessary for the practice of an Art, therefore it is
consistent to continue this ground of distinction, and to call everything
Art when the object is to carry out the "doing" (being able), as for
example, Art of building; Science, when merely knowledge is the
object; as Science of mathematics, of astronomy. That in every Art
certain complete sciences may be included is intelligible of itself, and
should not perplex us. But still it is worth observing that there is also
no science without a mixture of Art. In mathematics, for instance, the
use of figures and of algebra is an Art, but that is only one amongst
many instances. The reason is, that however plain and palpable the
difference is between knowledge and power in the composite results of
human knowledge, yet it is difficult to trace out their line of separation
in man himself.

2. DIFFICULTY OF SEPARATING PERCEPTION FROM JUDGMENT.

 (ART OF WAR.)

  All thinking is indeed Art. Where the logician draws the line, where
the premises stop which are the result of cognition--where judgment
begins, there Art begins. But more than this even the perception of the
mind is judgment again, and consequently Art; and at last, even the
perception by the senses as well. In a word, if it is impossible to
imagine a human being possessing merely the faculty of cognition,
devoid of judgment or the reverse, so also Art and Science can never
be completely separated from each other. The more these subtle
elements of light embody themselves in the outward forms of the



                                   119
world, so much the more separate appear their domains; and now
once more, where the object is creation and production, there is the
province of Art; where the object is investigation and knowledge
Science holds sway.--After all this it results of itself that it is more
fitting to say Art of War than Science of War.

  So much for this, because we cannot do without these conceptions.
But now we come forward with the assertion that War is neither an Art
nor a Science in the real signification, and that it is just the setting out
from that starting-point of ideas which has led to a wrong direction
being taken, which has caused War to be put on a par with other arts
and sciences, and has led to a number of erroneous analogies.

  This has indeed been felt before now, and on that it was maintained
that War is a handicraft; but there was more lost than gained by that,
for a handicraft is only an inferior art, and as such is also subject to
definite and rigid laws. In reality the Art of War did go on for some
time in the spirit of a handicraft--we allude to the times of the
Condottieri--but then it received that direction, not from intrinsic but
from external causes; and military history shows how little it was at
that time in accordance with the nature of the thing.

3. WAR IS PART OF THE INTERCOURSE OF THE HUMAN RACE.

  We say therefore War belongs not to the province of Arts and
Sciences, but to the province of social life. It is a conflict of great
interests which is settled by bloodshed, and only in that is it different
from others. It would be better, instead of comparing it with any Art,
to liken it to business competition, which is also a conflict of human
interests and activities; and it is still more like State policy, which
again, on its part, may be looked upon as a kind of business
competition on a great scale. Besides, State policy is the womb in
which War is developed, in which its outlines lie hidden in a
rudimentary state, like the qualities of living creatures in their germs.7

4. DIFFERENCE.

 The essential difference consists in this, that War is no activity of the
will, which exerts itself upon inanimate matter like the mechanical
Arts; or upon a living but still passive and yielding subject, like the

  7
     The analogy has become much closer since Clausewitz's time. Now that the first business of the State is
regarded as the development of facilities for trade, War between great nations is only a question of time. No
Hague Conferences can avert it--EDITOR.


                                                    120
human mind and the human feelings in the ideal Arts, but against a
living and reacting force. How little the categories of Arts and Sciences
are applicable to such an activity strikes us at once; and we can
understand at the same time how that constant seeking and striving
after laws like those which may be developed out of the dead material
world could not but lead to constant errors. And yet it is just the
mechanical Arts that some people would imitate in the Art of War. The
imitation of the ideal Arts was quite out of the question, because these
themselves dispense too much with laws and rules, and those hitherto
tried, always acknowledged as insufficient and one-sided, are
perpetually undermined and washed away by the current of opinions,
feelings, and customs.

  Whether such a conflict of the living, as takes place and is settled in
War, is subject to general laws, and whether these are capable of
indicating a useful line of action, will be partly investigated in this
book; but so much is evident in itself, that this, like every other
subject which does not surpass our powers of understanding, may be
lighted up, and be made more or less plain in its inner relations by an
inquiring mind, and that alone is sufficient to realise the idea of a
THEORY.




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               CHAPTER IV. METHODICISM

 IN order to explain ourselves clearly as to the conception of method,
and method of action, which play such an important part in War, we
must be allowed to cast a hasty glance at the logical hierarchy through
which, as through regularly constituted official functionaries, the world
of action is governed.

  LAW, in the widest sense strictly applying to perception as well as
action, has plainly something subjective and arbitrary in its literal
meaning, and expresses just that on which we and those things
external to us are dependent. As a subject of cognition, LAW is the
relation of things and their effects to one another; as a subject of the
will, it is a motive of action, and is then equivalent to COMMAND or
PROHIBITION.

  PRINCIPLE is likewise such a law for action, except that it has not the
formal definite meaning, but is only the spirit and sense of law in order
to leave the judgment more freedom of application when the diversity
of the real world cannot be laid hold of under the definite form of a
law. As the judgment must of itself suggest the cases in which the
principle is not applicable, the latter therefore becomes in that way a
real aid or guiding star for the person acting.

  Principle is OBJECTIVE when it is the result of objective truth, and
consequently of equal value for all men; it is SUBJECTIVE, and then
generally called MAXIM if there are subjective relations in it, and if it
therefore has a certain value only for the person himself who makes it.

 RULE is frequently taken in the sense of LAW, and then means the
same as Principle, for we say "no rule without exceptions," but we do
not say "no law without exceptions," a sign that with RULE we retain to
ourselves more freedom of application.

  In another meaning RULE is the means used of discerning a
recondite truth in a particular sign lying close at hand, in order to
attach to this particular sign the law of action directed upon the whole
truth. Of this kind are all the rules of games of play, all abridged
processes in mathematics, &c.

 DIRECTIONS and INSTRUCTIONS are determinations of action which
have an influence upon a number of minor circumstances too
numerous and unimportant for general laws.



                                   122
  Lastly, METHOD, MODE OF ACTING, is an always recurring
proceeding selected out of several possible ones; and METHODICISM
(METHODISMUS) is that which is determined by methods instead of by
general principles or particular prescriptions. By this the cases which
are placed under such methods must necessarily be supposed alike in
their essential parts. As they cannot all be this, then the point is that
at least as many as possible should be; in other words, that Method
should be calculated on the most probable cases. Methodicism is
therefore not founded on determined particular premises, but on the
average probability of cases one with another; and its ultimate
tendency is to set up an average truth, the constant and uniform,
application of which soon acquires something of the nature of a
mechanical appliance, which in the end does that which is right almost
unwittingly.

  The conception of law in relation to perception is not necessary for
the conduct of War, because the complex phenomena of War are not
so regular, and the regular are not so complex, that we should gain
anything more by this conception than by the simple truth. And where
a simple conception and language is sufficient, to resort to the
complex becomes affected and pedantic. The conception of law in
relation to action cannot be used in the theory of the conduct of War,
because owing to the variableness and diversity of the phenomena
there is in it no determination of such a general nature as to deserve
the name of law.

  But principles, rules, prescriptions, and methods are conceptions
indispensable to a theory of the conduct of War, in so far as that
theory leads to positive doctrines, because in doctrines the truth can
only crystallise itself in such forms.

 As tactics is the branch of the conduct of War in which theory can
attain the nearest to positive doctrine, therefore these conceptions will
appear in it most frequently.

  Not to use cavalry against unbroken infantry except in some case of
special emergency, only to use firearms within effective range in the
combat, to spare the forces as much as possible for the final struggle--
these are tactical principles. None of them can be applied absolutely in
every case, but they must always be present to the mind of the Chief,
in order that the benefit of the truth contained in them may not be lost
in cases where that truth can be of advantage.



                                   123
  If from the unusual cooking by an enemy's camp his movement is
inferred, if the intentional exposure of troops in a combat indicates a
false attack, then this way of discerning the truth is called rule,
because from a single visible circumstance that conclusion is drawn
which corresponds with the same.

  If it is a rule to attack the enemy with renewed vigour, as soon as he
begins to limber up his artillery in the combat, then on this particular
fact depends a course of action which is aimed at the general situation
of the enemy as inferred from the above fact, namely, that he is about
to give up the fight, that he is commencing to draw off his troops, and
is neither capable of making a serious stand while thus drawing off nor
of making his retreat gradually in good order.

  REGULATIONS and METHODS bring preparatory theories into the
conduct of War, in so far as disciplined troops are inoculated with them
as active principles. The whole body of instructions for formations,
drill, and field service are regulations and methods: in the drill
instructions the first predominate, in the field service instructions the
latter. To these things the real conduct of War attaches itself; it takes
them over, therefore, as given modes of proceeding, and as such they
must appear in the theory of the conduct of War.

  But for those activities retaining freedom in the employment of these
forces there cannot be regulations, that is, definite instructions,
because they would do away with freedom of action. Methods, on the
other hand, as a general way of executing duties as they arise,
calculated, as we have said, on an average of probability, or as a
dominating influence of principles and rules carried through to
application, may certainly appear in the theory of the conduct of War,
provided only they are not represented as something different from
what they are, not as the absolute and necessary modes of action
(systems), but as the best of general forms which may be used as
shorter ways in place of a particular disposition for the occasion, at
discretion.

  But the frequent application of methods will be seen to be most
essential and unavoidable in the conduct of War, if we reflect how
much action proceeds on mere conjecture, or in complete uncertainty,
because one side is prevented from learning all the circumstances
which influence the dispositions of the other, or because, even if these
circumstances which influence the decisions of the one were really
known, there is not, owing to their extent and the dispositions they
would entail, sufficient time for the other to carry out all necessary


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counteracting measures--that therefore measures in War must always
be calculated on a certain number of possibilities; if we reflect how
numberless are the trifling things belonging to any single event, and
which therefore should be taken into account along with it, and that
therefore there is no other means to suppose the one counteracted by
the other, and to base our arrangements only upon what is of a
general nature and probable; if we reflect lastly that, owing to the
increasing number of officers as we descend the scale of rank, less
must be left to the true discernment and ripe judgment of individuals
the lower the sphere of action, and that when we reach those ranks
where we can look for no other notions but those which the regulations
of the service and experience afford, we must help them with the
methodic forms bordering on those regulations. This will serve both as
a support to their judgment and a barrier against those extravagant
and erroneous views which are so especially to be dreaded in a sphere
where experience is so costly.

  Besides this absolute need of method in action, we must also
acknowledge that it has a positive advantage, which is that, through
the constant repetition of a formal exercise, a readiness, precision, and
firmness is attained in the movement of troops which diminishes the
natural friction, and makes the machine move easier.

  Method will therefore be the more generally used, become the more
indispensable, the farther down the scale of rank the position of the
active agent; and on the other hand, its use will diminish upwards,
until in the highest position it quite disappears. For this reason it is
more in its place in tactics than in strategy.

  War in its highest aspects consists not of an infinite number of little
events, the diversities in which compensate each other, and which
therefore by a better or worse method are better or worse governed,
but of separate great decisive events which must be dealt with
separately. It is not like a field of stalks, which, without any regard to
the particular form of each stalk, will be mowed better or worse,
according as the mowing instrument is good or bad, but rather as a
group of large trees, to which the axe must be laid with judgment,
according to the particular form and inclination of each separate trunk.

  How high up in military activity the admissibility of method in action
reaches naturally determines itself, not according to actual rank, but
according to things; and it affects the highest positions in a less
degree, only because these positions have the most comprehensive
subjects of activity. A constant order of battle, a constant formation of


                                   125
advance guards and outposts, are methods by which a General ties not
only his subordinates' hands, but also his own in certain cases.
Certainly they may have been devised by himself, and may be applied
by him according to circumstances, but they may also be a subject of
theory, in so far as they are based on the general properties of troops
and weapons. On the other hand, any method by which definite plans
for wars or campaigns are to be given out all ready made as if from a
machine are absolutely worthless.

  As long as there exists no theory which can be sustained, that is, no
enlightened treatise on the conduct of War, method in action cannot
but encroach beyond its proper limits in high places, for men employed
in these spheres of activity have not always had the opportunity of
educating themselves, through study and through contact with the
higher interests. In the impracticable and inconsistent disquisitions of
theorists and critics they cannot find their way, their sound common
sense rejects them, and as they bring with them no knowledge but
that derived from experience, therefore in those cases which admit of,
and require, a free individual treatment they readily make use of the
means which experience gives them--that is, an imitation of the
particular methods practised by great Generals, by which a method of
action then arises of itself. If we see Frederick the Great's Generals
always making their appearance in the so-called oblique order of
battle, the Generals of the French Revolution always using turning
movements with a long, extended line of battle, and Buonaparte's
lieutenants rushing to the attack with the bloody energy of
concentrated masses, then we recognise in the recurrence of the mode
of proceeding evidently an adopted method, and see therefore that
method of action can reach up to regions bordering on the highest.
Should an improved theory facilitate the study of the conduct of War,
form the mind and judgment of men who are rising to the highest
commands, then also method in action will no longer reach so far, and
so much of it as is to be considered indispensable will then at least be
formed from theory itself, and not take place out of mere imitation.
However pre-eminently a great Commander does things, there is
always something subjective in the way he does them; and if he has a
certain manner, a large share of his individuality is contained in it
which does not always accord with the individuality of the person who
copies his manner.

 At the same time, it would neither be possible nor right to banish
subjective methodicism or manner completely from the conduct of
War: it is rather to be regarded as a manifestation of that influence
which the general character of a War has upon its separate events,


                                  126
and to which satisfaction can only be done in that way if theory is not
able to foresee this general character and include it in its
considerations. What is more natural than that the War of the French
Revolution had its own way of doing things? and what theory could
ever have included that peculiar method? The evil is only that such a
manner originating in a special case easily outlives itself,
becausecontinues whilst circumstances imperceptibly change. This is
what theory should prevent by lucid and rational criticism. When in the
year 1806 the Prussian Generals, Prince Louis at Saalfeld, Tauentzien
on the Dornberg near Jena, Grawert before and Ruechel behind
Kappellendorf, all threw themselves into the open jaws of destruction
in the oblique order of Frederick the Great, and managed to ruin
Hohenlohe's Army in a way that no Army was ever ruined, even on the
field of battle, all this was done through a manner which had outlived
its day, together with the most downright stupidity to which
methodicism ever led.




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                   CHAPTER V. CRITICISM

  THE influence of theoretical principles upon real life is produced more
through criticism than through doctrine, for as criticism is an
application of abstract truth to real events, therefore it not only brings
truth of this description nearer to life, but also accustoms the
understanding more to such truths by the constant repetition of their
application. We therefore think it necessary to fix the point of view for
criticism next to that for theory.

  From the simple narration of an historical occurrence which places
events in chronological order, or at most only touches on their more
immediate causes, we separate the CRITICAL.

 In this CRITICAL three different operations of the mind may be
observed.

  First, the historical investigation and determining of doubtful facts.
This is properly historical research, and has nothing in common with
theory.

  Secondly, the tracing of effects to causes. This is the REAL CRITICAL
INQUIRY; it is indispensable to theory, for everything which in theory
is to be established, supported, or even merely explained, by
experience can only be settled in this way.

  Thirdly, the testing of the means employed. This is criticism, properly
speaking, in which praise and censure is contained. This is where
theory helps history, or rather, the teaching to be derived from it.

  In these two last strictly critical parts of historical study, all depends
on tracing things to their primary elements, that is to say, up to
undoubted truths, and not, as is so often done, resting half-way, that
is, on some arbitrary assumption or supposition.

  As respects the tracing of effect to cause, that is often attended with
the insuperable difficulty that the real causes are not known. In none
of the relations of life does this so frequently happen as in War, where
events are seldom fully known, and still less motives, as the latter
have been, perhaps purposely, concealed by the chief actor, or have
been of such a transient and accidental character that they have been
lost for history. For this reason critical narration must generally
proceed hand in hand with historical investigation, and still such a



                                    128
want of connection between cause and effect will often present itself,
that it does not seem justifiable to consider effects as the necessary
results of known causes. Here, therefore,must occur, that is, historical
results which cannot be made use of for teaching. All that theory can
demand is that the investigation should be rigidly conducted up to that
point, and there leave off without drawing conclusions. A real evil
springs up only if the known is made perforce to suffice as an
explanation of effects, and thus a false importance is ascribed to it.

  Besides this difficulty, critical inquiry also meets with another great
and intrinsic one, which is that the progress of events in War seldom
proceeds from one simple cause, but from several in common, and
that it therefore is not sufficient to follow up a series of events to their
origin in a candid and impartial spirit, but that it is then also necessary
to apportion to each contributing cause its due weight. This leads,
therefore, to a closer investigation of their nature, and thus a critical
investigation may lead into what is the proper field of theory.

  The critical CONSIDERATION, that is, the testing of the means, leads
to the question, Which are the effects peculiar to the means applied,
and whether these effects were comprehended in the plans of the
person directing?

 The effects peculiar to the means lead to the investigation of their
nature, and thus again into the field of theory.

  We have already seen that in criticism all depends upon attaining to
positive truth; therefore, that we must not stop at arbitrary
propositions which are not allowed by others, and to which other
perhaps equally arbitrary assertions may again be opposed, so that
there is no end to pros and cons; the whole is without result, and
therefore without instruction.

  We have seen that both the search for causes and the examination of
means lead into the field of theory; that is, into the field of universal
truth, which does not proceed solely from the case immediately under
examination. If there is a theory which can be used, then the critical
consideration will appeal to the proofs there afforded, and the
examination may there stop. But where no such theoretical truth is to
be found, the inquiry must be pushed up to the original elements. If
this necessity occurs often, it must lead the historian (according to a
common expression) into a labyrinth of details. He then has his hands
full, and it is impossible for him to stop to give the requisite attention
everywhere; the consequence is, that in order to set bounds to his


                                    129
investigation, he adopts some arbitrary assumptions which, if they do
not appear so to him, do so to others, as they are not evident in
themselves or capable of proof.

  A sound theory is therefore an essential foundation for criticism, and
it is impossible for it, without the assistance of a sensible theory, to
attain to that point at which it commences chiefly to be instructive,
that is, where it becomes demonstration, both convincing and sans
re'plique.

  But it would be a visionary hope to believe in the possibility of a
theory applicable to every abstract truth, leaving nothing for criticism
to do but to place the case under its appropriate law: it would be
ridiculous pedantry to lay down as a rule for criticism that it must
always halt and turn round on reaching the boundaries of sacred
theory. The same spirit of analytical inquiry which is the origin of
theory must also guide the critic in his work; and it can and must
therefore happen that he strays beyond the boundaries of the province
of theory and elucidates those points with which he is more
particularly concerned. It is more likely, on the contrary, that criticism
would completely fail in its object if it degenerated into a mechanical
application of theory. All positive results of theoretical inquiry, all
principles, rules, and methods, are the more wanting in generality and
positive truth the more they become positive doctrine. They exist to
offer themselves for use as required, and it must always be left for
judgment to decide whether they are suitable or not. Such results of
theory must never be used in criticism as rules or norms for a
standard, but in the same way as the person acting should use them,
that is, merely as aids to judgment. If it is an acknowledged principle
in tactics that in the usual order of battle cavalry should be placed
behind infantry, not in line with it, still it would be folly on this account
to condemn every deviation from this principle. Criticism must
investigate the grounds of the deviation, and it is only in case these
are insufficient that it has a right to appeal to principles laid down in
theory. If it is further established in theory that a divided attack
diminishes the probability of success, still it would be just as
unreasonable, whenever there is a divided attack and an unsuccessful
issue, to regard the latter as the result of the former, without further
investigation into the connection between the two, as where a divided
attack is successful to infer from it the fallacy of that theoretical
principle. The spirit of investigation which belongs to criticism cannot
allow either. Criticism therefore supports itself chiefly on the results of
the analytical investigation of theory; what has been made out and
determined by theory does not require to be demonstrated over again


                                     130
by criticism, and it is so determined by theory that criticism may find it
ready demonstrated.

 This office of criticism, of examining the effect produced by certain
causes, and whether a means applied has answered its object, will be
easy enough if cause and effect, means and end, are all near together.

  If an Army is surprised, and therefore cannot make a regular and
intelligent use of its powers and resources, then the effect of the
surprise is not doubtful.--If theory has determined that in a battle the
convergent form of attack is calculated to produce greater but less
certain results, then the question is whether he who employs that
convergent form had in view chiefly that greatness of result as his
object; if so, the proper means were chosen. But if by this form he
intended to make the result more certain, and that expectation was
founded not on some exceptional circumstances (in this case), but on
the general nature of the convergent form, as has happened a
hundred times, then he mistook the nature of the means and
committed an error.

 Here the work of military investigation and criticism is easy, and it
will always be so when confined to the immediate effects and objects.
This can be done quite at option, if we abstract the connection of the
parts with the whole, and only look at things in that relation.

  But in War, as generally in the world, there is a connection between
everything which belongs to a whole; and therefore, however small a
cause may be in itself, its effects reach to the end of the act of
warfare, and modify or influence the final result in some degree, let
that degree be ever so small. In the same manner every means must
be felt up to the ultimate object.

  We can therefore trace the effects of a cause as long as events are
worth noticing, and in the same way we must not stop at the testing of
a means for the immediate object, but test also this object as a means
to a higher one, and thus ascend the series of facts in succession, until
we come to one so absolutely necessary in its nature as to require no
examination or proof. In many cases, particularly in what concerns
great and decisive measures, the investigation must be carried to the
final aim, to that which leads immediately to peace.

  It is evident that in thus ascending, at every new station which we
reach a new point of view for the judgment is attained, so that the



                                   131
same means which appeared advisable at one station, when looked at
from the next above it may have to be rejected.

  The search for the causes of events and the comparison of means
with ends must always go hand in hand in the critical review of an act,
for the investigation of causes leads us first to the discovery of those
things which are worth examining.

  This following of the clue up and down is attended with considerable
difficulty, for the farther from an event the cause lies which we are
looking for, the greater must be the number of other causes which
must at the same time be kept in view and allowed for in reference to
the share which they have in the course of events, and then
eliminated, because the higher the importance of a fact the greater will
be the number of separate forces and circumstances by which it is
conditioned. If we have unravelled the causes of a battle being lost,
we have certainly also ascertained a part of the causes of the
consequences which this defeat has upon the whole War, but only a
part, because the effects of other causes, more or less according to
circumstances, will flow into the final result.

  The same multiplicity of circumstances is presented also in the
examination of the means the higher our point of view, for the higher
the object is situated, the greater must be the number of means
employed to reach it. The ultimate object of the War is the object
aimed at by all the Armies simultaneously, and it is therefore
necessary that the consideration should embrace all that each has
done or could have done.

  It is obvious that this may sometimes lead to a wide field of inquiry,
in which it is easy to wander and lose the way, and in which this
difficulty prevails--that a number of assumptions or suppositions must
be made about a variety of things which do not actually appear, but
which in all probability did take place, and therefore cannot possibly be
left out of consideration.

  When Buonaparte, in 1797,8 at the head of the Army of Italy,
advanced from the Tagliamento against the Archduke Charles, he did
so with a view to force that General to a decisive action before the
reinforcements expected from the Rhine had reached him. If we look,
only at the immediate object, the means were well chosen and
justified by the result, for the Archduke was so inferior in numbers that

 8
     Compare Hinterlassene Werke, 2nd edition, vol. iv. p. 276 et seq.


                                                       132
he only made a show of resistance on the Tagliamento, and when he
saw his adversary so strong and resolute, yielded ground, and left
open the passages, of the Norican Alps. Now to what use could
Buonaparte turn this fortunate event? To penetrate into the heart of
the Austrian empire itself, to facilitate the advance of the Rhine Armies
under Moreau and Hoche, and open communication with them? This
was the view taken by Buonaparte, and from this point of view he was
right. But now, if criticism places itself at a higher point of view--
namely, that of the French Directory, which body could see and know
that the Armies on the Rhine could not commence the campaign for six
weeks, then the advance of Buonaparte over the Norican Alps can only
be regarded as an extremely hazardous measure; for if the Austrians
had drawn largely on their Rhine Armies to reinforce their Army in
Styria, so as to enable the Archduke to fall upon the Army of Italy, not
only would that Army have been routed, but the whole campaign lost.
This consideration, which attracted the serious attention of Buonaparte
at Villach, no doubt induced him to sign the armistice of Leoben with
so much readiness.

 If criticism takes a still higher position, and if it knows that the
Austrians had no reserves between the Army of the Archduke Charles
and Vienna, then we see that Vienna became threatened by the
advance of the Army of Italy.

  Supposing that Buonaparte knew that the capital was thus
uncovered, and knew that he still retained the same superiority in
numbers over the Archduke as he had in Styria, then his advance
against the heart of the Austrian States was no longer without
purpose, and its value depended on the value which the Austrians
might place on preserving their capital. If that was so great that,
rather than lose it, they would accept the conditions of peace which
Buonaparte was ready to offer them, it became an object of the first
importance to threaten Vienna. If Buonaparte had any reason to know
this, then criticism may stop there, but if this point was only
problematical, then criticism must take a still higher position, and ask
what would have followed if the Austrians had resolved to abandon
Vienna and retire farther into the vast dominions still left to them. But
it is easy to see that this question cannot be answered without
bringing into the consideration the probable movements of the Rhine
Armies on both sides. Through the decided superiority of numbers on
the side of the French-- 130,000 to 80,000--there could be little doubt
of the result; but then next arises the question, What use would the
Directory make of a victory; whether they would follow up their
success to the opposite frontiers of the Austrian monarchy, therefore


                                   133
to the complete breaking up or overthrow of that power, or whether
they would be satisfied with the conquest of a considerable portion to
serve as a security for peace? The probable result in each case must
be estimated, in order to come to a conclusion as to the probable
determination of the Directory. Supposing the result of these
considerations to be that the French forces were much too weak for
the complete subjugation of the Austrian monarchy, so that the
attempt might completely reverse the respective positions of the
contending Armies, and that even the conquest and occupation of a
considerable district of country would place the French Army in
strategic relations to which they were not equal, then that result must
naturally influence the estimate of the position of the Army of Italy,
and compel it to lower its expectations. And this, it was no doubt
which influenced Buonaparte, although fully aware of the helpless
condition of the Archduke, still to sign the peace of Campo Formio,
which imposed no greater sacrifices on the Austrians than the loss of
provinces which, even if the campaign took the most favourable turn
for them, they could not have reconquered. But the French could not
have reckoned on even the moderate treaty of Campo Formio, and
therefore it could not have been their object in making their bold
advance if two considerations had not presented themselves to their
view, the first of which consisted in the question, what degree of value
the Austrians would attach to each of the above-mentioned results;
whether, notwithstanding the probability of a satisfactory result in
either of these cases, would it be worth while to make the sacrifices
inseparable from a continuance of the War, when they could be spared
those sacrifices by a peace on terms not too humiliating? The second
consideration is the question whether the Austrian Government,
instead of seriously weighing the possible results of a resistance
pushed to extremities, would not prove completely disheartened by
the impression of their present reverses.

  The consideration which forms the subject of the first is no idle piece
of subtle argument, but a consideration of such decidedly practical
importance that it comes up whenever the plan of pushing War to the
utmost extremity is mooted, and by its weight in most cases restrains
the execution of such plans.

  The second consideration is of equal importance, for we do not make
War with an abstraction but with a reality, which we must always keep
in view, and we may be sure that it was not overlooked by the bold
Buonaparte --that is, that he was keenly alive to the terror which the
appearance of his sword inspired. It was reliance on that which led him
to Moscow. There it led him into a scrape. The terror of him had been


                                   134
weakened by the gigantic struggles in which he had been engaged; in
the year 1797 it was still fresh, and the secret of a resistance pushed
to extremities had not been discovered; nevertheless even in 1797 his
boldness might have led to a negative result if, as already said, he had
not with a sort of presentiment avoided it by signing the moderate
peace of Campo Formio.

  We must now bring these considerations to a close-- they will suffice
to show the wide sphere, the diversity and embarrassing nature of the
subjects embraced in a critical examination carried to the fullest
extent, that is, to those measures of a great and decisive class which
must necessarily be included. It follows from them that besides a
theoretical acquaintance with the subject, natural talent must also
have a great influence on the value of critical examinations, for it rests
chiefly with the latter to throw the requisite light on the interrelations
of things, and to distinguish from amongst the endless connections of
events those which are really essential.

  But talent is also called into requisition in another way. Critical
examination is not merely the appreciation of those means which have
been actually employed, but also of all possible means, which
therefore must be suggested in the first place--that is, must be
discovered; and the use of any particular means is not fairly open to
censure until a better is pointed out. Now, however small the number
of possible combinations may be in most cases, still it must be
admitted that to point out those which have not been used is not a
mere analysis of actual things, but a spontaneous creation which
cannot be prescribed, and depends on the fertility of genius.

  We are far from seeing a field for great genius in a case which admits
only of the application of a few simple combinations, and we think it
exceedingly ridiculous to hold up, as is often done, the turning of a
position as an invention showing the highest genius; still nevertheless
this creative self-activity on the part of the critic is necessary, and it is
one of the points which essentially determine the value of critical
examination.

  When Buonaparte on 30th July, 1796,9 determined to raise the siege
of Mantua, in order to march with his whole force against the enemy,
advancing in separate columns to the relief of the place, and to beat
them in detail, this appeared the surest way to the attainment of
brilliant victories. These victories actually followed, and were

 9
     Compare Hinterlassene Werke, 2nd edition, vol. iv. p. 107 et seq.


                                                       135
afterwards again repeated on a still more brilliant scale on the attempt
to relieve the fortress being again renewed. We hear only one opinion
on these achievements, that of unmixed admiration.

  At the same time, Buonaparte could not have adopted this course on
the 30th July without quite giving up the idea of the siege of Mantua,
because it was impossible to save the siege train, and it could not be
replaced by another in this campaign. In fact, the siege was converted
into a blockade, and the town, which if the siege had continued must
have very shortly fallen, held out for six months in spite of
Buonaparte's victories in the open field.

  Criticism has generally regarded this as an evil that was unavoidable,
because critics have not been able to suggest any better course.
Resistance to a relieving Army within lines of circumvallation had fallen
into such disrepute and contempt that it appears to have entirely
escaped consideration as a means. And yet in the reign of Louis XIV.
that measure was so often used with success that we can only
attribute to the force of fashion the fact that a hundred years later it
never occurred to any one even to propose such a measure. If the
practicability of such a plan had ever been entertained for a moment,
a closer consideration of circumstances would have shown that 40,000
of the best infantry in the world under Buonaparte, behind strong lines
of circumvallation round Mantua, had so little to fear from the 50,000
men coming to the relief under Wurmser, that it was very unlikely that
any attempt even would be made upon their lines. We shall not seek
here to establish this point, but we believe enough has been said to
show that this means was one which had a right to a share of
consideration. Whether Buonaparte himself ever thought of such a
plan we leave undecided; neither in his memoirs nor in other sources
is there any trace to be found of his having done so; in no critical
works has it been touched upon, the measure being one which the
mind had lost sight of. The merit of resuscitating the idea of this
means is not great, for it suggests itself at once to any one who
breaks loose from the trammels of fashion. Still it is necessary that it
should suggest itself for us to bring it into consideration and compare
it with the means which Buonaparte employed. Whatever may be the
result of the comparison, it is one which should not be omitted by
criticism.

 When Buonaparte, in February, 1814,10 after gaining the battles at
Etoges, Champ-Aubert, and Montmirail, left Bluecher's Army, and

 10
      Compare Hinterlassene Werks, 2nd edition. vol. vii. p. 193 et seq.


                                                      136
turning upon Schwartzenberg, beat his troops at Montereau and
Mormant, every one was filled with admiration, because Buonaparte,
by thus throwing his concentrated force first upon one opponent, then
upon another, made a brilliant use of the mistakes which his
adversaries had committed in dividing their forces. If these brilliant
strokes in different directions failed to save him, it was generally
considered to be no fault of his, at least. No one has yet asked the
question, What would have been the result if, instead of turning from
Bluecher upon Schwartzenberg, he had tried another blow at Bluecher,
and pursued him to the Rhine? We are convinced that it would have
completely changed the course of the campaign, and that the Army of
the Allies, instead of marching to Paris, would have retired behind the
Rhine. We do not ask others to share our conviction, but no one who
understands the thing will doubt, at the mere mention of this
alternative course, that it is one which should not be overlooked in
criticism.

  In this case the means of comparison lie much more on the surface
than in the foregoing, but they have been equally overlooked, because
one-sided views have prevailed, and there has been no freedom of
judgment.

   From the necessity of pointing out a better means which might have
been used in place of those which are condemned has arisen the form
of criticism almost exclusively in use, which contents itself with
pointing out the better means without demonstrating in what the
superiority consists. The consequence is that some are not convinced,
that others start up and do the same thing, and that thus discussion
arises which is without any fixed basis for the argument. Military
literature abounds with matter of this sort.

  The demonstration we require is always necessary when the
superiority of the means propounded is not so evident as to leave no
room for doubt, and it consists in the examination of each of the
means on its own merits, and then of its comparison with the object
desired. When once the thing is traced back to a simple truth,
controversy must cease, or at all events a new result is obtained,
whilst by the other plan the pros and cons go on for ever consuming
each other.

 Should we, for example, not rest content with assertion in the case
before mentioned, and wish to prove that the persistent pursuit of
Bluecher would have been more advantageous than the turning on



                                  137
Schwartzenberg, we should support the arguments on the following
simple truths:

  1. In general it is more advantageous to continue our blows in one
and the same direction, because there is a loss of time in striking in
different directions; and at a point where the moral power is already
shaken by considerable losses there is the more reason to expect fresh
successes, therefore in that way no part of the preponderance already
gained is left idle.

  2. Because Bluecher, although weaker than Schwartzenberg, was, on
account of his enterprising spirit, the more important adversary; in
him, therefore, lay the centre of attraction which drew the others
along in the same direction.

 3. Because the losses which Bluecher had sustained almost
amounted to a defeat, which gave Buonaparte such a preponderance
over him as to make his retreat to the Rhine almost certain, and at the
same time no reserves of any consequence awaited him there.

 4. Because there was no other result which would be so terrific in its
aspects, would appear to the imagination in such gigantic proportions,
an immense advantage in dealing with a Staff so weak and irresolute
as that of Schwartzenberg notoriously was at this time. What had
happened to the Crown Prince of Wartemberg at Montereau, and to
Count Wittgenstein at Mormant, Prince Schwartzenberg must have
known well enough; but all the untoward events on Bluecher's distant
and separate line from the Marne to the Rhine would only reach him
by the avalanche of rumour. The desperate movements which
Buonaparte made upon Vitry at the end of March, to see what the
Allies would do if he threatened to turn them strategically, were
evidently done on the principle of working on their fears; but it was
done under far different circumstances, in consequence of his defeat at
Laon and Arcis, and because Bluecher, with 100,000 men, was then in
communication with Schwartzenberg.

 There are people, no doubt, who will not be convinced on these
arguments, but at all events they cannot retort by saying, that "whilst
Buonaparte threatened Schwartzenberg's base by advancing to the
Rhine, Schwartzenberg at the same time threatened Buonaparte's
communications with Paris," because we have shown by the reasons
above given that Schwartzenberg would never have thought of
marching on Paris.



                                  138
  With respect to the example quoted by us from the campaign of
1796, we should say: Buonaparte looked upon the plan he adopted as
the surest means of beating the Austrians; but admitting that it was
so, still the object to be attained was only an empty victory, which
could have hardly any sensible influence on the fall of Mantua. The
way which we should have chosen would, in our opinion, have been
much more certain to prevent the relief of Mantua; but even if we
place ourselves in the position of the French General and assume that
it was not so, and look upon the certainty of success to have been
less, the question then amounts to a choice between a more certain
but less useful, and therefore less important, victory on the one hand,
and a somewhat less probable but far more decisive and important
victory, on the other hand. Presented in this form, boldness must have
declared for the second solution, which is the reverse of what took
place, when the thing was only superficially viewed. Buonaparte
certainly was anything but deficient in boldness, and we may be sure
that he did not see the whole case and its consequences as fully and
clearly as we can at the present time.

  Naturally the critic, in treating of the means, must often appeal to
military history, as experience is of more value in the Art of War than
all philosophical truth. But this exemplification from history is subject
to certain conditions, of which we shall treat in a special chapter and
unfortunately these conditions are so seldom regarded that reference
to history generally only serves to increase the confusion of ideas.

  We have still a most important subject to consider, which is, How far
criticism in passing judgments on particular events is permitted, or in
duty bound, to make use of its wider view of things, and therefore also
of that which is shown by results; or when and where it should leave
out of sight these things in order to place itself, as far as possible, in
the exact position of the chief actor?

  If criticism dispenses praise or censure, it should seek to place itself
as nearly as possible at the same point of view as the person acting,
that is to say, to collect all he knew and all the motives on which he
acted, and, on the other hand, to leave out of the consideration all
that the person acting could not or did not know, and above all, the
result. But this is only an object to aim at, which can never be reached
because the state of circumstances from which an event proceeded
can never be placed before the eye of the critic exactly as it lay before
the eye of the person acting. A number of inferior circumstances,
which must have influenced the result, are completely lost to sight,
and many a subjective motive has never come to light.


                                   139
  The latter can only be learnt from the memoirs of the chief actor, or
from his intimate friends; and in such things of this kind are often
treated of in a very desultory manner, or purpusely misrepresented.
Criticism must, therefore, always forego much which was present in
the minds of those whose acts are criticised.

  On the other hand, it is much more difficult to leave out of sight that
which criticism knows in excess. This is only easy as regards accidental
circumstances, that is, circumstances which have been mixed up, but
are in no way necessarily related. But it is very difficult, and, in fact,
can never be completely done with regard to things really essential.

  Let us take first, the result. If it has not proceeded from accidental
circumstances, it is almost impossible that the knowledge of it should
not have an effect on the judgment passed on events which have
preceded it, for we see these things in the light of this result, and it is
to a certain extent by it that we first become acquainted with them
and appreciate them. Military history, with all its events, is a source of
instruction for criticism itself, and it is only natural that criticism should
throw that light on things which it has itself obtained from the
consideration of the whole. If therefore it might wish in some cases to
leave the result out of the consideration, it would be impossible to do
so completely.

  But it is not only in relation to the result, that is, with what takes
place at the last, that this embarrassment arises; the same occurs in
relation to preceding events, therefore with the data which furnished
the motives to action. Criticism has before it, in most cases, more
information on this point than the principal in the transaction. Now it
may seem easy to dismiss from the consideration everything of this
nature, but it is not so easy as we may think. The knowledge of
preceding and concurrent events is founded not only on certain
information, but on a number of conjectures and suppositions; indeed,
there is hardly any of the information respecting things not purely
accidental which has not been preceded by suppositions or conjectures
destined to take the place of certain information in case such should
never be supplied. Now is it conceivable that criticism in after times,
which has before it as facts all the preceding and concurrent
circumstances, should not allow itself to be thereby influenced when it
asks itself the question, What portion of the circumstances, which at
the moment of action were unknown, would it have held to be
probable? We maintain that in this case, as in the case of the results,



                                     140
and for the same reason, it is impossible to disregard all these things
completely.

  If therefore the critic wishes to bestow praise or blame upon any
single act, he can only succeed to a certain degree in placing himself in
the position of the person whose act he has under review. In many
cases he can do so sufficiently near for any practical purpose, but in
many instances it is the very reverse, and this fact should never be
overlooked.

  But it is neither necessary nor desirable that criticism should
completely identify itself with the person acting. In War, as in all
matters of skill, there is a certain natural aptitude required which is
called talent. This may be great or small. In the first case it may easily
be superior to that of the critic, for what critic can pretend to the skill
of a Frederick or a Buonaparte? Therefore, if criticism is not to abstain
altogether from offering an opinion where eminent talent is concerned,
it must be allowed to make use of the advantage which its enlarged
horizon affords. Criticism must not, therefore, treat the solution of a
problem by a great General like a sum in arithmetic; it is only through
the results and through the exact coincidences of events that it can
recognise with admiration how much is due to the exercise of genius,
and that it first learns the essential combination which the glance of
that genius devised.

  But for every, even the smallest, act of genius it is necessary that
criticism should take a higher point of view, so that, having at
command many objective grounds of decision, it may be as little
subjective as possible, and that the critic may not take the limited
scope of his own mind as a standard.

  This elevated position of criticism, its praise and blame pronounced
with a full knowledge of all the circumstances, has in itself nothing
which hurts our feelings; it only does so if the critic pushes himself
forward, and speaks in a tone as if all the wisdom which he has
obtained by an exhaustive examination of the event under
consideration were really his own talent. Palpable as is this deception,
it is one which people may easily fall into through vanity, and one
which is naturally distasteful to others. It very often happens that
although the critic has no such arrogant pretensions, they are imputed
to him by the reader because he has not expressly disclaimed them,
and then follows immediately a charge of a want of the power of
critical judgment.



                                    141
 If therefore a critic points out an error made by a Frederick or a
Buonaparte, that does not mean that he who makes the criticism
would not have committed the same error; he may even be ready to
grant that had he been in the place of these great Generals he might
have made much greater mistakes; he merely sees this error from the
chain of events, and he thinks that it should not have escaped the
sagacity of the General.

  This is, therefore, an opinion formed through the connection of
events, and therefore through the RESULT. But there is another quite
different effect of the result itself upon the judgment, that is if it is
used quite alone as an example for or against the soundness of a
measure. This may be called JUDGMENT ACCORDING TO THE RESULT.
Such a judgment appears at first sight inadmissible, and yet it is not.

  When Buonaparte marched to Moscow in 1812, all depended upon
whether the taking of the capital, and the events which preceded the
capture, would force the Emperor Alexander to make peace, as he had
been compelled to do after the battle of Friedland in 1807, and the
Emperor Francis in 1805 and 1809 after Austerlitz and Wagram; for if
Buonaparte did not obtain a peace at Moscow, there was no alternative
but to return--that is, there was nothing for him but a strategic defeat.
We shall leave out of the question what he did to get to Moscow, and
whether in his advance he did not miss many opportunities of bringing
the Emperor Alexander to peace; we shall also exclude all
consideration of the disastrous circumstances which attended his
retreat, and which perhaps had their origin in the general conduct of
the campaign. Still the question remains the same, for however much
more brilliant the course of the campaign up to Moscow might have
been, still there was always an uncertainty whether the Emperor
Alexander would be intimidated into making peace; and then, even if a
retreat did not contain in itself the seeds of such disasters as did in
fact occur, still it could never be anything else than a great strategic
defeat. If the Emperor Alexander agreed to a peace which was
disadvantageous to him, the campaign of 1812 would have ranked
with those of Austerlitz, Friedland, and Wagram. But these campaigns
also, if they had not led to peace, would in all probability have ended
in similar catastrophes. Whatever, therefore, of genius, skill, and
energy the Conqueror of the World applied to the task, this last
question addressed to fate11 remained always the same. Shall we then
discard the campaigns of 1805, 1807, 1809, and say on account of the

 11
      "Frage an der Schicksal,"a familiar quotation from Schiller.--TR.



                                                    142
campaign of 1812 that they were acts of imprudence; that the results
were against the nature of things, and that in 1812 strategic justice at
last found vent for itself in opposition to blind chance? That would be
an unwarrantable conclusion, a most arbitrary judgment, a case only
half proved, because no human, eye can trace the thread of the
necessary connection of events up to the determination of the
conquered Princes.

 Still less can we say the campaign of 1812 merited the same success
as the others, and that the reason why it turned out otherwise lies in
something unnatural, for we cannot regard the firmness of Alexander
as something unpredictable.

  What can be more natural than to say that in the years 1805, 1807,
1809, Buonaparte judged his opponents correctly, and that in 1812 he
erred in that point? On the former occasions, therefore, he was right,
in the latter wrong, and in both cases we judge by the RESULT.

  All action in War, as we have already said, is directed on probable,
not on certain, results. Whatever is wanting in certainty must always
be left to fate, or chance, call it which you will. We may demand that
what is so left should be as little as possible, but only in relation to the
particular case--that is, as little as is possible in this one case, but not
that the case in which the least is left to chance is always to be
preferred. That would be an enormous error, as follows from all our
theoretical views. There are cases in which the greatest daring is the
greatest wisdom.

  Now in everything which is left to chance by the chief actor, his
personal merit, and therefore his responsibility as well, seems to be
completely set aside; nevertheless we cannot suppress an inward
feeling of satisfaction whenever expectation realises itself, and if it
disappoints us our mind is dissatisfied; and more than this of right and
wrong should not be meant by the judgment which we form from the
mere result, or rather that we find there.

  Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that the satisfaction which our
mind experiences at success, the pain caused by failure, proceed from
a sort of mysterious feeling; we suppose between that success
ascribed to good fortune and the genius of the chief a fine connecting
thread, invisible to the mind's eye, and the supposition gives pleasure.
What tends to confirm this idea is that our sympathy increases,
becomes more decided, if the successes and defeats of the principal
actor are often repeated. Thus it becomes intelligible how good luck in


                                    143
War assumes a much nobler nature than good luck at play. In general,
when a fortunate warrior does not otherwise lessen our interest in his
behalf, we have a pleasure in accompanying him in his career.

  Criticism, therefore, after having weighed all that comes within the
sphere of human reason and conviction, will let the result speak for
that part where the deep mysterious relations are not disclosed in any
visible form, and will protect this silent sentence of a higher authority
from the noise of crude opinions on the one hand, while on the other it
prevents the gross abuse which might be made of this last tribunal.

  This verdict of the result must therefore always bring forth that which
human sagacity cannot discover; and it will be chiefly as regards the
intellectual powers and operations that it will be called into requisition,
partly because they can be estimated with the least certainty, partly
because their close connection with the will is favourable to their
exercising over it an important influence. When fear or bravery
precipitates the decision, there is nothing objective intervening
between them for our consideration, and consequently nothing by
which sagacity and calculation might have met the probable result.

  We must now be allowed to make a few observations on the
instrument of criticism, that is, the language which it uses, because
that is to a certain extent connected with the action in War; for the
critical examination is nothing more than the deliberation which should
precede action in War. We therefore think it very essential that the
language used in criticism should have the same character as that
which deliberation in War must have, for otherwise it would cease to
be practical, and criticism could gain no admittance in actual life.

  We have said in our observations on the theory of the conduct of War
that it should educate the mind of the Commander for War, or that its
teaching should guide his education; also that it is not intended to
furnish him with positive doctrines and systems which he can use like
mental appliances. But if the construction of scientific formulae is
never required, or even allowable, in War to aid the decision on the
case presented, if truth does not appear there in a systematic shape, if
it is not found in an indirect way, but directly by the natural perception
of the mind, then it must be the same also in a critical review.

  It is true as we have seen that, wherever complete demonstration of
the nature of things would be too tedious, criticism must support itself
on those truths which theory has established on the point. But, just as
in War the actor obeys these theoretical truths rather because his


                                    144
mind is imbued with them than because he regards them as objective
inflexible laws, so criticism must also make use of them, not as an
external law or an algebraic formula, of which fresh proof is not
required each time they are applied, but it must always throw a light
on this proof itself, leaving only to theory the more minute and
circumstantial proof. Thus it avoids a mysterious, unintelligible
phraseology, and makes its progress in plain language, that is, with a
clear and always visible chain of ideas.

  Certainly this cannot always be completely attained, but it must
always be the aim in critical expositions. Such expositions must use
complicated forms of science as sparingly as possible, and never resort
to the construction of scientific aids as of a truth apparatus of its own,
but always be guided by the natural and unbiassed impressions of the
mind.

 But this pious endeavour, if we may use the expression, has
unfortunately seldom hitherto presided over critical examinations: the
most of them have rather been emanations of a species of vanity--a
wish to make a display of ideas.

  The first evil which we constantly stumble upon is a lame, totally
inadmissible application of certain one- sided systems as of a formal
code of laws. But it is never difficult to show the one-sidedness of such
systems, and this only requires to be done once to throw discredit for
ever on critical judgments which are based on them. We have here to
deal with a definite subject, and as the number of possible systems
after all can be but small, therefore also they are themselves the
lesser evil.

  Much greater is the evil which lies in the pompous retinue of
technical terms--scientific expressions and metaphors, which these
systems carry in their train, and which like a rabble-like the baggage
of an Army broken away from its Chief--hang about in all directions.
Any critic who has not adopted a system, either because he has not
found one to please him, or because he has not yet been able to make
himself master of one, will at least occasionally make use of a piece of
one, as one would use a ruler, to show the blunders committed by a
General. The most of them are incapable of reasoning without using as
a help here and there some shreds of scientific military theory. The
smallest of these fragments, consisting in mere scientific words and
metaphors, are often nothing more than ornamental flourishes of
critical narration. Now it is in the nature of things that all technical and
scientific expressions which belong to a system lose their propriety, if


                                    145
they ever had any, as soon as they are distorted, and used as general
axioms, or as small crystalline talismans, which have more power of
demonstration than simple speech.

  Thus it has come to pass that our theoretical and critical books,
instead of being straightforward, intelligible dissertations, in which the
author always knows at least what he says and the reader what he
reads, are brimful of these technical terms, which form dark points of
interference where author and reader part company. But frequently
they are something worse, being nothing but hollow shells without any
kernel. The author himself has no clear perception of what he means,
contents himself with vague ideas, which if expressed in plain
language would be unsatisfactory even to himself.

  A third fault in criticism is the MISUSE of HISTORICAL EXAMPLES,
and a display of great reading or learning. What the history of the Art
of War is we have already said, and we shall further explain our views
on examples and on military history in general in special chapters. One
fact merely touched upon in a very cursory manner may be used to
support the most opposite views, and three or four such facts of the
most heterogeneous description, brought together out of the most
distant lands and remote times and heaped up, generally distract and
bewilder the judgment and understanding without demonstrating
anything; for when exposed to the light they turn out to be only
trumpery rubbish, made use of to show off the author's learning.

  But what can be gained for practical life by such obscure, partly
false, confused arbitrary conceptions? So little is gained that theory on
account of them has always been a true antithesis of practice, and
frequently a subject of ridicule to those whose soldierly qualities in the
field are above question.

  But it is impossible that this could have been the case, if theory in
simple language, and by natural treatment of those things which
constitute the Art of making War, had merely sought to establish just
so much as admits of being established; if, avoiding all false
pretensions and irrelevant display of scientific forms and historical
parallels, it had kept close to the subject, and gone hand in hand with
those who must conduct affairs in the field by their own natural
genius.




                                   146
                      CHAPTER VI. ON EXAMPLES
  EXAMPLES from history make everything clear, and furnish the best
description of proof in the empirical sciences. This applies with more
force to the Art of War than to any other. General Scharnhorst, whose
handbook is the best ever written on actual War, pronounces historical
examples to be of the first importance, and makes an admirable use of
them himself. Had he survived the War in which he fell,12 the fourth
part of his revised treatise on artillery would have given a still greater
proof of the observing and enlightened spirit in which he sifted matters
of experience.

  But such use of historical examples is rarely made by theoretical
writers; the way in which they more commonly make use of them is
rather calculated to leave the mind unsatisfied, as well as to offend the
understanding. We therefore think it important to bring specially into
view the use and abuse of historical examples.

  Unquestionably the branches of knowledge which lie at the
foundation of the Art of War come under the denomination of empirical
sciences; for although they are derived in a great measure from the
nature of things, still we can only learn this very nature itself for the
most part from experience; and besides that, the practical application
is modified by so many circumstances that the effects can never be
completely learnt from the mere nature of the means.

  The effects of gunpowder, that great agent in our military activity,
were only learnt by experience, and up to this hour experiments are
continually in progress in order to investigate them more fully. That an
iron ball to which powder has given a velocity of 1000 feet in a second,
smashes every living thing which it touches in its course is intelligible
in itself; experience is not required to tell us that; but in producing this
effect how many hundred circumstances are concerned, some of which
can only be learnt by experience! And the physical is not the only
effect which we have to study, it is the moral which we are in search
of, and that can only be ascertained by experience; and there is no
other way of learning and appreciating it but by experience. In the
middle ages, when firearms were first invented, their effect, owing to
their rude make, was materially but trifling compared to what it now
is, but their effect morally was much greater. One must have
witnessed the firmness of one of those masses taught and led by

  12
     General Scharnhorst died in 1813, of a wound received in the battle of Bautzen or Grosz Gorchen--
EDITOR.


                                                 147
Buonaparte, under the heaviest and most unintermittent cannonade,
in order to understand what troops, hardened by long practice in the
field of danger, can do, when by a career of victory they have reached
the noble principle of demanding from themselves their utmost efforts.
In pure conception no one would believe it. On the other hand, it is
well known that there are troops in the service of European Powers at
the present moment who would easily be dispersed by a few cannon
shots.

  But no empirical science, consequently also no theory of the Art of
War, can always corroborate its truths by historical proof; it would also
be, in some measure, difficult to support experience by single facts. If
any means is once found efficacious in War, it is repeated; one nation
copies another, the thing becomes the fashion, and in this manner it
comes into use, supported by experience, and takes its place in
theory, which contents itself with appealing to experience in general in
order to show its origin, but not as a verification of its truth.

  But it is quite otherwise if experience is to be used in order to
overthrow some means in use, to confirm what is doubtful, or
introduce something new; then particular examples from history must
be quoted as proofs.

  Now, if we consider closely the use of historical proofs, four points of
view readily present themselves for the purpose.

 First, they may be used merely as an EXPLANATION of an idea. In
every abstract consideration it is very easy to be misunderstood, or
not to be intelligible at all: when an author is afraid of this, an
exemplification from history serves to throw the light which is wanted
on his idea, and to ensure his being intelligible to his reader.

  Secondly, it may serve as an APPLICATION of an idea, because by
means of an example there is an opportunity of showing the action of
those minor circumstances which cannot all be comprehended and
explained in any general expression of an idea; for in that consists,
indeed, the difference between theory and experience. Both these
cases belong to examples properly speaking, the two following belong
to historical proofs.

 Thirdly, a historical fact may be referred to particularly, in order to
support what one has advanced. This is in all cases sufficient, if we
have ONLY to prove the POSSIBILITY of a fact or effect.



                                   148
  Lastly, in the fourth place, from the circumstantial detail of a
historical event, and by collecting together several of them, we may
deduce some theory, which therefore has its true PROOF in this
testimony itself.

 For the first of these purposes all that is generally required is a
cursory notice of the case, as it is only used partially. Historical
correctness is a secondary consideration; a case invented might also
serve the purpose as well, only historical ones are always to be
preferred, because they bring the idea which they illustrate nearer to
practical life.

  The second use supposes a more circumstantial relation of events,
but historical authenticity is again of secondary importance, and in
respect to this point the same is to be said as in the first case.

  For the third purpose the mere quotation of an undoubted fact is
generally sufficient. If it is asserted that fortified positions may fulfil
their object under certain conditions, it is only necessary to mention
the position of Bunzelwitz13 in support of the assertion.

  But if, through the narrative of a case in history, an abstract truth is
to be demonstrated, then everything in the case bearing on the
demonstration must be analysed in the most searching and complete
manner; it must, to a certain extent, develop itself carefully before the
eyes of the reader. The less effectually this is done the weaker will be
the proof, and the more necessary it will be to supply the
demonstrative proof which is wanting in the single case by a number
of cases, because we have a right to suppose that the more minute
details which we are unable to give neutralise each other in their
effects in a certain number of cases.

  If we want to show by example derived from experience that cavalry
are better placed behind than in a line with infantry; that it is very
hazardous without a decided preponderance of numbers to attempt an
enveloping movement, with widely separated columns, either on a
field of battle or in the theatre of war--that is, either tactically or
strategically--then in the first of these cases it would not be sufficient
to specify some lost battles in which the cavalry was on the flanks and
some gained in which the cavalry was in rear of the infantry; and in
the tatter of these cases it is not sufficient to refer to the battles of

 13
      Frederick the Great's celebrated entrenched camp in 1761.



                                                      149
Rivoli and Wagram, to the attack of the Austrians on the theatre of
war in Italy, in 1796, or of the French upon the German theatre of war
in the same year. The way in which these orders of battle or plans of
attack essentially contributed to disastrous issues in those particular
cases must be shown by closely tracing out circumstances and
occurrences. Then it will appear how far such forms or measures are to
be condemned, a point which it is very necessary to show, for a total
condemnation would be inconsistent with truth.

  It has been already said that when a circumstantial detail of facts is
impossible, the demonstrative power which is deficient may to a
certain extent be supplied by the number of cases quoted; but this is a
very dangerous method of getting out of the difficulty, and one which
has been much abused. Instead of one well-explained example, three
or four are just touched upon, and thus a show is made of strong
evidence. But there are matters where a whole dozen of cases brought
forward would prove nothing, if, for instance, they are facts of
frequent occurrence, and therefore a dozen other cases with an
opposite result might just as easily be brought forward. If any one will
instance a dozen lost battles in which the side beaten attacked in
separate converging columns, we can instance a dozen that have been
gained in which the same order was adopted. It is evident that in this
way no result is to be obtained.

 Upon carefully considering these different points, it will be seen how
easily examples may be misapplied.

  An occurrence which, instead of being carefully analysed in all its
parts, is superficially noticed, is like an object seen at a great distance,
presenting the same appearance on each side, and in which the details
of its parts cannot be distinguished. Such examples have, in reality,
served to support the most contradictory opinions. To some Daun's
campaigns are models of prudence and skill. To others, they are
nothing but examples of timidity and want of resolution. Buonaparte's
passage across the Noric Alps in 1797 may be made to appear the
noblest resolution, but also as an act of sheer temerity. His strategic
defeat in 1812 may be represented as the consequence either of an
excess, or of a deficiency, of energy. All these opinions have been
broached, and it is easy to see that they might very well arise,
because each person takes a different view of the connection of
events. At the same time these antagonistic opinions cannot be
reconciled with each other, and therefore one of the two must be
wrong.



                                    150
  Much as we are obliged to the worthy Feuquieres for the numerous
examples introduced in his memoirs--partly because a number of
historical incidents have thus been preserved which might otherwise
have been lost, and partly because he was one of the first to bring
theoretical, that is, abstract, ideas into connection with the practical in
war, in so far that the cases brought forward may be regarded as
intended to exemplify and confirm what is theoretically asserted--yet,
in the opinion of an impartial reader, he will hardly be allowed to have
attained the object he proposed to himself, that of proving theoretical
principles by historical examples. For although he sometimes relates
occurrences with great minuteness, still he falls short very often of
showing that the deductions drawn necessarily proceed from the inner
relations of these events.

  Another evil which comes from the superficial notice of historical
events, is that some readers are either wholly ignorant of the events,
or cannot call them to remembrance sufficiently to be able to grasp
the author's meaning, so that there is no alternative between either
accepting blindly what is said, or remaining unconvinced.

  It is extremely difficult to put together or unfold historical events
before the eyes of a reader in such a way as is necessary, in order to
be able to use them as proofs; for the writer very often wants the
means, and can neither afford the time nor the requisite space; but we
maintain that, when the object is to establish a new or doubtful
opinion, one single example, thoroughly analysed, is far more
instructive than ten which are superficially treated. The great mischief
of these superficial representations is not that the writer puts his story
forward as a proof when it has only a false title, but that he has not
made himself properly acquainted with the subject, and that from this
sort of slovenly, shallow treatment of history, a hundred false views
and attempts at the construction of theories arise, which would never
have made their appearance if the writer had looked upon it as his
duty to deduce from the strict connection of events everything new
which he brought to market, and sought to prove from history.

  When we are convinced of these difficulties in the use of historical
examples, and at the same time of the necessity (of making use of
such examples), then we shall also come to the conclusion that the
latest military history is naturally the best field from which to draw
them, inasmuch as it alone is sufficiently authentic and detailed.

 In ancient times, circumstances connected with War, as well as the
method of carrying it on, were different; therefore its events are of


                                    151
less use to us either theoretically or practically; in addition to which,
military history, like every other, naturally loses in the course of time a
number of small traits and lineaments originally to be seen, loses in
colour and life, like a worn-out or darkened picture; so that perhaps at
last only the large masses and leading features remain, which thus
acquire undue proportions.

  If we look at the present state of warfare, we should say that the
Wars since that of the Austrian succession are almost the only ones
which, at least as far as armament, have still a considerable similarity
to the present, and which, notwithstanding the many important
changes which have taken place both great and small, are still capable
of affording much instruction. It is quite otherwise with the War of the
Spanish succession, as the use of fire-arms had not then so far
advanced towards perfection, and cavalry still continued the most
important arm. The farther we go back, the less useful becomes
military history, as it gets so much the more meagre and barren of
detail. The most useless of all is that of the old world.

  But this uselessness is not altogether absolute, it relates only to
those subjects which depend on a knowledge of minute details, or on
those things in which the method of conducting war has changed.
Although we know very little about the tactics in the battles between
the Swiss and the Austrians, the Burgundians and French, still we find
in them unmistakable evidence that they were the first in which the
superiority of a good infantry over the best cavalry was, displayed. A
general glance at the time of the Condottieri teaches us how the whole
method of conducting War is dependent on the instrument used; for at
no period have the forces used in War had so much the characteristics
of a special instrument, and been a class so totally distinct from the
rest of the national community. The memorable way in which the
Romans in the second Punic War attacked the Carthaginan possessions
in Spain and Africa, while Hannibal still maintained himself in Italy, is a
most instructive subject to study, as the general relations of the States
and Armies concerned in this indirect act of defence are sufficiently
well known.

  But the more things descend into particulars and deviate in character
from the most general relations, the less we can look for examples and
lessons of experience from very remote periods, for we have neither
the means of judging properly of corresponding events, nor can we
apply them to our completely different method of War.




                                    152
  Unfortunately, however, it has always been the fashion with historical
writers to talk about ancient times. We shall not say how far vanity
and charlatanism may have had a share in this, but in general we fail
to discover any honest intention and earnest endeavour to instruct and
convince, and we can therefore only look upon such quotations and
references as embellishments to fill up gaps and hide defects.

  It would be an immense service to teach the Art of War entirely by
historical examples, as Feuquieres proposed to do; but it would be full
work for the whole life of a man, if we reflect that he who undertakes
it must first qualify himself for the task by a long personal experience
in actual War.

  Whoever, stirred by ambition, undertakes such a task, let him
prepare himself for his pious undertaking as for a long pilgrimage; let
him give up his time, spare no sacrifice, fear no temporal rank or
power, and rise above all feelings of personal vanity, of false shame, in
order, according to the French code, to speak THE TRUTH, THE WHOLE
TRUTH, AND NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH.




                                   153
      BOOK III. OF STRATEGY IN GENERAL
                   CHAPTER I. STRATEGY

  IN the second chapter of the second book, Strategy has been defined
as "the employment of the battle as the means towards the attainment
of the object of the War." Properly speaking it has to do with nothing
but the battle, but its theory must include in this consideration the
instrument of this real activity--the armed force--in itself and in its
principal relations, for the battle is fought by it, and shows its effects
upon it in turn. It must be well acquainted with the battle itself as far
as relates to its possible results, and those mental and moral powers
which are the most important in the use of the same.

  Strategy is the employment of the battle to gain the end of the War;
it must therefore give an aim to the whole military action, which must
be in accordance with the object of the War; in other words, Strategy
forms the plan of the War, and to this end it links together the series
of acts which are to lead to the final decision, that, is to say, it makes
the plans for the separate campaigns and regulates the combats to be
fought in each. As these are all things which to a great extent can only
be determined on conjectures some of which turn out incorrect, while
a number of other arrangements pertaining to details cannot be made
at all beforehand, it follows, as a matter of course, that Strategy must
go with the Army to the field in order to arrange particulars on the
spot, and to make the modifications in the general plan, which
incessantly become necessary in War. Strategy can therefore never
take its hand from the work for a moment.

  That this, however, has not always been the view taken is evident
from the former custom of keeping Strategy in the cabinet and not
with the Army, a thing only allowable if the cabinet is so near to the
Army that it can be taken for the chief head-quarters of the Army.

  Theory will therefore attend on Strategy in the determination of its
plans, or, as we may more properly say, it will throw a light on things
in themselves, and on their relations to each other, and bring out
prominently the little that there is of principle or rule.

  If we recall to mind from the first chapter how many things of the
highest importance War touches upon, we may conceive that a
consideration of all requires a rare grasp of mind.



                                   154
  A Prince or General who knows exactly how to organise his War
according to his object and means, who does neither too little nor too
much, gives by that the greatest proof of his genius. But the effects of
this talent are exhibited not so much by the invention of new modes of
action, which might strike the eye immediately, as in the successful
final result of the whole. It is the exact fulfilment of silent
suppositions, it is the noiseless harmony of the whole action which we
should admire, and which only makes itself known in the total result.
inquirer who, tracing back from the final result, does not perceive the
signs of that harmony is one who is apt to seek for genius where it is
not, and where it cannot be found.

  The means and forms which Strategy uses are in fact so extremely
simple, so well known by their constant repetition, that it only appears
ridiculous to sound common sense when it hears critics so frequently
speaking of them with high-flown emphasis. Turning a flank, which has
been done a thousand times, is regarded here as a proof of the most
brilliant genius, there as a proof of the most profound penetration,
indeed even of the most comprehensive knowledge. Can there be in
the book--world more absurd productions?14

  It is still more ridiculous if, in addition to this, we reflect that the
same critic, in accordance with prevalent opinion, excludes all moral
forces from theory, and will not allow it to be concerned with anything
but the material forces, so that all must be confined to a few
mathematical relations of equilibrium and preponderance, of time and
space, and a few lines and angles. If it were nothing more than this,
then out of such a miserable business there would not be a scientific
problem for even a schoolboy.

  But let us admit: there is no question here about scientific formulas
and problems; the relations of material things are all very simple; the
right comprehension of the moral forces which come into play is more
difficult. Still, even in respect to them, it is only in the highest
branches of Strategy that moral complications and a great diversity of
quantities and relations are to be looked for, only at that point where
Strategy borders on political science, or rather where the two become
one, and there, as we have before observed, they have more influence
on the "how much" and "how little" is to be done than on the form of
execution. Where the latter is the principal question, as in the single

  14
      This paragraph refers to the works of Lloyd, Buelow, indeed to all the eighteenth-century writers, from
whose influence we in England are not even yet free.--ED.



                                                    155
acts both great and small in War, the moral quantities are already
reduced to a very small number.

  Thus, then, in Strategy everything is very simple, but not on that
account very easy. Once it is determined from the relations of the
State what should and may be done by War, then the way to it is easy
to find; but to follow that way straightforward, to carry out the plan
without being obliged to deviate from it a thousand times by a
thousand varying influences, requires, besides great strength of
character, great clearness and steadiness of mind, and out of a
thousand men who are remarkable, some for mind, others for
penetration, others again for boldness or strength of will, perhaps not
one will combine in himself all those qualities which are required to
raise a man above mediocrity in the career of a general.

  It may sound strange, but for all who know War in this respect it is a
fact beyond doubt, that much more strength of will is required to make
an important decision in Strategy than in tactics. In the latter we are
hurried on with the moment; a Commander feels himself borne along
in a strong current, against which he durst not contend without the
most destructive consequences, he suppresses the rising fears, and
boldly ventures further. In Strategy, where all goes on at a slower
rate, there is more room allowed for our own apprehensions and those
of others, for objections and remonstrances, consequently also for
unseasonable regrets; and as we do not see things in Strategy as we
do at least half of them in tactics, with the living eye, but everything
must be conjectured and assumed, the convictions produced are less
powerful. The consequence is that most Generals, when they should
act, remain stuck fast in bewildering doubts.

  Now let us cast a glance at history--upon Frederick the Great's
campaign of 1760, celebrated for its fine marches and manoeuvres: a
perfect masterpiece of Strategic skill as critics tell us. Is there really
anything to drive us out of our wits with admiration in the King's first
trying to turn Daun's right flank, then his left, then again his right, &c.
? Are we to see profound wisdom in this? No, that we cannot, if we are
to decide naturally and without affectation. What we rather admire
above all is the sagacity of the King in this respect, that while pursuing
a great object with very limited means, he undertook nothing beyond
his powers, and JUST ENOUGH to gain his object. This sagacity of the
General is visible not only in this campaign, but throughout all the
three Wars of the Great King!




                                    156
 To bring Silesia into the safe harbour of a well- guaranteed peace
was his object.

  At the head of a small State, which was like other States in most
things, and only ahead of them in some branches of administration; he
could not be an Alexander, and, as Charles XII, he would only, like
him, have broken his head. We find, therefore, in the whole of his
conduct of War, a controlled power, always well balanced, and never
wanting in energy, which in the most critical moments rises to
astonishing deeds, and the next moment oscillates quietly on again in
subordination to the play of the most subtil political influences. Neither
vanity, thirst for glory, nor vengeance could make him deviate from
his course, and this course alone it is which brought him to a fortunate
termination of the contest.

  These few words do but scant justice to this phase of the genius of
the great General; the eyes must be fixed carefully on the
extraordinary issue of the struggle, and the causes which brought
about that issue must be traced out, in order thoroughly to understand
that nothing but the King's penetrating eye brought him safely out of
all his dangers.

  This is one feature in this great Commander which we admire in the
campaign of 1760--and in all others, but in this especially--because in
none did he keep the balance even against such a superior hostile
force, with such a small sacrifice.

  Another feature relates to the difficulty of execution. Marches to turn
a flank, right or left, are easily combined; the idea of keeping a small
force always well concentrated to be able to meet the enemy on equal
terms at any point, to multiply a force by rapid movement, is as easily
conceived as expressed; the mere contrivance in these points,
therefore, cannot excite our admiration, and with respect to such
simple things, there is nothing further than to admit that they are
simple.

  But let a General try to do these things like Frederick the Great. Long
afterwards authors, who were eyewitnesses, have spoken of the
danger, indeed of the imprudence, of the King's camps, and doubtless,
at the time he pitched them, the danger appeared three times as great
as afterwards.

  It was the same with his marches, under the eyes, nay, often under
the cannon of the enemy's Army; these camps were taken up, these


                                   157
marches made, not from want of prudence, but because in Daun's
system, in his mode of drawing up his Army, in the responsibility
which pressed upon him, and in his character, Frederick found that
security which justified his camps and marches. But it required the
King's boldness, determination, and strength of will to see things in
this light, and not to be led astray and intimidated by the danger of
which thirty years after people still wrote and spoke. Few Generals in
this situation would have believed these simple strategic means to be
practicable.

  Again, another difficulty in execution lay in this, that the King's Army
in this campaign was constantly in motion. Twice it marched by
wretched cross-roads, from the Elbe into Silesia, in rear of Daun and
pursued by Lascy (beginning of July, beginning of August). It required
to be always ready for battle, and its marches had to be organised
with a degree of skill which necessarily called forth a proportionate
amount of exertion. Although attended and delayed by thousands of
waggons, still its subsistence was extremely difficult. In Silesia, for
eight days before the battle of Leignitz, it had constantly to march,
defiling alternately right and left in front of the enemy:--this costs
great fatigue, and entails great privations.

  Is it to be supposed that all this could have been done without
producing great friction in the machine? Can the mind of a
Commander elaborate such movements with the same ease as the
hand of a land surveyor uses the astrolabe? Does not the sight of the
sufferings of their hungry, thirsty comrades pierce the hearts of the
Commander and his Generals a thousand times? Must not the
murmurs and doubts which these cause reach his ear? Has an ordinary
man the courage to demand such sacrifices, and would not such
efforts most certainly demoralise the Army, break up the bands of
discipline, and, in short, undermine its military virtue, if firm reliance
on the greatness and infallibility of the Commander did not
compensate for all? Here, therefore, it is that we should pay respect; it
is these miracles of execution which we should admire. But it is
impossible to realise all this in its full force without a foretaste of it by
experience. He who only knows War from books or the drill-ground
cannot realise the whole effect of this counterpoise in action; WE BEG
HIM, THEREFORE, TO ACCEPT FROM US ON FAITH AND TRUST ALL
THAT HE IS UNABLE TO SUPPLY FROM ANY PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
OF HIS OWN.

 This illustration is intended to give more clearness to the course of
our ideas, and in closing this chapter we will only briefly observe that


                                     158
in our exposition of Strategy we shall describe those separate subjects
which appear to us the most important, whether of a moral or material
nature; then proceed from the simple to the complex, and conclude
with the inner connection of the whole act of War, in other words, with
the plan for a War or campaign.

OBSERVATION.

  In an earlier manuscript of the second book         are the following
passages endorsed by the author himself to be         used for the first
Chapter of the second Book: the projected revision   of that chapter not
having been made, the passages referred to are       introduced here in
full.

  By the mere assemblage of armed forces at a particular point, a
battle there becomes possible, but does not always take place. Is that
possibility now to be regarded as a reality and therefore an effective
thing? Certainly, it is so by its results, and these effects, whatever
they may be, can never fail.

1. POSSIBLE COMBATS ARE ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR RESULTS
TO BE LOOKED UPON AS REAL ONES.

  If a detachment is sent away to cut off the retreat of a flying enemy,
and the enemy surrenders in consequence without further resistance,
still it is through the combat which is offered to him by this
detachment sent after him that he is brought to his decision.

  If a part of our Army occupies an enemy's province which was
undefended, and thus deprives the enemy of very considerable means
of keeping up the strength of his Army, it is entirely through the battle
which our detached body gives the enemy to expect, in case he seeks
to recover the lost province, that we remain in possession of the same.

  In both cases, therefore, the mere possibility of a battle has
produced results, and is therefore to be classed amongst actual
events. Suppose that in these cases the enemy has opposed our
troops with others superior in force, and thus forced ours to give up
their object without a combat, then certainly our plan has failed, but
the battle which we offered at (either of) those points has not on that
account been without effect, for it attracted the enemy's forces to that
point. And in case our whole undertaking has done us harm, it cannot
be said that these positions, these possible battles, have been



                                   159
attended with no results; their effects, then, are similar to those of a
lost battle.

  In this manner we see that the destruction of the enemy's military
forces, the overthrow of the enemy's power, is only to be done
through the effect of a battle, whether it be that it actually takes
place, or that it is merely offered, and not accepted.

2. TWOFOLD OBJECT OF THE COMBAT.

  But these effects are of two kinds, direct and indirect they are of the
latter, if other things intrude themselves and become the object of the
combat--things which cannot be regarded as the destruction of
enemy's force, but only leading up to it, certainly by a circuitous road,
but with so much the greater effect. The possession of provinces,
towns, fortresses, roads, bridges, magazines, &c., may be the
IMMEDIATE object of a battle, but never the ultimate one. Things of
this description can never be, looked upon otherwise than as means of
gaining greater superiority, so as at last to offer battle to the enemy in
such a way that it will be impossible for him to accept it. Therefore all
these things must only be regarded as intermediate links, steps, as it
were, leading up to the effectual principle, but never as that principle
itself.

3. EXAMPLE.

  In 1814, by the capture of Buonaparte's capital the object of the War
was attained. The political divisions which had their roots in Paris came
into active operation, and an enormous split left the power of the
Emperor to collapse of itself. Nevertheless the point of view from
which we must look at all this is, that through these causes the forces
and defensive means of Buonaparte were suddenly very much
diminished, the superiority of the Allies, therefore, just in the same
measure increased, and any further resistance then became
IMPOSSIBLE. It was this impossibility which produced the peace with
France. If we suppose the forces of the Allies at that moment
diminished to a like extent through external causes;-- if the superiority
vanishes, then at the same time vanishes also all the effect and
importance of the taking of Paris.

  We have gone through this chain of argument in order to show that
this is the natural and only true view of the thing from which it derives
its importance. It leads always back to the question, What at any
given moment of the War or campaign will be the probable result of


                                   160
the great or small combats which the two sides might offer to each
other? In the consideration of a plan for a campaign, this question only
is decisive as to the measures which are to be taken all through from
the very commencement.

4. WHEN THIS VIEW IS NOT TAKEN, THEN A FALSE VALUE IS
GIVEN TO OTHER THINGS.

  If we do not accustom ourselves to look upon War, and the single
campaigns in a War, as a chain which is all composed of battles strung
together, one of which always brings on another; if we adopt the idea
that the taking of a certain geographical point, the occupation of an
undefended province, is in itself anything; then we are very likely to
regard it as an acquisition which we may retain; and if we look at it so,
and not as a term in the whole series of events, we do not ask
ourselves whether this possession may not lead to greater
disadvantages hereafter. How often we find this mistake recurring in
military history.

  We might say that, just as in commerce the merchant cannot set
apart and place in security gains from one single transaction by itself,
so in War a single advantage cannot be separated from the result of
the whole. Just as the former must always operate with the whole bulk
of his means, just so in War, only the sum total will decide on the
advantage or disadvantage of each item.

  If the mind's eye is always directed upon the series of combats, so
far as they can be seen beforehand, then it is always looking in the
right direction, and thereby the motion of the force acquires that
rapidity, that is to say, willing and doing acquire that energy which is
suitable to the matter, and which is not to be thwarted or turned aside
by extraneous influences.15




  15
      The whole of this chapter is directed against the theories of the Austrian Staff in 1814. It may be taken as
the foundation of the modern teaching of the Prussian General Staff. See especially von Kammer.--ED


                                                       161
        CHAPTER II. ELEMENTS OF STRATEGY

 THE causes which condition the use of the combat in Strategy may
be easily divided into elements of different kinds, such as the moral,
physical, mathematical, geographical and statistical elements.

  The first class includes all that can be called forth by moral qualities
and effects; to the second belong the whole mass of the military force,
its organisation, the proportion of the three arms, &c. &c.; to the third,
the angle of the lines of operation, the concentric and eccentric
movements in as far as their geometrical nature has any value in the
calculation; to the fourth, the influences of country, such as
commanding points, hills, rivers, woods, roads, &c. &c.; lastly, to the
fifth, all the means of supply. The separation of these things once for
all in the mind does good in giving clearness and helping us to
estimate at once, at a higher or lower value, the different classes as
we pass onwards. For, in considering them separately, many lose of
themselves their borrowed importance; one feels, for instance, quite
plainly that the value of a base of operations, even if we look at
nothing in it but its relative position to the line of operations, depends
much less in that simple form on the geometrical element of the angle
which they form with one another, than on the nature of the roads and
the country through which they pass.

  But to treat upon Strategy according to these elements would be the
most unfortunate idea that could be conceived, for these elements are
generally manifold, and intimately connected with each other in every
single operation of War. We should lose ourselves in the most soulless
analysis, and as if in a horrid dream, we should be for ever trying in
vain to build up an arch to connect this base of abstractions with facts
belonging to the real world. Heaven preserve every theorist from such
an undertaking! We shall keep to the world of things in their totality,
and not pursue our analysis further than is necessary from time to
time to give distinctness to the idea which we wish to impart, and
which has come to us, not by a speculative investigation, but through
the impression made by the realities of War in their entirety.




                                   162
              CHAPTER III. MORAL FORCES

  WE must return again to this subject, which is touched upon in the
third chapter of the second book, because the moral forces are
amongst the most important subjects in War. They form the spirit
which permeates the whole being of War. These forces fasten
themselves soonest and with the greatest affinity on to the Will which
puts in motion and guides the whole mass of powers, uniting with it as
it were in one stream, because this is a moral force itself.
Unfortunately they will escape from all book-analysis, for they will
neither be brought into numbers nor into classes, and require to be
both seen and felt.

  The spirit and other moral qualities which animate an Army, a
General, or Governments, public opinion in provinces in which a War is
raging, the moral effect of a victory or of a defeat, are things which in
themselves vary very much in their nature, and which also, according
as they stand with regard to our object and our relations, may have an
influence in different ways.

  Although little or nothing can be said about these things in books,
still they belong to the theory of the Art of War, as much as everything
else which constitutes War. For I must here once more repeat that it is
a miserable philosophy if, according to the old plan, we establish rules
and principles wholly regardless of all moral forces, and then, as soon
as these forces make their appearance, we begin to count exceptions
which we thereby establish as it were theoretically, that is, make into
rules; or if we resort to an appeal to genius, which is above all rules,
thus giving out by implication, not only that rules were only made for
fools, but also that they themselves are no better than folly.

  Even if the theory of the Art of War does no more in reality than
recall these things to remembrance, showing the necessity of allowing
to the moral forces their full value, and of always taking them into
consideration, by so doing it extends its borders over the region of
immaterial forces, and by establishing that point of view, condemns
beforehand every one who would endeavour to justify himself before
its judgment seat by the mere physical relations of forces.

 Further out of regard to all other so-called rules, theory cannot
banish the moral forces beyond its frontier, because the effects of the
physical forces and the moral are completely fused, and are not to be
decomposed like a metal alloy by a chemical process. In every rule



                                   163
relating to the physical forces, theory must present to the mind at the
same time the share which the moral powers will have in it, if it would
not be led to categorical propositions, at one time too timid and
contracted, at another too dogmatical and wide. Even the most
matter-of-fact theories have, without knowing it, strayed over into this
moral kingdom; for, as an example, the effects of a victory cannot in
any way be explained without taking into consideration the moral
impressions. And therefore the most of the subjects which we shall go
through in this book are composed half of physical, half of moral
causes and effects, and we might say the physical are almost no more
than the wooden handle, whilst the moral are the noble metal, the real
bright-polished weapon.

  The value of the moral powers, and their frequently incredible
influence, are best exemplified by history, and this is the most
generous and the purest nourishment which the mind of the General
can extract from it.--At the same time it is to be observed, that it is
less demonstrations, critical examinations, and learned treatises, than
sentiments, general impressions, and single flashing sparks of truth,
which yield the seeds of knowledge that are to fertilise the mind.

  We might go through the most important moral phenomena in War,
and with all the care of a diligent professor try what we could impart
about each, either good or bad. But as in such a method one slides too
much into the commonplace and trite, whilst real mind quickly makes
its escape in analysis, the end is that one gets imperceptibly to the
relation of things which everybody knows. We prefer, therefore, to
remain here more than usually incomplete and rhapsodical, content to
have drawn attention to the importance of the subject in a general
way, and to have pointed out the spirit in which the views given in this
book have been conceived.




                                  164
        CHAPTER IV. THE CHIEF MORAL POWERS

  THESE are The Talents of the Commander; The Military Virtue of the
Army; Its National feeling. Which of these is the most important no
one can tell in a general way, for it is very difficult to say anything in
general of their strength, and still more difficult to compare the
strength of one with that of another. The best plan is not to
undervalue any of them, a fault which human judgment is prone to,
sometimes on one side, sometimes on another, in its whimsical
oscillations. It is better to satisfy ourselves of the undeniable efficacy
of these three things by sufficient evidence from history.

  It is true, however, that in modern times the Armies of European
states have arrived very much at a par as regards discipline and
fitness for service, and that the conduct of War has--as philosophers
would say--naturally developed itself, thereby become a method,
common as it were to all Armies, so that even from Commanders there
is nothing further to be expected in the way of application of special
means of Art, in the limited sense (such as Frederick the Second's
oblique order). Hence it cannot be denied that, as matters now stand,
greater scope is afforded for the influence of National spirit and
habituation of an army to War. A long peace may again alter all this.16

  The national spirit of an Army (enthusiasm, fanatical zeal, faith,
opinion) displays itself most in mountain warfare, where every one
down to the common soldier is left to himself. On this account, a
mountainous country is the best campaigning ground for popular
levies.

 Expertness of an Army through training, and that well-tempered
courage which holds the ranks together as if they had been cast in a
mould, show their superiority in an open country.

  The talent of a General has most room to display itself in a closely
intersected, undulating country. In mountains he has too little
command over the separate parts, and the direction of all is beyond
his powers; in open plains it is simple and does not exceed those
powers.

  According to these undeniable elective affinities, plans should be
regulated.


 16
      Written shortly after the Great Napoleonic campaigns.


                                                     165
   CHAPTER V. MILITARY VIRTUE OF AN ARMY

  THIS is distinguished from mere bravery, and still more from
enthusiasm for the business of War. The first is certainly a necessary
constituent part of it, but in the same way as bravery, which is a
natural gift in some men, may arise in a soldier as a part of an Army
from habit and custom, so with him it must also have a different
direction from that which it has with others. It must lose that impulse
to unbridled activity and exercise of force which is its characteristic in
the individual, and submit itself to demands of a higher kind, to
obedience, order, rule, and method. Enthusiasm for the profession
gives life and greater fire to the military virtue of an Army, but does
not necessarily constitute a part of it.

  War is a special business, and however general its relations may be,
and even if all the male population of a country, capable of bearing
arms, exercise this calling, still it always continues to be different and
separate from the other pursuits which occupy the life of man.--To be
imbued with a sense of the spirit and nature of this business, to make
use of, to rouse, to assimilate into the system the powers which should
be active in it, to penetrate completely into the nature of the business
with the understanding, through exercise to gain confidence and
expertness in it, to be completely given up to it, to pass out of the
man into the part which it is assigned to us to play in War, that is the
military virtue of an Army in the individual.

  However much pains may be taken to combine the soldier and the
citizen in one and the same individual, whatever may be done to
nationalise Wars, and however much we may imagine times have
changed since the days of the old Condottieri, never will it be possible
to do away with the individuality of the business; and if that cannot be
done, then those who belong to it, as long as they belong to it, will
always look upon themselves as a kind of guild, in the regulations,
laws and customs in which the "Spirit of War" by preference finds its
expression. And so it is in fact. Even with the most decided inclination
to look at War from the highest point of view, it would be very wrong
to look down upon this corporate spirit (e'sprit de corps) which may
and should exist more or less in every Army. This corporate spirit
forms the bond of union between the natural forces which are active in
that which we have called military virtue. The crystals of military virtue
have a greater affinity for the spirit of a corporate body than for
anything else.




                                   166
  An Army which preserves its usual formations under the heaviest
fire, which is never shaken by imaginary fears, and in the face of real
danger disputes the ground inch by inch, which, proud in the feeling of
its victories, never loses its sense of obedience, its respect for and
confidence in its leaders, even under the depressing effects of defeat;
an Army with all its physical powers, inured to privations and fatigue
by exercise, like the muscles of an athlete; an Army which looks upon
all its toils as the means to victory, not as a curse which hovers over
its standards, and which is always reminded of its duties and virtues
by the short catechism of one idea, namely the HONOUR OF ITS
ARMS;-- Such an Army is imbued with the true military spirit.

  Soldiers may fight bravely like the Vende'ans, and do great things
like the Swiss, the Americans, or Spaniards, without displaying this
military virtue. A Commander may also be successful at the head of
standing Armies, like Eugene and Marlborough, without enjoying the
benefit of its assistance; we must not, therefore, say that a successful
War without it cannot be imagined; and we draw especial attention to
that point, in order the more to individualise the conception which is
here brought forward, that the idea may not dissolve into a
generalisation and that it may not be thought that military virtue is in
the end everything. It is not so. Military virtue in an Army is a definite
moral power which may be supposed wanting, and the influence of
which may therefore be estimated--like any instrument the power of
which may be calculated.

 Having thus characterised it, we proceed to consider what can be
predicated of its influence, and what are the means of gaining its
assistance.

  Military virtue is for the parts, what the genius of the Commander is
for the whole. The General can only guide the whole, not each
separate part, and where he cannot guide the part, there military
virtue must be its leader. A General is chosen by the reputation of his
superior talents, the chief leaders of large masses after careful
probation; but this probation diminishes as we descend the scale of
rank, and in just the same measure we may reckon less and less upon
individual talents; but what is wanting in this respect military virtue
should supply. The natural qualities of a warlike people play just this
part:    BRAVERY,      APTITUDE,     POWERS     OF    ENDURANCE    and
ENTHUSIASM.

 These properties may therefore supply the place of military virtue,
and vice versa, from which the following may be deduced:


                                   167
  1. Military virtue is a quality of standing Armies only, but they
require it the most. In national risings its place is supplied by natural
qualities, which develop themselves there more rapidly.

  2. Standing Armies opposed to standing Armies, can more easily
dispense with it, than a standing Army opposed to a national
insurrection, for in that case, the troops are more scattered, and the
divisions left more to themselves. But where an Army can be kept
concentrated, the genius of the General takes a greater place, and
supplies what is wanting in the spirit of the Army. Therefore generally
military virtue becomes more necessary the more the theatre of
operations and other circumstances make the War complicated, and
cause the forces to be scattered.

  From these truths the only lesson to be derived is this, that if an
Army is deficient in this quality, every endeavour should be made to
simplify the operations of the War as much as possible, or to introduce
double efficiency in the organisation of the Army in some other
respect, and not to expect from the mere name of a standing Army,
that which only the veritable thing itself can give.

  The military virtue of an Army is, therefore, one of the most
important moral powers in War, and where it is wanting, we either see
its place supplied by one of the others, such as the great superiority of
generalship or popular enthusiasm, or we find the results not
commensurate with the exertions made.--How much that is great, this
spirit, this sterling worth of an army, this refining of ore into the
polished metal, has already done, we see in the history of the
Macedonians under Alexander, the Roman legions under Cesar, the
Spanish infantry under Alexander Farnese, the Swedes under Gustavus
Adolphus and Charles XII, the Prussians under Frederick the Great,
and the French under Buonaparte. We must purposely shut our eyes
against all historical proof, if we do not admit, that the astonishing
successes of these Generals and their greatness in situations of
extreme difficulty, were only possible with Armies possessing this
virtue.

  This spirit can only be generated from two sources, and only by
these two conjointly; the first is a succession of campaigns and great
victories; the other is, an activity of the Army carried sometimes to the
highest pitch. Only by these, does the soldier learn to know his
powers. The more a General is in the habit of demanding from his
troops, the surer he will be that his demands will be answered. The


                                   168
soldier is as proud of overcoming toil, as he is of surmounting danger.
Therefore it is only in the soil of incessant activity and exertion that
the germ will thrive, but also only in the sunshine of victory. Once it
becomes a STRONG TREE, it will stand against the fiercest storms of
misfortune and defeat, and even against the indolent inactivity of
peace, at least for a time. It can therefore only be created in War, and
under great Generals, but no doubt it may last at least for several
generations, even under Generals of moderate capacity, and through
considerable periods of peace.

  With this generous and noble spirit of union in a line of veteran
troops, covered with scars and thoroughly inured to War, we must not
compare the self-esteem and vanity of a standing Army,17 held
together merely by the glue of service-regulations and a drill book; a
certain plodding earnestness and strict discipline may keep up military
virtue for a long time, but can never create it; these things therefore
have a certain value, but must not be over-rated. Order, smartness,
good will, also a certain degree of pride and high feeling, are qualities
of an Army formed in time of peace which are to be prized, but cannot
stand alone. The whole retains the whole, and as with glass too quickly
cooled, a single crack breaks the whole mass. Above all, the highest
spirit in the world changes only too easily at the first check into
depression, and one might say into a kind of rhodomontade of alarm,
the French sauve que peut.--Such an Army can only achieve
something through its leader, never by itself. It must be led with
double caution, until by degrees, in victory and hardships, the strength
grows into the full armour. Beware then of confusing the SPIRIT of an
Army with its temper.




  17
       Clausewitz is, of course, thinking of the long-service standing armies of his own youth. Not of the short-
service standing armies of to-day (EDITOR).


                                                      169
                  CHAPTER VI. BOLDNESS

  THE place and part which boldness takes in the dynamic system of
powers, where it stands opposed to Foresight and prudence, has been
stated in the chapter on the certainty of the result in order thereby to
show, that theory has no right to restrict it by virtue of its legislative
power.

  But this noble impulse, with which the human soul raises itself above
the most formidable dangers, is to be regarded as an active principle
peculiarly belonging to War. In fact, in what branch of human activity
should boldness have a right of citizenship if not in War?

  From the transport-driver and the drummer up to the General, it is
the noblest of virtues, the true steel which gives the weapon its edge
and brilliancy.

  Let us admit in fact it has in War even its own prerogatives. Over and
above the result of the calculation of space, time, and quantity, we
must allow a certain percentage which boldness derives from the
weakness of others, whenever it gains the mastery. It is therefore,
virtually, a creative power. This is not difficult to demonstrate
philosophically. As often as boldness encounters hesitation, the
probability of the result is of necessity in its favour, because the very
state of hesitation implies a loss of equilibrium already. It is only when
it encounters cautious foresight--which we may say is just as bold, at
all events just as strong and powerful as itself--that it is at a
disadvantage; such cases, however, rarely occur. Out of the whole
multitude of prudent men in the world, the great majority are so from
timidity.

  Amongst large masses, boldness is a force, the special cultivation of
which can never be to the detriment of other forces, because the great
mass is bound to a higher will by the frame-work and joints of the
order of battle and of the service, and therefore is guided by an
intelligent power which is extraneous. Boldness is therefore here only
like a spring held down until its action is required.

  The higher the rank the more necessary it is that boldness should be
accompanied by a reflective mind, that it may not be a mere blind
outburst of passion to no purpose; for with increase of rank it becomes
always less a matter of self-sacrifice and more a matter of the
preservation of others, and the good of the whole. Where regulations



                                   170
of the service, as a kind of second nature, prescribe for the masses,
reflection must be the guide of the General, and in his case individual
boldness in action may easily become a fault. Still, at the same time, it
is a fine failing, and must not be looked at in the same light as any
other. Happy the Army in which an untimely boldness frequently
manifests itself; it is an exuberant growth which shows a rich soil.
Even foolhardiness, that is boldness without an object, is not to be
despised; in point of fact it is the same energy of feeling, only
exercised as a kind of passion without any co-operation of the
intelligent faculties. It is only when it strikes at the root of obedience,
when it treats with contempt the orders of superior authority, that it
must be repressed as a dangerous evil, not on its own account but on
account of the act of disobedience, for there is nothing in War which is
of GREATER IMPORTANCE THAN OBEDIENCE.

  The reader will readily agree with us that, supposing an equal degree
of discernment to be forthcoming in a certain number of cases, a
thousand times as many of them will end in disaster through over-
anxiety as through boldness.

 One would suppose it natural that the interposition of a reasonable
object should stimulate boldness, and therefore lessen its intrinsic
merit, and yet the reverse is the case in reality.

  The intervention of lucid thought or the general supremacy of mind
deprives the emotional forces of a great part of their power. On that
account BOLDNESS BECOMES OF RARER OCCURRENCE THE HIGHER
WE ASCEND THE SCALE OF RANK, for whether the discernment and
the understanding do or do not increase with these ranks still the
Commanders, in their several stations as they rise, are pressed upon
more and more severely by objective things, by relations and claims
from without, so that they become the more perplexed the lower the
degree of their individual intelligence. This so far as regards War is the
chief foundation of the truth of the French proverb:--

 "Tel brille au second qui s' e'clipse an premier."

  Almost all the Generals who are represented in history as merely
having attained to mediocrity, and as wanting in decision when in
supreme command, are men celebrated in their antecedent career for
their boldness and decision.18

 18
      Beaulieu, Benedek, Bazaine, Buller, Melas, Mack. &c. &c.



                                                     171
  In those motives to bold action which arise from the pressure of
necessity we must make a distinction. Necessity has its degrees of
intensity. If it lies near at hand, if the person acting is in the pursuit of
his object driven into great dangers in order to escape others equally
great, then we can only admire his resolution, which still has also its
value. If a young man to show his skill in horsemanship leaps across a
deep cleft, then he is bold; if he makes the same leap pursued by a
troop of head-chopping Janissaries he is only resolute. But the farther
off the necessity from the point of action, the greater the number of
relations intervening which the mind has to traverse; in order to
realise them, by so much the less does necessity take from boldness in
action. If Frederick the Great, in the year 1756, saw that War was
inevitable, and that he could only escape destruction by being
beforehand with his enemies, it became necessary for him to
commence the War himself, but at the same time it was certainly very
bold: for few men in his position would have made up their minds to
do so.

  Although Strategy is only the province of Generals-in- Chief or
Commanders in the higher positions, still boldness in all the other
branches of an Army is as little a matter of indifference to it as their
other military virtues. With an Army belonging to a bold race, and in
which the spirit of boldness has been always nourished, very different
things may be undertaken than with one in which this virtue, is
unknown; for that reason we have considered it in connection with an
Army. But our subject is specially the boldness of the General, and yet
we have not much to say about it after having described this military
virtue in a general way to the best of our ability.

  The higher we rise in a position of command, the more of the mind,
understanding, and penetration predominate in activity, the more
therefore is boldness, which is a property of the feelings, kept in
subjection, and for that reason we find it so rarely in the highest
positions, but then, so much the more should it be admired. Boldness,
directed by an overruling intelligence, is the stamp of the hero: this
boldness does not consist in venturing directly against the nature of
things, in a downright contempt of the laws of probability, but, if a
choice is once made, in the rigorous adherence to that higher
calculation which genius, the tact of judgment, has gone over with the
speed of lightning. The more boldness lends wings to the mind and the
discernment, so much the farther they will reach in their flight, so
much the more comprehensive will be the view, the more exact the
result, but certainly always only in the sense that with greater objects


                                     172
greater dangers are connected. The ordinary man, not to speak of the
weak and irresolute, arrives at an exact result so far as such is
possible without ocular demonstration, at most after diligent reflection
in his chamber, at a distance from danger and responsibility. Let
danger and responsibility draw close round him in every direction, then
he loses the power of comprehensive vision, and if he retains this in
any measure by the influence of others, still he will lose his power of
DECISION, because in that point no one can help him.

   We think then that it is impossible to imagine a distinguished General
without boldness, that is to say, that no man can become one who is
not born with this power of the soul, and we therefore look upon it as
the first requisite for such a career. How much of this inborn power,
developed and moderated through education and the circumstances of
life, is left when the man has attained a high position, is the second
question. The greater this power still is, the stronger will genius be on
the wing, the higher will be its flight. The risks become always greater,
but the purpose grows with them. Whether its lines proceed out of and
get their direction from a distant necessity, or whether they converge
to the keystone of a building which ambition has planned, whether
Frederick or Alexander acts, is much the same as regards the critical
view. If the one excites the imagination more because it is bolder, the
other pleases the understanding most, because it has in it more
absolute necessity.

 We have still to advert to one very important circumstance.

  The spirit of boldness can exist in an Army, either because it is in the
people, or because it has been generated in a successful War
conducted by able Generals. In the latter case it must of course be
dispensed with at the commencement.

  Now in our days there is hardly any other means of educating the
spirit of a people in this respect, except by War, and that too under
bold Generals. By it alone can that effeminacy of feeling be
counteracted, that propensity to seek for the enjoyment of comfort,
which cause degeneracy in a people rising in prosperity and immersed
in an extremely busy commerce.

  A Nation can hope to have a strong position in the political world only
if its character and practice in actual War mutually support each other
in constant reciprocal action.




                                   173
             CHAPTER VII. PERSEVERANCE

  THE reader expects to hear of angles and lines, and finds, instead of
these citizens of the scientific world, only people out of common life,
such as he meets with every day in the street. And yet the author
cannot make up his mind to become a hair's breadth more
mathematical than the subject seems to him to require, and he is not
alarmed at the surprise which the reader may show.

  In War more than anywhere else in the world things happen
differently to what we had expected, and look differently when near, to
what they did at a distance. With what serenity the architect can watch
his work gradually rising and growing into his plan. The doctor
although much more at the mercy of mysterious agencies and chances
than the architect, still knows enough of the forms and effects of his
means. In War, on the other hand, the Commander of an immense
whole finds himself in a constant whirlpool of false and true
information, of mistakes committed through fear, through negligence,
through precipitation, of contraventions of his authority, either from
mistaken or correct motives, from ill will, true or false sense of duty,
indolence or exhaustion, of accidents which no mortal could have
foreseen. In short, he is the victim of a hundred thousand impressions,
of which the most have an intimidating, the fewest an encouraging
tendency. By long experience in War, the tact is acquired of readily
appreciating the value of these incidents; high courage and stability of
character stand proof against them, as the rock resists the beating of
the waves. He who would yield to these impressions would never carry
out an undertaking, and on that account PERSEVERANCE in the
proposed object, as long as there is no decided reason against it, is a
most necessary counterpoise. Further, there is hardly any celebrated
enterprise in War which was not achieved by endless exertion, pains,
and privations; and as here the weakness of the physical and moral
man is ever disposed to yield, only an immense force of will, which
manifests itself in perseverance admired by present and future
generations, can conduct to our goal.




                                  174
    CHAPTER VIII. SUPERIORITY OF NUMBERS

  THIS is in tactics, as well as in Strategy, the most general principle of
victory, and shall be examined by us first in its generality, for which
we may be permitted the following exposition:

  Strategy fixes the point where, the time when, and the numerical
force with which the battle is to be fought. By this triple determination
it has therefore a very essential influence on the issue of the combat.
If tactics has fought the battle, if the result is over, let it be victory or
defeat, Strategy makes such use of it as can be made in accordance
with the great object of the War. This object is naturally often a very
distant one, seldom does it lie quite close at hand. A series of other
objects subordinate themselves to it as means. These objects, which
are at the same time means to a higher purpose, may be practically of
various kinds; even the ultimate aim of the whole War may be a
different one in every case. We shall make ourselves acquainted with
these things according as we come to know the separate objects which
they come, in contact with; and it is not our intention here to embrace
the whole subject by a complete enumeration of them, even if that
were possible. We therefore let the employment of the battle stand
over for the present.

  Even those things through which Strategy has an influence on the
issue of the combat, inasmuch as it establishes the same, to a certain
extent decrees them, are not so simple that they can be embraced in
one single view. For as Strategy appoints time, place and force, it can
do so in practice in many ways, each of which influences in a different
manner the result of the combat as well as its consequences.
Therefore we shall only get acquainted with this also by degrees, that
is, through the subjects which more closely determine the application.

  If we strip the combat of all modifications which it may undergo
according to its immediate purpose and the circumstances from which
it proceeds, lastly if we set aside the valour of the troops, because that
is a given quantity, then there remains only the bare conception of the
combat, that is a combat without form, in which we distinguish nothing
but the number of the combatants.

  This number will therefore determine victory. Now from the number
of things above deducted to get to this point, it is shown that the
superiority in numbers in a battle is only one of the factors employed
to produce victory that therefore so far from having with the



                                     175
superiority in number obtained all, or even only the principal thing, we
have perhaps got very little by it, according as the other circumstances
which co-operate happen to vary.

  But this superiority has degrees, it may be imagined as twofold,
threefold or fourfold, and every one sees, that by increasing in this
way, it must (at last) overpower everything else.

  In such an aspect we grant, that the superiority in numbers is the
most important factor in the result of a combat, only it must be
sufficiently great to be a counterpoise to all the other co-operating
circumstances. The direct result of this is, that the greatest possible
number of troops should be brought into action at the decisive point.

  Whether the troops thus brought are sufficient or not, we have then
done in this respect all that our means allowed. This is the first
principle in Strategy, therefore in general as now stated, it is just as
well suited for Greeks and Persians, or for Englishmen and Mahrattas,
as for French and Germans. But we shall take a glance at our relations
in Europe, as respects War, in order to arrive at some more definite
idea on this subject.

  Here we find Armies much more alike in equipment, organisation,
and practical skill of every kind. There only remains a difference in the
military virtue of Armies, and in the talent of Generals which may
fluctuate with time from side to side. If we go through the military
history of modern Europe, we find no example of a Marathon.

  Frederick the Great beat 80,000 Austrians at Leuthen with about
30,000 men, and at Rosbach with 25,000 some 50,000 allies; these
are however the only instances of victories gained against an enemy
double, or more than double in numbers. Charles XII, in the battle of
Narva, we cannot well quote, for the Russians were at that time hardly
to be regarded as Europeans, also the principal circumstances, even of
the battle, are too little known. Buonaparte had at Dresden 120,000
against 220,000, therefore not the double. At Kollin, Frederick the
Great did not succeed, with 30,000 against 50,000 Austrians, neither
did Buonaparte in the desperate battle of Leipsic, where he was
160,000 strong, against 280,000.

 From this we may infer, that it is very difficult in the present state of
Europe, for the most talented General to gain a victory over an enemy
double his strength. Now if we see double numbers prove such a
weight in the scale against the greatest Generals, we may be sure,


                                   176
that in ordinary cases, in small as well as great combats, an important
superiority of numbers, but which need not be over two to one, will be
sufficient to ensure the victory, however disadvantageous other
circumstances may be. Certainly, we may imagine a defile which even
tenfold would not suffice to force, but in such a case it can be no
question of a battle at all.

  We think, therefore, that under our conditions, as well as in all
similar ones, the superiority at the decisive point is a matter of capital
importance, and that this subject, in the generality of cases, is
decidedly the most important of all. The strength at the decisive point
depends on the absolute strength of the Army, and on skill in making
use of it.

 The first rule is therefore to enter the field with an Army as strong as
possible. This sounds very like a commonplace, but still it is really not
so.

  In order to show that for a long time the strength of forces was by no
means regarded as a chief point, we need only observe, that in most,
and even in the most detailed histories of the Wars in the eighteenth
century, the strength of the Armies is either not given at all, or only
incidentally, and in no case is any special value laid upon it. Tempelhof
in his history of the Seven Years' War is the earliest writer who gives it
regularly, but at the same time he does it only very superficially.

  Even Massenbach, in his manifold critical observations on the
Prussian campaigns of 1793-94 in the Vosges, talks a great deal about
hills and valleys, roads and footpaths, but does not say a syllable
about mutual strength.

  Another proof lies in a wonderful notion which haunted the heads of
many critical historians, according to which there was a certain size of
an Army which was the best, a normal strength, beyond which the
forces in excess were burdensome rather than serviceable.19

 Lastly, there are a number of instances to be found, in which all the
available forces were not really brought into the battle,20 or into the


  19
      Tempelhof and Montalembert are the first we recollect as examples --the first in a passage of his first part,
page 148; the other in his correspondence relative to the plan of operations of the Russians in 1759
  20
      The Prussians at Jena, 1806. Wellington at Waterloo.



                                                       177
War, because the superiority of numbers was not considered to have
that importance which in the nature of things belongs to it.

  If we are thoroughly penetrated with the conviction that with a
considerable superiority of numbers everything possible is to be
effected, then it cannot fail that this clear conviction reacts on the
preparations for the War, so as to make us appear in the field with as
many troops as possible, and either to give us ourselves the
superiority, or at least to guard against the enemy obtaining it. So
much for what concerns the absolute force with which the War is to be
conducted.

  The measure of this absolute force is determined by the
Government; and although with this determination the real action of
War commences, and it forms an essential part of the Strategy of the
War, still in most cases the General who is to command these forces in
the War must regard their absolute strength as a given quantity,
whether it be that he has had no voice in fixing it, or that
circumstances prevented a sufficient expansion being given to it.

 There remains nothing, therefore, where an absolute superiority is
not attainable, but to produce a relative one at the decisive point, by
making skilful use of what we have.

  The calculation of space and time appears as the most essential thing
to this end--and this has caused that subject to be regarded as one
which embraces nearly the whole art of using military forces. Indeed,
some have gone so far as to ascribe to great strategists and tacticians
a mental organ peculiarly adapted to this point.

  But the calculation of time and space, although it lies universally at
the foundation of Strategy, and is to a certain extent its daily bread, is
still neither the most difficult, nor the most decisive one.

  If we take an unprejudiced glance at military history, we shall find
that the instances in which mistakes in such a calculation have proved
the cause of serious losses are very rare, at least in Strategy. But if
the conception of a skilful combination of time and space is fully to
account for every instance of a resolute and active Commander
beating several separate opponents with one and the same army
(Frederick the Great, Buonaparte), then we perplex ourselves
unnecessarily with conventional language. For the sake of clearness
and the profitable use of conceptions, it is necessary that things should
always be called by their right names.


                                   178
  The right appreciation of their opponents (Daun, Schwartzenberg),
the audacity to leave for a short space of time a small force only
before them, energy in forced marches, boldness in sudden attacks,
the intensified activity which great souls acquire in the moment of
danger, these are the grounds of such victories; and what have these
to do with the ability to make an exact calculation of two such simple
things as time and space?

  But even this ricochetting play of forces, "when the victories at
Rosbach and Montmirail give the impulse to victories at Leuthen and
Montereau," to which great Generals on the defensive have often
trusted, is still, if we would be clear and exact, only a rare occurrence
in history.

  Much more frequently the relative superiority--that is, the skilful
assemblage of superior forces at the decisive point--has its foundation
in the right appreciation of those points, in the judicious direction
which by that means has been given to the forces from the very first,
and in the resolution required to sacrifice the unimportant to the
advantage of the important--that is, to keep the forces concentrated in
an overpowering mass. In this, Frederick the Great and Buonaparte
are particularly characteristic.

  We think we have now allotted to the superiority in numbers the
importance which belongs to it; it is to be regarded as the fundamental
idea, always to be aimed at before all and as far as possible.

  But to regard it on this account as a necessary condition of victory
would be a complete misconception of our exposition; in the
conclusion to be drawn from it there lies nothing more than the value
which should attach to numerical strength in the combat. If that
strength is made as great as possible, then the maxim is satisfied; a
review of the total relations must then decide whether or not the
combat is to be avoided for want of sufficient force.21




  21
       Owing to our freedom from invasion, and to the condition which arise in our Colonial Wars, we have
not yet, in England, arrived at a correct appreciation of the value of superior numbers in War, and still adhere
to the idea of an Army just "big enough," which Clausewitz has so unsparingly ridiculed. (EDITOR.)



                                                      179
                CHAPTER IX. THE SURPRISE

 FROM the subject of the foregoing chapter, the general endeavour to
attain a relative superiority, there follows another endeavour which
must consequently be just as general in its nature: this is the
SURPRISE of the enemy. It lies more or less at the foundation of all
undertakings, for without it the preponderance at the decisive point is
not properly conceivable.

  The surprise is, therefore, not only the means to the attainment of
numerical superiority; but it is also to be regarded as a substantive
principle in itself, on account of its moral effect. When it is successful
in a high degree, confusion and broken courage in the enemy's ranks
are the consequences; and of the degree to which these multiply a
success, there are examples enough, great and small. We are not now
speaking of the particular surprise which belongs to the attack, but of
the endeavour by measures generally, and especially by the
distribution of forces, to surprise the enemy, which can be imagined
just as well in the defensive, and which in the tactical defence
particularly is a chief point.

 We say, surprise lies at the foundation of all undertakings without
exception, only in very different degrees according to the nature of the
undertaking and other circumstances.

  This difference, indeed, originates in the properties or peculiarities of
the Army and its Commander, in those even of the Government.

 Secrecy and rapidity are the two factors in this product and these
suppose in the Government and the Commander- in-Chief great
energy, and on the part of the Army a high sense of military duty.
With effeminacy and loose principles it is in vain to calculate upon a
surprise. But so general, indeed so indispensable, as is this endeavour,
and true as it is that it is never wholly unproductive of effect, still it is
not the less true that it seldom succeeds to a REMARKABLE degree,
and this follows from the nature of the idea itself. We should form an
erroneous conception if we believed that by this means chiefly there is
much to be attained in War. In idea it promises a great deal; in the
execution it generally sticks fast by the friction of the whole machine.

  In tactics the surprise is much more at home, for the very natural
reason that all times and spaces are on a smaller scale. It will,
therefore, in Strategy be the more feasible in proportion as the



                                     180
measures lie nearer to the province of tactics, and more difficult the
higher up they lie towards the province of policy.

  The preparations for a War usually occupy several months; the
assembly of an Army at its principal positions requires generally the
formation of depo^ts and magazines, and long marches, the object of
which can be guessed soon enough.

 It therefore rarely happens that one State surprises another by a
War, or by the direction which it gives the mass of its forces. In the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when War turned very much
upon sieges, it was a frequent aim, and quite a peculiar and important
chapter in the Art of War, to invest a strong place unexpectedly, but
even that only rarely succeeded.22

  On the other hand, with things which can be done in a day or two, a
surprise is much more conceivable, and, therefore, also it is often not
difficult thus to gain a march upon the enemy, and thereby a position,
a point of country, a road, &c. But it is evident that what surprise
gains in this way in easy execution, it loses in the efficacy, as the
greater the efficacy the greater always the difficulty of execution.
Whoever thinks that with such surprises on a small scale, he may
connect great results--as, for example, the gain of a battle, the
capture of an important magazine--believes in something which it is
certainly very possible to imagine, but for which there is no warrant in
history; for there are upon the whole very few instances where
anything great has resulted from such surprises; from which we may
justly conclude that inherent difficulties lie in the way of their success.

  Certainly, whoever would consult history on such points must not
depend on sundry battle steeds of historical critics, on their wise dicta
and self-complacent terminology, but look at facts with his own eyes.
There is, for instance, a certain day in the campaign in Silesia, 1761,
which, in this respect, has attained a kind of notoriety. It is the 22nd
July, on which Frederick the Great gained on Laudon the march to
Nossen, near Neisse, by which, as is said, the junction of the Austrian
and Russian armies in Upper Silesia became impossible, and,
therefore, a period of four weeks was gained by the King. Whoever
reads over this occurrence carefully in the principal histories,23 and

  22
      Railways, steamships, and telegraphs have, however, enormously modified the relative importance and
practicability of surprise. (EDITOR.)
  23
      Tempelhof, The Veteran, Frederick the Great. Compare also (Clausewitz) "Hinterlassene Werke," vol. x., p.
158.


                                                     181
considers it impartially, will, in the march of the 22nd July, never find
this importance; and generally in the whole of the fashionable logic on
this subject, he will see nothing but contradictions; but in the
proceedings of Laudon, in this renowned period of manoeuvres, much
that is unaccountable. How could one, with a thirst for truth, and clear
conviction, accept such historical evidence?

  When we promise ourselves great effects in a campaign from the
principle of surprising, we think upon great activity, rapid resolutions,
and forced marches, as the means of producing them; but that these
things, even when forthcoming in a very high degree, will not always
produce the desired effect, we see in examples given byGenerals, who
may be allowed to have had the greatest talent in the use of these
means, Frederick the Great and Buonaparte. The first when he left
Dresden so suddenly in July 1760, and falling upon Lascy, then turned
against Dresden, gained nothing by the whole of that intermezzo, but
rather placed his affairs in a condition notably worse, as the fortress
Glatz fell in the meantime.

 In 1813, Buonaparte turned suddenly from Dresden twice against
Bluecher, to say nothing of his incursion into Bohemia from Upper
Lusatia, and both times without in the least attaining his object. They
were blows in the air which only cost him time and force, and might
have placed him in a dangerous position in Dresden.

  Therefore, even in this field, a surprise does not necessarily meet
with great success through the mere activity, energy, and resolution of
the Commander; it must be favoured by other circumstances. But we
by no means deny that there can be success; we only connect with it a
necessity of favourable circumstances, which, certainly do not occur
very frequently, and which the Commander can seldom bring about
himself.

  Just those two Generals afford each a striking illustration of this. We
take first Buonaparte in his famous enterprise against Bluecher's Army
in February 1814, when it was separated from the Grand Army, and
descending the Marne. It would not be easy to find a two days' march
to surprise the enemy productive of greater results than this;
Bluecher's Army, extended over a distance of three days' march, was
beaten in detail, and suffered a loss nearly equal to that of defeat in a
great battle. This was completely the effect of a surprise, for if
Bluecher had thought of such a near possibility of an attack from




                                   182
Buonaparte24 he would have organised his march quite differently. To
this mistake of Bluecher's the result is to be attributed. Buonaparte did
not know all these circumstances, and so there was a piece of good
fortune that mixed itself up in his favour.

  It is the same with the battle of Liegnitz, 1760. Frederick the Great
gained this fine victory through altering during the night a position
which he had just before taken up. Laudon was through this
completely surprised, and lost 70 pieces of artillery and 10,000 men.
Although Frederick the Great had at this time adopted the principle of
moving backwards and forwards in order to make a battle impossible,
or at least to disconcert the enemy's plans, still the alteration of
position on the night of the 14-15 was not made exactly with that
intention, but as the King himself says, because the position of the
14th did not please him. Here, therefore, also chance was hard at
work; without this happy conjunction of the attack and the change of
position in the night, and the difficult nature of the country, the result
would not have been the same.

  Also in the higher and highest province of Strategy there are some
instances of surprises fruitful in results. We shall only cite the brilliant
marches of the Great Elector against the Swedes from Franconia to
Pomerania and from the Mark (Brandenburg) to the Pregel in 1757,
and the celebrated passage of the Alps by Buonaparte, 1800. In the
latter case an Army gave up its whole theatre of war by a capitulation,
and in 1757 another Army was very near giving up its theatre of war
and itself as well. Lastly, as an instance of a War wholly unexpected,
we may bring forward the invasion of Silesia by Frederick the Great.
Great and powerful are here the results everywhere, but such events
are not common in history if we do not confuse with them cases in
which a State, for want of activity and energy (Saxony 1756, and
Russia, 1812), has not completed its preparations in time.

  Now there still remains an observation which concerns the essence of
the thing. A surprise can only be effected by that party which gives the
law to the other; and he who is in the right gives the law. If we
surprise the adversary by a wrong measure, then instead of reaping
good results, we may have to bear a sound blow in return; in any case
the adversary need not trouble himself much about our surprise, he
has in our mistake the means of turning off the evil. As the offensive

  24
      Bluecher believed his march to be covered by Pahlen's Cossacks, but these had been withdrawn without
warning to him by the Grand Army Headquarters under Schwartzenberg.



                                                   183
includes in itself much more positive action than the defensive, so the
surprise is certainly more in its place with the assailant, but by no
means invariably, as we shall hereafter see. Mutual surprises by the
offensive and defensive may therefore meet, and then that one will
have the advantage who has hit the nail on the head the best.

  So should it be, but practical life does not keep to this line so exactly,
and that for a very simple reason. The moral effects which attend a
surprise often convert the worst case into a good one for the side they
favour, and do not allow the other to make any regular determination.
We have here in view more than anywhere else not only the chief
Commander, but each single one, because a surprise has the effect in
particular of greatly loosening unity, so that the individuality of each
separate leader easily comes to light.

  Much depends here on the general relation in which the two parties
stand to each other. If the one side through a general moral
superiority can intimidate and outdo the other, then he can make use
of the surprise with more success, and even reap good fruit where
properly he should come to ruin.




                                    184
                  CHAPTER X. STRATAGEM

  STRATAGEM implies a concealed intention, and therefore is opposed
to straightforward dealing, in the same way as wit is the opposite of
direct proof. It has therefore nothing in common with means of
persuasion, of self- interest, of force, but a great deal to do with
deceit, because that likewise conceals its object. It is itself a deceit as
well when it is done, but still it differs from what is commonly called
deceit, in this respect that there is no direct breach of word. The
deceiver by stratagem leaves it to the person himself whom he is
deceiving to commit the errors of understanding which at last, flowing
into ONE result, suddenly change the nature of things in his eyes. We
may therefore say, as nit is a sleight of hand with ideas and
conceptions, so stratagem is a sleight of hand with actions.

  At first sight it appears as if Strategy had not improperly derived its
name from stratagem; and that, with all the real and apparent
changes which the whole character of War has undergone since the
time of the Greeks, this term still points to its real nature.

  If we leave to tactics the actual delivery of the blow, the battle itself,
and look upon Strategy as the art of using this means with skill, then
besides the forces of the character, such as burning ambition which
always presses like a spring, a strong will which hardly bends &c. &c.,
there seems no subjective quality so suited to guide and inspire
strategic activity as stratagem. The general tendency to surprise,
treated of in the foregoing chapter, points to this conclusion, for there
is a degree of stratagem, be it ever so small, which lies at the
foundation of every attempt to surprise.

  But however much we feel a desire to see the actors in War outdo
each other in hidden activity, readiness, and stratagem, still we must
admit that these qualities show themselves but little in history, and
have rarely been able to work their way to the surface from amongst
the mass of relations and circumstances.

 The explanation of this is obvious, and it is almost identical with the
subject matter of the preceding chapter.

  Strategy knows no other activity than the regulating of combat with
the measures which relate to it. It has no concern, like ordinary life,
with transactions which consist merely of words--that is, in
expressions, declarations, &c. But these, which are very inexpensive,



                                    185
are chiefly the means with which the wily one takes in those he
practises upon.

  That which there is like it in War, plans and orders given merely as
make-believers, false reports sent on purpose to the enemy--is usually
of so little effect in the strategic field that it is only resorted to in
particular cases which offer of themselves, therefore cannot be
regarded as spontaneous action which emanates from the leader.

  But such measures as carrying out the arrangements for a battle, so
far as to impose upon the enemy, require a considerable expenditure
of time and power; of course, the greater the impression to be made,
the greater the expenditure in these respects. And as this is usually
not given for the purpose, very few demonstrations, so-called, in
Strategy, effect the object for which they are designed. In fact, it is
dangerous to detach large forces for any length of time merely for a
trick, because there is always the risk of its being done in vain, and
then these forces are wanted at the decisive point.

  The chief actor in War is always thoroughly sensible of this sober
truth, and therefore he has no desire to play at tricks of agility. The
bitter earnestness of necessity presses so fully into direct action that
there is no room for that game. In a word, the pieces on the
strategical chess-board want that mobility which is the element of
stratagem and subtility.

  The conclusion which we draw, is that a correct and penetrating eye
is a more necessary and more useful quality for a General than
craftiness, although that also does no harm if it does not exist at the
expense of necessary qualities of the heart, which is only too often the
case.

  But the weaker the forces become which are under the command of
Strategy, so much the more they become adapted for stratagem, so
that to the quite feeble and little, for whom no prudence, no sagacity
is any longer sufficient at the point where all art seems to forsake him,
stratagem offers itself as a last resource. The more helpless his
situation, the more everything presses towards one single, desperate
blow, the more readily stratagem comes to the aid of his boldness. Let
loose from all further calculations, freed from all concern for the
future, boldness and stratagem intensify each other, and thus collect
at one point an infinitesimal glimmering of hope into a single ray,
which may likewise serve to kindle a flame.



                                   186
  CHAPTER XI. ASSEMBLY OF FORCES IN SPACE

  THE best Strategy is ALWAYS TO BE VERY STRONG, first generally
then at the decisive point. Therefore, apart from the energy which
creates the Army, a work which is not always done by the General,
there is no more imperative and no simpler law for Strategy than to
KEEP THE FORCES CONCENTRATED.--No portion is to be separated
from the main body unless called away by some urgent necessity. On
this maxim we stand firm, and look upon it as a guide to be depended
upon. What are the reasonable grounds on which a detachment of
forces may be made we shall learn by degrees. Then we shall also see
that this principle cannot have the same general effects in every War,
but that these are different according to the means and end.

  It seems incredible, and yet it has happened a hundred times, that
troops have been divided and separated merely through a mysterious
feeling of conventional manner, without any clear perception of the
reason.

  If the concentration of the whole force is acknowledged as the norm,
and every division and separation as an exception which must be
justified, then not only will that folly be completely avoided, but also
many an erroneous ground for separating troops will be barred
admission.




                                  187
  CHAPTER XII. ASSEMBLY OF FORCES IN TIME

  WE have here to deal with a conception which in real life diffuses
many kinds of illusory light. A clear definition and development of the
idea is therefore necessary, and we hope to be allowed a short
analysis.

  War is the shock of two opposing forces in collision with each other,
from which it follows as a matter of course that the stronger not only
destroys the other, but carries it forward with it in its movement. This
fundamentally admits of no successive action of powers, but makes
the simultaneous application of all forces intended for the shock
appear as a primordial law of War.

  So it is in reality, but only so far as the struggle resembles also in
practice a mechanical shock, but when it consists in a lasting, mutual
action of destructive forces, then we can certainly imagine a
successive action of forces. This is the case in tactics, principally
because firearms form the basis of all tactics, but also for other
reasons as well. If in a fire combat 1000 men are opposed to 500,
then the gross loss is calculated from the amount of the enemy's force
and our own; 1000 men fire twice as many shots as 500, but more
shots will take effect on the 1000 than on the 500 because it is
assumed that they stand in closer order than the other. If we were to
suppose the number of hits to be double, then the losses on each side
would be equal. From the 500 there would be for example 200
disabled, and out of the body of 1000 likewise the same; now if the
500 had kept another body of equal number quite out of fire, then
both sides would have 800 effective men; but of these, on the one side
there would be 500 men quite fresh, fully supplied with ammunition,
and in their full vigour; on the other side only 800 all alike shaken in
their order, in want of sufficient ammunition and weakened in physical
force. The assumption that the 1000 men merely on account of their
greater number would lose twice as many as 500 would have lost in
their place, is certainly not correct; therefore the greater loss which
the side suffers that has placed the half of its force in reserve, must be
regarded as a disadvantage in that original formation; further it must
be admitted, that in the generality of cases the 1000 men would have
the advantage at the first commencement of being able to drive their
opponent out of his position and force him to a retrograde movement;
now, whether these two advantages are a counterpoise to the
disadvantage of finding ourselves with 800 men to a certain extent
disorganised by the combat, opposed to an enemy who is not



                                   188
materially weaker in numbers and who has 500 quite fresh troops, is
one that cannot be decided by pursuing an analysis further, we must
here rely upon experience, and there will scarcely be an officer
experienced in War who will not in the generality of cases assign the
advantage to that side which has the fresh troops.

  In this way it becomes evident how the employment of too many
forces in combat may be disadvantageous; for whatever advantages
the superiority may give in the first moment, we may have to pay
dearly for in the next.

  But this danger only endures as long as the disorder, the state of
confusion and weakness lasts, in a word, up to the crisis which every
combat brings with it even for the conqueror. Within the duration of
this relaxed state of exhaustion, the appearance of a proportionate
number of fresh troops is decisive.

  But when this disordering effect of victory stops, and therefore only
the moral superiority remains which every victory gives, then it is no
longer possible for fresh troops to restore the combat, they would only
be carried along in the general movement; a beaten Army cannot be
brought back to victory a day after by means of a strong reserve. Here
we find ourselves at the source of a highly material difference between
tactics and strategy.

  The tactical results, the results within the four corners of the battle,
and before its close, lie for the most part within the limits of that
period of disorder and weakness. But the strategic result, that is to
say, the result of the total combat, of the victories realised, let them
be small or great, lies completely (beyond) outside of that period. It is
only when the results of partial combats have bound themselves
together into an independent whole, that the strategic result appears,
but then, the state of crisis is over, the forces have resumed their
original form, and are now only weakened to the extent of those
actually destroyed (placed hors de combat).

 The consequence of this difference is, that tactics can make a
continued use of forces, Strategy only a simultaneous one.25

  If I cannot, in tactics, decide all by the first success, if I have to fear
the next moment, it follows of itself that I employ only so much of my
force for the success of the first moment as appears sufficient for that

 25
      See chaps. xiii., and xiv., Book III and chap. xxix. Book V.--TR.


                                                        189
object, and keep the rest beyond the reach of fire or conflict of any
kind, in order to be able to oppose fresh troops to fresh, or with such
to overcome those that are exhausted. But it is not so in Strategy.
Partly, as we have just shown, it has not so much reason to fear a
reaction after a success realised, because with that success the crisis
stops; partly all the forces strategically employed are not necessarily
weakened. Only so much of them as have been tactically in conflict
with the enemy's force, that is, engaged in partial combat, are
weakened by it; consequently, only so much as was unavoidably
necessary, but by no means all which was strategically in conflict with
the enemy, unless tactics has expended them unnecessarily. Corps
which, on account of the general superiority in numbers, have either
been little or not at all engaged, whose presence alone has assisted in
the result, are after the decision the same as they were before, and for
new enterprises as efficient as if they had been entirely inactive. How
greatly such corps which thus constitute our excess may contribute to
the total success is evident in itself; indeed, it is not difficult to see
how they may even diminish considerably the loss of the forces
engaged in tactical, conflict on our side.

 If, therefore, in Strategy the loss does not increase with the number
of the troops employed, but is often diminished by it, and if, as a
natural consequence, the decision in our favor is, by that means, the
more certain, then it follows naturally that in Strategy we can never
employ too many forces, and consequently also that they must be
applied simultaneously to the immediate purpose.

  But we must vindicate this proposition upon another ground. We
have hitherto only spoken of the combat itself; it is the real activity in
War, but men, time, and space, which appear as the elements of this
activity, must, at the same time, be kept in view, and the results of
their influence brought into consideration also.

  Fatigue, exertion, and privation constitute in War a special principle
of destruction, not essentially belonging to contest, but more or less
inseparably bound up with it, and certainly one which especially
belongs to Strategy. They no doubt exist in tactics as well, and
perhaps there in the highest degree; but as the duration of the tactical
acts is shorter, therefore the small effects of exertion and privation on
them can come but little into consideration. But in Strategy on the
other hand, where time and space, are on a larger scale, their
influence is not only always very considerable, but often quite decisive.
It is not at all uncommon for a victorious Army to lose many more by
sickness than on the field of battle.


                                   190
  If, therefore, we look at this sphere of destruction in Strategy in the
same manner as we have considered that of fire and close combat in
tactics, then we may well imagine that everything which comes within
its vortex will, at the end of the campaign or of any other strategic
period, be reduced to a state of weakness, which makes the arrival of
a fresh force decisive. We might therefore conclude that there is a
motive in the one case as well as the other to strive for the first
success with as few forces as possible, in order to keep up this fresh
force for the last.

  In order to estimate exactly this conclusion, which, in many cases in
practice, will have a great appearancetruth, we must direct our
attention to the separate ideas which it contains. In the first place, we
must not confuse the notion of reinforcement with that of fresh unused
troops. There are few campaigns at the end of which an increase of
force is not earnestly desired by the conqueror as well as the
conquered, and indeed should appear decisive; but that is not the
point here, for that increase of force could not be necessary if the
force had been so much larger at the first. But it would be contrary to
all experience to suppose that an Army coming fresh into the field is to
be esteemed higher in point of moral value than an Army already in
the field, just as a tactical reserve is more to be esteemed than a body
of troops which has been already severely handled in the fight. Just as
much as an unfortunate campaign lowers the courage and moral
powers of an Army, a successful one raises these elements in their
value. In the generality of cases, therefore, these influences are
compensated, and then there remains over and above as clear gain
the habituation to War. We should besides look more here to
successful than to unsuccessful campaigns, because when the greater
probability of the latter may be seen beforehand, without doubt forces
are wanted, and, therefore, the reserving a portion for future use is
out of the question.

  This point being settled, then the question is, Do the losses which a
force sustains through fatigues and privations increase in proportion to
the size of the force, as is the case in a combat? And to that we
answer "No."

 The fatigues of War result in a great measure from the dangers with
which every moment of the act of War is more or less impregnated. To
encounter these dangers at all points, to proceed onwards with
security in the execution of one's plans, gives employment to a
multitude of agencies which make up the tactical and strategic service


                                   191
of the Army. This service is more difficult the weaker an Army is, and
easier as its numerical superiority over that of the enemy increases.
Who can doubt this? A campaign against a much weaker enemy will
therefore cost smaller efforts than against one just as strong or
stronger.

  So much for the fatigues. It is somewhat different with the
privations; they consist chiefly of two things, the want of food, and the
want of shelter for the troops, either in quarters or in suitable camps.
Both these wants will no doubt be greater in proportion as the number
of men on one spot is greater. But does not the superiority in force
afford also the best means of spreading out and finding more room,
and therefore more means of subsistence and shelter?

  If Buonaparte, in his invasion of Russia in 1812, concentrated his
Army in great masses upon one single road in a manner never heard
of before, and thus caused privations equally unparalleled, we must
ascribe it to his maxim THAT IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO BE TOO STRONG
AT THE DECISIVE POINT. Whether in this instance he did not strain
the principle too far is a question which would be out of place here;
but it is certain that, if he had made a point of avoiding the distress
which was by that means brought about, he had only to advance on a
greater breadth of front. Room was not wanted for the purpose in
Russia, and in very few cases can it be wanted. Therefore, from this no
ground can be deduced to prove that the simultaneous employment of
very superior forces must produce greater weakening. But now,
supposing that in spite of the general relief afforded by setting apart a
portion of the Army, wind and weather and the toils of War had
produced a diminution even on the part which as a spare force had
been reserved for later use, still we must take a comprehensive
general view of the whole, and therefore ask, Will this diminution of
force suffice to counterbalance the gain in forces, which we, through
our superiority in numbers, may be able to make in more ways than
one?

  But there still remains a most important point to be noticed. In a
partial combat, the force required to obtain a great result can be
approximately estimated without much difficulty, and, consequently,
we can form an idea of what is superfluous. In Strategy this may be
said to be impossible, because the strategic result has no such well-
defined object and no such circumscribed limits as the tactical. Thus
what can be looked upon in tactics as an excess of power, must be
regarded in Strategy as a means to give expansion to success, if
opportunity offers for it; with the magnitude of the success the gain in


                                   192
force increases at the same time, and in this way the superiority of
numbers may soon reach a point which the most careful economy of
forces could never have attained.

  By means of his enormous numerical superiority, Buonaparte was
enabled to reach Moscow in 1812, and to take that central capital. Had
he by means of this superiority succeeded in completely defeating the
Russian Army, he would, in all probability, have concluded a peace in
Moscow which in any other way was much less attainable. This
example is used to explain the idea, not to prove it, which would
require a circumstantial demonstration, for which this is not the
place.26

  All these reflections bear merely upon the idea of a successive
employment of forces, and not upon the conception of a reserve
properly so called, which they, no doubt, come in contact with
throughout, but which, as we shall see in the following chapter, is
connected with some other considerations.

  What we desire to establish here is, that if in tactics the military force
through the mere duration of actual employment suffers a diminution
of power, if time, therefore, appears as a factor in the result, this is
not the case in Strategy in a material degree. The destructive effects
which are also produced upon the forces in Strategy by time, are
partly diminished through their mass, partly made good in other ways,
and, therefore, in Strategy it cannot be an object to make time an ally
on its own account by bringing troops successively into action.

  We say on "its own account," for the influence which time, on
account of other circumstances which it brings about but which are
different from itself can have, indeed must necessarily have, for one of
the two parties, is quite another thing, is anything but indifferent or
unimportant, and will be the subject of consideration hereafter.

  The rule which we have been seeking to set forth is, therefore, that
all forces which are available and destined for a strategic object should
be SIMULTANEOUSLY applied to it; and this application will be so much
the more complete the more everything is compressed into one act
and into one movement.

 But still there is in Strategy a renewal of effort and a persistent
action which, as a chief means towards the ultimate success, is more

 26
      Compare Book VII., second edition, p. 56.


                                                  193
particularly not to be overlooked, it is the CONTINUAL DEVELOPMENT
OF NEW FORCES. This is also the subject of another chapter, and we
only refer to it here in order to prevent the reader from having
something in view of which we have not been speaking.

 We now turn to a subject very closely connected with our present
considerations, which must be settled before full light can be thrown
on the whole, we mean the STRATEGIC RESERVE.




                                 194
         CHAPTER XIII. STRATEGIC RESERVE

  A RESERVE has two objects which are very distinct from each other,
namely, first, the prolongation and renewal of the combat, and
secondly, for use in case of unforeseen events. The first object implies
the utility of a successive application of forces, and on that account
cannot occur in Strategy. Cases in which a corps is sent to succour a
point which is supposed to be about to fall are plainly to be placed in
the category of the second object, as the resistance which has to be
offered here could not have been sufficiently foreseen. But a corps
which is destined expressly to prolong the combat, and with that
object in view is placed in rear, would be only a corps placed out of
reach of fire, but under the command and at the disposition of the
General Commanding in the action, and accordingly would be a tactical
and not a strategic reserve.

  But the necessity for a force ready for unforeseen events may also
take place in Strategy, and consequently there may also be a strategic
reserve, but only where unforeseen events are imaginable. In tactics,
where the enemy's measures are generally first ascertained by direct
sight, and where they may be concealed by every wood, every fold of
undulating ground, we must naturally always be alive, more or less, to
the possibility of unforeseen events, in order to strengthen,
subsequently, those points which appear too weak, and, in fact, to
modify generally the disposition of our troops, so as to make it
correspond better to that of the enemy.

  Such cases must also happen in Strategy, because the strategic act
is directly linked to the tactical. In Strategy also many a measure is
first adopted in consequence of what is actually seen, or in
consequence of uncertain reports arriving from day to day, or even
from hour to hour, and lastly, from the actual results of the combats it
is, therefore, an essential condition of strategic command that,
according to the degree of uncertainty, forces must be kept in reserve
against future contingencies.

 In the defensive generally, but particularly in the defence of certain
obstacles of ground, like rivers, hills, &c., such contingencies, as is
well known, happen constantly.

  But this uncertainty diminishes in proportion as the strategic activity
has less of the tactical character, and ceases almost altogether in
those regions where it borders on politics.



                                   195
  The direction in which the enemy leads his columns to the combat
can be perceived by actual sight only; where he intends to pass a river
is learnt from a few preparations which are made shortly before; the
line by which he proposes to invade our country is usually announced
by all the newspapers before a pistol shot has been fired. The greater
the nature of the measure the less it will take the enemy by surprise.
Time and space are so considerable, the circumstances out of which
the action proceeds so public and little susceptible of alteration, that
the coming event is either made known in good time, or can be
discovered with reasonable certainty.

 On the other hand the use of a reserve in this province of Strategy,
even if one were available, will always be less efficacious the more the
measure has a tendency towards being one of a general nature.

  We have seen that the decision of a partial combat is nothing in
itself, but that all partial combats only find their complete solution in
the decision of the total combat.

  But even this decision of the total combat has only a relative
meaning of many different gradations, according as the force over
which the victory has been gained forms a more or less great and
important part of the whole. The lost battle of a corps may be repaired
by the victory of the Army. Even the lost battle of an Army may not
only be counterbalanced by the gain of a more important one, but
converted into a fortunate event (the two days of Kulm, August 29 and
30, 181327). No one can doubt this; but it is just as clear that the
weight of each victory (the successful issue of each total combat) is so
much the more substantial the more important the part conquered,
and that therefore the possibility of repairing the loss by subsequent
events diminishes in the same proportion. In another place we shall
have to examine this more in detail; it suffices for the present to have
drawn attention to the indubitable existence of this progression.

  If we now add lastly to these two considerations the third, which is,
that if the persistent use of forces in tactics always shifts the great
result to the end of the whole act,law of the simultaneous use of the
forces in Strategy, on the contrary, lets the principal result (which
need not be the final one) take place almost always at the
commencement of the great (or whole) act, then in these three results

  27
       Refers to the destruction of Vandamme's column, which had been sent unsupported to intercept the retreat
of the Austrians and Prussians from Dresden--but was forgotten by Napoleon.--EDITOR.


                                                     196
we have grounds sufficient to find strategic reserves always more
superfluous, always more useless, always more dangerous, the more
general their destination.

  The point where the idea of a strategic reserve begins to become
inconsistent is not difficult to determine: it lies in the SUPREME
DECISION. Employment must be given to all the forces within the
space of the supreme decision, and every reserve (active force
available) which is only intended for use after that decision is opposed
to common sense.

  If, therefore, tactics has in its reserves the means of not only
meeting unforeseen dispositions on the part of the enemy, but also of
repairing that which never can be foreseen, the result of the combat,
should that be unfortunate; Strategy on the other hand must, at least
as far as relates to the capital result, renounce the use of these
means. As A rule, it can only repair the losses sustained at one point
by advantages gained at another, in a few cases by moving troops
from one point to another; the idea of preparing for such reverses by
placing forces in reserve beforehand, can never be entertained in
Strategy.

  We have pointed out as an absurdity the idea of a strategic reserve
which is not to co-operate in the capital result, and as it is so beyond a
doubt, we should not have been led into such an analysis as we have
made in these two chapters, were it not that, in the disguise of other
ideas, it looks like something better, and frequently makes its
appearance. One person sees in it the acme of strategic sagacity and
foresight; another rejects it, and with it the idea of any reserve,
consequently even of a tactical one. This confusion of ideas is
transferred to real life, and if we would see a memorable instance of it
we have only to call to mind that Prussia in 1806 left a reserve of
20,000 men cantoned in the Mark, under Prince Eugene of
Wurtemberg, which could not possibly reach the Saale in time to be of
any use, and that another force Of 25,000 men belonging to this
power remained in East and South Prussia, destined only to be put on
a war-footing afterwards as a reserve.

 After these examples we cannot be accused of having been fighting
with windmills.




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         CHAPTER XIV. ECONOMY OF FORCES

  THE road of reason, as we have said, seldom allows itself to be
reduced to a mathematical line by principles and opinions. There
remains always a certain margin. But it is the same in all the practical
arts of life. For the lines of beauty there are no abscissae and
ordinates; circles and ellipses are not described by means of their
algebraical formulae. The actor in War therefore soon finds he must
trust himself to the delicate tact of judgment which, founded on
natural quickness of perception, and educated by reflection, almost
unconsciously seizes upon the right; he soon finds that at one time he
must simplify the law (by reducing it) to some prominent characteristic
points which form his rules; that at another the adopted method must
become the staff on which he leans.

  As one of these simplified characteristic points as a mental appliance,
we look upon the principle of watching continually over the co-
operation of all forces, or in other words, of keeping constantly in view
that no part of them should ever be idle. Whoever has forces where
the enemy does not give them sufficient employment, whoever has
part of his forces on the march--that is, allows them to lie dead--while
the enemy's are fighting, he is a bad manager of his forces. In this
sense there is a waste of forces, which is even worse than their
employment to no purpose. If there must be action, then the first
point is that all parts act, because the most purposeless activity still
keeps employed and destroys a portion of the enemy's force, whilst
troops completely inactive are for the moment quite neutralised.
Unmistakably this idea is bound up with the principles contained in the
last three chapters, it is the same truth, but seen from a somewhat
more comprehensive point of view and condensed into a single
conception.




                                   198
       CHAPTER XV. GEOMETRICAL ELEMENT

  THE length to which the geometrical element or form in the
disposition of military force in War can become a predominant
principle, we see in the art of fortification, where geometry looks after
the great and the little. Also in tactics it plays a great part. It is the
basis of elementary tactics, or of the theory of moving troops; but in
field fortification, as well as in the theory of positions, and of their
attack, its angles and lines rule like law givers who have to decide the
contest. Many things here were at one time misapplied, and others
were mere fribbles; still, however, in the tactics of the present day, in
which in every combat the aim is to surround the enemy, the
geometrical element has attained anew a great importance in a very
simple, but constantly recurring application. Nevertheless, in tactics,
where all is more movable, where the moral forces, individual traits,
and chance are more influential than in a war of sieges, the
geometrical element can never attain to the same degree of
supremacy as in the latter. But less still is its influence in Strategy;
certainly here, also, form in the disposition of troops, the shape of
countries and states is of great importance; but the geometrical
element is not decisive, as in fortification, and not nearly so important
as in tactics.--The manner in which this influence exhibits itself, can
only be shown by degrees at those places where it makes its
appearance, and deserves notice. Here we wish more to direct
attention to the difference which there is between tactics and Strategy
in relation to it.

  In tactics time and space quickly dwindle to their absolute minimum.
If a body of troops is attacked in flank and rear by the enemy, it soon
gets to a point where retreat no longer remains; such a position is
very close to an absolute impossibility of continuing the fight; it must
therefore extricate itself from it, or avoid getting into it. This gives to
all combinations aiming at this from the first commencement a great
efficiency, which chiefly consists in the disquietude which it causes the
enemy as to consequences. This is why the geometrical disposition of
the forces is such an important factor in the tactical product.

  In Strategy this is only faintly reflected, on account of the greater
space and time. We do not fire from one theatre of war upon another;
and often weeks and months must pass before a strategic movement
designed to surround the enemy can be executed. Further, the
distances are so great that the probability of hitting the right point at
last, even with the best arrangements, is but small.



                                    199
  In Strategy therefore the scope for such combinations, that is for
those resting on the geometrical element, is much smaller, and for the
same reason the effect of an advantage once actually gained at any
point is much greater. Such advantage has time to bring all its effects
to maturity before it is disturbed, or quite neutralised therein, by any
counteracting apprehensions. We therefore do not hesitate to regard
as an established truth, that in Strategy more depends on the number
and the magnitude of the victorious combats, than on the form of the
great lines by which they are connected.

  A view just the reverse has been a favourite theme of modern
theory, because a greater importance was supposed to be thus given
to Strategy, and, as the higher functions of the mind were seen in
Strategy, it was thought by that means to ennoble War, and, as it was
said--through a new substitution of ideas--to make it more scientific.
We hold it to be one of the principal uses of a complete theory openly
to expose such vagaries, and as the geometrical element is the
fundamental idea from which theory usually proceeds, therefore we
have expressly brought out this point in strong relief.




                                  200
CHAPTER XVI. ON THE SUSPENSION OF THE ACT
               IN WARFARE

  IF one considers War as an act of mutual destruction, we must of
necessity imagine both parties as making some progress; but at the
same time, as regards the existing moment, we must almost as
necessarily suppose the one party in a state of expectation, and only
the other actually advancing, for circumstances can never be actually
the same on both sides, or continue so. In time a change must ensue,
from which it follows that the present moment is more favourable to
one side than the other. Now if we suppose that both commanders
have a full knowledge of this circumstance, then the one has a motive
for action, which at the same time is a motive for the other to wait;
therefore, according to this it cannot be for the interest of both at the
same time to advance, nor can waiting be for the interest of both at
the same time. This opposition of interest as regards the object is not
deduced here from the principle of general polarity, and therefore is
not in opposition to the argument in the fifth chapter of the second
book; it depends on the fact that here in reality the same thing is at
once an incentive or motive to both commanders, namely the
probability of improving or impairing their position by future action.

  But even if we suppose the possibility of a perfect equality of
circumstances in this respect, or if we take into account that through
imperfect knowledge of their mutual position such an equality may
appear to the two Commanders to subsist, still the difference of
political objects does away with this possibility of suspension. One of
the parties must of necessity be assumed politically to be the
aggressor, because no War could take place from defensive intentions
on both sides. But the aggressor has the positive object, the defender
merely a negative one. To the first then belongs the positive action,
for it is only by that means that he can attain the positive object;
therefore, in cases where both parties are in precisely similar
circumstances, the aggressor is called upon to act by virtue of his
positive object.

  Therefore, from this point of view, a suspension in the act of
Warfare, strictly speaking, is in contradiction with the nature of the
thing; because two Armies, being two incompatible elements, should
destroy one another unremittingly, just as fire and water can never
put themselves in equilibrium, but act and react upon one another,
until one quite disappears. What would be said of two wrestlers who
remained clasped round each other for hours without making a


                                   201
movement. Action in War, therefore, like that of a clock which is
wound up, should go on running down in regular motion.--But wild as
is the nature of War it still wears the chains of human weakness, and
the contradiction we see here, viz., that man seeks and creates
dangers which he fears at the same time will astonish no one.

  If we cast a glance at military history in general, we find so much the
opposite of an incessant advance towards the aim, that STANDING
STILL and DOING NOTHING is quite plainly the NORMAL CONDITION
of an Army in the midst of War, ACTING, the EXCEPTION. This must
almost raise a doubt as to the correctness of our conception. But if
military history leads to this conclusion when viewed in the mass the
latest series of campaigns redeems our position. The War of the
French Revolution shows too plainly its reality, and only proves too
clearly its necessity. In these operations, and especially in the
campaigns of Buonaparte, the conduct of War attained to that
unlimited degree of energy which we have represented as the natural
law of the element. This degree is therefore possible, and if it is
possible then it is necessary.

  How could any one in fact justify in the eyes of reason the
expenditure of forces in War, if acting was not the object? The baker
only heats his oven if he has bread to put into it; the horse is only
yoked to the carriage if we mean to drive; why then make the
enormous effort of a War if we look for nothing else by it but like
efforts on the part of the enemy?

  So much in justification of the general principle; now as to its
modifications, as far as they lie in the nature of the thing and are
independent of special cases.

 There are three causes to be noticed here, which appear as innate
counterpoises and prevent the over-rapid or uncontrollable movement
of the wheel-work.

  The first, which produces a constant tendency to delay, and is
thereby a retarding principle, is the natural timidity and want of
resolution in the human mind, a kind of inertia in the moral world, but
which is produced not by attractive, but by repellent forces, that is to
say, by dread of danger and responsibility.

  In the burning element of War, ordinary natures appear to become
heavier; the impulsion given must therefore be stronger and more
frequently repeated if the motion is to be a continuous one. The mere


                                   202
idea of the object for which arms have been taken up is seldom
sufficient to overcome this resistant force, and if a warlike enterprising
spirit is not at the head, who feels himself in War in his natural
element, as much as a fish in the ocean, or if there is not the pressure
from above of some great responsibility, then standing still will be the
order of the day, and progress will be the exception.

  The second cause is the imperfection of human perception and
judgment, which is greater in War than anywhere, because a person
hardly knows exactly his own position from one moment to another,
and can only conjecture on slight grounds that of the enemy, which is
purposely concealed; this often gives rise to the case of both parties
looking upon one and the same object as advantageous for them,
while in reality the interest of one must preponderate; thus then each
may think he acts wisely by waiting another moment, as we have
already said in the fifth chapter of the second book.

  The third cause which catches hold, like a ratchet wheel in
machinery, from time to time producing a complete standstill, is the
greater strength of the defensive form. A may feel too weak to attack
B, from which it does not follow that B is strong enough for an attack
on A. The addition of strength, which the defensive gives is not merely
lost by assuming the offensive, but also passes to the enemy just as,
figuratively expressed, the difference of a + b and a - b is equal to 2b.
Therefore it may so happen that both parties, at one and the same
time, not only feel themselves too weak to attack, but also are so in
reality.

  Thus even in the midst of the act of War itself, anxious sagacity and
the apprehension of too great danger find vantage ground, by means
of which they can exert their power, and tame the elementary
impetuosity of War.

  However, at the same time these causes without an exaggeration of
their effect, would hardly explain the long states of inactivity which
took place in military operations, in former times, in Wars undertaken
about interests of no great importance, and in which inactivity
consumed nine-tenths of the time that the troops remained under
arms. This feature in these Wars, is to be traced principally to the
influence which the demands of the one party, and the condition, and
feeling of the other, exercised over the conduct of the operations, as
has been already observed in the chapter on the essence and object of
War.



                                   203
 These things may obtain such a preponderating influence as to make
of War a half-and-half affair. A War is often nothing more than an
armed neutrality, or a menacing attitude to support negotiations or an
attempt to gain some small advantage by small exertions, and then to
wait the tide of circumstances, or a disagreeable treaty obligation,
which is fulfilled in the most niggardly way possible.

  In all these cases in which the impulse given by interest is slight, and
the principle of hostility feeble, in which there is no desire to do much,
and also not much to dread from the enemy; in short, where no
powerful motives press and drive, cabinets will not risk much in the
game; hence this tame mode of carrying on War, in which the hostile
spirit of real War is laid in irons.

  The more War becomes in this manner devitalised so much the more
its theory becomes destitute of the necessary firm pivots and
buttresses for its reasoning; the necessary is constantly diminishing,
the accidental constantly increasing.

  Nevertheless in this kind of Warfare, there is also a certain
shrewdness, indeed, its action is perhaps more diversified, and more
extensive than in the other. Hazard played with realeaux of gold
seems changed into a game of commerce with groschen. And on this
field, where the conduct of War spins out the time with a number of
small flourishes, with skirmishes at outposts, half in earnest half in
jest, with long dispositions which end in nothing with positions and
marches, which afterwards are designated as skilful only because their
infinitesimally small causes are lost, and common sense can make
nothing of them, here on this very field many theorists find the real Art
of War at home: in these feints, parades, half and quarter thrusts of
former Wars, they find the aim of all theory, the supremacy of mind
over matter, and modern Wars appear to them mere savage fisticuffs,
from which nothing is to be learnt, and which must be regarded as
mere retrograde steps towards barbarism. This opinion is as frivolous
as the objects to which it relates. Where great forces and great
passions are wanting, it is certainly easier for a practised dexterity to
show its game; but is then the command of great forces, not in itself a
higher exercise of the intelligent faculties? Is then that kind of
conventional sword-exercise not comprised in and belonging to the
other mode of conducting War? Does it not bear the same relation to it
as the motions upon a ship to the motion of the ship itself? Truly it can
take place only under the tacit condition that the adversary does no
better. And can we tell, how long he may choose to respect those
conditions? Has not then the French Revolution fallen upon us in the


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midst of the fancied security of our old system of War, and driven us
from Chalons to Moscow? And did not Frederick the Great in like
manner surprise the Austrians reposing in their ancient habits of War,
and make their monarchy tremble? Woe to the cabinet which, with a
shilly-shally policy, and a routine-ridden military system, meets with
an adversary who, like the rude element, knows no other law than that
of his intrinsic force. Every deficiency in energy and exertion is then a
weight in the scales in favour of the enemy; it is not so easy then to
change from the fencing posture into that of an athlete, and a slight
blow is often sufficient to knock down the whole.

  The result of all the causes now adduced is, that the hostile action of
a campaign does not progress by a continuous, but by an intermittent
movement, and that, therefore, between the separate bloody acts,
there is a period of watching, during which both parties fall into the
defensive, and also that usually a higher object causes the principle of
aggression to predominate on one side, and thus leaves it in general in
an advancing position, by which then its proceedings become modified
in some degree.




                                   205
CHAPTER XVII. ON THE CHARACTER OF MODERN
                   WAR

 THE attention which must be paid to the character of War as it is now
made, has a great influence upon all plans, especially on strategic
ones.

  Since all methods formerly usual were upset by Buonaparte's luck
and boldness, and first-rate Powers almost wiped out at a blow; since
the Spaniards by their stubborn resistance have shown what the
general arming of a nation and insurgent measures on a great scale
can effect, in spite of weakness and porousness of individual parts;
since Russia, by the campaign of 1812 has taught us, first, that an
Empire of great dimensions is not to be conquered (which might have
been easily known before), secondly, that the probability of final
success does not in all cases diminish in the same measure as battles,
capitals, and provinces are lost (which was formerly an
incontrovertible principle with all diplomatists, and therefore made
them always ready to enter at once into some bad temporary peace),
but that a nation is often strongest in the heart of its country, if the
enemy's offensive power has exhausted itself, and with what
enormous force the defensive then springs over to the offensive;
further, since Prussia (1813) has shown that sudden efforts may add
to an Army sixfold by means of the militia, and that this militia is just
as fit for service abroad as in its own country;-- since all these events
have shown what an enormous factor the heart and sentiments of a
Nation may be in the product of its political and military strength, in
fine, since governments have found out all these additional aids, it is
not to be expected that they will let them lie idle in future Wars,
whether it be that danger threatens their own existence, or that
restless ambition drives them on.

  That a War which is waged with the whole weight of the national
power on each side must be organised differently in principle to those
where everything is calculated according to the relations of standing
Armies to each other, it is easy to perceive. Standing Armies once
resembled fleets, the land force the sea force in their relations to the
remainder of the State, and from that the Art of War on shore had in it
something of naval tactics, which it has now quite lost.




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          CHAPTER XVIII. TENSION AND REST

The Dynamic Law of War

  WE have seen in the sixteenth chapter of this book, how, in most
campaigns, much more time used to be spent in standing still and
inaction than in activity.

  Now, although, as observed in the preceding chapter we see quite a
different character in the present form of War, still it is certain that
real action will always be interrupted more or less by long pauses; and
this leads to the necessity of our examining more closely the nature of
these two phases of War.

  If there is a suspension of action in War, that is, if neither party wills
something positive, there is rest, and consequently equilibrium, but
certainly an equilibrium in the largest signification, in which not only
the moral and physical war-forces, but all relations and interests, come
into calculation. As soon as ever one of the two parties proposes to
himself a new positive object, and commences active steps towards it,
even if it is only by preparations, and as soon as the adversary
opposes this, there is a tension of powers; this lasts until the decision
takes place--that is, until one party either gives up his object or the
other has conceded it to him.

 This decision--the foundation of which lies always in the combat--
combinations which are made on each side-- is followed by a
movement in one or other direction.

  When this movement has exhausted itself, either in the difficulties
which had to be mastered, in overcoming its own internal friction, or
through new resistant forces of rest takes place or a new tension with
a decision, and then a new movement, in most cases in the opposite
direction.

  This speculative distinction between equilibrium, tension, and motion
is more essential for practical action than may at first sight appear.

 In a state of rest and of equilibrium a varied kind of activity may
prevail on one side that results from opportunity, and does not aim at
a great alteration. Such an activity may contain important combats--
even pitched battles--but yet it is still of quite a different nature, and
on that account generally different in its effects.



                                    207
  If a state of tension exists, the effects of the decision are always
greater partly because a greater force of will and a greater pressure of
circumstances manifest themselves therein; partly because everything
has been prepared and arranged for a great movement. The decision
in such cases resembles the effect of a mine well closed and tamped,
whilst an event in itself perhaps just as great, in a state of rest, is
more or less like a mass of powder puffed away in the open air.

  At the same time, as a matter of course, the state of tension must be
imagined in different degrees of intensity, and it may therefore
approach gradually by many steps towards the state of rest, so that at
the last there is a very slight difference between them.

  Now the real use which we derive from these reflections is the
conclusion that every measure which is taken during a state of tension
is more important and more prolific in results than the same measure
could be in a state of equilibrium, and that this importance increases
immensely in the highest degrees of tension.

  The cannonade of Valmy, September 20, 1792, decided more than
the battle of Hochkirch, October 14, 1758.

 In a tract of country which the enemy abandons to us because he
cannot defend it, we can settle ourselves differently from what we
should do if the retreat of the enemy was only made with the view to a
decision under more favourable circumstances. Again, a strategic
attack in course of execution, a faulty position, a single false march,
may be decisive in its consequence; whilst in a state of equilibrium
such errors must be of a very glaring kind, even to excite the activity
of the enemy in a general way.

  Most bygone Wars, as we have already said, consisted, so far as
regards the greater part of the time, in this state of equilibrium, or at
least in such short tensions with long intervals between them, and
weak in their effects, that the events to which they gave rise were
seldom great successes, often they were theatrical exhibitions, got up
in honour of a royal birthday (Hochkirch), often a mere satisfying of
the honour of the arms (Kunersdorf), or the personal vanity of the
commander (Freiberg).

 That a Commander should thoroughly understand these states, that
he should have the tact to act in the spirit of them, we hold to be a
great requisite, and we have had experience in the campaign of 1806


                                   208
how far it is sometimes wanting. In that tremendous tension, when
everything pressed on towards a supreme decision, and that alone
with all its consequences should have occupied the whole soul of the
Commander, measures were proposed and even partly carried out
(such as the reconnaissance towards Franconia), which at the most
might have given a kind of gentle play of oscillation within a state of
equilibrium. Over these blundering schemes and views, absorbing the
activity of the Army, the really necessary means, which could alone
save, were lost sight of.

  But this speculative distinction which we have made is also necessary
for our further progress in the construction of our theory, because all
that we have to say on the relation of attack and defence, and on the
completion of this double-sided act, concerns the state of the crisis in
which the forces are placed during the tension and motion, and
because all the activity which can take place during the condition of
equilibrium can only be regarded and treated as a corollary; for that
crisis is the real War and this state of equilibrium only its reflection.




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                 BOOK IV. THE COMBAT
               CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY

  HAVING in the foregoing book examined the subjects which may be
regarded as the efficient elements of War, we shall now turn our
attention to the combat as the real activity in Warfare, which, by its
physical and moral effects, embraces sometimes more simply,
sometimes in a more complex manner, the object of the whole
campaign. In this activity and in its effects these elements must
therefore, reappear.

  The formation of the combat is tactical in its nature; we only glance
at it here in a general way in order to get acquainted with it in its
aspect as a whole. In practice the minor or more immediate objects
give every combat a characteristic form; these minor objects we shall
not discuss until hereafter. But these peculiarities are in comparison to
the general characteristics of a combat mostly only insignificant, so
that most combats are very like one another, and, therefore, in order
to avoid repeating that which is general at every stage, we are
compelled to look into it here, before taking up the subject of its more
special application.

  In the first place, therefore, we shall give in the next chapter, in a
few words, the characteristics of the modern battle in its tactical
course, because that lies at the foundation of our conceptions of what
the battle really is.




                                   210
       CHAPTER II. CHARACTER OF THE MODERN
                      BATTLE

  ACCORDING to the notion we have formed of tactics and strategy, it
follows, as a matter of course, that if the nature of the former is
changed, that change must have an influence on the latter. If tactical
facts in one case are entirely different from those in another, then the
strategic, must be so also, if they are to continue consistent and
reasonable. It is therefore important to characterise a general action in
its modern form before we advance with the study of its employment
in strategy.

  What do we do now usually in a great battle? We place ourselves
quietly in great masses arranged contiguous to and behind one
another. We deploy relatively only a small portion of the whole, and let
it wring itself out in a fire-combat which lasts for several hours, only
interrupted now and again, and removed hither and thither by
separate small shocks from charges with the bayonet and cavalry
attacks. When this line has gradually exhausted part of its warlike
ardour in this manner and there remains nothing more than the
cinders, it is withdrawn28 and replaced by another.

  In this manner the battle on a modified principle burns slowly away
like wet powder, and if the veil of night commands it to stop, because
neither party can any longer see, and neither chooses to run the risk
of blind chance, then an account is taken by each side respectively of
the masses remaining, which can be called still effective, that is, which
have not yet quite collapsed like extinct volcanoes; account is taken of
the ground gained or lost, and of how stands the security of the rear;
these results with the special impressions as to bravery and cowardice,
ability and stupidity, which are thought to have been observed in
ourselves and in the enemy are collected into one single total
impression, out of which there springs the resolution to quit the field
or to renew the combat on the morrow.

 This description, which is not intended as a finished picture of a
modern battle, but only to give its general tone, suits for the offensive
and defensive, and the special traits which are given, by the object


  28
      The relief of the fighting line played a great part in the battles of the Smooth-Bore era; it was necessitated
by the fouling of the muskets, physical fatigue of the men and consumption of ammunition, and was recognised
as both necessary and advisable by Napoleon himself.--EDITOR.


                                                        211
proposed, the country, &c. &c., may be introduced into it, without
materially altering the conception.

  But modern battles are not so by accident; they are so because the
parties find themselves nearly on a level as regards military
organisation and the knowledge of the Art of War, and because the
warlike element inflamed by great national interests has broken
through artificial limits and now flows in its natural channel. Under
these two conditions, battles will always preserve this character.

  This general idea of the modern battle will be useful to us in the
sequel in more places than one, if we want to estimate the value of
the particular co-efficients of strength, country, &c. &c. It is only for
general, great, and decisive combats, and such as come near to them
that this description stands good; inferior ones have changed their
character also in the same direction but less than great ones. The
proof of this belongs to tactics; we shall, however, have an opportunity
hereafter of making this subject plainer by giving a few particulars.




                                   212
      CHAPTER III. THE COMBAT IN GENERAL

 THE Combat is the real warlike activity, everything else is only its
auxiliary; let us therefore take an attentive look at its nature.

  Combat means fighting, and in this the destruction or conquest of
the enemy is the object, and the enemy, in the particular combat, is
the armed force which stands opposed to us.

  This is the simple idea; we shall return to it, but before we can do
that we must insert a series of others.

  If we suppose the State and its military force as a unit, then the
most natural idea is to imagine the War also as one great combat, and
in the simple relations of savage nations it is also not much otherwise.
But our Wars are made up of a number of great and small
simultaneous or consecutive combats, and this severance of the
activity into so many separate actions is owing to the great multiplicity
of the relations out of which War arises with us.

  In point of fact, the ultimate object of our Wars the, political one, is
not always quite a simple one; and even were it so, still the action is
bound up with such a number of conditions and considerations to be
taken into account, that the object can no longer be attained by one
single great act but only through a number of greater or smaller acts
which are bound up into a whole; each of these separate acts is
therefore a part of a whole, and has consequently a special object by
which it is bound to this whole.

  We have already said that every strategic act can be referred to the
idea of a combat, because it is an employment of the military force,
and at the root of that there always lies the idea of fighting. We may
therefore reduce every military activity in the province of Strategy to
the unit of single combats, and occupy ourselves with the object of
these only; we shall get acquainted with these special objects by
degrees as we come to speak of the causes which produce them; here
we content ourselves with saying that every combat, great or small,
has its own peculiar object in subordination to the main object. If this
is the case then, the destruction and conquest of the enemy is only to
be regarded as the means of gaining this object; as it unquestionably
is.




                                   213
 But this result is true only in its form, and important only on account
of the connection which the ideas have between themselves, and we
have only sought it out to get rid of it at once.

  What is overcoming the enemy? Invariably the destruction of his
military force, whether it be by death, or wounds, or any means;
whether it be completely or only to such a degree that he can no
longer continue the contest; therefore as long as we set aside all
special objects of combats, we may look upon the complete or partial
destruction of the enemy as the only object of all combats.

  Now we maintain that in the majority of cases, and especially in
great battles, the special object by which the battle is individualised
and bound up with the great whole is only a weak modification of that
general object, or an ancillary object bound up with it, important
enough to individualise the battle, but always insignificant in
comparison with that general object; so that if that ancillary object
alone should be obtained, only an unimportant part of the purpose of
the combat is fulfilled. If this assertion is correct, then we see that the
idea, according to which the destruction of the enemy's force is only
the means, and something else always the object, can only be true in
form, but, that it would lead to false conclusions if we did not recollect
that this destruction of the enemy's force is comprised in that object,
and that this object is only a weak modification of it. Forgetfulness of
this led to completely false views before the Wars of the last period,
and created tendencies as well as fragments of systems, in which
theory thought it raised itself so much the more above handicraft, the
less it supposed itself to stand in need of the use of the real
instrument, that is the destruction of the enemy's force.

  Certainly such a system could not have arisen unless supported by
other false suppositions, and unless in place of the destruction of the
enemy, other things had been substituted to which an efficacy was
ascribed which did not rightly belong to them. We shall attack these
falsehoods whenever occasion requires, but we could not treat of the
combat without claiming for it the real importance and value which
belong to it, and giving warning against the errors to which merely
formal truth might lead.

  But now how shall we manage to show that in most cases, and in
those of most importance, the destruction of the enemy's Army is the
chief thing? How shall we manage to combat that extremely subtle
idea, which supposes it possible, through the use of a special artificial
form, to effect by a small direct destruction of the enemy's forces a


                                    214
much greater destruction indirectly, or by means of small but
extremely well-directed blows to produce such paralysation of the
enemy's forces, such a command over the enemy's will, that this mode
of proceeding is to be viewed as a great shortening of the road?
Undoubtedly a victory at one point may be of more value than at
another. Undoubtedly there is a scientific arrangement of battles
amongst themselves, even in Strategy, which is in fact nothing but the
Art of thus arranging them. To deny that is not our intention, but we
assert that the direct destruction of the enemy's forces is everywhere
predominant; we contend here for the overruling importance of this
destructive principle and nothing else.

  We must, however, call to mind that we are now engaged with
Strategy, not with tactics, therefore we do not speak of the means
which the former may have of destroying at a small expense a large
body of the enemy's forces, but under direct destruction we
understand the tactical results, and that, therefore, our assertion is
that only great tactical results can lead to great strategical ones, or, as
we have already once before more distinctly expressed it, THE
TACTICAL SUCCESSES are of paramount importance in the conduct of
War.

   The proof of this assertion seems to us simple enough, it lies in the
time which every complicated (artificial) combination requires. The
question whether a simple attack, or one more carefully prepared, i.e.,
more artificial, will produce greater effects, may undoubtedly be
decided in favour of the latter as long as the enemy is assumed to
remain quite passive. But every carefully combined attack requires
time for its preparation, and if a counter- stroke by the enemy
intervenes, our whole design may be upset. Now if the enemy should
decide upon some simple attack, which can be executed in a shorter
time, then he gains the initiative, and destroys the effect of the great
plan. Therefore, together with the expediency of a complicated attack
we must consider all the dangers which we run during its preparation,
and should only adopt it if there is no reason to fear that the enemy
will disconcert our scheme. Whenever this is the case we must
ourselves choose the simpler, i.e., quicker way, and lower our views in
this sense as far as the character, the relations of the enemy, and
other circumstances may render necessary. If we quit the weak
impressions of abstract ideas and descend to the region of practical
life, then it is evident that a bold, courageous, resolute enemy will not
let us have time for wide-reaching skilful combinations, and it is just
against such a one we should require skill the most. By this it appears



                                    215
to us that the advantage of simple and direct results over those that
are complicated is conclusively shown.

 Our opinion is not on that account that the simple blow is the best,
but that we must not lift the arm too far for the time given to strike,
and that this condition will always lead more to direct conflict the more
warlike our opponent is. Therefore, far from making it our aim to gain
upon the enemy by complicated plans, we must rather seek to be
beforehand with him by greater simplicity in our designs.

  If we seek for the lowest foundation-stones of these converse
propositions we find that in the one it is ability, in the other, courage.
Now, there is something very attractive in the notion that a moderate
degree of courage joined to great ability will produce greater effects
than moderate ability with great courage. But unless we suppose these
elements in a disproportionate relation, not logical, we have no right to
assign to ability this advantage over courage in a field which is called
danger, and which must be regarded as the true domain of courage.

  After this abstract view we shall only add that experience, very far
from leading to a different conclusion, is rather the sole cause which
has impelled us in this direction, and given rise to such reflections.

 Whoever reads history with a mind free from prejudice cannot fail to
arrive at a conviction that of all military virtues, energy in the conduct
of operations has always contributed the most to the glory and success
of arms.

  How we make good our principle of regarding the destruction of the
enemy's force as the principal object, not only in the War as a whole
but also in each separate combat, and how that principle suits all the
forms and conditions necessarily demanded by the relations out of
which War springs, the sequel will show. For the present all that we
desire is to uphold its general importance, and with this result we
return again to the combat.




                                   216
      CHAPTER IV. THE COMBAT IN GENERAL
               (CONTINUATION)

  IN the last chapter we showed the destruction of the enemy as the
true object of the combat, and we have sought to prove by a special
consideration of the point, that this is true in the majority of cases,
and in respect to the most important battles, because the destruction
of the enemy's Army is always the preponderating object in War. The
other objects which may be mixed up with this destruction of the
enemy's force, and may have more or less influence, we shall describe
generally in the next chapter, and become better acquainted with by
degrees afterwards; here we divest the combat of them entirely, and
look upon the destruction of the enemy as the complete and sufficient
object of any combat.

  What are we now to understand by destruction of the enemy's Army?
A diminution of it relatively greater than that on our own side. If we
have a great superiority in numbers over the enemy, then naturally
the same absolute amount of loss on both sides is for us a smaller one
than for him, and consequently may be regarded in itself as an
advantage. As we are here considering the combat as divested of all
(other) objects, we must also exclude from our consideration the case
in which the combat is used only indirectly for a greater destruction of
the enemy's force; consequently also, only that direct gain which has
been made in the mutual process of destruction, is to be regarded as
the object, for this is an absolute gain, which runs through the whole
campaign, and at the end of it will always appear as pure profit. But
every other kind of victory over our opponent will either have its
motive in other objects, which we have completely excluded here, or it
will only yield a temporary relative advantage. An example will make
this plain.

  If by a skilful disposition we have reduced our opponent to such a
dilemma, that he cannot continue the combat without danger, and
after some resistance he retires, then we may say, that we have
conquered him at that point; but if in this victory we have expended
just as many forces as the enemy, then in closing the account of the
campaign, there is no gain remaining from this victory, if such a result
can be called a victory. Therefore the overcoming the enemy, that is,
placing him in such a position that he must give up the fight, counts
for nothing in itself, and for that reason cannot come under the
definition of object. There remains, therefore, as we have said, nothing
over except the direct gain which we have made in the process of


                                  217
destruction; but to this belong not only the losses which have taken
place in the course of the combat, but also those which, after the
withdrawal of the conquered part, take place as direct consequences of
the same.

  Now it is known by experience, that the losses in physical forces in
the course of a battle seldom present a great difference between victor
and vanquished respectively, often none at all, sometimes even one
bearing an inverse relation to the result, and that the most decisive
losses on the side of the vanquished only commence with the retreat,
that is, those which the conqueror does not share with him. The weak
remains of battalions already in disorder are cut down by cavalry,
exhausted men strew the ground, disabled guns and broken caissons
are abandoned, others in the bad state of the roads cannot be
removed quickly enough, and are captured by the enemy's troops,
during the night numbers lose their way, and fall defenceless into the
enemy's hands, and thus the victory mostly gains bodily substance
after it is already decided. Here would be a paradox, if it did not solve
itself in the following manner.

 The loss in physical force is not the only one which the two sides
suffer in the course of the combat; the moral forces also are shaken,
broken, and go to ruin. It is not only the loss in men, horses and guns,
but in order, courage, confidence, cohesion and plan, which come into
consideration when it is a question whether the fight can be still
continued or not. It is principally the moral forces which decide here,
and in all cases in which the conqueror has lost as heavily as the
conquered, it is these alone.

  The comparative relation of the physical losses is difficult to estimate
in a battle, but not so the relation of the moral ones. Two things
principally make it known. The one is the loss of the ground on which
the fight has taken place, the other the superiority of the enemy's. The
more our reserves have diminished as compared with those of the
enemy, the more force we have used to maintain the equilibrium; in
this at once, an evident proof of the moral superiority of the enemy is
given which seldom fails to stir up in the soul of the Commander a
certain bitterness of feeling, and a sort of contempt for his own troops.
But the principal thing is, that men who have been engaged for a long
continuance of time are more or less like burnt-out cinders; their
ammunition is consumed; they have melted away to a certain extent;
physical and moral energies are exhausted, perhaps their courage is
broken as well. Such a force, irrespective of the diminution in its
number, if viewed as an organic whole, is very different from what it


                                   218
was before the combat; and thus it is that the loss of moral force may
be measured by the reserves that have been used as if it were on a
foot-rule.

 Lost ground and want of fresh reserves, are, therefore, usually the
principal causes which determine a retreat; but at the same time we
by no means exclude or desire to throw in the shade other reasons,
which may lie in the interdependence of parts of the Army, in the
general plan, &c.

  Every combat is therefore the bloody and destructive measuring of
the strength of forces, physical and moral; whoever at the close has
the greatest amount of both left is the conqueror.

  In the combat the loss of moral force is the chief cause of the
decision; after that is given, this loss continues to increase until it
reaches its culminating-point at the close of the whole act. This then is
the opportunity the victor should seize to reap his harvest by the
utmost possible restrictions of his enemy's forces, the real object of
engaging in the combat. On the beaten side, the loss of all order and
control often makes the prolongation of resistance by individual units,
by the further punishment they are certain to suffer, more injurious
than useful to the whole. The spirit of the mass is broken; the original
excitement about losing or winning, through which danger was
forgotten, is spent, and to the majority danger now appears no longer
an appeal to their courage, but rather the endurance of a cruel
punishment. Thus the instrument in the first moment of the enemy's
victory is weakened and blunted, and therefore no longer fit to repay
danger by danger.

  This period, however, passes; the moral forces of the conquered will
recover by degrees, order will be restored, courage will revive, and in
the majority of cases there remains only a small part of the superiority
obtained, often none at all. In some cases, even, although rarely, the
spirit of revenge and intensified hostility may bring about an opposite
result. On the other hand, whatever is gained in killed, wounded,
prisoners, and guns captured can never disappear from the account.

  The losses in a battle consist more in killed and wounded; those after
the battle, more in artillery taken and prisoners. The first the
conqueror shares with the conquered, more or less, but the second
not; and for that reason they usually only take place on one side of the
conflict, at least, they are considerably in excess on one side.



                                   219
  Artillery and prisoners are therefore at all times regarded as the true
trophies of victory, as well as its measure, because through these
things its extent is declared beyond a doubt. Even the degree of moral
superiority may be better judged of by them than by any other
relation, especially if the number of killed and wounded is compared
therewith; and here arises a new power increasing the moral effects.

  We have said that the moral forces, beaten to the ground in the
battle and in the immediately succeeding movements, recover
themselves gradually, and often bear no traces of injury; this is the
case with small divisions of the whole, less frequently with large
divisions; it may, however, also be the case with the main Army, but
seldom or never in the State or Government to which the Army
belongs. These estimate the situation more impartially, and from a
more elevated point of view, and recognise in the number of trophies
taken by the enemy, and their relation to the number of killed and
wounded, only too easily and well, the measure of their own weakness
and inefficiency.

  In point of fact, the lost balance of moral power must not be treated
lightly because it has no absolute value, and because it does not of
necessity appear in all cases in the amount of the results at the final
close; it may become of such excessive weight as to bring down
everything with an irresistible force. On that account it may often
become a great aim of the operations of which we shall speak
elsewhere. Here we have still to examine some of its fundamental
relations.

  The moral effect of a victory increases, not merely in proportion to
the extent of the forces engaged, but in a progressive ratio--that is to
say, not only in extent, but also in its intensity. In a beaten
detachment order is easily restored. As a single frozen limb is easily
revived by the rest of the body, so the courage of a defeated
detachment is easily raised again by the courage of the rest of the
Army as soon as it rejoins it. If, therefore, the effects of a small victory
are not completely done away with, still they are partly lost to the
enemy. This is not the case if the Army itself sustains a great defeat;
then one with the other fall together. A great fire attains quite a
different heat from several small ones.

  Another relation which determines the moral value of a victory is the
numerical relation of the forces which have been in conflict with each
other. To beat many with few is not only a double success, but shows
also a greater, especially a more general superiority, which the


                                    220
conquered must always be fearful of encountering again. At the same
time this influence is in reality hardly observable in such a case. In the
moment of real action, the notions of the actual strength of the enemy
are generally so uncertain, the estimate of our own commonly so
incorrect, that the party superior in numbers either does not admit the
disproportion, or is very far from admitting the full truth, owing to
which, he evades almost entirely the moral disadvantages which would
spring from it. It is only hereafter in history that the truth, long
suppressed through ignorance, vanity, or a wise discretion, makes its
appearance, and then it certainly casts a lustre on the Army and its
Leader, but it can then do nothing more by its moral influence for
events long past.

  If prisoners and captured guns are    those things by which the victory
principally gains substance, its true   crystallisations, then the plan of
the battle should have those things     specially in view; the destruction
of the enemy by death and wounds        appears here merely as a means
to an end.

  How far this may influence the dispositions in the battle is not an
affair of Strategy, but the decision to fight the battle is in intimate
connection with it, as is shown by the direction given to our forces,
and their general grouping, whether we threaten the enemy's flank or
rear, or he threatens ours. On this point, the number of prisoners and
captured guns depends very much, and it is a point which, in many
cases, tactics alone cannot satisfy, particularly if the strategic relations
are too much in opposition to it.

  The risk of having to fight on two sides, and the still more dangerous
position of having no line of retreat left open, paralyse the movements
and the power of resistance; further, in case of defeat, they increase
the loss, often raising it to its extreme point, that is, to destruction.
Therefore, the rear being endangered makes defeat more probable,
and, at the same time, more decisive.

  From this arises, in the whole conduct of the War,especially in great
and small combats, a perfect instinct to secure our own line of retreat
and to seize that of the enemy; this follows from the conception of
victory, which, as we have seen, is something beyond mere slaughter.

  In this effort we see, therefore, the first immediate purpose in the
combat, and one which is quite universal. No combat is imaginable in
which this effort, either in its double or single form, does not go hand
in hand with the plain and simple stroke of force. Even the smallest


                                    221
troop will not throw itself upon its enemy without thinking of its line of
retreat, and, in most cases, it will have an eye upon that of the enemy
also.

  We should have to digress to show how often this instinct is
prevented from going the direct road, how often it must yield to the
difficulties arising from more important considerations: we shall,
therefore, rest contented with affirming it to be a general natural law
of the combat.

 It is, therefore, active; presses everywhere with its natural weight,
and so becomes the pivot on which almost all tactical and strategic
manoeuvres turn.

  If we now take a look at the conception of victory as a whole, we find
in it three elements:--

 1. The greater loss of the enemy in physical power.

 2. In moral power.

 3. His open avowal of this by the relinquishment of his intentions.

  The returns made up on each side of losses in killed and wounded,
are never exact, seldom truthful, and in most cases, full of intentional
misrepresentations. Even the statement of the number of trophies is
seldom to be quite depended on; consequently, when it is not
considerable it may also cast a doubt even on the reality of the
victory. Of the loss in moral forces there is no reliable measure, except
in the trophies: therefore, in many cases, the giving up the contest is
the only real evidence of the victory. It is, therefore, to be regarded as
a confession of inferiority--as the lowering of the flag, by which, in this
particular instance, right and superiority are conceded to the enemy,
and this degree of humiliation and disgrace, which, however, must be
distinguished from all the other moral consequences of the loss of
equilibrium, is an essential part of the victory. It is this part alone
which acts upon the public opinion outside the Army, upon the people
and the Government in both belligerent States, and upon all others in
any way concerned.

  But renouncement of the general object is not quite identical with
quitting the field of battle, even when the battle has been very
obstinate and long kept up; no one says of advanced posts, when they
retire after an obstinate combat, that they have given up their object;


                                    222
even in combats aimed at the destruction of the enemy's Army, the
retreat from the battlefield is not always to be regarded as a
relinquishment of this aim, as for instance, in retreats planned
beforehand, in which the ground is disputed foot by foot; all this
belongs to that part of our subject where we shall speak of the
separate object of the combat; here we only wish to draw attention to
the fact that in most cases the giving up of the object is very difficult
to distinguish from the retirement from the battlefield, and that the
impression produced by the latter, both in and out of the Army, is not
to be treated lightly.

  For Generals and Armies whose reputation is not made, this is in
itself one of the difficulties in many operations, justified by
circumstances when a succession of combats, each ending in retreat,
may appear as a succession of defeats, without being so in reality, and
when that appearance may exercise a very depressing influence. It is
impossible for the retreating General by making known his real
intentions to prevent the moral effect spreading to the public and his
troops, for to do that with effect he must disclose his plans completely,
which of course would run counter to his principal interests to too
great a degree.

  In order to draw attention to the special importance of this
conception of victory we shall only refer to the battle of Soor,29 the
trophies from which were not important (a few thousand prisoners and
twenty guns), and where Frederick proclaimed his victory by remaining
for five days after on the field of battle, although his retreat into
Silesia had been previously determined on, and was a measure natural
to his whole situation. According to his own account, he thought he
would hasten a peace by the moral effect of his victory. Now although
a couple of other successes were likewise required, namely, the battle
at Katholisch Hennersdorf, in Lusatia, and the battle of Kesseldorf,
before this peace took place, still we cannot say that the moral effect
of the battle of Soor was nil.

 If it is chiefly the moral force which is shaken by defeat, and if the
number of trophies reaped by the enemy mounts up to an unusual
height, then the lost combat becomes a rout, but this is not the
necessary consequence of every victory. A rout only sets in when the
moral force of the defeated is very severely shaken then there often


  29
       Soor, or Sohr, Sept. 30, 1745; Hennersdorf, Nov. 23, 1745; Kealteldorf, Dec. 15, 1745, all in the Second
Silesian War.


                                                     223
ensues a complete incapability of further resistance, and the whole
action consists of giving way, that is of flight.

 Jena and Belle Alliance were routs, but not so Borodino.

  Although without pedantry we can here give no single line of
separation, because the difference between the things is one of
degrees, yet still the retention of the conception is essential as a
central point to give clearness to our theoretical ideas and it is a want
in our terminology that for a victory over the enemy tantamount to a
rout, and a conquest of the enemy only tantamount to a simple
victory, there is only one and the same word to use.




                                   224
   CHAPTER V. ON THE SIGNIFICATION OF THE
                  COMBAT

  HAVING in the preceding chapter examined the combat in its
absolute form, as the miniature picture of the whole War, we now turn
to the relations which it bears to the other parts of the great whole.
First we inquire what is more precisely the signification of a combat.

  As War is nothing else but a mutual process of destruction, then the
most natural answer in conception, and perhaps also in reality,
appears to be that all the powers of each party unite in one great
volume and all results in one great shock of these masses. There is
certainly much truth in this idea, and it seems to be very advisable
that we should adhere to it and should on that account look upon small
combats at first only as necessary loss, like the shavings from a
carpenter's plane. Still, however, the thing cannot be settled so easily.

  That a multiplication of combats should arise from a fractioning of
forces is a matter of course, and the more immediate objects of
separate combats will therefore come before us in the subject of a
fractioning of forces; but these objects, and together with them, the
whole mass of combats may in a general way be brought under certain
classes, and the knowledge of these classes will contribute to make
our observations more intelligible.

  Destruction of the enemy's military forces is in reality the object of
all combats; but other objects may be joined thereto, and these other
objects may be at the same time predominant; we must therefore
draw a distinction between those in which the destruction of the
enemy's forces is the principal object, and those in which it is more the
means. The destruction of the enemy's force, the possession of a place
or the possession of some object may be the general motive for a
combat, and it may be either one of these alone or several together, in
which case however usually one is the principal motive. Now the two
principal forms of War, the offensive and defensive, of which we shall
shortly speak, do not modify the first of these motives, but they
certainly do modify the other two, and therefore if we arrange them in
a scheme they would appear thus:--

 OFFENSIVE. DEFENSIVE. 1. Destruction of enemy's 1. Destruction of
enemy's force. force. 2. Conquest of a place. 2. Defence of a place. 3.
Conquest of some object. 3. Defence of some object.




                                   225
  These motives, however, do not seem to embrace completely the
whole of the subject, if we recollect that there are reconnaissances and
demonstrations, in which plainly none of these three points is the
object of the combat. In reality we must, therefore, on this account be
allowed a fourth class. Strictly speaking, in reconnaissances in which
we wish the enemy to show himself, in alarms by which we wish to
wear him out, in demonstrations by which we wish to prevent his
leaving some point or to draw him off to another, the objects are all
such as can OF THE THREE OBJECTS SPECIFIED IN THE TABLE, usually
of the second; for the enemy whose aim is to reconnoitre must draw
up his force as if he really intended to attack and defeat us, or drive us
off, &c. &c. But this pretended object is not the real one, and our
present question is only as to the latter; therefore, we must to the
above three objects of the offensive further add a fourth, which is to
lead the enemy to make a false conclusion. That offensive means are
conceivable in connection with this object, lies in the nature of the
thing.

  On the other hand we must observe that the defence of a place may
be of two kinds, either absolute, if as a general question the point is
not to be given up, or relative if it is only required for a certain time.
The latter happens perpetually in the combats of advanced posts and
rear guards.

  That the nature of these different intentions of a combat must have
an essential influence on the dispositions which are its preliminaries, is
a thing clear in itself. We act differently if our object is merely to drive
an enemy's post out of its place from what we should if our object was
to beat him completely; differently, if we mean to defend a place to
the last extremity from what we should do if our design is only to
detain the enemy for a certain time. In the first case we trouble
ourselves little about the line of retreat, in the latter it is the principal
point, &c.

  But these reflections belong properly to tactics, and are only
introduced here by way of example for the sake of greater clearness.
What Strategy has to say on the different objects of the combat will
appear in the chapters which touch upon these objects. Here we have
only a few general observations to make, first, that the importance of
the object decreases nearly in the order as they stand above,
therefore, that the first of these objects must always predominate in
the great battle; lastly, that the two last in a defensive battle are in
reality such as yield no fruit, they are, that is to say, purely negative,
and can, therefore, only be serviceable, indirectly, by facilitating


                                     226
something else which is positive. IT IS, THEREFORE, A BAD SIGN OF
THE STRATEGIC SITUATION IF BATTLES OF THIS KIND BECOME TOO
FREQUENT.




                               227
        CHAPTER VI. DURATION OF THE COMBAT

 IF we consider the combat no longer in itself but in relation to the
other forces of War, then its duration acquires a special importance.

  This duration is to be regarded to a certain extent as a second
subordinate success. For the conqueror the combat can never be
finished too quickly, for the vanquished it can never last too long. A
speedy victory indicates a higher power of victory, a tardy decision is,
on the side of the defeated, some compensation for the loss.

 This is in general true, but it acquires a practical importance in its
application to those combats, the object of which is a relative defence.

  Here the whole success often lies in the mere duration. This is the
reason why we have included it amongst the strategic elements.

  The duration of a combat is necessarily bound up with its essential
relations. These relations are, absolute magnitude of force, relation of
force and of the different arms mutually, and nature of the country.
Twenty thousand men do not wear themselves out upon one another
as quickly as two thousand: we cannot resist an enemy double or
three times our strength as long as one of the same strength; a
cavalry combat is decided sooner than an infantry combat; and a
combat between infantry only, quicker than if there is artillery30 as
well; in hills and forests we cannot advance as quickly as on a level
country; all this is clear enough.

 From this it follows, therefore, that strength, relation of the three
arms, and position, must be considered if the combat is to fulfil an
object by its duration; but to set up this rule was of less importance to
us in our present considerations than to connect with it at once the
chief results which experience gives us on the subject.

  Even the resistance of an ordinary Division of 8000 to 10,000 men of
all arms even opposed to an enemy considerably superior in numbers,
will last several hours, if the advantages of country are not too
preponderating, and if the enemy is only a little, or not at all, superior
in numbers, the combat will last half a day. A Corps of three or four
Divisions will prolong it to double the time; an Army of 80,000 or

  30
       The increase in the relative range of artillery and the introduction of shrapnel has altogether modified
this conclusion.


                                                     228
100,000 to three or four times. Therefore the masses may be left to
themselves for that length of time, and no separate combat takes
place if within that time other forces can be brought up, whose co-
operation mingles then at once into one stream with the results of the
combat which has taken place.

  These calculations are the result of experience; but it is important to
us at the same time to characterise more particularly the moment of
the decision, and consequently the termination.




                                   229
          CHAPTER VII. DECISION OF THE COMBAT

  No battle is decided in a single moment, although in every battle
there arise moments of crisis, on which the result depends. The loss of
a battle is, therefore, a gradual falling of the scale. But there is in
every combat a point of time.31

  when it may be regarded as decided, in such a way that the renewal
of the fight would be a new battle, not a continuation of the old one.
To have a clear notion on this point of time, is very important, in order
to be able to decide whether, with the prompt assistance of
reinforcements, the combat can again be resumed with advantage.

 Often in combats which are beyond restoration new forces are
sacrificed in vain; often through neglect the decision has not been
seized when it might easily have been secured. Here are two
examples, which could not be more to the point:

  When the Prince of Hohenlohe, in 1806, at Jena,32 with 35,000 men
opposed to from 60,000 to 70,000, under Buonaparte, had accepted
battle, and lost it--but lost it in such a way that the 35,000 might be
regarded as dissolved--General Ruchel undertook to renew the fight
with about 12,000; the consequence was that in a moment his force
was scattered in like manner.

  On the other hand, on the same day at Auerstadt, the Prussians
maintained a combat with 25,000, against Davoust, who had 28,000,
until mid-day, without success, it is true, but still without the force
being reduced to a state of dissolution without even greater loss than
the enemy, who was very deficient in cavalry;--but they neglected to
use the reserve of 18,000, under General Kalkreuth, to restore the
battle which, under these circumstances, it would have been
impossible to lose.

  Each combat is a whole in which the partial combats combine
themselves into one total result. In this total result lies the decision of

  31
      Under the then existing conditions of armament understood. This point is of supreme importance, as
practically the whole conduct of a great battle depends on a correct solution of this question--viz., How long
can a given command prolong its resistance? If this is incorrectly answered in practice--the whole manoeuvre
depending on it may collapse--e.g., Kouroupatkin at Liao-Yang, September 1904.

  32
       October 14, 1806.


                                                     230
the combat. This success need not be exactly a victory such as we
have denoted in the sixth chapter, for often the preparations for that
have not been made, often there is no opportunity if the enemy gives
way too soon, and in most cases the decision, even when the
resistance has been obstinate, takes place before such a degree of
success is attained as would completely satisfy the idea of a victory.

  We therefore ask, Which is commonly the moment of the decision,
that is to say, that moment when a fresh, effective, of course not
disproportionate, force, can no longer turn a disadvantageous battle?

 If we pass over false attacks, which in accordance with their nature
are properly without decision, then

 1. If the possession of a movable object was the object of the
combat, the loss of the same is always the decision.

  2. If the possession of ground was the object of the combat, then the
decision generally lies in its loss. Still not always, only if this ground is
of peculiar strength, ground which is easy to pass over, however
important it may be in other respects, can be re-taken without much
danger.

  3. But in all other cases, when these two circumstances have not
already decided the combat, therefore, particularly in case the
destruction of the enemy's force is the principal object, the decision is
reached at that moment when the conqueror ceases to feel himself in
a state of disintegration, that is, of unserviceableness to a certain
extent, when therefore, there is no further advantage in using the
successive efforts spoken of in the twelfth chapter of the third book.
On this ground we have given the strategic unity of the battle its place
here.

  A battle, therefore, in which the assailant has not lost his condition of
order and perfect efficiency at all, or, at least, only in a small part of
his force, whilst the opposing forces are, more or less, disorganised
throughout, is also not to be retrieved; and just as little if the enemy
has recovered his efficiency.

  The smaller, therefore, that part of a force is which has really been
engaged, the greater that portion which as reserve has contributed to
the result only by its presence. so much the less will any new force of
the enemy wrest again the victory from our hands, and that
Commander who carries out to the furthest with his Army the principle


                                     231
of conducting the combat with the greatest economy of forces, and
making the most of the moral effect of strong reserves, goes the
surest way to victory. We must allow that the French, in modern
times, especially when led by Buonaparte, have shown a thorough
mastery in this.

  Further, the moment when the crisis-stage of the combat ceases with
the conqueror, and his original state of order is restored, takes place
sooner the smaller the unit he controls. A picket of cavalry pursuing an
enemy at full gallop will in a few minutes resume its proper order, and
the crisis ceases. A whole regiment of cavalry requires a longer time.
It lasts still longer with infantry, if extended in single lines of
skirmishers, and longer again with Divisions of all arms, when it
happens by chance that one part has taken one direction and another
part another direction, and the combat has therefore caused a loss of
the order of formation, which usually becomes still worse from no part
knowing exactly where the other is. Thus, therefore, the point of time
when the conqueror has collected the instruments he has been using,
and which are mixed up and partly out of order, the moment when he
has in some measure rearranged them and put them in their proper
places, and thus brought the battle-workshop into a little order, this
moment, we say, is always later, the greater the total force.

  Again, this moment comes later if night overtakes the conqueror in
the crisis, and, lastly, it comes later still if the country is broken and
thickly wooded. But with regard to these two points, we must observe
that night is also a great means of protection, and it is only seldom
that circumstances favour the expectation of a successful result from a
night attack, as on March 10, 1814, at Laon,33 where York against
Marmont gives us an example completely in place here. In the same
way a wooded and broken country will afford protection against a
reaction to those who are engaged in the long crisis of victory. Both,
therefore, the night as well as the wooded and broken country are
obstacles which make the renewal of the same battle more difficult
instead of facilitating it.

  Hitherto, we have considered assistance arriving for the losing side
as a mere increase of force, therefore, as a reinforcement coming up
directly from the rear, which is the most usual case. But the case is
quite different if these fresh forces come upon the enemy in flank or
rear.

 33
      The celebrated charge at night upon Marmont's Corps.



                                                     232
  On the effect of flank or rear attacks so far as they belong to
Strategy, we shall speak in another place: such a one as we have here
in view, intended for the restoration of the combat, belongs chiefly to
tactics, and is only mentioned because we are here speaking of tactical
results, our ideas, therefore, must trench upon the province of tactics.

  By directing a force against the enemy's flank and rear its efficacy
may be much intensified; but this is so far from being a necessary
result always that the efficacy may, on the other hand, be just as
much weakened. The circumstances under which the combat has
taken place decide upon this part of the plan as well as upon every
other, without our being able to enter thereupon here. But, at the
same time, there are in it two things of importance for our subject:
first, FLANK AND REAR ATTACKS HAVE, AS A RULE, A MORE
FAVOURABLE EFFECT ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE DECISION
THAN UPON THE DECISION ITSELF. Now as concerns the retrieving a
battle, the first thing to be arrived at above all is a favourable decision
and not magnitude of success. In this view one would therefore think
that a force which comes to re-establish our combat is of less
assistance if it falls upon the enemy in flank and rear, therefore
separated from us, than if it joins itself to us directly; certainly, cases
are not wanting where it is so, but we must say that the majority are
on the other side, and they are so on account of the second point
which is here important to us.

  This second point IS THE MORAL EFFECT OF THE SURPRISE, WHICH,
AS A RULE, A REINFORCEMENT COMING UP TO RE-ESTABLISH A
COMBAT HAS GENERALLY IN ITS FAVOUR. Now the effect of a surprise
is always heightened if it takes place in the flank or rear, and an
enemy completely engaged in the crisis of victory in his extended and
scattered order, is less in a state to counteract it. Who does not feel
that an attack in flank or rear, which at the commencement of the
battle, when the forces are concentrated and prepared for such an
event would be of little importance, gains quite another weight in the
last moment of the combat.

  We must, therefore, at once admit that in most cases a
reinforcement coming up on the flank or rear of the enemy will be
more efficacious, will be like the same weight at the end of a longer
lever, and therefore that under these circumstances, we may
undertake to restore the battle with the same force which employed in
a direct attack would be quite insufficient. Here results almost defy



                                    233
calculation, because the moral forces gain completely the ascendency.
This is therefore the right field for boldness and daring.

 The eye must, therefore, be directed on all these objects, all these
moments of co-operating forces must be taken into consideration,
when we have to decide in doubtful cases whether or not it is still
possible to restore a combat which has taken an unfavourable turn.

  If the combat is to be regarded as not yet ended, then the new
contest which is opened by the arrival of assistance fuses into the
former; therefore they flow together into one common result, and the
first disadvantage vanishes completely out of the calculation. But this
is not the case if the combat was already decided; then there are two
results separate from each other. Now if the assistance which arrives
is only of a relative strength, that is, if it is not in itself alone a match
for the enemy, then a favourable result is hardly to be expected from
this second combat: but if it is so strong that it can undertake the
second combat without regard to the first, then it may be able by a
favourable issue to compensate or even overbalance the first combat,
but never to make it disappear altogether from the account.

  At the battle of Kunersdorf,34 Frederick the Great at the first onset
carried the left of the Russian position, and took seventy pieces of
artillery; at the end of the battle both were lost again, and the whole
result of the first combat was wiped out of the account. Had it been
possible to stop at the first success, and to put off the second part of
the battle to the coming day, then, even if the King had lost it, the
advantages of the first would always have been a set off to the
second.

  But when a battle proceeding disadvantageously is arrested and
turned before its conclusion, its minus result on our side not only
disappears from the account, but also becomes the foundation of a
greater victory. If, for instance, we picture to ourselves exactly the
tactical course of the battle, we may easily see that until it is finally
concluded all successes in partial combats are only decisions in
suspense, which by the capital decision may not only be destroyed,
but changed into the opposite. The more our forces have suffered, the
more the enemy will have expended on his side; the greater,
therefore, will be the crisis for the enemy, and the more the
superiority of our fresh troops will tell. If now the total result turns in
our favour, if we wrest from the enemy the field of battle and recover

 34
      August 12, 1759.


                                     234
all the trophies again, then all the forces which he has sacrificed in
obtaining them become sheer gain for us, and our former defeat
becomes a stepping-stone to a greater triumph. The most brilliant
feats which with victory the enemy would have so highly prized that
the loss of forces which they cost would have been disregarded, leave
nothing now behind but regret at the sacrifice entailed. Such is the
alteration which the magic of victory and the curse of defeat produces
in the specific weight of the same elements.

  Therefore, even if we are decidedly superior in strength, and are able
to repay the enemy his victory by a greater still, it is always better to
forestall the conclusion of a disadvantageous combat, if it is of
proportionate importance, so as to turn its course rather than to
deliver a second battle.

 Field-Marshal Daun attempted in the year 1760 to come to the
assistance of General Laudon at Leignitz, whilst the battle lasted; but
when he failed, he did not attack the King next day, although he did
not want for means to do so.

 For these reasons serious combats of advance guards which precede
a battle are to be looked upon only as necessary evils, and when not
necessary they are to be avoided.35

  We have still another conclusion to examine.

  If on a regular pitched battle, the decision has gone against one, this
does not constitute a motive for determining on a new one. The
determination for this new one must proceed from other relations. This
conclusion, however, is opposed by a moral force, which we must take
into account: it is the feeling of rage and revenge. From the oldest
Field-Marshal to the youngest drummer-boy this feeling is general,
and, therefore, troops are never in better spirits for fighting than when
they have to wipe out a stain. This is, however, only on the
supposition that the beaten portion is not too great in proportion to
the whole, because otherwise the above feeling is lost in that of
powerlessness.

  35
      This, however, was not Napoleon's view. A vigorous attack of his advance guard he held to be necessary
always, to fix the enemy's attention and "paralyse his independent will-power." It was the failure to make
this point which, in August 1870, led von Moltke repeatedly into the very jaws of defeat, from which only the
lethargy of Bazaine on the one hand and the initiative of his subordinates, notably of von Alvensleben, rescued
him. This is the essence of the new Strategic Doctrine of the French General Staff. See the works of Bonnal, Foch,
&C.--EDITOR


                                                       235
  There is therefore a very natural tendency to use this moral force to
repair the disaster on the spot, and on that account chiefly to seek
another battle if other circumstances permit. It then lies in the nature
of the case that this second battle must be an offensive one.

 In the catalogue of battles of second-rate importance there are many
examples to be found of such retaliatory battles; but great battles
have generally too many other determining causes to be brought on
by this weaker motive.

  Such a feeling must undoubtedly have led the noble Bluecher with his
third Corps to the field of battle on February 14, 1814, when the other
two had been beaten three days before at Montmirail. Had he known
that he would have come upon Buonaparte in person, then, naturally,
preponderating reasons would have determined him to put off his
revenge to another day: but he hoped to revenge himself on Marmont,
and instead of gaining the reward of his desire for honourable
satisfaction, he suffered the penalty of his erroneous calculation.

  On the duration of the combat and the moment of its decision
depend the distances from each other at which those masses should
be placed which are intended to fight IN CONJUNCTION WITH each
other. This disposition would be a tactical arrangement in so far as it
relates to one and the same battle; it can, however, only be regarded
as such, provided the position of the troops is so compact that two
separate combats cannot be imagined, and consequently that the
space which the whole occupies can be regarded strategically as a
mere point. But in War, cases frequently occur where even those
forces intended to fight IN UNISON must be so far separated from
each other that while their union for one common combat certainly
remains the principal object, still the occurrence of separate combats
remains possible. Such a disposition is therefore strategic.

  Dispositions of this kind are: marches in separate masses and
columns, the formation of advance guards, and flanking columns, also
the grouping of reserves intended to serve as supports for more than
one strategic point; the concentration of several Corps from widely
extended cantonments, &c. &c. We can see that the necessity for
these arrangements may constantly arise, and may consider them
something like the small change in the strategic economy, whilst the
capital battles, and all that rank with them are the gold and silver
pieces.



                                  236
CHAPTER VIII. MUTUAL UNDERSTANDING AS TO
                 A BATTLE

 NO battle can take place unless by mutual consent; and in this idea,
which constitutes the whole basis of a duel, is the root of a certain
phraseology used by historical writers, which leads to many indefinite
and false conceptions.

  According to the view of the writers to whom we refer, it has
frequently happened that one Commander has offered battle to the
other, and the latter has not accepted it.

 But the battle is a very modified duel, and its foundation is not
merely in the mutual wish to fight, that is in consent, but in the
objects which are bound up with the battle: these belong always to a
greater whole, and that so much the more, as even the whole war
considered as a "combat-unit" has political objects and conditions
which belong to a higher standpoint. The mere desire to conquer each
other therefore falls into quite a subordinate relation, or rather it
ceases completely to be anything of itself, and only becomes the nerve
which conveys the impulse of action from the higher will.

  Amongst the ancients, and then again during the early period of
standing Armies, the expression that we had offered battle to the
enemy in vain, had more sense in it than it has now. By the ancients
everything was constituted with a view to measuring each other's
strength in the open field free from anything in the nature of a
hindrance,36 and the whole Art of War consisted in the organisation,
and formation of the Army, that is in the order of battle.

  Now as their Armies regularly entrenched themselves in their camps,
therefore the position in a camp was regarded as something
unassailable, and a battle did not become possible until the enemy left
his camp, and placed himself in a practicable country, as it were
entered the lists.

 If therefore we hear about Hannibal having offered battle to Fabius in
vain, that tells us nothing more as regards the latter than that a battle
was not part of his plan, and in itself neither proves the physical nor


  36
       Note the custom of sending formal challenges, fix time and place for action, and "enhazelug" the
battlefield in Anglo-Saxon times.--ED,


                                                 237
moral superiority of Hannibal; but with respect to him the expression
is still correct enough in the sense that Hannibal really wished a battle.

  In the early period of modern Armies, the relations were similar in
great combats and battles. That is to say, great masses were brought
into action, and managed throughout it by means of an order of battle,
which like a great helpless whole required a more or less level plain
and was neither suited to attack, nor yet to defence in a broken, close
or even mountainous country. The defender therefore had here also to
some extent the means of avoiding battle. These relations although
gradually becoming modified, continued until the first Silesian War,
and it was not until the Seven Years' War that attacksan enemy posted
in a difficult country gradually became feasible, and of ordinary
occurrence: ground did not certainly cease to be a principle of strength
to those making use of its aid, but it was no longer a charmed circle,
which shut out the natural forces of War.

  During the past thirty years War has perfected itself much more in
this respect, and there is no longer anything which stands in the way
of a General who is in earnest about a decision by means of battle; he
can seek out his enemy, and attack him: if he does not do so he
cannot take credit for having wished to fight, and the expression he
offered a battle which his opponent did not accept, therefore now
means nothing more than that he did not find circumstances
advantageous enough for a battle, an admission which the above
expression does not suit, but which it only strives to throw a veil over.

  It is true the defensive side can no longer refuse a battle, yet he may
still avoid it by giving up his position, and the role with which that
position was connected: this is however half a victory for the offensive
side, and an acknowledgment of his superiority for the present.

  This idea in connection with the cartel of defiance can therefore no
longer be made use of in order by such rhodomontade to qualify the
inaction of him whose part it is to advance, that is, the offensive. The
defender who as long as he does not give way, must have the credit of
willing the battle, may certainly say, he has offered it if he is not
attacked, if that is not understood of itself.

  But on the other hand, he who now wishes to, and can retreat cannot
easily be forced to give battle. Now as the advantages to the
aggressor from this retreat are often not sufficient, and a substantial
victory is a matter of urgent necessity for him, in that way the few



                                   238
means which there are to compel such an opponent also to give battle
are often sought for and applied with particular skill.

  The principal means for this are--first SURROUNDING the enemy so
as to make his retreat impossible, or at least so difficult that it is
better for him to accept battle; and, secondly, SURPRISING him. This
last way, for which there was a motive formerly in the extreme
difficulty of all movements, has become in modern times very
inefficacious.

  From the pliability and manoeuvring capabilities of troops in the
present day, one does not hesitate to commence a retreat even in
sight of the enemy, and only some special obstacles in the nature of
the country can cause serious difficulties in the operation.

  As an example of this kind the battle of Neresheim may be given,
fought by the Archduke Charles with Moreau in the Rauhe Alp, August
11, 1796, merely with a view to facilitate his retreat, although we
freely confess we have never been able quite to understand the
argument of the renowned general and author himself in this case.

 The battle of Rosbach37 is another example, if we suppose the
commander of the allied army had not really the intention of attacking
Frederick the Great.

  Of the battle of Soor,38 the King himself says that it was only fought
because a retreat in the presence of the enemy appeared to him a
critical operation; at the same time the King has also given other
reasons for the battle.

  On the whole, regular night surprises excepted, such cases will
always be of rare occurrence, and those in which an enemy is
compelled to fight by being practically surrounded, will happen mostly
to single corps only, like Mortier's at Durrenstein 1809, and
Vandamme at Kulm, 1813.




 37
      November 5, 1757.

 38
      Or Sohr, September 30, 1745.


                                     239
                       CHAPTER IX. THE BATTLE39
ITS DECISION

  WHAT is a battle? A conflict of the main body, but not an
unimportant one about a secondary object, not a mere attempt which
is given up when we see betimes that our object is hardly within our
reach: it is a conflict waged with all our forces for the attainment of a
decisive victory.

  Minor objects may also be mixed up with the principal object, and it
will take many different tones of colour from the circumstances out of
which it originates, for a battle belongs also to a greater whole of
which it is only a part, but because the essence of War is conflict, and
the battle is the conflict of the main Armies, it is always to be regarded
as the real centre of gravity of the War, and therefore its
distinguishing character is, that unlike all other encounters, it is
arranged for, and undertaken with the sole purpose of obtaining a
decisive victory.

 This has an influence on the MANNER OF ITS DECISION, on the
EFFECT OF THE VICTORY CONTAINED IN IT, and determines THE
VALUE WHICH THEORY IS TO ASSIGN TO IT AS A MEANS TO AN END.

  On that account we make it the subject of our special consideration,
and at this stage before we enter upon the special ends which may be
bound up with it, but which do not essentially alter its character if it
really deserves to be termed a battle.

  If a battle takes place principally on its own account, the elements of
its decision must be contained in itself; in other words, victory must be
striven for as long as a possibility or hope remains. It must not,
therefore, be given up on account of secondary circumstances, but
only and alone in the event of the forces appearing completely
insufficient.



  39
        Clausewitz still uses the word "die Hauptschlacht" but modern usage employs only the word "die
Schlacht" to designate the decisive act of a whole campaign--encounters arising from the collision or troops
marching towards the strategic culmination of each portion or the campaign are spoken of either as "Treffen,"
i.e., "engagements" or "Gefecht," i.e., "combat" or "action." Thus technically, Gravelotte was a "Schlacht,"
i.e., "battle," but Spicheren, Woerth, Borny, even Vionville were only "Treffen."



                                                    240
 Now how is that precise moment to be described?

  If a certain artificial formation and cohesion of an Army is the
principal condition under which the bravery of the troops can gain a
victory, as was the case during a great part of the period of the
modern Art of War, THEN THE BREAKING UP OF THIS FORMATION is
the decision. A beaten wing which is put out of joint decides the fate of
all that was connected with it. If as was the case at another time the
essence of the defence consists in an intimate alliance of the Army
with the ground on which it fights and its obstacles, so that Army and
position are only one, then the CONQUEST of AN ESSENTIAL POINT in
this position is the decision. It is said the key of the position is lost, it
cannot therefore be defended any further; the battle cannot be
continued. In both cases the beaten Armies are very much like the
broken strings of an instrument which cannot do their work.

  That geometrical as well as this geographical principle which had a
tendency to place an Army in a state of crystallising tension which did
not allow of the available powers being made use of up to the last
man, have at least so far lost their influence that they no longer
predominate. Armies are still led into battle in a certain order, but that
order is no longer of decisive importance; obstacles of ground are also
still turned to account to strengthen a position, but they are no longer
the only support.

  We attempted in the second chapter of this book to take a general
view of the nature of the modern battle. According to our conception of
it, the order of battle is only a disposition of the forces suitable to the
convenient use of them, and the course of the battle a mutual slow
wearing away of these forces upon one another, to see which will have
soonest exhausted his adversary.

  The resolution therefore to give up the fight arises, in a battle more
than in any other combat, from the relation of the fresh reserves
remaining available; for only these still retain all their moral vigour,
and the cinders of the battered, knocked-about battalions, already
burnt out in the destroying element, must not be placed on a level
with them; also lost ground as we have elsewhere said, is a standard
of lost moral force; it therefore comes also into account, but more as a
sign of loss suffered than for the loss itself, and the number of fresh
reserves is always the chief point to be looked at by both
Commanders.




                                     241
  In general, an action inclines in one direction from the very
commencement, but in a manner little observable. This direction is
also frequently given in a very decided manner by the arrangements
which have been made previously, and then it shows a want of
discernment in that General who commences battle under these
unfavourable circumstances without being aware of them. Even when
this does not occur it lies in the nature of things that the course of a
battle resembles rather a slow disturbance of equilibrium which
commences soon, but as we have said almost imperceptibly at first,
and then with each moment of time becomes stronger and more
visible, than an oscillating to and fro, as those who are misled by
mendacious descriptions usually suppose.

  But whether it happens that the balance is for a long time little
disturbed, or that even after it has been lost on one side it rights itself
again, and is then lost on the other side, it is certain at all events that
in most instances the defeated General foresees his fate long before
he retreats, and that cases in which some critical event acts with
unexpected force upon the course of the whole have their existence
mostly in the colouring with which every one depicts his lost battle.

 We can only here appeal to the decision of unprejudiced men of
experience, who will, we are sure, assent to what we have said, and
answer for us to such of our readers as do not know War from their
own experience. To develop the necessity of this course from the
nature of the thing would lead us too far into the province of tactics, to
which this branch of the subject belongs; we are here only concerned
with its results.

  If we say that the defeated General foresees the unfavourable result
usually some time before he makes up his mind to give up the battle,
we admit that there are also instances to the contrary, because
otherwise we should maintain a proposition contradictory in itself. If at
the moment of each decisive tendency of a battle it should be
considered as lost, then also no further forces should be used to give it
a turn, and consequently this decisive tendency could not precede the
retreat by any length of time. Certainly there are instances of battles
which after having taken a decided turn to one side have still ended in
favour of the other; but they are rare, not usual; these exceptional
cases, however, are reckoned upon by every General against whom
fortune declares itself, and he must reckon upon them as long as there
remains a possibility of a turn of fortune. He hopes by stronger efforts,
by raising the remaining moral forces, by surpassing himself, or also
by some fortunate chance that the next moment will bring a change,


                                    242
and pursues this as far as his courage and his judgment can agree. We
shall have something more to say on this subject, but before that we
must show what are the signs of the scales turning.

  The result of the whole combat consists in the sum total of the
results of all partial combats; but these results of separate combats
are settled by different considerations.

  First by the pure moral power in the mind of the leading officers. If a
General of Division has seen his battalions forced to succumb, it will
have an influence on his demeanour and his reports, and these again
will have an influence on the measures of the Commander-in-Chief;
therefore even those unsuccessful partial combats which to all
appearance are retrieved, are not lost in their results, and the
impressions from them sum themselves up in the mind of the
Commander without much trouble, and even against his will.

 Secondly, by the quicker melting away of our troops, which can be
easily estimated in the slow and relatively40 little tumultuary course of
our battles.

 Thirdly, by lost ground.

  All these things serve for the eye of the General as a compass to tell
the course of the battle in which he is embarked. If whole batteries
have been lost and none of the enemy's taken; if battalions have been
overthrown by the enemy's cavalry, whilst those of the enemy
everywhere present impenetrable masses; if the line of fire from his
order of battle wavers involuntarily from one point to another; if
fruitless efforts have been made to gain certain points, and the
assaulting battalions each, time been scattered by well-directed
volleys of grape and case;--if our artillery begins to reply feebly to that
of the enemy--if the battalions under fire diminish unusually, fast,
because with the wounded crowds of unwounded men go to the rear;--
if single Divisions have been cut off and made prisoners through the
disruption of the plan of the battle;--if the line of retreat begins to be
endangered: the Commander may tell very well in which direction he
is going with his battle. The longer this direction continues, the more
decided it becomes, so much the more difficult will be the turning, so
much the nearer the moment when he must give up the battle. We
shall now make some observations on this moment.

 40
      Relatively, that is say to the shock of former days.



                                                       243
  We have already said more than once that the final decision is ruled
mostly by the relative number of the fresh reserves remaining at the
last; that Commander who sees his adversary is decidedly superior to
him in this respect makes up his mind to retreat. It is the
characteristic of modern battles that all mischances and losses which
take place in the course of the same can be retrieved by fresh forces,
because the arrangement of the modern order of battle, and the way
in which troops are brought into action, allow of their use almost
generally, and in each position. So long, therefore, as that Commander
against whom the issue seems to declare itself still retains a
superiority in reserve force, he will not give up the day. But from the
moment that his reserves begin to become weaker than his enemy's,
the decision may be regarded as settled, and what he now does
depends partly on special circumstances, partly on the degree of
courage and perseverance which he personally possesses, and which
may degenerate into foolish obstinacy. How a Commander can attain
to the power of estimating correctly the still remaining reserves on
both sides is an affair of skilful practical genius, which does not in any
way belong to this place; we keep ourselves to the result as it forms
itself in his mind. But this conclusion is still not the moment of decision
properly, for a motive which only arises gradually does not answer to
that, but is only a general motive towards resolution, and the
resolution itself requires still some special immediate causes. Of these
there are two chief ones which constantly recur, that is, the danger of
retreat, and the arrival of night.

  If the retreat with every new step which the battle takes in its course
becomes constantly in greater danger, and if the reserves are so much
diminished that they are no longer adequate to get breathing room,
then there is nothing left but to submit to fate, and by a well-
conducted retreat to save what, by a longer delay ending in flight and
disaster, would be lost.

  But night as a rule puts an end to all battles, because a night combat
holds out no hope of advantage except under particular circumstances;
and as night is better suited for a retreat than the day, so, therefore,
the Commander who must look at the retreat as a thing inevitable, or
as most probable, will prefer to make use of the night for his purpose.

 That there are, besides the above two usual and chief causes, yet
many others also, which are less or more individual and not to be
overlooked, is a matter of course; for the more a battle tends towards
a complete upset of equilibrium the more sensible is the influence of


                                    244
each partial result in hastening the turn. Thus the loss of a battery, a
successful charge of a couple of regiments of cavalry, may call into life
the resolution to retreat already ripening.

 As a conclusion to this subject, we must dwell for a moment on the
point at which the courage of the Commander engages in a sort of
conflict with his reason.

  If, on the one hand the overbearing pride of a victorious conqueror, if
the inflexible will of a naturally obstinate spirit, if the strenuous
resistance of noble feelings will not yield the battlefield, where they
must leave their honour, yet on the other hand, reason counsels not to
give up everything, not to risk the last upon the game, but to retain as
much over as is necessary for an orderly retreat. However highly we
must esteem courage and firmness in War, and however little prospect
there is of victory to him who cannot resolve to seek it by the exertion
of all his power, still there is a point beyond which perseverance can
only be termed desperate folly, and therefore can meet with no
approbation from any critic. In the most celebrated of all battles, that
of Belle-Alliance, Buonaparte used his last reserve in an effort to
retrieve a battle which was past being retrieved. He spent his last
farthing, and then, as a beggar, abandoned both the battle-field and
his crown.




                                   245
CHAPTER X. EFFECTS OF VICTORY (continuation)

 ACCORDING to the point from which our view is taken, we may feel
as much astonished at the extraordinary results of some great battles
as at the want of results in others. We shall dwell for a moment on the
nature of the effect of a great victory.

  Three things may easily be distinguished here: the effect upon the
instrument itself, that is, upon the Generals and their Armies; the
effect upon the States interested in the War; and the particular result
of these effects as manifested in the subsequent course of the
campaign.

  If we only think of the trifling difference which there usually is
between victor and vanquished in killed, wounded, prisoners, and
artillery lost on the field of battle itself, the consequences which are
developed out of this insignificant point seem often quite
incomprehensible, and yet, usually, everything only happens quite
naturally.

  We have already said in the seventh chapter that the magnitude of a
victory increases not merely in the same measure as the vanquished
forces increase in number, but in a higher ratio. The moral effects
resulting from the issue of a great battle are greater on the side of the
conquered than on that of the conqueror: they lead to greater losses
in physical force, which then in turn react on the moral element, and
so they go on mutually supporting and intensifying each other. On this
moral effect we must therefore lay special weight. It takes an opposite
direction on the one side from that on the other; as it undermines the
energies of the conquered so it elevates the powers and energy of the
conqueror. But its chief effect is upon the vanquished, because here it
is the direct cause of fresh losses, and besides it is homogeneous in
nature with danger, with the fatigues, the hardships, and generally
with all those embarrassing circumstances by which War is
surrounded, therefore enters into league with them and increases by
their help, whilst with the conqueror all these things are like weights
which give a higher swing to his courage. It is therefore found, that
the vanquished sinks much further below the original line of
equilibrium than the conqueror raises himself above it; on this
account, if we speak of the effects of victory we allude more
particularly to those which manifest themselves in the army. If this
effect is more powerful in an important combat than in a smaller one,
so again it is much more powerful in a great battle than in a minor



                                   246
one. The great battle takes place for the sake of itself, for the sake of
the victory which it is to give, and which is sought for with the utmost
effort. Here on this spot, in this very hour, to conquer the enemy is
the purpose in which the plan of the War with all its threads
converges, in which all distant hopes, all dim glimmerings of the future
meet, fate steps in before us to give an answer to the bold question.--
This is the state of mental tension not only of the Commander but of
his whole Army down to the lowest waggon-driver, no doubt in
decreasing strength but also in decreasing importance.

  According to the nature of the thing, a great battle has never at any
time been an unprepared, unexpected, blind routine service, but a
grand act, which, partly of itself and partly from the aim of the
Commander, stands out from amongst the mass of ordinary efforts,
sufficiently to raise the tension of all minds to a higher degree. But the
higher this tension with respect to the issue, the more powerful must
be the effect of that issue.

  Again, the moral effect of victory in our battles is greater than it was
in the earlier ones of modern military history. If the former are as we
have depicted them, a real struggle of forces to the utmost, then the
sum total of all these forces, of the physical as well as the moral, must
decide more than certain special dispositions or mere chance.

  A single fault committed may be repaired next time; from good
fortune and chance we can hope for more favour on another occasion;
but the sum total of moral and physical powers cannot be so quickly
altered, and, therefore, what the award of a victory has decided
appears of much greater importance for all futurity. Very probably, of
all concerned in battles, whether in or out of the Army, very few have
given a thought to this difference, but the course of the battle itself
impresses on the minds of all present in it such a conviction, and the
relation of this course in public documents, however much it may be
coloured by twisting particular circumstances, shows also, more or
less, to the world at large that the causes were more of a general than
of a particular nature.

  He who has not been present at the loss of a great battle will have
difficulty in forming for himself a living or quite true idea of it, and the
abstract notions of this or that small untoward affair will never come
up to the perfect conception of a lost battle. Let us stop a moment at
the picture.




                                    247
  The first thing which overpowers the imagination--and we may
indeed say, also the understanding--is the diminution of the masses;
then the loss of ground, which takes place always, more or less, and,
therefore, on the side of the assailant also, if he is not fortunate; then
the rupture of the original formation, the jumbling together of troops,
the risks of retreat, which, with few exceptions may always be seen
sometimes in a less sometimes in a greater degree; next the retreat,
the most part of which commences at night, or, at least, goes on
throughout the night. On this first march we must at once leave
behind, a number of men completely worn out and scattered about,
often just the bravest, who have been foremost in the fight who held
out the longest: the feeling of being conquered, which only seized the
superior officers on the battlefield, now spreads through all ranks,
even down to the common soldiers, aggravated by the horrible idea of
being obliged to leave in the enemy's hands so many brave comrades,
who but a moment since were of such value to us in the battle, and
aggravated by a rising distrust of the chief, to whom, more or less,
every subordinate attributes as a fault the fruitless efforts he has
made; and this feeling of being conquered is no ideal picture over
which one might become master; it is an evident truth that the enemy
is superior to us; a truth of which the causes might have been so
latent before that they were not to be discovered, but which, in the
issue, comes out clear and palpable, or which was also, perhaps,
before suspected, but which in the want of any certainty, we had to
oppose by the hope of chance, reliance on good fortune, Providence or
a bold attitude. Now, all this has proved insufficient, and the bitter
truth meets us harsh and imperious.

  All these feelings are widely different from a panic, which in an army
fortified by military virtue never, and in any other, only exceptionally,
follows the loss of a battle. They must arise even in the best of Armies,
and although long habituation to War and victory together with great
confidence in a Commander may modify them a little here and there,
they are never entirely wanting in the first moment. They are not the
pure consequences of lost trophies; these are usually lost at a later
period, and the loss of them does not become generally known so
quickly; they will therefore not fail to appear even when the scale
turns in the slowest and most gradual manner, and they constitute
that effect of a victory upon which we can always count in every case.

  We have already said that the number of trophies intensifies this
effect.




                                   248
  It is evident that an Army in this condition, looked at as an
instrument, is weakened! How can we expect that when reduced to
such a degree that, as we said before, it finds new enemies in all the
ordinary difficulties of making War, it will be able to recover by fresh
efforts what has been lost! Before the battle there was a real or
assumed equilibrium between the two sides; this is lost, and,
therefore, some external assistance is requisite to restore it; every
new effort without such external support can only lead to fresh losses.

  Thus, therefore, the most moderate victory of the chief Army must
tend to cause a constant sinking of the scale on the opponent's side,
until new external circumstances bring about a change. If these are
not near, if the conqueror is an eager opponent, who, thirsting for
glory, pursues great aims, then a first-rate Commander, and in the
beaten Army a true military spirit, hardened by many campaigns are
required, in order to stop the swollen stream of prosperity from
bursting all bounds, and to moderate its course by small but reiterated
acts of resistance, until the force of victory has spent itself at the goal
of its career.

  And now as to the effect of defeat beyond the Army, upon the Nation
and Government! It is the sudden collapse of hopes stretched to the
utmost, the downfall of all self-reliance. In place of these extinct
forces, fear, with its destructive properties of expansion, rushes into
the vacuum left, and completes the prostration. It is a real shock upon
the nerves, which one of the two athletes receives from the electric
spark of victory. And that effect, however different in its degrees, is
never completely wanting. Instead of every one hastening with a spirit
of determination to aid in repairing the disaster, every one fears that
his efforts will only be in vain, and stops, hesitating with himself, when
he should rush forward; or in despondency he lets his arm drop,
leaving everything to fate.

  The consequence which this effect of victory brings forth in the
course of the War itself depend in part on the character and talent of
the victorious General, but more on the circumstances from which the
victory proceeds, and to which it leads. Without boldness and an
enterprising spirit on the part of the leader, the most brilliant victory
will lead to no great success, and its force exhausts itself all the sooner
on circumstances, if these offer a strong and stubborn opposition to it.
How very differently from Daun, Frederick the Great would have used
the victory at Kollin; and what different consequences France, in place
of Prussia, might have given a battle of Leuthen!



                                    249
  The conditions which allow us to expect great results from a great
victory we shall learn when we come to the subjects with which they
are connected; then it will be possible to explain the disproportion
which appears at first sight between the magnitude of a victory and its
results, and which is only too readily attributed to a want of energy on
the part of the conqueror. Here, where we have to do with the great
battle in itself, we shall merely say that the effects now depicted never
fail to attend a victory, that they mount up with the intensive strength
of the victory--mount up more the more the whole strength of the
Army has been concentrated in it, the more the whole military power
of the Nation is contained in that Army, and the State in that military
power.

  But then the question may be asked, Can theory accept this effect of
victory as absolutely necessary?--must it not rather endeavour to find
out counteracting means capable of neutralising these effects? It
seems quite natural to answer this question in the affirmative; but
heaven defend us from taking that wrong course of most theories, out
of which is begotten a mutually devouring Pro et Contra.

  Certainly that effect is perfectly necessary, for it has its foundation in
the nature of things, and it exists, even if we find means to struggle
against it; just as the motion of a cannon ball is always in the direction
of the terrestrial, although when fired from east to west part of the
general velocity is destroyed by this opposite motion.

 All War supposes human weakness, and against that it is directed.

  Therefore, if hereafter in another place we examine what is to be
done after the loss of a great battle, if we bring under review the
resources which still remain, even in the most desperate cases, if we
should express a belief in the possibility of retrieving all, even in such
a case; it must not be supposed we mean thereby that the effects of
such a defeat can by degrees be completely wiped out, for the forces
and means used to repair the disaster might have been applied to the
realisation of some positive object; and this applies both to the moral
and physical forces.

  Another question is, whether, through the loss of a great battle,
forces are not perhaps roused into existence, which otherwise would
never have come to life. This case is certainly conceivable, and it is
what has actually occurred with many Nations. But to produce this
intensified reaction is beyond the province of military art, which can
only take account of it where it might be assumed as a possibility.


                                    250
  If there are cases in which the fruits of a victory appear rather of a
destructive nature in consequence of the reaction of the forces which it
had the effect of rousing into activity--cases which certainly are very
exceptional-- then it must the more surely be granted, that there is a
difference in the effects which one and the same victory may produce
according to the character of the people or state, which has been
conquered.




                                  251
        CHAPTER XI. THE USE OF THE BATTLE
                    (continued)

  WHATEVER form the conduct of War may take in particular cases,
and whatever we may have to admit in the sequel as necessary
respecting it: we have only to refer to the conception of War to be
convinced of what follows:

 1. The destruction of the enemy's military force, is the leading
principle of War, and for the whole chapter of positive action the direct
way to the object.

 2. This destruction of the enemy's force, must be principally effected
by means of battle.

 3. Only great and general battles can produce great results.

 4. The results will be greatest when combats unite themselves in one
great battle.

 5. It is only in a great battle that the General-in-Chief commands in
person, and it is in the nature of things, that he should place more
confidence in himself than in his subordinates.

  From these truths a double law follows, the parts of which mutually
support each other; namely, that the destruction of the enemy's
military force is to be sought for principally by great battles, and their
results; and that the chief object of great battles must be the
destruction of the enemy's military force.

  No doubt the annihilation-principle is to be found more or less in
other means--granted there are instances in which through favourable
circumstances in a minor combat, the destruction of the enemy's
forces has been disproportionately great (Maxen), and on the other
hand in a battle, the taking or holding a single post may be
predominant in importance as an object--but as a general rule it
remains a paramount truth, that battles are only fought with a view to
the destruction of the enemy's Army, and that this destruction can
only be effected by their means.

  The battle may therefore be regarded as War concentrated, as the
centre of effort of the whole War or campaign. As the sun's rays unite
in the focus of the concave mirror in a perfect image, and in the


                                   252
fulness of their heat; to the forces and circumstances of War, unite in
a focus in the great battle for one concentrated utmost effort.

  The very assemblage of forces in one great whole, which takes place
more or less in all Wars, indicates an intention to strike a decisive blow
with this whole, either voluntarily as assailant, or constrained by the
opposite party as defender. When this great blow does not follow, then
some modifying, and retarding motives have attached themselves to
the original motive of hostility, and have weakened, altered or
completely checked the movement. But also, even in this condition of
mutual inaction which has been the key-note in so many Wars, the
idea of a possible battle serves always for both parties as a point of
direction, a distant focus in the construction of their plans. The more
War is War in earnest, the more it is a venting of animosity and
hostility, a mutual struggle to overpower, so much the more will all
activities join deadly contest, and also the more prominent in
importance becomes the battle.

  In general, when the object aimed at is of a great and positive
nature, one therefore in which the interests of the enemy are deeply
concerned, the battle offers itself as the most natural means; it is,
therefore, also the best as we shall show more plainly hereafter: and,
as a rule, when it is evaded from aversion to the great decision,
punishment follows.

  The positive object belong to the offensive, and therefore the battle
is also more particularly his means. But without examining the
conception of offensive and defensive more minutely here, we must
still observe that, even for the defender in most cases, there is no
other effectual means with which to meet the exigencies of his
situation, to solve the problem presented to him.

  The battle is the bloodiest way of solution. True, it is not merely
reciprocal slaughter, and its effect is more a killing of the enemy's
courage than of the enemy's soldiers, as we shall see more plainly in
the next chapter--but still blood is always its price, and slaughter its
character as well as name;41 from this the humanity in the General's
mind recoils with horror.

 But the soul of the man trembles still more at the thought of the
decision to be given with one single blow. IN ONE POINT of space and

 41
      "Schlacht", from schlachten = to slaughter.



                                                    253
time all action is here pressed together, and at such a moment there is
stirred up within us a dim feeling as if in this narrow space all our
forces could not develop themselves and come into activity, as if we
had already gained much by mere time, although this time owes us
nothing at all. This is all mere illusion, but even as illusion it is
something, and the same weakness which seizes upon the man in
every, other momentous decision may well be felt more powerfully by
the General, when he must stake interests of such enormous weight
upon one venture.

  Thus, then, Statesmen and Generals have at all times endeavoured
to avoid the decisive battle, seeking either to attain their aim without
it, or dropping that aim unperceived. Writers on history and theory
have then busied themselves to discover in some other feature in
these campaigns not only an equivalent for the decision by battle
which has been avoided, but even a higher art. In this way, in the
present age, it came very near to this, that a battle in the economy of
War was looked upon as an evil, rendered necessary through some
error committed,a morbid paroxysm to which a regular prudent
system of War would never lead: only those Generals were to deserve
laurels who knew how to carry on War without spilling blood, and the
theory of War--a real business for Brahmins--was to be specially
directed to teaching this.

  Contemporary history has destroyed this illusion,42 but no one can
guarantee that it will not sooner or later reproduce itself, and lead
those at the head of affairs to perversities which please man's
weakness, and therefore have the greater affinity for his nature.
Perhaps, by-and- by, Buonaparte's campaigns and battles will be
looked upon as mere acts of barbarism and stupidity, and we shall
once more turn with satisfaction and confidence to the dress-sword of
obsolete and musty institutions and forms. If theory gives a caution
against this, then it renders a real service to those who listen to its
warning voice. MAY WE SUCCEED IN LENDING A HAND TO THOSE
WHO IN OUR DEAR NATIVE LAND ARE CALLED UPON TO SPEAK WITH
AUTHORITY ON THESE MATTERS, THAT WE MAY BE THEIR GUIDE
INTO THIS FIELD OF INQUIRY, AND EXCITE THEM TO MAKE A CANDID
EXAMINATION OF THE SUBJECT.43



  42
     On the Continent only, it still preserves full vitality in the minds of British politicians and pressmen.-
-EDITOR.
  43
     This prayer was abundantly granted--vide the German victories of 1870.--EDITOR.


                                                     254
  Not only the conception of War but experience also leads us to look
for a great decision only in a great battle. From time immemorial, only
great victories have led to great successes on the offensive side in the
absolute form, on the defensive side in a manner more or less
satisfactory. Even Buonaparte would not have seen the day of Ulm,
unique in its kind, if he had shrunk from shedding blood; it is rather to
be regarded as only a second crop from the victorious events in his
preceding campaigns. It is not only bold, rash, and presumptuous
Generals who have sought to complete their work by the great venture
of a decisive battle, but also fortunate ones as well; and we may rest
satisfied with the answer which they have thus given to this vast
question.

  Let us not hear of Generals who conquer without bloodshed. If a
bloody slaughter is a horrible sight, then that is a ground for paying
more respect to War, but not for making the sword we wear blunter
and blunter by degrees from feelings of humanity, until some one
steps in with one that is sharp and lops off the arm from our body.

  We look upon a great battle as a principal decision, but certainly not
as the only one necessary for a War or a campaign. Instances of a
great battle deciding a whole campaign, have been frequent only in
modern times, those which have decided a whole War, belong to the
class of rare exceptions.

  A decision which is brought about by a great battle depends naturally
not on the battle itself, that is on the mass of combatants engaged in
it, and on the intensity of the victory, but also on a number of other
relations between the military forces opposed to each other, and
between the States to which these forces belong. But at the same time
that the principal mass of the force available is brought to the great
duel, a great decision is also brought on, the extent of which may
perhaps be foreseen in many respects, though not in all, and which
although not the only one, still is the FIRST decision, and as such, has
an influence on those which succeed. Therefore a deliberately planned
great battle, according to its relations, is more or less, but always in
some degree, to be regarded as the leading means and central point of
the whole system. The more a General takes the field in the true spirit
of War as well as of every contest, with the feeling and the idea, that
is the conviction, that he must and will conquer, the more he will strive
to throw every weight into the scale in the first battle, hope and strive
to win everything by it. Buonaparte hardly ever entered upon a War




                                   255
without thinking of conquering his enemy at once in the first battle,44
and Frederick the Great, although in a more limited sphere, and with
interests of less magnitude at stake, thought the same when, at the
head of a small Army, he sought to disengage his rear from the
Russians or the Federal Imperial Army.

 The decision which is given by the great battle, depends, we have
said, partly on the battle itself, that is on the number of troops
engaged, and partly on the magnitude of the success.

  How the General may increase its importance in respect to the first
point is evident in itself and we shall merely observe that according to
the importance of the great battle, the number of cases which are
decided along with it increases, and that therefore Generals who,
confident in themselves have been lovers of great decisions, have
always managed to make use of the greater part of their troops in it
without neglecting on that account essential points elsewhere.

  As regards the consequences or speaking more correctly the
effectiveness of a victory, that depends chiefly on four points:

  1. On the tactical form adopted as the order of battle.

  2. On the nature of the country.

  3. On the relative proportions of the three arms.

  4. On the relative strength of the two Armies.

 A battle with parallel fronts and without any action against a flank
will seldom yield as great success as one in which the defeated Army
has been turned, or compelled to change front more or less. In a
broken or hilly country the successes are likewise smaller, because the
power of the blow is everywhere less.

  If the cavalry of the vanquished is equal or superior to that of the
victor, then the effects of the pursuit are diminished, and by that great
part of the results of victory are lost.

  Finally it is easy to understand that if superior numbers are on the
side of the conqueror, and he uses his advantage in that respect to

  44
      This was Moltke's essential idea in his preparations for the War of 1870. See his secret memorandum
issued to G.O.C.s on May 7. 1870, pointing to a battle on the Upper Saar as his primary purpose.-- EDITOR.


                                                   256
turn the flank of his adversary, or compel him to change front, greater
results will follow than if the conqueror had been weaker in numbers
than the vanquished. The battle of Leuthen may certainly be quoted as
a practical refutation of this principle, but we beg permission for once
to say what we otherwise do not like, NO RULE WITHOUT AN
EXCEPTION.

  In all these ways, therefore, the Commander has the means of giving
his battle a decisive character; certainly he thus exposes himself to an
increased amount of danger, but his whole line of action is subject to
that dynamic law of the moral world.

 There is then nothing in War which can be put in comparison with the
great battle in point of importance, AND THE ACME OF STRATEGIC
ABILITY IS DISPLAYED IN THE PROVISION OF MEANS FOR THIS
GREAT EVENT, IN THE SKILFUL DETERMINATION OF PLACE AND TIME,
AND DIRECTION OF TROOPS, AND ITS THE GOOD USE MADE OF
SUCCESS.

  But it does not follow from the importance of these things that they
must be of a very complicated and recondite nature; all is here rather
simple, the art of combination by no means great; but there is great
need of quickness in judging of circumstances, need of energy, steady
resolution, a youthful spirit of enterprise--heroic qualities, to which we
shall often have to refer. There is, therefore, but little wanted here of
that which can be taught by books and there is much that, if it can be
taught at all, must come to the General through some other medium
than printer's type.

   The impulse towards a great battle, the voluntary, sure progress to
it, must proceed from a feeling of innate power and a clear sense of
the necessity; in other words, it must proceed from inborn courage
and from perceptions sharpened by contact with the higher interests of
life.

  Great examples are the best teachers, but it is certainly a misfortune
if a cloud of theoretical prejudices comes between, for even the
sunbeam is refracted and tinted by the clouds. To destroy such
prejudices, which many a time rise and spread themselves like a
miasma, is an imperative duty of theory, for the misbegotten offspring
of human reason can also be in turn destroyed by pure reason.




                                   257
 CHAPTER XII. STRATEGIC MEANS OF UTILISING
                  VICTORY

 THE more difficult part, viz., that of perfectly preparing the victory, is
a silent service of which the merit belongs to Strategy and yet for
which it is hardly sufficiently commended. It appears brilliant and full
of renown by turning to good account a victory gained.

  What may be the special object of a battle, how it is connected with
the whole system of a War, whither the career of victory may lead
according to the nature of circumstances, where its culminating-point
lies--all these are things which we shall not enter upon until hereafter.
But under any conceivable circumstances the fact holds good, that
without a pursuit no victory can have a great effect, and that, however
short the career of victory may be, it must always lead beyond the
first steps in pursuit; and in order to avoid the frequent repetition of
this, we shall now dwell for a moment on this necessary supplement of
victory in general.

  The pursuit of a beaten Army commences at the moment that Army,
giving up the combat, leaves its position; all previous movements in
one direction and another belong not to that but to the progress of the
battle itself. Usually victory at the moment here described, even if it is
certain, is still as yet small and weak in its proportions, and would not
rank as an event of any great positive advantage if not completed by a
pursuit on the first day. Then it is mostly, as we have before said, that
the trophies which give substance to the victory begin to be gathered
up. Of this pursuit we shall speak in the next place.

  Usually both sides come into action with their physical powers
considerably deteriorated, for the movements immediately preceding
have generally the character of very urgent circumstances. The efforts
which the forging out of a great combat costs, complete the
exhaustion; from this it follows that the victorious party is very little
less disorganised and out of his original formation than the
vanquished, and therefore requires time to reform, to collect
stragglers, and issue fresh ammunition to those who are without. All
these things place the conqueror himself in the state of crisis of which
we have already spoken. If now the defeated force is only a detached
portion of the enemy's Army, or if it has otherwise to expect a
considerable reinforcement, then the conqueror may easily run into
the obvious danger of having to pay dear for his victory, and this
consideration, in such a case, very soon puts an end to pursuit, or at


                                    258
least restricts it materially. Even when a strong accession of force by
the enemy is not to be feared, the conqueror finds in the above
circumstances a powerful check to the vivacity of his pursuit. There is
no reason to fear that the victory will be snatched away, but adverse
combats are still possible, and may diminish the advantages which up
to the present have been gained. Moreover, at this moment the whole
weight of all that is sensuous in an Army, its wants and weaknesses,
are dependent on the will of the Commander. All the thousands under
his command require rest and refreshment, and long to see a stop put
to toil and danger for the present; only a few, forming an exception,
can see and feel beyond the present moment, it is only amongst this
little number that there is sufficient mental vigour to think, after what
is absolutely necessary at the moment has been done, upon those
results which at such a moment only appear to the rest as mere
embellishments of victory--as a luxury of triumph. But all these
thousands have a voice in the council of the General, for through the
various steps of the military hierarchy these interests of the sensuous
creature have their sure conductor into the heart of the Commander.
He himself, through mental and bodily fatigue, is more or less
weakened in his natural activity, and thus it happens then that, mostly
from these causes, purely incidental to human nature, less is done
than might have been done, and that generally what is done is to be
ascribed entirely to the THIRST FOR GLORY, the energy, indeed also
the HARD- HEARTEDNESS of the General-in-Chief. It is only thus we
can explain the hesitating manner in which many Generals follow up a
victory which superior numbers have given them. The first pursuit of
the enemy we limit in general to the extent of the first day, including
the night following the victory. At the end of that period the necessity
of rest ourselves prescribes a halt in any case.

 This first pursuit has different natural degrees.

  The first is, if cavalry alone are employed; in that case it amounts
usually more to alarming and watching than to pressing the enemy in
reality, because the smallest obstacle of ground is generally sufficient
to check the pursuit. Useful as cavalry may be against single bodies of
broken demoralised troops, still when opposed to the bulk of the
beaten Army it becomes again only the auxiliary arm, because the
troops in retreat can employ fresh reserves to cover the movement,
and, therefore, at the next trifling obstacle of ground, by combining all
arms they can make a stand with success. The only exception to this is
in the case of an army in actual flight in a complete state of
dissolution.



                                   259
  The second degree is, if the pursuit is made by a strong advance-
guard composed of all arms, the greater part consisting naturally of
cavalry. Such a pursuit generally drives the enemy as far as the
nearest strong position for his rear-guard, or the next position
affording space for his Army. Neither can usually be found at once,
and, therefore, the pursuit can be carried further; generally, however,
it does not extend beyond the distance of one or at most a couple of
leagues, because otherwise the advance- guard would not feel itself
sufficiently supported. The third and most vigorous degree is when the
victorious Army itself continues to advance as far as its physical
powers can endure. In this case the beaten Army will generally quit
such ordinary positions as a country usually offers on the mere show
of an attack, or of an intention to turn its flank; and the rear-guard will
be still less likely to engage in an obstinate resistance.

  In all three cases the night, if it sets in before the conclusion of the
whole act, usually puts an end to it, and the few instances in which
this has not taken place, and the pursuit has been continued
throughout the night, must be regarded as pursuits in an exceptionally
vigorous form.

  If we reflect that in fighting by night everything must be, more or
less, abandoned to chance, and that at the conclusion of a battle the
regular cohesion and order of things in an army must inevitably be
disturbed, we may easily conceive the reluctance of both Generals to
carrying on their business under such disadvantageous conditions. If a
complete dissolution of the vanquished Army, or a rare superiority of
the victorious Army in military virtue does not ensure success,
everything would in a manner be given up to fate, which can never be
for the interest of any one, even of the most fool-hardy General. As a
rule, therefore, night puts an end to pursuit, even when the battle has
only been decided shortly before darkness sets in. This allows the
conquered either time for rest and to rally immediately, or, if he
retreats during the night it gives him a march in advance. After this
break the conquered is decidedly in a better condition; much of that
which had been thrown into confusion has been brought again into
order, ammunition has been renewed, the whole has been put into a
fresh formation. Whatever further encounter now takes place with the
enemy is a new battle not a continuation of the old, and although it
may be far from promising absolute success, still it is a fresh combat,
and not merely a gathering up of the debris by the victor.

  When, therefore, the conqueror can continue the pursuit itself
throughout the night, if only with a strong advance- guard composed


                                    260
of all arms of the service, the effect of the victory is immensely
increased, of this the battles of Leuthen and La Belle Alliance45 are
examples.

 The whole action of this pursuit is mainly tactical, and we only dwell
upon it here in order to make plain the difference which through it may
be produced in the effect of a victory.

  This first pursuit, as far as the nearest stopping-point, belongs as a
right to every conqueror, and is hardly in any way connected with his
further plans and combinations. These may considerably diminish the
positive results of a victory gained with the main body of the Army,
but they cannot make this first use of it impossible; at least cases of
that kind, if conceivable at all, must be so uncommon that they should
have no appreciable influence on theory. And here certainly we must
say that the example afforded by modern Wars opens up quite a new
field for energy. In preceding Wars, resting on a narrower basis, and
altogether more circumscribed in their scope, there were many
unnecessary conventional restrictions in various ways, but particularly
in this point. THE CONCEPTION, HONOUR OF VICTORY seemed to
Generals so much by far the chief thing that they thought the less of
the complete destruction of the enemy's military force, as in point of
fact that destruction of force appeared to them only as one of the
many means in War, not by any means as the principal, much less as
the only means; so that they the more readily put the sword in its
sheath the moment the enemy had lowered his. Nothing seemed more
natural to them than to stop the combat as soon as the decision was
obtained, and to regard all further carnage as unnecessary cruelty.
Even if this false philosophy did not determine their resolutions
entirely, still it was a point of view by which representations of the
exhaustion of all powers, and physical impossibility of continuing the
struggle, obtained readier evidence and greater weight. Certainly the
sparing one's own instrument of victory is a vital question if we only
possess this one, and foresee that soon the time may arrive when it
will not be sufficient for all that remains to be done, for every
continuation of the offensive must lead ultimately to complete
exhaustion. But this calculation was still so far false, as the further loss
of forces by a continuance of the pursuit could bear no proportion to
that which the enemy must suffer. That view, therefore, again could
only exist because the military forces were not considered the vital
factor. And so we find that in former Wars real heroes only--such as
Charles XII., Marlborough, Eugene, Frederick the Great--added a

 45
      Waterloo.


                                    261
vigorous pursuit to their victories when they were decisive enough,
and that other Generals usually contented themselves with the
possession of the field of battle. In modern times the greater energy
infused into the conduct of Wars through the greater importance of the
circumstances from which they have proceeded has thrown down
these conventional barriers; the pursuit has become an all-important
business for the conqueror; trophies have on that account multiplied in
extent, and if there are cases also in modern Warfare in which this has
not been the case, still they belong to the list of exceptions, and are to
be accounted for by peculiar circumstances.

   At Gorschen46 and Bautzen nothing but the superiority of the allied
cavalry prevented a complete rout, at Gross Beeren and Dennewitz the
ill-will of Bernadotte, the Crown Prince of Sweden; at Laon the
enfeebled personal condition of Bluecher, who was then seventy years
old and at the moment confined to a dark room owing to an injury to
his eyes.

  But Borodino is also an illustration to the point here, and we cannot
resist saying a few more words about it, partly because we do not
consider the circumstances are explained simply by attaching blame to
Buonaparte, partly because it might appear as if this, and with it a
great number of similar cases, belonged to that class which we have
designated as so extremely rare, cases in which the general relations
seize and fetter the General at the very beginning of the battle. French
authors in particular, and great admirers of Buonaparte (Vaudancourt,
Chambray, Se'gur), have blamed him decidedly because he did not
drive the Russian Army completely off the field, and use his last
reserves to scatter it, because then what was only a lost battle would
have been a complete rout. We should be obliged to diverge too far to
describe circumstantially the mutual situation of the two Armies; but
this much is evident, that when Buonaparte passed the Niemen with
his Army the same corps which afterwards fought at Borodino
numbered 300,000 men, of whom now only 120,000 remained, he
might therefore well be apprehensive that he would not have enough
left to march upon Moscow, the point on which everything seemed to
depend. The victory which he had just gained gave him nearly a
certainty of taking that capital, for that the Russians would be in a
condition to fight a second battle within eight days seemed in the
highest degree improbable; and in Moscow he hoped to find peace. No
doubt the complete dispersion of the Russian Army would have made

  46
      Gorschen or Lutzen, May 2, 1813; Gross Beeren and Dennewitz, August 22, 1813; Bautzen. May 22, 1913;
Laon, March 10 1813.


                                                   262
this peace much more certain; but still the first consideration was to
get to Moscow, that is, to get there with a force with which he should
appear dictator over the capital, and through that over the Empire and
the Government. The force which he brought with him to Moscow was
no longer sufficient for that, as shown in the sequel, but it would have
been still less so if, in scattering the Russian Army, he had scattered
his own at the same time. Buonaparte was thoroughly alive to all this,
and in our eyes he stands completely justified. But on that account
this case is still not to be reckoned amongst those in which, through
the general relations, the General is interdicted from following up his
victory, for there never was in his case any question of mere pursuit.
The victory was decided at four o'clock in the afternoon, but the
Russians still occupied the greater part of the field of battle; they were
not yet disposed to give up the ground, and if the attack had been
renewed, they would still have offered a most determined resistance,
which would have undoubtedly ended in their complete defeat, but
would have cost the conqueror much further bloodshed. We must
therefore reckon the Battle of Borodino as amongst battles, like
Bautzen, left unfinished. At Bautzen the vanquished preferred to quit
the field sooner; at Borodino the conqueror preferred to content
himself with a half victory, not because the decision appeared
doubtful, but because he was not rich enough to pay for the whole.

  Returning now to our subject, the deduction from our reflections in
relation to the first stage of pursuit is, that the energy thrown into it
chiefly determines the value of the victory; that this pursuit is a
second act of the victory, in many cases more important also than the
first, and that strategy, whilst here approaching tactics to receive from
it the harvest of success, exercises the first act of her authority by
demanding this completion of the victory.

  But further, the effects of victory are very seldom found to stop with
this first pursuit; now first begins the real career to which victory lent
velocity. This course is conditioned as we have already said, by other
relations of which it is not yet time to speak. But we must here
mention, what there is of a general character in the pursuit in order to
avoid repetition when the subject occurs again.

  In the further stages of pursuit, again, we can distinguish three
degrees: the simple pursuit, a hard pursuit, and a parallel march to
intercept.

  The simple FOLLOWING or PURSUING causes the enemy to continue
his retreat, until he thinks he can risk another battle. It will therefore


                                   263
in its effect suffice to exhaust the advantages gained, and besides
that, all that the enemy cannot carry with him, sick, wounded, and
disabled from fatigue, quantities of baggage, and carriages of all kinds,
will fall into our hands, but this mere following does not tend to
heighten the disorder in the enemy's Army, an effect which is
produced by the two following causes.

  If, for instance, instead of contenting ourselves with taking up every
day the camp the enemy has just vacated, occupying just as much of
the country as he chooses to abandon, we make our arrangements so
as every day to encroach further, and accordingly with our advance-
guard organised for the purpose, attack his rear-guard every time it
attempts to halt, then such a course will hasten his retreat, and
consequently tend to increase his disorganisation.--This it will
principally effect by the character of continuous flight, which his
retreat will thus assume. Nothing has such a depressing influence on
the soldier, as the sound of the enemy's cannon afresh at the moment
when, after a forced march he seeks some rest; if this excitement is
continued from day to day for some time, it may lead to a complete
rout. There lies in it a constant admission of being obliged to obey the
law of the enemy, and of being unfit for any resistance, and the
consciousness of this cannot do otherwise than weaken the moral of
an Army in a high degree. The effect of pressing the enemy in this way
attains a maximum when it drives the enemy to make night marches.
If the conqueror scares away the discomfited opponent at sunset from
a camp which has just been taken up either for the main body of the
Army, or for the rear-guard, the conquered must either make a night
march, or alter his position in the night, retiring further away, which is
much the same thing; the victorious party can on the other hand pass
the night in quiet.

  The arrangement of marches, and the choice of positions depend in
this case also upon so many other things, especially on the supply of
the Army, on strong natural obstacles in the country, on large towns,
&c. &c., that it would be ridiculous pedantry to attempt to show by a
geometrical analysis how the pursuer, being able to impose his laws on
the retreating enemy, can compel him to march at night while he
takes his rest. But nevertheless it is true and practicable that marches
in pursuit may be so planned as to have this tendency, and that the
efficacy of the pursuit is very much enchanced thereby. If this is
seldom attended to in the execution, it is because such a procedure is
more difficult for the pursuing Army, than a regular adherence to
ordinary marches in the daytime. To start in good time in the morning,
to encamp at mid-day, to occupy the rest of the day in providing for


                                   264
the ordinary wants of the Army, and to use the night for repose, is a
much more convenient method than to regulate one's movements
exactly according to those of the enemy, therefore to determine
nothing till the last moment, to start on the march, sometimes in the
morning, sometimes in the evening, to be always for several hours in
the presence of the enemy, and exchanging cannon shots with him,
and keeping up skirmishing fire, to plan manoeuvres to turn him, in
short, to make the whole outlay of tactical means which such a course
renders necessary. All that naturally bears with a heavy weight on the
pursuing Army, and in War, where there are so many burdens to be
borne, men are always inclined to strip off those which do not seem
absolutely necessary. These observations are true, whether applied to
a whole Army or as in the more usual case, to a strong advance-
guard. For the reasons just mentioned, this second method of pursuit,
this continued pressing of the enemy pursued is rather a rare
occurrence; even Buonaparte in his Russian campaign, 1812, practised
it but little, for the reasons here apparent, that the difficulties and
hardships of this campaign, already threatened his Army with
destruction before it could reach its object; on the other hand, the
French in their other campaigns have distinguished themselves by
their energy in this point also.

 Lastly, the third and most effectual form of pursuit is, the parallel
march to the immediate object of the retreat.

  Every defeated Army will naturally have behind it, at a greater or less
distance, some point, the attainment of which is the first purpose in
view, whether it be that failing in this its further retreat might be
compromised, as in the case of a defile, or that it is important for the
point itself to reach it before the enemy, as in the case of a great city,
magazines, &c., or, lastly, that the Army at this point will gain new
powers of defence, such as a strong position, or junction with other
corps.

  Now if the conqueror directs his march on this point by a lateral road,
it is evident how that may quicken the retreat of the beaten Army in a
destructive manner, convert it into hurry, perhaps into flight.47 The
conquered has only three ways to counteract this: the first is to throw
himself in front of the enemy, in order by an unexpected attack to gain
that probability of success which is lost to him in general from his
position; this plainly supposes an enterprising bold General, and an

  47
     This point is exceptionally well treated by von Bernhardi in his "Cavalry in Future Wars." London:
Murray, 1906.


                                                 265
excellent Army, beaten but not utterly defeated; therefore, it can only
be employed by a beaten Army in very few cases.

 The second way is hastening the retreat; but this is just what the
conqueror wants, and it easily leads to immoderate efforts on the part
of the troops, by which enormous losses are sustained, in stragglers,
broken guns, and carriages of all kinds.

  The third way is to make a detour, and get round the nearest point of
interception, to march with more ease at a greater distance from the
enemy, and thus to render the haste required less damaging. This last
way is the worst of all, it generally turns out like a new debt
contracted by an insolvent debtor, and leads to greater
embarrassment. There are cases in which this course is advisable;
others where there is nothing else left; also instances in which it has
been successful; but upon the whole it is certainly true that its
adoption is usually influenced less by a clear persuasion of its being
the surest way of attaining the aim than by another inadmissible
motive-- this motive is the dread of encountering the enemy. Woe to
the Commander who gives in to this! However much the moral of his
Army may have deteriorated, and however well founded may be his
apprehensions of being at a disadvantage in any conflict with the
enemy, the evil will only be made worse by too anxiously avoiding
every possible risk of collision. Buonaparte in 1813 would never have
brought over the Rhine with him the 30,000 or 40,000 men who
remained after the battle of Hanau,48 if he had avoided that battle and
tried to pass the Rhine at Mannheim or Coblenz. It is just by means of
small combats carefully prepared and executed, and in which the
defeated army being on the defensive, has always the assistance of
the ground--it is just by these that the moral strength of the Army can
first be resuscitated.

  The beneficial effect of the smallest successes is incredible; but with
most Generals the adoption of this plan implies great self-command.
The other way, that of evading all encounter, appears at first so much
easier, that there is a natural preference for its adoption. It is
therefore usually just this system of evasion which best, promotes the
view of the pursuer, and often ends with the complete downfall of the
pursued; we must, however, recollect here that we are speaking of a
whole Army, not of a single Division, which, having been cut off, is

  48
      At Hanau (October 30, 1813), the Bavarians some 50,000 strong threw themselves across the line of
Napoleon's retreat from Leipsic. By a masterly use of its artillery the French tore the Bavarians asunder and
marched on over their bodies.--EDITOR.


                                                    266
seeking to join the main Army by making a de'tour; in such a case
circumstances are different, and success is not uncommon. But there
is one condition requisite to the success of this race of two Corps for
an object, which is that a Division of the pursuing army should follow
by the same road which the pursued has taken, in order to pick up
stragglers, and keep up the impression which the presence of the
enemy never fails to make. Bluecher neglected this in his, in other
respects unexceptionable, pursuit after La Belle Alliance.

  Such marches tell upon the pursuer as well as the pursued, and they
are not advisable if the enemy's Army rallies itself upon another
considerable one; if it has a distinguished General at its head, and if
its destruction is not already well prepared. But when this means can
be adopted, it acts also like a great mechanical power. The losses of
the beaten Army from sickness and fatigue are on such a
disproportionate scale, the spirit of the Army is so weakened and
lowered by the constant solicitude about impending ruin, that at last
anything like a well organised stand is out of the question; every day
thousands of prisoners fall into the enemy's hands without striking a
blow. In such a season of complete good fortune, the conqueror need
not hesitate about dividing his forces in order to draw into the vortex
of destruction everything within reach of his Army, to cut off
detachments, to take fortresses unprepared for defence, to occupy
large towns, &c. &c. He may do anything until a new state of things
arises, and the more he ventures in this way the longer will it be
before that change will take place. is no want of examples of brilliant
results from grand decisive victories, and of great and vigorous
pursuits in the wars of Buonaparte. We need only quote Jena 1806,
Ratisbonne 1809, Leipsic 1813, and Belle- Alliance 1815.




                                  267
 CHAPTER XIII. RETREAT AFTER A LOST BATTLE

  IN a lost battle the power of an Army is broken, the moral to a
greater degree than the physical. A second battle unless fresh
favourable circumstances come into play, would lead to a complete
defeat, perhaps, to destruction. This is a military axiom. According to
the usual course the retreat is continued up to that point where the
equilibrium of forces is restored, either by reinforcements, or by the
protection of strong fortresses, or by great defensive positions
afforded by the country, or by a separation of the enemy's force. The
magnitude of the losses sustained, the extent of the defeat, but still
more the character of the enemy, will bring nearer or put off the
instant of this equilibrium. How many instances may be found of a
beaten Army rallied again at a short distance, without its
circumstances having altered in any way since the battle. The cause of
this may be traced to the moral weakness of the adversary, or to the
preponderance gained in the battle not having been sufficient to make
lasting impression.

  To profit by this weakness or mistake of the enemy, not to yield one
inch breadth more than the pressure of circumstances demands, but
above all things, in order to keep up the moral forces to as
advantageous a point as possible, a slow retreat, offering incessant
resistance, and bold courageous counterstrokes, whenever the enemy
seeks to gain any excessive advantages, are absolutely necessary.
Retreats of great Generals and of Armies inured to War have always
resembled the retreat of a wounded lion, such is, undoubtedly, also
the best theory.

  It is true that at the moment of quitting a dangerous position we
have often seen trifling formalities observed which caused a waste of
time, and were, therefore, attended with danger, whilst in such cases
everything depends on getting out of the place speedily. Practised
Generals reckon this maxim a very important one. But such cases
must not be confounded with a general retreat after a lost battle.
Whoever then thinks by a few rapid marches to gain a start, and more
easily to recover a firm standing, commits a great error. The first
movements should be as small as possible, and it is a maxim in
general not to suffer ourselves to be dictated to by the enemy. This
maxim cannot be followed without bloody fighting with the enemy at
our heels, but the gain is worth the sacrifice; without it we get into an
accelerated pace which soon turns into a headlong rush, and costs




                                   268
merely in stragglers more men than rear-guard combats, and besides
that extinguishes the last remnants of the spirit of resistance.

  A strong rear-guard composed of picked troops, commanded by the
bravest General, and supported by the whole Army at critical
moments, a careful utilisation of ground, strong ambuscades wherever
the boldness of the enemy's advance-guard, and the ground, afford
opportunity; in short, the preparation and the system of regular small
battles,--these are the means of following this principle.

  The difficulties of a retreat are naturally greater or less according as
the battle has been fought under more or less favourable
circumstances, and according as it has been more or less obstinately
contested. The battle of Jena and La Belle-Alliance show how
impossible anything like a regular retreat may become, if the last man
is used up against a powerful enemy.

  Now and again it has been suggested49 to divide for the purpose of
retreating, therefore to retreat in separate divisions or even
eccentrically. Such a separation as is made merely for convenience,
and along with which concentrated action continues possible and is
kept in view, is not what we now refer to; any other kind is extremely
dangerous, contrary to the nature of the thing, and therefore a great
error. Every lost battle is a principle of weakness and disorganisation;
and the first and immediate desideratum is to concentrate, and in
concentration to recover order, courage, and confidence. The idea of
harassing the enemy by separate corps on both flanks at the moment
when he is following up his victory, is a perfect anomaly; a faint-
hearted pedant might be overawed by his enemy in that manner, and
for such a case it may answer; but where we are not sure of this
failing in our opponent it is better let alone. If the strategic relations
after a battle require that we should cover ourselves right and left by
detachments, so much must be done, as from circumstances is
unavoidable, but this fractioning must always be regarded as an evil,
and we are seldom in a state to commence it the day after the battle
itself.

  If Frederick the Great after the battle of Kollin,50 and the raising of
the siege of Prague retreated in three columns that was done not out
of choice, but because the position of his forces, and the necessity of

 49
      Allusion is here made to the works of Lloyd Bullow and others.

 50
      June 19, 1757.


                                                     269
covering Saxony, left him no alternative, Buonaparte after the battle of
Brienne,51 sent Marmont back to the Aube, whilst he himself passed
the Seine, and turned towards Troyes; but that this did not end in
disaster, was solely owing to the circumstance that the Allies, instead
of pursuing divided their forces in like manner, turning with the one
part (Bluecher) towards the Marne, while with the other
(Schwartzenberg), from fear of being too weak, they advanced with
exaggerated caution.




 51
      January 30, 1814.


                                  270
            CHAPTER XIV. NIGHT FIGHTING

  THE manner of conducting a combat at night, and what concerns the
details of its course, is a tactical subject; we only examine it here so
far as in its totality it appears as a special strategic means.

  Fundamentally every night attack is only a more vehement form of
surprise. Now at the first look of the thing such an attack appears
quite pre-eminently advantageous, for we suppose the enemy to be
taken by surprise, the assailant naturally to be prepared for everything
which can happen. What an inequality! Imagination paints to itself a
picture of the most complete confusion on the one side, and on the
other side the assailant only occupied in reaping the fruits of his
advantage. Hence the constant creation of schemes for night attacks
by those who have not to lead them, and have no responsibility, whilst
these attacks seldom take place in reality.

  These ideal schemes are all based on the hypothesis that the
assailant knows the arrangements of the defender because they have
been made and announced beforehand, and could not escape notice in
his reconnaissances, and inquiries; that on the other hand, the
measures of the assailant, being only taken at the moment of
execution, cannot be known to the enemy. But the last of these is not
always quite the case, and still less is the first. If we are not so near
the enemy as to have him completely under our eye, as the Austrians
had Frederick the Great before the battle of Hochkirch (1758), then all
that we know of his position must always be imperfect, as it is
obtained by reconnaissances, patrols, information from prisoners, and
spies, sources on which no firm reliance can be placed because
intelligence thus obtained is always more or less of an old date, and
the position of the enemy may have been altered in the meantime.
Moreover, with the tactics and mode of encampment of former times it
was much easier than it is now to examine the position of the enemy.
A line of tents is much easier to distinguish than a line of huts or a
bivouac; and an encampment on a line of front, fully and regularly
drawn out, also easier than one of Divisions formed in columns, the
mode often used at present. We may have the ground on which a
Division bivouacs in that manner completely under our eye, and yet
not be able to arrive at any accurate idea.

  But the position again is not all that we want to know the measures
which the defender may take in the course of the combat are just as
important, and do not by any means consist in mere random shots.



                                   271
These measures also make night attacks more difficult in modern Wars
than formerly, because they have in these campaigns an advantage
over those already taken. In our combats the position of the defender
is more temporary than definitive, and on that account the defender is
better able to surprise his adversary with unexpected blows, than he
could formerly.52

  Therefore what the assailant knows of the defensive previous to a
night attack, is seldom or never sufficient to supply the want of direct
observation.

 But the defender has on his side another small advantage as well,
which is that he is more at home than the assailant, on the ground
which forms his position, and therefore, like the inhabitant of a room,
will find his way about it in the dark with more ease than a stranger.
He knows better where to find each part of his force, and therefore can
more readily get at it than is the case with his adversary.

 From this it follows, that the assailant in a combat at night feels the
want of his eyes just as much as the defender, and that therefore,
only particular reasons can make a night attack advisable.

  Now these reasons arise mostly in connection with subordinate parts
of an Army, rarely with the Army itself; it follows that a night attack
also as a rule can only take place with secondary combats, and seldom
with great battles.

  We may attack a portion of the enemy's Army with a very superior
force, consequently enveloping it with a view either to take the whole,
or to inflict very severe loss on it by an unequal combat, provided that
other circumstances are in our favour. But such a scheme can never
succeed except by a great surprise, because no fractional part of the
enemy's Army would engage in such an unequal combat, but would
retire instead. But a surprise on an important scale except in rare
instances in a very close country, can only be effected at night. If
therefore we wish to gain such an advantage as this from the faulty
disposition of a portion of the enemy's Army, then we must make use
of the night, at all events, to finish the preliminary part even if the
combat itself should not open till towards daybreak. This is therefore
what takes place in all the little enterprises by night against outposts,
and other small bodies, the main point being invariably through

  52
     All these difficulties obviously become increased as the power of the weapons in use tends to keep the
combatants further apart.--EDITOR.


                                                   272
superior numbers, and getting round his position, to entangle him
unexpectedly in such a disadvantageous combat, that he cannot
disengage himself without great loss.

  The larger the body attacked the more difficult the undertaking,
because a strong force has greater resources within itself to maintain
the fight long enough for help to arrive.

 On that account the whole of the enemy's Army can never in
ordinary cases be the object of such an attack for although it has no
assistance to expect from any quarter outside itself, still, it contains
within itself sufficient means of repelling attacks from several sides
particularly in our day, when every one from the commencement is
prepared for this very usual form of attack. Whether the enemy can
attack us on several sides with success depends generally on
conditions quite different from that of its being done unexpectedly;
without entering here into the nature of these conditions, we confine
ourselves to observing, that with turning an enemy, great results, as
well as great dangers are connected; that therefore, if we set aside
special circumstances, nothing justifies it but a great superiority, just
such as we should use against a fractional part of the enemy's Army.

  But the turning and surrounding a small fraction of the enemy, and
particularly in the darkness of night, is also more practicable for this
reason, that whatever we stake upon it, and however superior the
force used may be, still probably it constitutes only a limited portion of
our Army, and we can sooner stake that than the whole on the risk of
a great venture. Besides, the greater part or perhaps the whole serves
as a support and rallying-point for the portion risked, which again very
much diminishes the danger of the enterprise.

  Not only the risk, but the difficulty of execution as well confines night
enterprises to small bodies. As surprise is the real essence of them so
also stealthy approach is the chief condition of execution: but this is
more easily done with small bodies than with large, and for the
columns of a whole Army is seldom practicable. For this reason such
enterprises are in general only directed against single outposts, and
can only be feasible against greater bodies if they are without
sufficient outposts, like Frederick the Great at Hochkirch.53 This will
happen seldomer in future to Armies themselves than to minor
divisions.


 53
      October 14, 1758.


                                    273
  In recent times, when War has been carried on with so much more
rapidity and vigour, it has in consequence often happened that Armies
have encamped very close to each other, without having a very strong
system of outposts, because those circumstances have generally
occurred just at the crisis which precedes a great decision.

  But then at such times the readiness for battle on both sides is also
more perfect; on the other hand, in former Wars it was a frequent
practice for armies to take up camps in sight of each other, when they
had no other object but that of mutually holding each other in check,
consequently for a longer period. How often Frederick the Great stood
for weeks so near to the Austrians, that the two might have exchanged
cannon shots with each other.

  But these practices, certainly more favourable to night attacks, have
been discontinued in later days; and armies being now no longer in
regard to subsistence and requirements for encampment, such
independent bodies complete in themselves, find it necessary to keep
usually a day's march between themselves and the enemy. If we now
keep in view especially the night attack of an army, it follows that
sufficient motives for it can seldom occur, and that they fall under one
or other of the following classes.

 1. An unusual degree of carelessness or audacity which very rarely
occurs, and when it does is compensated for by a great superiority in
moral force.

  2. A panic in the enemy's army, or generally such a degree of
superiority in moral force on our side, that this is sufficient to supply
the place of guidance in action.

 3. Cutting through an enemy's army of superior force, which keeps
us enveloped, because in this all depends on surprise. and the object
of merely making a passage by force, allows a much greater
concentration of forces.

  4. Finally, in desperate cases, when our forces have such a
disproportion to the enemy's, that we see no possibility of success,
except through extraordinary daring.

 But in all these cases there is still the condition that the enemy's
army is under our eyes, and protected by no advance-guard.




                                   274
  As for the rest, most night combats are so conducted as to end with
daylight, so that only the approach and the first attack are made under
cover of darkness, because the assailant in that manner can better
profit by the consequences of the state of confusion into which he
throws his adversary; and combats of this description which do not
commence until daybreak, in which the night therefore is only made
use of to approach, are not to be counted as night combats,




                                  275
               Book V MILITARY FORCES

                 Chapter I. General Scheme

 WE shall consider military forces:—

 1. As regards their numerical strength and organisation.

 2. In their state independent of fighting.

 3. In respect of their maintenance; and, lastly,

 4. In their general relations to country and ground.

  Thus we shall devote this book to the consideration of things
appertaining to an army, which only come under the head of necessary
conditions of fighting, but do not constitute the fight itself. They stand
in more or less close connection with and react upon the fighting, and
therefore, in considering the application of the combat they must often
appear; but we must first consider each by itself, as a whole, in its
essence and peculiarities.




                                   276
    Chapter II. Theatre of War, Army, Campaign

 THE nature of the things does not allow of a completely satisfactory
definition of these three factors, denoting respectively, space, mass,
and time in war; but that we may not sometimes be quite
misunderstood, we must try to make somewhat plainer the usual
meaning of these terms, to which we shall in most cases adhere.

1.—Theatre of War.

  This term denotes properly such a portion of the space over which
war prevails as has its boundaries protected, and thus possesses a
kind of independence. This protection may consist in fortresses, or
important natural obstacles presented by the country, or even in its
being separated by a considerable distance from the rest of the space
embraced in the war.—Such a portion is not a mere piece of the
whole, but a small whole complete in itself; and consequently it is
more or less in such a condition that changes which take place at other
points in the seat of war have only an indirect and no direct influence
upon it. To give an adequate idea of this, we may suppose that on this
portion an advance is made, whilst in another quarter a retreat is
taking place, or that upon the one an army is acting defensively, whilst
an offensive is being carried on upon the other. Such a clearly defined
idea as this is not capable of universal application; it is here used
merely to indicate the line of distinction.

2.—Army.

  With the assistance of the conception of a Theatre of War, it is very
easy to say what an Army is: it is, in point of fact, the mass of troops
in the same Theatre of War. But this plainly does not include all that is
meant by the term in its common usage. Blucher and Wellington
commanded each a separate army in 1815, although the two were in
the same Theatre of War. The chief command is, therefore, another
distinguishing sign for the conception of an Army. At the same time
this sign is very nearly allied to the preceding, for where things are
well organised, there should only exist one supreme command in a
Theatre of War, and the commander-in-chief in a particular Theatre of
War should always have a proportionate degree of independence.

 The mere absolute numerical strength of a body of troops is less
decisive on the subject than might at first appear. For where several
Armies are acting under one command, and upon one and the same



                                   277
Theatre of War, they are called Armies, not by reason of their
strength, but from the relations antecedent to the war (1813, the
Silesian Army, the Army of the North, etc), and although we should
divide a great mass of troops intended to remain in the same Theatre
into corps, we should never divide them into Armies, at least, such a
division would be contrary to what seems to be the meaning which is
universally attached to the term. On the other hand, it would certainly
be pedantry to apply the term Army to each band of irregular troops
acting independently in a remote province: still we must not leave
unnoticed that it surprises no one when the Army of the Vendeans in
the Revolutionary War is spoken of, and yet it was not much stronger.

  The conceptions of Army and Theatre of War therefore, as a rule, go
together, and mutually include each other.

3.—Campaign.

  Although the sum of all military events which happen in all the
Theatres of War in one year is often called a Campaign, still, however,
it is more usual and more exact to understand by the term the events
in one single Theatre of War. But it is worse still to connect the notion
of a Campaign with the period of one year, for wars no longer divide
themselves naturally into Campaigns of a year's duration by fixed and
long periods in winter quarters. As, however, the events in a Theatre
of War of themselves form certain great chapters—if, for instance, the
direct effects of some more or less great catastrophe cease, and new
combinations begin to develop themselves—therefore these natural
subdivisions must be taken into consideration in order to allot to each
year (Campaign) its complete share of events. No one would make the
Campaign of 1812 terminate at Memel, where the armies were on the
1st January, and transfer the further retreat of the French until they
recrossed the Elbe to the campaign of 1813, as that further retreat
was plainly only a part of the whole retreat from Moscow.

  That we cannot give these conceptions any greater degree of
distinctness is of no consequence, because they cannot be used as
philosophical definitions for the basis of any kind of propositions. They
only serve to give a little more clearness and precision to the language
we use.




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               Chapter III. Relation of Power

  IN the eighth chapter of the third book we have spoken of the value
of superior numbers in battles, from which follows as a consequence
the superiority of numbers in general in strategy. So far the
importance of the relations of power is established: we shall now add a
few more detailed considerations on the subject.

 An unbiassed examination of modern military history leads to the
conviction that the superiority in numbers becomes every day more
decisive; the principle of assembling the greatest possible numbers for
a decisive battle may therefore be regarded as more important than
ever.

  Courage and the spirit of an army have, in all ages, multiplied its
physical powers, and will continue to do so equally in future; but we
find also that at certain periods in history a superiority in the
organisation and equipment of an army has given a great moral
preponderance; we find that at other periods a great superiority in
mobility had a like effect; at one time we see a new system of tactics
brought to light; at another we see the art of war developing itself in
an effort to make a skilful use of ground on great general principles,
and by such means here and there we find one general gaining great
advantages over another; but even this tendency has disappeared,
and wars now go on in a simpler and more natural manner.—If,
divesting ourselves of any preconceived notions, we look at the
experiences of recent wars, we must admit that there are but little
traces of any of the above influences, either throughout any whole
campaign, or in engagements of a decisive character—that is, the
great battle, respecting which term we refer to the second chapter of
the preceding book.

  Armies are in our days so much on a par in regard to arms,
equipment, and drill, that there is no very notable difference between
the best and the worst in these things. A difference may still be
observed, resulting from the superior instruction of the scientific corps,
but in general it only amounts to this, that one is the inventor and
introducer of improved appliances, which the other immediately
imitates. Even the subordinate generals, leaders of corps and
divisions, in all that comes within the scope of their sphere, have in
general everywhere the same ideas and methods, so that, except the
talent of the commander-in-chief—a thing entirely dependent on
chance, and not bearing a constant relation to the standard of



                                   279
education amongst the people and the army—there is nothing now but
habituation to war which can give one army a decided superiority over
another. The nearer we approach to a state of equality in all these
things, the more decisive becomes the relation in point of numbers.

  The character of modern battles is the result of this state of equality.
Take for instance the battle of Borodino, where the first army in the
world, the French, measured its strength with the Russian, which, in
many parts of its organisation, and in the education of its special
branches, might be considered the furthest behindhand. In the whole
battle there is not one single trace of superior art or intelligence, it is a
mere trial of strength between the respective armies throughout; and
as they were nearly equal in that respect, the result could not be
otherwise than a gradual turn of the scale in favour of that side where
there was the greatest energy on the part of the commander, and the
most experience in war on the part of the troops. We have taken this
battle as an illustration, because in it there was an equality in the
numbers on each side such as is rarely to be found.

 We do not maintain that all battles exactly resemble this, but it
shows the dominant tone of most of them.

  In a battle in which the forces try their strength on each other so
leisurely and methodically, an excess of force on one side must make
the result in its favour much more certain. And it is a fact that we may
search modern military history in vain for a battle in which an army
has beaten another double its own strength, an occurrence by no
means uncommon in former times. Buonaparte, the greatest general
of modern times, in all his great victorious battles—with one exception,
that of Dresden, 1813—had managed to assemble an army superior in
numbers, or at least very little inferior, to that of his opponent, and
when it was impossible for him to do so, as at Leipsic, Brienne, Laon,
and Belle-Alliance, he was beaten.

  The absolute strength is in strategy generally a given quantity, which
the commander cannot alter. But from this it by no means follows that
it is impossible to carry on a war with a decidedly inferior force. War is
not always a voluntary act of state policy, and least of all is it so when
the forces are very unequal: consequently, any relation of forces is
imaginable in war, and it would be a strange theory of war which
would wish to give up its office just where it is most wanted.




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  However desirable theory may consider a proportionate force, still it
cannot say that no use can be made of the most disproportionate. No
limits can be prescribed in this respect.

  The weaker the force the more moderate must be the object it
proposes to itself, and the weaker the force the shorter time it will
last. In these two directions there is a field for weakness to give way,
if we may use this expression. Of the changes which the measure of
the force produces in the conduct of war, we can only speak by
degrees, as these things present themselves; at present it is sufficient
to have indicated the general point of view, but to complete that we
shall add one more observation.

  The more that an army involved in an unequal combat falls short of
the number of its opponents, the greater must be the tension of its
powers, the greater its energy when danger presses. If the reverse
takes place, and instead of heroic desperation a spirit of despondency
ensues, then certainly there is an end to every art of war.

  If with this energy of powers is combined a wise moderation in the
object proposed, then there is that play of brilliant actions and prudent
forbearance which we admire in the wars of Frederick the Great.

  But the less that this moderation and caution can effect, the more
must the tension and energy of the forces become predominant. When
the disproportion of forces is so great that no modification of our own
object can ensure us safety from a catastrophe, or where the probable
continuance of the danger is so great that the greatest economy of our
powers can no longer suffice to bring us to our object, then the tension
of our powers should be concentrated for one desperate blow; he who
is pressed on all sides expecting little help from things which promise
none, will place his last and only reliance in the moral ascendancy
which despair gives to courage, and look upon the greatest daring as
the greatest wisdom,—at the same time employ the assistance of
subtle stratagem, and if he does not succeed, will find in an
honourable downfall the right to rise hereafter.




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         Chapter IV. Relation of the Three Arms

 WE shall only speak of the three principal arms: Infantry, Cavalry,
and Artillery.

 We must be excused for making the following analysis which belongs
more to tactics, but is necessary to give distinctness to our ideas.

  The combat is of two kinds, which are essentially different: the
destructive principle of fire, and the hand to hand or personal combat.
This latter, again, is either attack or defence. (As we here speak of
elements, attack and defence are to be understood in a perfectly
absolute sense.) Artillery, obviously, acts only with the destructive
principle of fire. Cavalry only with personal combat. Infantry with both.

  In close combat the essence of defence consists in standing firm, as
if rooted to the ground; the essence of the attack is movement.
Cavalry is entirely deficient in the first quality; on the other hand, it
possesses the latter in an especial manner. It is therefore only suited
for attack. Infantry has especially the property of standing firm, but is
not altogether without mobility.

  From this division of the elementary forces of war into different arms,
we have as a result, the superiority and general utility of Infantry as
compared with the other two arms, from its being the only arm which
unites in itself all the three elementary forces. A further deduction to
be drawn is, that the combination of the three arms leads to a more
perfect use of the forces, by affording the means of strengthening at
pleasure either the one or the other of the principles which are united
in an unalterable manner in Infantry.

  The destructive principle of fire is in the wars of the present time
plainly beyond measure the most effective; nevertheless, the close
combat, man to man, is just as plainly to be regarded as the real basis
of combat. For that reason, therefore, an army of artillery only would
be an absurdity in war, but an army of cavalry is conceivable, only it
would possess very little intensity of force An army of infantry alone is
not only conceivable but also much the strongest of the three. The
three arms, therefore, stand in this order in reference to independent
value—Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery.

  But this order does not hold good if applied to the relative
importance of each arm when they are all three acting in conjunction.



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As the destructive principle is much more effective than the principle
of motion, therefore the complete want of cavalry would weaken an
army less than the total want of artillery.

  An army consisting of infantry and artillery alone, would certainly
find itself in a disagreeable position if opposed to an army composed of
all three arms; but if what it lacked in cavalry was compensated for by
a proportionate increase of infantry, it would still, by a somewhat
different mode of acting, be able to do very well with its tactical
economy. Its outpost service would cause some embarrassment; it
would never be able to pursue a beaten enemy with great vivacity,
and it must make a retreat with greater hardships and efforts; but
these inconveniences would still never be sufficient in themselves to
drive it completely out of the field.—On the other hand, such an army
opposed to one composed of infantry and cavalry only would be able
to play a very good part, while it is hardly conceivable that the latter
could keep the field at all against an army made up of all three arms.

  Of course these reflections on the relative importance of each single
arm result only from a consideration of the generality of events in war,
where one case compensates another; and therefore it is not our
intention to apply the truth thus ascertained to each individual case of
a particular combat. A battalion on outpost service or on a retreat
may, perhaps, choose to have with it a squadron in preference to a
couple of guns. A body of cavalry with horse artillery, sent in rapid
pursuit of, or to cut off, a flying enemy wants no infantry, etc., etc.

  If we summarise the results of these considerations they amount to
this.

 1. That infantry is the most independent of the three arms.

 2. Artillery is quite wanting in independence.

 3. Infantry is the most important in the combination of the three
arms.

 4. Cavalry can the most easily be dispensed with.

 5. A combination of the three arms gives the greatest strength.

  Now, if the combination of the three gives the greatest strength, it is
natural to inquire what is the best absolute proportion of each, but
that is a question which it is almost impossible to answer.


                                   283
  If we could form a comparative estimate of the cost of organising in
the first instance, and then provisioning and maintaining each of the
three arms, and then again of the relative amount of service rendered
by each in war, we should obtain a definite result which would give the
best proportion in the abstract. But this is little more than a play of the
imagination. The very first term in the comparison is difficult to
determine, that is to say, one of the factors, the cost in money, is not
difficult to find; but another, the value of men's lives, is a computation
which no one would readily try to solve by figures.

  Also the circumstance that each of the three arms chiefly depends on
a different element of strength in the state—Infantry on the number of
the male population, cavalry on the number of horses, artillery on
available financial means—introduces into the calculation some
heterogeneous conditions, the overruling influence of which may be
plainly observed in the great outlines of the history of different people
at various periods.

  As, however, for other reasons we cannot altogether dispense with
some standard of comparison, therefore, in place of the whole of the
first term of the comparison we must take only that one of its factors
which can be ascertained, namely, the cost in money. Now on this
point it is sufficient for our purpose to assume that, in general, a
squadron of 150 horsemen, a battalion of infantry 800 strong, a
battery of artillery consisting of 8 six-pounders, cost nearly the same,
both as respects the expense of formation and of maintenance.

  With regard to the other member of the comparison, that is, how
much service the one arm is capable of rendering as compared with
the others, it is much less easy to find any distinct quantity. The thing
might perhaps be possible if it depended merely on the destroying
principle; but each arm is destined to its own particular use, therefore
has its own particular sphere of action, which, again, is not so
distinctly defined that it might not be greater or less through
modifications only in the mode of conducting the war, without causing
any decided disadvantage.

  We are often told of what experience teaches on this subject, and it
is supposed that military history affords the information necessary for
a settlement of the question, but every one must look upon all that as
nothing more than a way of talking, which, as it is not derived from
anything of a primary and necessary nature, does not deserve
attention in an analytical examination.


                                    284
  Now although a fixed ratio as representing the best proportion
between the three arms is conceivable, but is an x which it is
impossible to find, a mere imaginary quantity, still it is possible to
appreciate the effects of having a great superiority or a great
inferiority in one particular arm as compared with the same arm in the
enemy's army.

  Artillery increases the destructive principle of fire; it is the most
redoubtable of arms, and its want, therefore, diminishes very
considerably the intensive force of an army. On the other hand, it is
the least moveable, consequently, makes an army more unwieldy;
further, it always requires a force for its support, because it is
incapable of close combat; if it is too numerous, so that the troops
appointed for its protection are not able to resist the attacks of the
enemy at every point, it is often lost, and from that follows a fresh
disadvantage, because of the three arms it is the only one which in its
principal parts, that is guns and carriages, the enemy can soon use
against us.

 Cavalry increases the principle of mobility in an army. If too few in
number the brisk flame of the elements of war is thereby weakened,
because everything must be done slower (on foot), everything must be
organised with more care; the rich harvest of victory, instead of being
cut with a scythe, can only be reaped with a sickle.

  An excess of cavalry can certainly never be looked upon as a direct
diminution of the combatant force, as an organic disproportion, but it
may certainly be so indirectly, on account of the difficulty of feeding
that arm, and also if we reflect that instead of a surplus of 10,000
horsemen not required we might have 50,000 infantry.

  These peculiarities arising from the preponderance of one arm are
the more important to the art of war in its limited sense, as that art
teaches the use of whatever forces are forthcoming; and when forces
are placed under the command of a general, the proportion of the
three arms is also commonly already settled without his having had
much voice in the matter.

  If we would form an idea of the character of warfare modified by the
preponderance of one or other of the three arms it is to be done in the
following manner:—




                                  285
  An excess of artillery leads to a more defensive and passive
character in our measures; our interest will be to seek security in
strong positions, great natural obstacles of ground, even in mountain
positions, in order that the natural impediments we find in the ground
may undertake the defence and protection of our numerous artillery,
and that the enemy's forces may come themselves and seek their own
destruction. The whole war will be carried on in a serious formal
minuet step.

  On the other hand, a want of artillery will make us prefer the
offensive, the active, the mobile principle; marching, fatigue, exertion,
become our special weapons, thus the war will become more
diversified, more lively, rougher; small change is substituted for great
events.

 With a very numerous cavalry we seek wide plains, and take to great
movements. At a greater distance from the enemy we enjoy more rest
and greater conveniences without conferring the same advantages on
our adversary. We may venture on bolder measures to outflank him,
and on more daring movements generally, as we have command over
space. In as far as diversions and invasions are true auxiliary means of
war we shall be able to make use of them with greater facility.

  A decided want of cavalry diminishes the force of mobility in an army
without increasing its destructive power as an excess of artillery does.
Prudence and method become then the leading characteristics of the
war. Always to remain near the enemy in order to keep him constantly
in view—no rapid, still less hurried movements, everywhere a slow
pushing on of well concentrated masses—a preference for the
defensive and for broken country, and, when the offensive must be
resorted to, the shortest road direct to the centre of force in the
enemy's army—these are the natural tendencies or principles in such
cases.

 These different forms which warfare takes according as one or other
of the three arms preponderates, seldom have an influence so
complete and decided as alone, or chiefly to determine the direction of
a whole undertaking. Whether we shall act strategically on the
offensive or defensive, the choice of a theatre of war, the
determination to fight a great battle, or adopt some other means of
destruction, are points which must be determined by other and more
essential considerations, at least, if this is not the case, it is much to
be feared that we have mistaken minor details for the chief
consideration. But although this is so, although the great questions


                                   286
must be decided before on other grounds, there still always remains a
certain margin for the influence of the preponderating arm, for in the
offensive we can always be prudent and methodical, in the defensive
bold and enterprising, etc., etc., through all the different stages and
gradations of the military life.

 On the other hand, the nature of a war may have a notable influence
on the proportions of the three arms.

  First, a national war, kept up by militia and a general levy
(Landsturm), must naturally bring into the field a very numerous
infantry; for in such wars there is a greater want of the means of
equipment than of men, and as the equipment consequently is
confined to what is indisputably necessary, we may easily imagine,
that for every battery of eight pieces, not only one, but two or three
battalions might be raised.

  Second, if a weak state opposed to a powerful one cannot take
refuge in a general call of the male population to regular military
service, or in a militia system resembling it, then the increase of its
artillery is certainly the shortest way of bringing up its weak army
nearer to an equality with that of the enemy, for it saves men, and
intensifies the essential principle of military force, that is, the
destructive principle. Any way, such a state will mostly be confined to
a limited theatre, and therefore this arm will be better suited to it.
Frederick the Great adopted this means in the later period of the
Seven Years' War.

  Third, cavalry is the arm for movement and great decisions; its
increase beyond the ordinary proportions is therefore important if the
war extends over a great space, if expeditions are to be made in
various directions, and great and decisive blows are intended.
Buonaparte is an example of this.

  That the offensive and defensive do not properly in themselves
exercise an influence on the proportion of cavalry will only appear
plainly when we come to speak of these two methods of acting in war;
in the meantime, we shall only remark that both assailant and
defender as a rule traverse the same spaces in war, and may have
also, at least in many cases, the same decisive intentions. We remind
our readers of the campaign of 1812.

 It is commonly believed that, in the middle ages, cavalry was much
more numerous in proportion to infantry, and that the difference has


                                  287
been gradually on the decrease ever since. Yet this is a mistake, at
least partly. The proportion of cavalry was, according to numbers, on
the average perhaps, not much greater; of this we may convince
ourselves by tracing, through the history of the middle ages, the
detailed statements of the armed forces then employed. Let us only
think of the masses of men on foot who composed the armies of the
Crusaders, or the masses who followed the Emperors of Germany on
their Roman expeditions. It was in reality the importance of the
cavalry which was so much greater in those days; it was the stronger
arm, composed of the flower of the people, so much so that, although
always very much weaker actually in numbers, it was still always
looked upon as the chief thing, infantry was little valued, hardly
spoken of; hence has arisen the belief that its numbers were few. No
doubt it happened oftener than it does now, that in incursions of small
importance in France, Germany, and Italy, a small army was
composed entirely of cavalry; as it was the chief arm, there is nothing
inconsistent in that; but these cases decide nothing if we take a
general view, as they are greatly outnumbered by cases of greater
armies of the period constituted differently. It was only when the
obligations to military service imposed by the feudal laws had ceased,
and wars were carried on by soldiers enlisted, hired, and paid—when,
therefore, wars depended on money and enlistment, that is, at the
time of the Thirty Years' War, and the wars of Louis XIV.—that this
employment of great masses of almost useless infantry was checked,
and perhaps in those days they might have fallen into the exclusive
use of cavalry, if infantry had not just then risen in importance
through the improvements in fire-arms, by which means it maintained
its numerical superiority in proportion to cavalry; at this period, if
infantry was weak, the proportion was as one to one, if numerous as
three to one.

  Since then cavalry has always decreased in importance according as
improvements in the use of fire-arms have advanced. This is
intelligible enough in itself, but the improvement we speak of does not
relate solely to the weapon itself and the skill in handling it; we advert
also to greater ability in using troops armed with this weapon. At the
battle of Mollwitz the Prussian army had brought the fire of their
infantry to such a state of perfection, that there has been no
improvement since then in that sense. On the other hand, the use of
infantry in broken ground and as skirmishers has been introduced
more recently, and is to be looked upon as a very great advance in the
art of destruction.




                                   288
  Our opinion is, therefore, that the relation of cavalry has not much
changed as far as regards numbers, but as regards its importance,
there has been a great alteration. This seems to be a contradiction,
but is not so in reality. The infantry of the middle ages, although
forming the greater proportion of an army, did not attain to that
proportion by its value as compared to cavalry, but because all that
could not be appointed to the very costly cavalry were handed over to
the infantry; this infantry was, therefore, merely a last resource; and if
the number of cavalry had depended merely on the value set on that
arm, it could never have been too great. Thus we can understand how
cavalry, in spite of its constantly decreasing importance, may still,
perhaps, have importance enough to keep its numerical relation at
that point which it has hitherto so constantly maintained.

   It is a remarkable fact that, at least since the wars of the Austrian
succession, the proportion of cavalry to infantry has changed very
little, the variation being constantly between a fourth, a fifth or a
sixth; this seems to indicate that those proportions meet the natural
requirements of an army, and that these numbers give the solution
which it is impossible to find in a direct manner. We doubt, however, if
this is the case, and we find the principal instances of the employment
of a numerous cavalry sufficiently accounted for by other causes.

  Austria and Russia are states which have kept up a numerous
cavalry, because they retain in their political condition the fragments
of a Tartar organisation. Buonaparte for his purposes could never be
strong enough in cavalry; when he had made use of the conscription
as far as possible, he had no ways of strengthening his armies, but by
increasing the auxiliary arms, as they cost him more in money than in
men. Besides this, it stands to reason that in military enterprises of
such enormous extent as his, cavalry must have a greater value than
in ordinary cases.

  Frederick the Great it is well known reckoned carefully every recruit
that could be saved to his country; it was his great business to keep
up the strength of his army, as far as possible at the expense of other
countries. His reasons for this are easy to conceive, if we remember
that his small dominions did not then include Prussia and the
Westphalian provinces. Cavalry was kept complete by recruitment
more easily than infantry, irrespective of fewer men being required; in
addition to which, his system of war was completely founded on the
mobility of his army, and thus it was, that while his infantry diminished
in number, his cavalry was always increasing itself till the end of the



                                   289
Seven Years' War. Still at the end of that war it was hardly more than
a fourth of the number of infantry that he had in the field.

  At the period referred to there is no want of instances, also of armies
entering the field unusually weak in cavalry, and yet carrying off the
victory. The most remarkable is the battle of Gross-gorschen. If we
only count the French divisions which took part in the battle,
Buonaparte was 100,000 strong, of which 5,000 were cavalry, 90,000
infantry; the Allies had 70,000, of which 25,000 were cavalry and
40,000 infantry. Thus, in place of the 20,000 cavalry on the side of the
Allies in excess of the total of the French cavalry, Buonaparte had only
50,000 additional infantry when he ought to have had 100,000. As he
gained the battle with that superiority in infantry, we may ask whether
it was at all likely that he would have lost it if the proportions had
been 140,000 to 40,000.

  Certainly the great advantage of our superiority in cavalry was shown
immediately after the battle, for Buonaparte gained hardly any
trophies by his victory. The gain of a battle is therefore not
everything,—but is it not always the chief thing?

  If we put together these considerations, we can hardly believe that
the numerical proportion between cavalry and infantry which has
existed for the last eighty years is the natural one, founded solely on
their absolute value; we are much rather inclined to think, that after
many fluctuations, the relative proportions of these arms will change
further in the same direction as hitherto, and that the fixed number of
cavalry at last will be considerably less.

  With respect to artillery, the number of guns has naturally increased
since its first invention, and according as it has been made lighter and
otherwise improved; still since the time of Frederick the Great, it has
also kept very much to the same proportion of two or three guns per
1,000 men, we mean at the commencement of a campaign; for during
its course artillery does not melt away as fast as infantry, therefore at
the end of a campaign the proportion is generally notably greater,
perhaps three, four, or five guns per 1,000 men. Whether this is the
natural proportion, or that the increase of artillery may be carried still
further, without prejudice to the whole conduct of war, must be left for
experience to decide.

 The principal results      we   obtain   from   the   whole   of   these
considerations, are—



                                   290
 1. That infantry is the chief arm, to which the other two are
subordinate.

  2. That by the exercise of great skill and energy in command, the
want of the two subordinate arms may in some measure be
compensated for, provided that we are much stronger in infantry; and
the better the infantry the easier this may be done.

  3. That it is more difficult to dispense with artillery than with cavalry,
because it is the chief principle of destruction, and its mode of fighting
is more amalgamated with that of infantry.

 4. That artillery being the strongest arm, as regards destructive
action, and cavalry the weakest in that respect, the question must in
general arise, how much artillery can we have without inconvenience,
and what is the least proportion of cavalry we require?




                                    291
         Chapter V. Order of Battle of an Army

 THE order of battle is that division and formation of the different
arms into separate parts or sections of the whole Army, and that form
of general position or disposition of those parts which is to be the
norm throughout the whole campaign or war.

  It consists, therefore, in a certain measure, of an arithmetical and a
geometrical element, the division and the form of disposition. The first
proceeds from the permanent peace organisation of the army; adopts
as units certain parts, such as battalions, squadrons, and batteries,
and with them forms units of a higher order up to the highest of all,
the whole army, according to the requirements of predominating
circumstances. In like manner, the form of disposition comes from the
elementary tactics, in which the army is instructed and exercised in
time of peace, which must be looked upon as a property in the troops
that cannot be essentially modified at the moment war breaks out, the
disposition connects these tactics with the conditions which the use of
the troops in war and in large masses demands, and thus it settles in a
general way the rule or norm in conformity with which the troops are
to be drawn up for battle.

  This has been invariably the case when great armies have taken the
field, and there have been times when this form was considered as the
most essential part of the battle.

  In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when the
improvements in the firearms of infantry occasioned a great increase
of that arm, and allowed of its being deployed in such long thin lines,
the order of battle was thereby simplified, but, at the same time it
became more difficult and more artificial in the carrying out, and as no
other way of disposing of cavalry at the commencement of a battle
was known but that of posting them on the wings, where they were
out of the fire and had room to move, therefore in the order of battle
the army always became a closed inseparable whole. If such an army
was divided in the middle, it was like an earthworm cut in two: the
wings had still life and the power of motion, but they had lost their
natural functions. The army lay, therefore, in a manner under a spell
of unity, and whenever any parts of it had to be placed in a separate
position, a small organisation and disorganisation became necessary.
The marches which the whole army had to make were a condition in
which, to a certain extent, it found itself out of rule. If the enemy was
at hand, the march had to be arranged in the most artificial manner,



                                   292
and in order that one line or one wing might be always at the
prescribed distance from the other, the troops had to scramble over
everything: marches had also constantly to be stolen from the enemy,
and this perpetual theft only escaped severe punishment through one
circumstance, which was, that the enemy lay under the same ban.

  Hence, when, in the latter half of the eighteenth century, it was
discovered that cavalry would serve just as well to protect a wing if it
stood in rear of the army as if it were placed on the prolongation of the
line, and that, besides this, it might be applied to other purposes than
merely fighting a duel with the enemy's cavalry, a great step in
advance was made, because now the army in its principal extension or
front, which is always the breadth of its order of battle (position),
consisted entirely of homogeneous members, so that it could be
formed of any number of parts at pleasure, each part like another and
like the whole. In this way it ceased to be one single piece and became
an articulated whole, consequently pliable and manageable: the parts
might be separated from the whole and then joined on again without
difficulty, the order of battle always remained the same.—Thus arose
the corps consisting of all arms, that is, thus such an organisation
became possible, for the want of it had been felt long before.

  That all this relates to the combat is very natural. The battle was
formerly the whole war, and will always continue to be the principal
part of it; but, the order of battle belongs generally more to tactics
than strategy, and it is only introduced here to show how tactics in
organising the whole into smaller wholes made preparations for
strategy.

  The greater armies become, the more they are distributed over wide
spaces and the more diversified the action and reaction of the different
parts amongst themselves, the wider becomes the field of strategy,
and, therefore, then the order of battle, in the sense of our definition,
must also come into a kind of reciprocal action with strategy, which
manifests itself chiefly at the extreme points where tactics and
strategy meet, that is, at those moments when the general distribution
of the combatant forces passes into the special dispositions for the
combat.

 We now turn to those three points, the division, combination of arms,
and order of battle (disposition) in a strategic point of view.




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1.—Division.

  In strategy we must never ask what is to be the strength of a
division or a corps, but how many corps or division an army should
have. There is nothing more unmanageable than an army divided into
three parts, except it be one divided into only two, in which case the
chief command must be almost neutralised.

  To fix the strength of great and small corps, either on the grounds of
elementary tactics or on higher grounds, leaves an incredibly wide field
for arbitrary judgment, and heaven knows what strange modes of
reasoning have sported in this wide field. On the other hand, the
necessity of forming an independent whole (army) into a certain
number of parts is a thing as obvious as it is positive, and this idea
furnishes real strategic motives for determining the number of the
greater divisions of an army, consequently their strength, whilst the
strength of the smaller divisions, such as companies, battalions, etc.,
is left to be determined by tactics.

  We can hardly imagine the smallest independent body in which there
are not at least three parts to be distinguished, that one part may be
thrown out in advance, and another part be left in rear: that four is
still more convenient follows of itself, if we keep in view that the
middle part, being the principal division, ought to be stronger than
either of the others; in this way, we may proceed to make out eight,
which appears to us to be the most suitable number for an army if we
take one part for an advanced guard as a constant necessity, three for
the main body, that is a right wing, centre and left wing, two divisions
for reserve, and one to detach to the right, one to the left. Without
pedantically ascribing a great importance to these numbers and
figures, we certainly believe that they represent the most usual and
frequently recurring strategic disposition, and on that account one that
is convenient.

  Certainly it seems that the supreme direction of an army (and the
direction of every whole) must be greatly facilitated if there are only
three or four subordinates to command, but the commander-in-chief
must pay dearly for this convenience in a twofold manner. In the first
place, an order loses in rapidity, force, and exactness if the gradation
ladder down which it has to descend is long, and this must be the case
if there are corps-commanders between the division leaders and the
chief; secondly, the chief loses generally in his own proper power and
efficiency the wider the spheres of action of his immediate
subordinates become. A general commanding 100,000 men in eight


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divisions exercises a power which is greater in intensity than if the
100,000 men were divided into only three corps. There are many
reasons for this, but the most important is that each commander looks
upon himself as having a kind of proprietary right in his own corps,
and always opposes the withdrawal from him of any portion of it for a
longer or shorter time. A little experience of war will make this evident
to any one.

  But on the other hand the number of divisions must not be too great,
otherwise disorder will ensue. It is difficult enough to manage eight
divisions from one head quarter, and the number should never be
allowed to exceed ten. But in a division in which the means of
circulating orders are much less, the smaller normal number four, or at
most five, may be regarded as the more suitable.

  If these factors, five and ten, will not answer, that is, if the brigades
are too strong, then corps d'armée must be introduced; but we must
remember that by so doing, a new power is created, which at once
very much lowers all other factors.

  But now, what is too strong a brigade? The custom is to make them
from 2,000 to 5,000 men strong, and there appear to be two reasons
for making the latter number the limit; the first is that a brigade is
supposed to be a subdivision which can be commanded by one man
directly, that is, through the compass of his voice: the second is that
any larger body of infantry should not be left without artillery, and
through this first combination of arms a special division of itself is
formed.

  We do not wish to involve ourselves in these tactical subtilties,
neither shall we enter upon the disputed point, where and in what
proportions the combination of all three arms should take place,
whether with divisions of 8,000 to 12,000 men, or with corps which
are 20,000 to 30,000 men strong. The most decided opponent of these
combinations will scarcely take exception at the mere assertion, that
nothing but this combination of the three arms can make a division
independent, and that therefore, for such as are intended to be
frequently detached separately, it is at least very desirable.

  An army of 200,000 men in ten divisions, the divisions composed of
five brigades each, would give brigades 4,000 strong. We see here no
disproportion. Certainly this army might also be divided into five corps,
the corps into four divisions, and the division into four brigades, which
makes the brigade 2,500 men strong; but the first distribution, looked


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at in the abstract, appears to us preferable, for besides that, in the
other, there is one more gradation of rank, five parts are too few to
make an army manageable; four divisions, in like manner, are too few
for a corps, and 2,500 men is a weak brigade, of which, in this
manner, there are eighty, whereas the first formation has only fifty,
and is therefore simpler. All these advantages are given up merely for
the sake of having only to send orders to half as many generals. Of
course the distribution into corps is still more unsuitable for smaller
armies.

  This is the abstract view of the case. The particular case may present
good reasons for deciding otherwise. Likewise, we must admit that,
although eight or ten divisions may be directed when united in a level
country, in widely extended mountain positions the thing might
perhaps be impossible. A great river which divides an army into
halves, makes a commander for each half indispensable; in short,
there are a hundred local and particular objects of the most decisive
character, before which all rules must give way.

 But still, experience teaches us, that these abstract grounds come
most frequently into use and are seldomer overruled by others than
we should perhaps suppose.

  We wish further to explain clearly the scope of the foregoing
considerations by a simple outline, for which purpose we now place the
different points of most importance next to each other.

 As we mean by the term numbers, or parts of a whole, only those
which are made by the primary, therefore the immediate division, we
say.

 1. If a whole has too few members it is unwieldy.

 2. If the parts of a whole body are too large, the power of the
superior will is thereby weakened.

  3. With every additional step through which an order has to pass, it
is weakened in two ways: in one way by the loss of force, which it
suffers in its passage through an additional step; in another way by
the longer time in its transmission.

  The tendency of all this is to show that the number of co-ordinate
divisions should be as great, and the gradational steps as few as
possible; and the only limitation to this conclusion is, that in armies no


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more than from eight to ten, and in subordinate corps no more than
from four or at most six, subdivisions can be conveniently directed.

2.—Combination of Arms.

  For strategy the combination of the three arms in the order of battle
is only important in regard to those parts of the army which, according
to the usual order of things, are likely to be frequently employed in a
detached position, where they may be obliged to engage in an
independent combat. Now it is in the nature of things, that the
members of the first class, and for the most part only these, are
destined for detached positions, because, as we shall see elsewhere,
detached positions are most generally adopted upon the supposition
and the necessity of a body independent in itself.

  In a strict sense strategy would therefore only require a permanent
combination of arms in army corps, or where these do not exist, in
divisions, leaving it to circumstances to determine when a provisional
combination of the three arms shall be made in subdivisions of an
inferior order.

  But it is easy to see that, when corps are of considerable size, such
as 30,000 or 40,000 men, they can seldom find themselves in a
situation to take up a completely connected position in mass. With
corps of such strength, a combination of the arms in the divisions is
therefore necessary. No one who has had any experience in war, will
treat lightly the delay which occurs when pressing messages have to
be sent to some other perhaps distant point before cavalry can be
brought to the support of infantry—to say nothing of the confusion
which takes place.

 The details of the combination of the three arms, how far it should
extend, how low down it should be carried, what proportions should be
observed, the strength of the reserves of each to be set apart—these
are all purely tactical considerations.

3.—The Disposition.

  The determination as to the relations in space, according to which
the parts of an army amongst themselves are to be drawn up in order
of battle, is likewise completely a tactical subject, referring solely to
the battle. No doubt there is also a strategic disposition of the parts;
but it depends almost entirely on determinations and requirements of
the moment, and what there is in it of the rational, does not come


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within the meaning of the term "order of battle." We shall therefore
treat of it in the following chapter under the head of Disposition of an
Army.

  The order of battle of an army is therefore the organisation and
disposition of it in mass ready prepared for battle. Its parts are united
in such a manner that both the tactical and strategical requirements of
the moment can be easily satisfied by the employment of single parts
drawn from the general mass. When such momentary exigency has
passed over, these parts resume their original place, and thus the
order of battle becomes the first step to, and principal foundation of,
that wholesome methodicism which, like the beat of a pendulum,
regulates the work in war, and of which we have already spoken in the
fourth chapter of the Second Book.




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     Chapter VI. General Disposition of an Army

  BETWEEN the moment of the first assembling of military forces, and
that of the solution arrived at maturity when strategy has brought the
army to the decisive point, and each particular part has had its
position and rôle pointed out by tactics, there is in most cases a long
interval; it is the same between one decisive catastrophe and another.

  Formerly these intervals in a certain measure did not belong to war
at all. Take for example the manner in which Luxemburg encamped
and marched. We single out this general because he is celebrated for
his camps and marches, and therefore may be considered a
representative general of his period, and from the Histoire de la
Flandre militaire, we know more about him than about other generals
of the time.

  The camp was regularly pitched with its rear close to a river, or
morass, or a deep valley, which in the present day would be
considered madness. The direction in which the enemy lay had so little
to do with determining the front of the army, that cases are very
common in which the rear was towards the enemy and the front
towards their own country. This now unheard of mode of proceeding is
perfectly unintelligible, unless we suppose that in the choice of camps
the convenience of the troops was the chief, indeed almost the only
consideration, and therefore look upon the state of being in camp as a
state outside of the action of war, a kind of withdrawal behind the
scenes, where one is quite at ease. The practice of always resting the
rear upon some obstacle may be reckoned the only measure of
security which was then taken, of course, in the sense of the mode of
conducting war in that day, for such a measure was quite inconsistent
with the possibility of being compelled to fight in that position. But
there was little reason for apprehension on that score, because the
battles generally depended on a kind of mutual understanding, like a
duel, in which the parties repair to a convenient rendezvous. As
armies, partly on account of their numerous cavalry, which in the
decline of its splendour was still regarded, particularly by the French,
as the principal arm, partly on account of the unwieldy organisation of
their order of battle, could not fight in every description of country, an
army in a close broken country was as it were under the protection of
a neutral territory, and as it could itself make but little use of broken
ground, therefore, it was deemed preferable to go to meet an enemy
seeking battle. We know, indeed, that Luxemburg's battles at Fleurus,
Stienkirk, and Neerwinden, were conceived in a different spirit; but



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this spirit had only just then under this great general freed itself from
the old method, and it had not yet reacted on the method of
encampment. Alterations in the art of war originate always in matters
of a decisive nature, and then lead by degrees to modifications in
other things. The expression il va à la guerre, used in reference to a
partizan setting out to watch the enemy, shows how little the state of
an army in camp was considered to be a state of real warfare.

  It was not much otherwise with the marches, for the artillery then
separated itself completely from the rest of the army, in order to take
advantage of better and more secure roads, and the cavalry on the
wings generally took the right alternately, that each might have in turn
its share of the honour of marching on the right.

  At present (that is, chiefly since the Silesian wars) the situation out
of battle is so thoroughly influenced by its connection with battle that
the two states are in intimate correlation, and the one can no longer
be completely imagined without the other. Formerly in a campaign the
battle was the real weapon, the situation at other times only the
handle—the former the steel blade, the other the wooden haft glued to
it, the whole therefore composed of heterogeneous parts,—now the
battle is the edge, the situation out of the battle the back of the blade,
the whole to be looked upon as metal completely welded together, in
which it is impossible any longer to distinguish where the steel ends
and the iron begins.

  This state in war outside of the battle is now partly regulated by the
organisation and regulations with which the army comes prepared
from a state of peace, partly by the tactical and strategic
arrangements of the moment. The three situations in which an army
may be placed are in quarters, on a march, or in camp. All three
belong as much to tactics as to strategy, and these two branches,
bordering on each other here in many ways, often seem to, or actually
do, incorporate themselves with each other, so that many dispositions
may be looked upon at the same time as both tactical and strategic.

  We shall treat of these three situations of an army outside of the
combat in a general way, before any special objects come into
connection with them; but we must, first of all, consider the general
disposition of the forces, because that is a superior and more
comprehensive     measure,    determining     as   respects   camps,
cantonments, and marches.




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  If we look at the disposition of the forces in a general way, that is,
leaving out of sight any special object, we can only imagine it as a
unit, that is, as a whole, intended to fight all together, for any
deviation from this simplest form would imply a special object. Thus
arises, therefore, the conception of an army, let it be small or large.

  Further, when there is an absence of any special end, there only
remains as the sole object the preservation of the army itself, which of
course includes its security. That the army shall be able to exist
without inconvenience, and that it shall be able to concentrate without
difficulty for the purpose of fighting, are, therefore, the two requisite
conditions. From these result, as desirable, the following points more
immediately applying to subjects concerning the existence and
security of the army.

 1. Facility of subsistence.

 2. Facility of providing shelter for the troops.

 3. Security of the rear.

 4. An open country in front.

 5. The position itself in a broken country.

 6. Strategic points d'appui.

 7. A suitable distribution of the troops.

 Our elucidation of these several points is as follows:

 The first two lead us to seek out cultivated districts, and great towns
and roads. They determine measures in general rather than in
particular.

  In the chapter on lines of communication will be found what we mean
by security of the rear. The first and most important point in this
respect is that the centre of the position should be at a right angle
with the principal line of retreat adjoining the position.

  Respecting the fourth point, an army certainly cannot look over an
expanse of country in its front as it overlooks the space directly before
it when in a tactical position for battle. But the strategic eyes are the
advanced guard, scouts and patrols sent forward, spies, etc., etc., and


                                    301
the service will naturally be easier for these in an open than in an
intersected country. The fifth point is merely the reverse of the fourth.

  Strategical points d'appui differ from tactical in these two respects,
that the army need not be in immediate contact with them, and that,
on the other hand, they must be of greater extent. The cause of this is
that, according to the nature of the thing, the relations to time and
space in which strategy moves are generally on a greater scale than
those of tactics. If, therefore, an army posts itself at a distance of a
mile from the sea coast or the banks of a great river, it leans
strategically on these obstacles, for the enemy cannot make use of
such a space as this to effect a strategic turning movement. Within its
narrow limits he cannot adventure on marches miles in length,
occupying days and weeks. On the other hand, in strategy, a lake of
several miles in circumference is hardly to be looked upon as an
obstacle; in its proceedings, a few miles to the right or left are not of
much consequence. Fortresses will become strategic points d'appui,
according as they are large, and afford a wide sphere of action for
offensive combinations.

  The disposition of the army in separate masses may be done with a
view either to special objects and requirements, or to those of a
general nature; here we can only speak of the latter.

 The first general necessity is to push forward the advanced guard
and the other troops required to watch the enemy.

  The second is that, with very large armies, the reserves are usually
placed several miles in rear, and consequently occupy a separate
position.

 Lastly, the covering of both wings of an army usually requires a
separate disposition of particular corps.

  By this covering it is not at all meant that a portion of the army is to
be detached to defend the space round its wings, in order to prevent
the enemy from approaching these weak points, as they are called:
who would then defend the wings of these flanking corps? This kind of
idea, which is so common, is complete nonsense. The wings of an
army are in themselves not weak points of an army for this reason,
that the enemy also has wings, and cannot menace ours without
placing his own in jeopardy. It is only if circumstances are unequal, if
the enemy's army is larger than ours, if his lines of communication are
more secure (see Lines of Communication), it is only then that the


                                   302
wings become weak parts; but of these special cases we are not now
speaking, therefore, neither of a case in which a flanking corps is
appointed in connection with other combinations to defend effectually
the space on our wings, for that no longer belongs to the category of
general dispositions.

  But although the wings are not particularly weak parts still they are
particularly important, because here, on account of flanking
movements the defence is not so simple as in front, measures are
more complicated and require more time and preparation. For this
reason it is necessary in the majority of cases to protect the wings
specially against unforeseen enterprises on the part of the enemy, and
this is done by placing stronger masses on the wings than would be
required for mere purposes of observation. To press heavily these
masses, even if they oppose no very serious resistance, more time is
required, and the stronger they are the more the enemy must develop
his forces and his intentions, and by that means the object of the
measure is attained; what is to be done further depends on the
particular plans of the moment. We may therefore regard corps placed
on the wings as lateral advanced guards, intended to retard the
advance of the enemy through the space beyond our wings and give
us time to make dispositions to counteract his movement.

  If these corps are to fall back on the main body and the latter is not
to make a backward movement at the same time, then it follows of
itself that they must not be in the same line with the front of the main
body, but thrown out somewhat forwards, because when a retreat is to
be made, even without being preceded by a serious engagement, they
should not retreat directly on the side of the position.

  From these reasons of a subjective nature, as they relate to the inner
organisation of an army, there arises a natural system of disposition,
composed of four or five parts according as the reserve remains with
the main body or not.

  As the subsistence and shelter of the troops partly decide the choice
of a position in general, so also they contribute to a disposition in
separate divisions. The attention which they demand comes into
consideration along with the other considerations above mentioned;
and we seek to satisfy the one without prejudice to the other. In most
cases, by the division of an army into five separate corps, the
difficulties of subsistence and quartering will be overcome, and no
great alteration will afterwards be required on their account.



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  We have still to cast a glance at the distances at which these
separated corps may be allowed to be placed, if we are to retain in
view the advantage of mutual support, and, therefore, of
concentrating for battle. On this subject we remind our readers of
what is said in the chapters on the duration and decision of the
combat, according to which no absolute distance, but only the most
general, as it were, average rules can be given, because absolute and
relative strength of arms and country have a great influence.

  The distance of the advanced guard is the easiest to fix, as in
retreating it falls back on the main body of the army, and, therefore,
may be at all events at a distance of a long day's march without
incurring the risk of being obliged to fight an independent battle. But it
should not be sent further in advance than the security of the army
requires, because the further it has to fall back the more it suffers.

  Respecting corps on the flanks, as we have already said, the combat
of an ordinary division of 8000 to 10,000 men usually lasts for several
hours, even for half a day before it is decided; on that account,
therefore, there need be no hesitation in placing such a division at a
distance of some leagues or one or two miles, and for the same
reason, corps of three or four divisions may be detached a day's march
or a distance of three or four miles.

  From this natural and general disposition of the main body, in four or
five divisions at particular distances, a certain method has arisen of
dividing an army in a mechanical manner whenever there are no
strong special reasons against this ordinary method.

  But although we assume that each of these distinct parts of an army
shall be competent to undertake an independent combat, and it may
be obliged to engage in one, it does not therefore by any means follow
that the real object of fractioning an army is that the parts should fight
separately; the necessity for this distribution of the army is mostly
only a condition of existence imposed by time. If the enemy
approaches our position to try the fate of a general action, the
strategic period is over, everything concentrates itself into the one
moment of the battle, and therewith terminates and vanishes the
object of the distribution of the army. As soon as the battle
commences, considerations about quarters and subsistence are
suspended; the observation of the enemy before our front and on our
flanks has fulfilled the purpose of checking his advance by a partial
resistance, and now all resolves itself into the one great unit—the
great battle. The best criterion of skill in the disposition of an army lies


                                    304
in the proof that the distribution has been considered merely as a
condition, as a necessary evil, but that united action in battle has been
considered the object of the disposition.




                                   305
     Chapter VII. Advanced Guard and Out-Posts

  THESE two bodies belong to that class of subjects into which both the
tactical and strategic threads run simultaneously. On the one hand we
must reckon them amongst those provisions which give form to the
battle and ensure the execution of tactical plans; on the other hand,
they frequently lead to independent combats, and on account of their
position, more or less distant from the main body, they are to be
regarded as links in the strategic chain, and it is this very feature
which obliges us to supplement the preceding chapter by devoting a
few moments to their consideration.

  Every body of troops, when not completely in readiness for battle,
requires an advanced guard to learn the approach of the enemy, and
to gain further particulars respecting his force before he comes in
sight, for the range of vision, as a rule, does not go much beyond the
range of firearms. But what sort of man would he be who could not
see farther than his arms can reach! The foreposts are the eyes of the
army, as we have already said. The want of them, however, is not
always equally great; it has its degrees. The strength of armies and
the extent of ground they cover, time, place, contingencies, the
method of making war, even chance, are all points which have an
influence in the matter; and, therefore, we cannot wonder that military
history, instead of furnishing any definite and simple outlines of the
method of using advanced guards and outposts, only presents the
subject in a kind of chaos of examples of the most diversified nature.

  Sometimes we see the security of an army intrusted to a corps
regularly appointed to the duty of advanced guard; at another time a
long line of separate outposts; sometimes both these arrangements
co-exist, sometimes neither one nor the other; at one time there is
only one advanced guard in common for the whole of the advancing
columns; at another time, each column has its own advanced guard.
We shall endeavour to get a clear idea of what the subject really is,
and then see whether we can arrive at some principles capable of
application.

  If the troops are on the march, a detachment of more or less
strength forms its van or advanced guard, and in case of the
movement of the army being reversed, this same detachment will
form the rearguard. If the troops are in cantonments or camp, an
extended line of weak posts, forms the vanguard, the outposts. It is
essentially in the nature of things, that, when the army is halted, a



                                  306
greater extent of space can and must be watched than when the army
is in motion, and therefore in the one case the conception of a chain of
posts, in the other that of a concentrated corps arises of itself.

  The actual strength of an advanced guard, as well as of outposts,
ranges from a considerable corps, composed of an organisation of all
three arms, to a regiment of hussars, and from a strongly entrenched
defensive line, occupied by portions of troops from each arm of the
service, to mere outlying pickets, and their supports detached from
the camp. The services assigned to such vanguards range also from
those of mere observation to an offer of opposition or resistance to the
enemy, and this opposition may not only be to give the main body of
the army the time which it requires to prepare for battle, but also to
make the enemy develop his plans, and intentions, which consequently
makes the observation far more important.

  According as more or less time is required to be gained, according as
the opposition to be offered is calculated upon and intended to meet
the special measures of the enemy, so accordingly must the strength
of the advanced guard and outposts be proportioned.

  Frederick the Great, a general above all others ever ready for battle,
and who almost directed his army in battle by word of command,
never required strong outposts. We see him therefore constantly
encamping close under the eyes of the enemy, without any great
apparatus of outposts, relying for his security, at one place on a
hussar regiment, at another on a light battalion, or perhaps on the
pickets, and supports furnished from the camp. On the march, a few
thousand horse, generally furnished by the cavalry on the flanks of the
first line, formed his advanced guard, and at the end of the march
rejoined the main body. He very seldom had any corps permanently
employed as advanced guard.

  When it is the intention of a small army, by using the whole weight of
its mass with great vigour and activity, to make the enemy feel the
effect of its superior discipline and the greater resolution of its
commander, then almost every thing must be done sous la barbe de
l'ennemi, in the same way as Frederick the Great did when opposed to
Daun. A system of holding back from the enemy, and a very formal,
and extensive system of outposts would neutralise all the advantages
of the above kind of superiority. The circumstance that an error of
another kind, and the carrying out Frederick's system too far, may
lead to a battle of Hochkirch, is no argument against this method of
acting; we should rather say, that as there was only one battle of


                                  307
Hochkirch in all the Silesian war, we ought to recognise in this system
a proof of the King's consummate ability.

  Napoleon, however, who commanded an army not deficient in
discipline and firmness, and who did not want for resolution himself,
never moved without a strong advanced guard. There are two reasons
for this.

  The first is to be found in the alteration in tactics. A whole army is no
longer led into battle as one body by mere word of command, to settle
the affair like a great duel by more or less skill and bravery; the
combatants on each side now range their forces more to suit the
peculiarities of the ground and circumstances, so that the order of
battle, and consequently the battle itself, is a whole made up of many
parts, from which there follows, that the simple determination to fight
becomes a regularly formed plan, and the word of command a more or
less long preparatory arrangement. For this time and data are
required.

 The second cause lies in the great size of modern armies. Frederick
brought thirty or forty thousand men into battle; Napoleon from one to
two hundred thousand.

  We have selected these examples because every one will admit, that
two such generals would never have adopted any systematic mode of
proceeding without some good reason. Upon the whole, there has
been a general improvement in the use of advanced guards and
outposts in modern wars; not that every one acted as Frederick, even
in the Silesian wars, for at that time the Austrians had a system of
strong outposts, and frequently sent forward a corps as advanced
guard, for which they had sufficient reason from the situation in which
they were placed. Just in the same way we find differences enough in
the mode of carrying on war in more modern times. Even the French
Marshals Macdonald in Silesia, Oudinot and Ney in the Mark
(Brandenburg), advanced with armies of sixty or seventy thousand
men, without our reading of their having had any advanced guard.—
We have hitherto been discussing advanced guards and outposts in
relation to their numerical strength; but there is another difference
which we must settle. It is that, when an army advances or retires on
a certain breadth of ground, it may have a van and rear guard in
common for all the columns which are marching side by side, or each
column may have one for itself. In order to form a clear idea on this
subject, we must look at it in this way.



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  The fundamental conception of an advanced guard, when a corps is
so specially designated, is that its mission is the security of the main
body or centre of the army. If this main body is marching upon several
contiguous roads so close together that they can also easily serve for
the advanced guard, and therefore be covered by it, then the flank
columns naturally require no special covering.

  But those corps which are moving at great distances, in reality as
detached corps, must provide their own van-guards. The same applies
also to any of those corps which belong to the central mass, and owing
to the direction that the roads may happen to take, are too far from
the centre column. Therefore there will be as many advanced guards,
as there are columns virtually separated from each other; if each of
these advanced guards is much weaker than one general one would
be, then they fall more into the class of other tactical dispositions, and
there is no advanced guard in the strategic tableau. But if the main
body or centre has a much larger corps for its advanced guard, then
that corps will appear as the advanced guard of the whole, and will be
so in many respects.

 But what can be the reason for giving the centre a van-guard so
much stronger than the wings? The following three reasons.

 1. Because the mass of troops composing the centre is usually much
more considerable.

  2. Because plainly the central point of a strip of country along which
the front of an army is extended must always be the most important
point, as all the combinations of the campaign relate mostly to it, and
therefore the field of battle is also usually nearer to it than to the
wings.

  3. Because, although a corps thrown forward in front of the centre
does not directly protect the wings as a real vanguard, it still
contributes greatly to their security indirectly. For instance, the enemy
cannot in ordinary cases pass by such a corps within a certain distance
in order to effect any enterprise of importance against one of the
wings, because he has to fear an attack in flank and rear. Even if this
check which a corps thrown forward in the centre imposes on the
enemy is not sufficient to constitute complete security for the wings, it
is at all events sufficient to relieve the flanks from all apprehension in
a great many cases.




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  The van-guard of the centre, if much stronger than that of a wing,
that is to say, if it consists of a special corps as advanced guard, has
then not merely the mission of a van-guard intended to protect the
troops in its rear from sudden surprise; it also operates in more
general strategic relations as an army corps thrown forward in
advance.

 The following are the purposes for which such a corps may be used,
and therefore those which determine its duties in practice.

 1. To insure a stouter resistance, and make the enemy advance with
more caution; consequently to do the duties of a van-guard on a
greater scale, whenever our arrangements are such as to require time
before they can be carried into effect.

  2. If the central mass of the army is very large, to be able to keep
this unwieldy body at some distance from the enemy, while we still
remain close to him with a more moveable body of troops.

  3. That we may have a corps of observation close to the enemy, if
there are any other reasons which require us to keep the principal
mass of the army at a considerable distance.

  The idea that weaker look-out posts, mere partisan corps, might
answer just as well for this observation is set aside at once if we
reflect how easily a weak corps might be dispersed, and how very
limited also are its means of observation as compared with those of a
considerable corps.

  4. In the pursuit of the enemy. A single corps as advanced guard,
with the greater part of the cavalry attached to it, can move quicker,
arriving later at its bivouac, and moving earlier in the morning than
the whole mass.

  5. Lastly, on a retreat, as rearguard, to be used in defending the
principal natural obstacles of ground. In this respect also the centre is
exceedingly important. At first sight it certainly appears as if such a
rearguard would be constantly in danger of having its flanks turned.
But we must remember that, even if the enemy succeeds in
overlapping the flanks to some extent, he has still to march the whole
way from there to the centre before he can seriously threaten the
central mass, which gives time to the rearguard of the centre to
prolong its resistance, and remain in rear somewhat longer. On the
other hand, the situation becomes at once critical if the centre falls


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back quicker than the wings; there is immediately an appearance as if
the line had been broken through, and even the very idea or
appearance of that is to be dreaded. At no time is there a greater
necessity for concentration and holding together, and at no time is this
more sensibly felt by every one than on a retreat. The intention always
is, that the wings in case of extremity should close upon the centre;
and if, on account of subsistence and roads, the retreat has to be
made on a considerable width (of country), still the movement
generally ends by a concentration on the centre. If we add to these
considerations also this one, that the enemy usually advances with his
principal force in the centre and with the greatest energy against the
centre, we must perceive that the rear guard of the centre is of special
importance.

  Accordingly, therefore, a special corps should always be thrown
forward as an advanced guard in every case where one of the above
relations occurs. These relations almost fall to the ground if the centre
is not stronger than the wings, as, for example, Macdonald when he
advanced against Blucher, in Silesia, in 1813, and the latter, when he
made his movement towards the Elbe. Both of them had three corps,
which usually moved in three columns by different roads, the heads of
the columns in line. On this account no mention is made of their
having had advanced guards.

 But this disposition in three columns of equal strength is one which is
by no means to be recommended, partly on that account, and also
because the division of a whole army into three parts makes it very
unmanageable, as stated in the fifth chapter of the third book.

  When the whole is formed into a centre with two wings separate from
it, which we have represented in the preceding chapter as the most
natural formation as long as there is no particular object for any other,
the corps forming the advanced guard, according to the simplest
notion of the case, will have its place in front of the centre, and
therefore before the line which forms the front of the wings; but as the
first object of corps thrown out on the flanks is to perform the same
office for the sides as the advanced guard for the front, it will very
often happen that these corps will be in line with the advanced guard,
or even still further thrown forward, according to circumstances.

  With respect to the strength of an advanced guard we have little to
say, as now very properly it is the general custom to detail for that
duty one or more component parts of the army of the first class,
reinforced by part of the cavalry: so that it consists of a corps, if the


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army is formed in corps; of a division, if the organisation is in
divisions.

  It is easy to perceive that in this respect also the great number of
higher members or divisions is an advantage.

  How far the advanced guard should be pushed to the front must
entirely depend on circumstances; there are cases in which it may be
more than a day's march in advance, and others in which it should be
immediately before the front of the army. If we find that in most cases
between one and three miles is the distance chosen, that shows
certainly that circumstances have usually pointed out this distance as
the best; but we cannot make of it a rule by which we are to be always
guided.

 In the foregoing observations we have lost sight altogether of
outposts, and therefore we must now return to them again.

  In saying, at the commencement, that the relations between
outposts and stationary troops is similar to that between advanced
guards and troops in motion, our object was to refer the conceptions
back to their origin, and keep them distinct in future; but it is clear
that if we confine ourselves strictly to the words we should get little
more than a pedantic distinction.

  If an army on the march halts at night to resume the march next
morning, the advanced guard must naturally do the same, and always
organise the outpost duty, required both for its own security and that
of the main body, without on that account being changed from an
advanced guard into a line of outposts. To satisfy the notion of that
transformation, the advanced guard would have to be completely
broken up into a chain of small posts, having either only a very small
force, or none at all in a form approaching to a mass. In other words,
the idea of a line of outposts must predominate over that of a
concentrated corps.

  The shorter the time of rest of the army, the less complete does the
covering of the army require to be, for the enemy has hardly time to
learn from day to day what is covered and what is not. The longer the
halt is to be the more complete must be the observation and covering
of all points of approach. As a rule, therefore, when the halt is long,
the vanguard becomes always more and more extended into a line of
posts. Whether the change becomes complete, or whether the idea of
a concentrated corps shall continue uppermost, depends chiefly on two


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circumstances. The first is the proximity of the contending armies, the
second is the nature of the country.

  If the armies are very close in comparison to the width of their front,
then it will often be impossible to post a vanguard between them, and
the armies are obliged to place their dependence on a chain of
outposts.

  A concentrated corps, as it covers the approaches to the army less
directly, generally requires more time and space to act efficiently; and
therefore, if the army covers a great extent of front, as in
cantonments, and a corps standing in mass is to cover all the avenues
of approach, it is necessary that we should be at a considerable
distance from the enemy; on this account winter quarters, for
instance, are generally covered by a cordon of posts.

  The second circumstance is the nature of the country; where, for
example, any formidable obstacle of ground affords the means of
forming a strong line of posts with but few troops, we should not
neglect to take advantage of it.

  Lastly, in winter quarters, the rigour of the season may also be a
reason for breaking up the advanced guard into a line of posts,
because it is easier to find shelter for it in that way.

  The use of a reinforced line of outposts was brought to great
perfection by the Anglo-Dutch army, during the campaign of 1794 and
1795, in the Netherlands, when the line of defence was formed by
brigades composed of all arms, in single posts, and supported by a
reserve. Scharnhorst, who was with that army, introduced this system
into the Prussian army on the Passarge in 1807. Elsewhere in modern
times, it has been little adopted, chiefly because the wars have been
too rich in movement. But even when there has been occasion for its
use it has been neglected, as for instance, by Murat, at Tarutino. A
wider extension of his defensive line would have spared him the loss of
thirty pieces of artillery in a combat of out-posts.

 It cannot be disputed that in certain circumstances, great advantages
may be derived from this system. We propose to return to the subject
on another occasion.




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  Chapter VIII. Mode of Action of Advanced Corps

  WE have just seen how the security of the army is expected, from
the effect which an advanced guard and flank corps produce on an
advancing enemy. Such corps are always to be considered as very
weak whenever we imagine them in conflict with the main body of the
enemy, and therefore a peculiar mode of using them is required, that
they may fulfil the purpose for which they are intended, without
incurring the risk of the serious loss which is to be feared from this
disproportion in strength.

 The object of a corps of this description, is to observe the enemy,
and to delay his progress.

  For the first of these purposes a smaller body would never be
sufficient, partly because it would be more easily driven back, partly
because its means of observation—that is its eyes—could not reach as
far.

  But the observation must be carried to a high point; the enemy must
be made to develop his whole strength before such a corps, and
thereby reveal to a certain extent, not only his force, but also his
plans.

 For this its mere presence would be sufficient, and it would only be
necessary to wait and see the measures by which the enemy seeks to
drive it back, and then commence its retreat at once.

  But further, it must also delay the advance of the enemy, and that
implies actual resistance.

  Now how can we conceive this waiting until the last moment, as well
as this resistance, without such a corps being in constant danger of
serious loss? Chiefly in this way, that the enemy himself is preceded
by an advanced guard, and therefore does not advance at once with all
the outflanking and overpowering weight of his whole force. Now, if
this advance guard is also from the commencement superior to our
advanced corps, as we may naturally suppose it is intended it should
be, and if the enemy's main body is also nearer to his advanced guard
than we are to ours, and if that main body, being already on the
march, will soon be on the spot to support the attack of his advanced
guard with all his strength, still this first act, in which our advanced
corps has to contend with the enemy's advanced guard, that is with a



                                  314
force not much exceeding its own, ensures at once a certain gain of
time, and thus allows of our watching the adversary's movements for
some time without endangering our own retreat.

  But even a certain amount of resistance which such a corps can offer
in a suitable position is not attended with such disadvantage as we
might anticipate in other cases through the disproportion in the
strength of the forces engaged. The chief danger in a contest with a
superior enemy consists always in the possibility of being turned and
placed in a critical situation by the enemy enveloping our position; but
in the case to which our attention is now directed, a risk of this
description is very much less, owing to the advancing enemy never
knowing exactly how near there may be support from the main body
of his opponent's army itself, which may place his advanced column
between two fires. The consequence is, that the enemy in advancing
keeps the heads of his single columns as nearly as possible in line, and
only begins very cautiously to attempt to turn one or other wing after
he has sufficiently reconnoitred our position. While the enemy is thus
feeling about and moving guardedly, the corps we have thrown
forward has time to fall back before it is in any serious danger.

  As for the length of the resistance which such a corps should offer
against the attack in front, or against the commencement of any
turning movement, that depends chiefly on the nature of the ground
and the proximity of the enemy's supports. If this resistance is
continued beyond its natural measure, either from want of judgment
or from a sacrifice being necessary in order to give the main body the
time it requires, the consequence must always be a very considerable
loss.

  It is only in rare instances, and more especially when some local
obstacle is favourable, that the resistance actually made in such a
combat can be of importance, and the duration of the little battle of
such a corps would in itself be hardly sufficient to gain the time
required; that time is really gained in a threefold manner, which lies in
the nature of the thing, viz.:

 1. By the more cautious, and consequently slower advance of the
enemy.

 2. By the duration of the actual resistance offered.

 3. By the retreat itself.



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  This retreat must be made as slowly as is consistent with safety. If
the country affords good positions they should be made use of, as that
obliges the enemy to organise fresh attacks and plans for turning
movements, and by that means more time is gained. Perhaps in a new
position a real combat even may again be fought.

  We see that the opposition to the enemy's progress by actual fighting
and the retreat are completely combined with one another, and that
the shortness of the duration of the fights must be made up for by
their frequent repetition.

  This is the kind of resistance which an advanced corps should offer.
The degree of effect depends chiefly on the strength of the corps, and
the configuration of the country; next on the length of the road which
the corps has to march over, and the support which it receives.

  A small body, even when the forces on both sides are equal can
never make as long a stand as a considerable corps; for the larger the
masses the more time they require to complete their action, of
whatever kind it may be. In a mountainous country the mere marching
is of itself slower, the resistance in the different positions longer, and
attended with less danger, and at every step favourable positions may
be found.

  As the distance to which a corps is pushed forward increases so will
the length of its retreat, and therefore also the absolute gain of time
by its resistance; but as such a corps by its position has less power of
resistance in itself, and is less easily reinforced, its retreat must be
made more rapidly in proportion than if it stood nearer the main body,
and had a shorter distance to traverse.

  The support and means of rallying afforded to an advanced corps
must naturally have an influence on the duration of the resistance, as
all the time that prudence requires for the security of the retreat is so
much taken from the resistance, and therefore diminishes its amount.

  There is a marked difference in the time gained by the resistance of
an advanced corps when the enemy makes his first appearance after
midday; in such a case the length of the night is so much additional
time gained, as the advance is seldom continued throughout the
night. Thus it was that, in 1815, on the short distance from Charleroi
to Ligny, not more than two miles,54 the first Prussian corps under

 54
      Here, as well as elsewhere, by the word mile, the German mile is meant.—Tr.


                                                     316
General Ziethen, about 30,000 strong, against Buonaparte at the head
of 120,000 men, was enabled to gain twenty-four hours for the
Prussian army then engaged in concentrating. The first attack was
made on General Ziethen about nine o'clock on the morning of 15th
June, and the battle of Ligny did not commence until about two on the
afternoon of 16th. General Ziethen suffered, it is true, very
considerable loss, amounting to five or six thousand men killed,
wounded or prisoners.

 If we refer to experience the following are the results, which may
serve as a basis in any calculations of this kind.

  A division of ten or twelve thousand men, with a proportion of
cavalry, a day's march of three or four miles in advance in an ordinary
country, not particularly strong, will be able to detain the enemy
(including time occupied in the retreat) about half as long again as he
would otherwise require to march over the same ground, but if the
division is only a mile in advance, then the enemy ought to be
detained about twice or three times as long as he otherwise would be
on the march.

  Therefore supposing the distance to be a march of four miles, for
which usually ten hours are required, then from the moment that the
enemy appears in force in front of the advanced corps, we may reckon
upon fifteen hours before he is in a condition to attack our main body.
On the other hand, if the advanced guard is posted only a mile in
advance, then the time which will elapse before our army can be
attacked will be more than three or four hours, and may very easily
come up to double that, for the enemy still requires just as much time
to mature his first measures against our advanced guard, and the
resistance offered by that guard in its original position will be greater
than it would be in a position further forward.

  The consequence is, that in the first of these supposed cases the
enemy cannot easily make an attack on our main body on the same
day that he presses back the advanced corps, and this exactly
coincides with the results of experience. Even in the second case the
enemy must succeed in driving our advanced guard from its ground in
the first half of the day to have the requisite time for a general action.

  As the night comes to our help in the first of these supposed cases,
we see how much time may be gained by an advanced guard thrown
further forward.



                                   317
  With reference to corps placed on the sides or flanks, the object of
which we have before explained, the mode of action is in most cases
more or less connected with circumstances which belong to the
province of immediate application. The simplest way is to look upon
them as advanced guards placed on the sides, which being at the
same time thrown out somewhat in advance, retreat in an oblique
direction upon the army.

 As these corps are not immediately in the front of the army, and
cannot be so easily supported as a regular advanced guard, they
would, therefore, be exposed to greater danger if it was not that the
enemy's offensive power in most cases is somewhat less at the outer
extremities of his line, and in the worst cases such corps have
sufficient room to give way without exposing the army so directly to
danger as a flying advanced guard would in its rapid retreat.

  The most usual and best means of supporting an advanced corps is
by a considerable body of cavalry, for which reason, when necessary
from the distance at which the corps is advanced, the reserve cavalry
is posted between the main body and the advanced corps.

  The conclusion to be drawn from the preceding reflections is, that an
advanced corps effects more by its presence than by its efforts, less by
the combats in which it engages than by the possibility of those in
which it might engage: that it should never attempt to stop the
enemy's movements, but only serve like a pendulum to moderate and
regulate them, so that they may be made matter of calculation.




                                  318
                       Chapter IX. Camps

  WE are now considering the three situations of an army outside of
the combat only strategically, that is, so far as they are conditioned by
place, time, and the number of the effective force. All those subjects
which relate to the internal arrangement of the combat and the
transition into the state of combat belong to tactics.

  The disposition in camps, under which we mean every disposition of
an army except in quarters, whether it be in tents, huts, or bivouac, is
strategically completely identical with the combat which is contingent
upon such disposition. Tactically, it is not so always, for we can, for
many reasons, choose a site for encamping which is not precisely
identical with the proposed field of battle. Having already said all that
is necessary on the disposition of an army, that is, on the position of
the different parts, we have only to make some observations on camps
in connection with their history.

  In former times, that is, before armies grew once more to
considerable dimensions, before wars became of greater duration, and
their partial acts brought into connection with a whole or general plan,
and up to the time of the war of the French Revolution, armies always
used tents. This was their normal state. With the commencement of
the mild season of the year they left their quarters, and did not again
take them up until winter set in. Winter quarters at that time must to a
certain extent be looked upon as a state of no war, for in them the
forces were neutralised, the whole clockwork stopped, quarters to
refresh an army which preceded the real winter quarters, and other
temporary cantonments, for a short time within contracted limits were
transitional and exceptional conditions.

 This is not the place to enquire how such a periodical voluntary
neutralisation of power consisted with, or is now consistent with the
object and being of war; we shall come to that subject hereafter.
Enough that it was so.

  Since the wars of the French Revolution, armies have completely
done away with the tents on account of the encumbrance they cause.
Partly it is found better for an army of 100,000 men to have, in place
of 6,000 tent horses, 5,000 additional cavalry, or a couple of hundred
extra guns, partly it has been found that in great and rapid operations
a load of tents is a hindrance, and of little use.




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 But this change is attended with two drawbacks, viz., an increase of
casualties in the force, and greater wasting of the country.

   However slight the protection afforded by a roof of common tent
cloth,—it cannot be denied that on a long continuance it is great relief
to the troops. For a single day the difference is small, because a tent is
little protection against wind and cold, and does not completely
exclude wet; but this small difference, if repeated two or three
hundred times in a year, becomes important. A greater loss through
sickness is just a natural result.

  How the devastation of the country is increased through the want of
tents for the troops requires no explanation.

  One would suppose that on account of these two reactionary
influences the doing away with tents must have diminished again the
energy of war in another way, that troops must remain longer in
quarters, and from want of the requisites for encampment must forego
many positions which would have been possible had tents been
forthcoming.

 This would indeed have been the case had there not been, in the
same epoch of time, an enormous revolution in war generally, which
swallowed up in itself all these smaller subordinate influences.

  The elementary fire of war has become so overpowering, its energy
so extraordinary, that these regular periods of rest also have
disappeared, and every power presses forward with persistent force
towards the great decision, which will be treated of more fully in the
ninth book. Under these circumstances, therefore, any question about
effects on an army from the discontinuance of the use of tents in the
field is quite thrown into the shade. Troops now occupy huts, or
bivouac under the canopy of heaven, without regard to season of the
year, weather, or locality, just according as the general plan and
object of the campaign require.

  Whether war will in the future continue to maintain, under all
circumstances and at all times, this energy, is a question we shall
consider hereafter; where this energy is wanting, the want of tents is
calculated to exercise some influence on the conduct of war; but that
this reaction will ever be strong enough to bring back the use of tents
is very doubtful, because now that much wider limits have been
opened for the elements of war it will never return within its old
narrow bounds, except occasionally for a certain time and under


                                   320
certain circumstances, only to break out again with the all-powerful
force of its nature. Permanent arrangements for an army must,
therefore, be based only upon that nature.




                                321
                      Chapter X. Marches

 MARCHES are a mere passage from one position to another under
two primary conditions.

  The first is, the due care of the troops, so that no forces shall be
squandered uselessly when they might be usefully employed; the
second, is precision in the movements, so that they may fit exactly. If
we marched 100,000 men in one single column, that is, upon one road
without intervals of time, the rear of the column would never arrive at
the proposed destination on the same day with the head of the
column; we must either advance at an unusually slow pace, or the
mass would, like a thread of water, disperse itself in drops; and this
dispersion, together with the excessive exertion laid upon those in rear
owing to the length of the column, would soon throw everything into
confusion.

  If from this extreme we take the opposite direction, we find that the
smaller the mass of troops in one column the greater the ease and
precision with which the march can be performed. The result of this is
the need of a division quite irrespective of that division of an army in
separate parts which belongs to its position; therefore, although the
division into columns of march originates in the strategic disposition in
general, it does not do so in every particular case. A great mass which
is to be concentrated at any one point must necessarily be divided for
the march. But even if a disposition of the army in separate parts
causes a march in separate divisions, sometimes the conditions of the
primitive disposition, sometimes those of the march, are paramount.
For instance, if the disposition of the troops is one made merely for
rest, one in which a battle is not expected, then the conditions of the
march predominate, and these conditions are chiefly the choice of
good, well-frequented roads. Keeping in view this difference, we
choose a road in the one case on account of the quarters and camping
ground, in the other we take the quarters and camps such as they are,
on account of the road. When a battle is expected, and everything
depends on our reaching a particular point with a mass of troops, then
we should think nothing of getting to that point by even the worst by-
roads, if necessary; if, on the other hand, we are still on the journey to
the theatre of war, then the nearest great roads are selected for the
columns, and we look out for the best quarters and camps that can be
got near them.




                                   322
  Whether the march is of the one kind or the other, if there is a
possibility of a combat, that is within the whole region of actual war, it
is an invariable rule in the modern art of war to organise the columns
so that the mass of troops composing each column is fit of itself to
engage in an independent combat. This condition is satisfied by the
combination of the three arms, by an organised subdivision of the
whole, and by the appointment of a competent commander. Marches,
therefore, have been the chief cause of the new order of battle, and
they profit most by it.

  When in the middle of the last century, especially in the theatre of
war in which Frederick II. was engaged, generals began to look upon
movement as a principle belonging to fighting, and to think of gaining
the victory by the effect of unexpected movements, the want of an
organised order of battle caused the most complicated and laborious
evolutions on a march. In carrying out a movement near the enemy,
an army ought to be always ready to fight; but at that time they were
never ready to fight unless the whole army was collectively present,
because nothing less than the army constituted a complete whole. In a
march to a flank, the second line, in order to be always at the
regulated distance, that is about a quarter of a mile from the first, had
to march up hill and down dale, which demanded immense exertion,
as well as a great stock of local knowledge; for where can one find two
good roads running parallel at a distance of a quarter of a mile from
each other? The cavalry on the wings had to encounter the same
difficulties when the march was direct to the front. There was other
difficulty with the artillery, which required a road for itself, protected
by infantry; for the lines of infantry required to be continuous lines,
and the artillery increased the length of their already long trailing
columns still more, and threw all their regulated distances into
disorder. It is only necessary to read the dispositions for marches in
Tempelhof's History of the Seven Years' War, to be satisfied of all
these incidents and of the restraints thus imposed on the action of
war.

  But since then the modern art of war has subdivided armies on a
regular principle, so that each of the principal parts forms in itself a
complete whole, of small proportions, but capable of acting in battle
precisely like the great whole, except in one respect, which is, that the
duration of its action must be shorter. The consequence of this change
is, that even when it is intended that the whole force should take part
in a battle, it is no longer necessary to have the columns so close to
each other that they may unite before the commencement of the



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combat; it is sufficient now if the concentration takes place in the
course of the action.

  The smaller a body of troops the more easily it can be moved, and
therefore the less it requires that subdivision which is not a result of
the separate disposition, but of the unwieldiness of the mass. A small
body, therefore, can march upon one road, and if it is to advance on
several lines it easily finds roads near each other which are as good as
it requires. The greater the mass the greater becomes the necessity
for subdividing, the greater becomes the number of columns, and the
want of made roads, or even great high roads, consequently also the
distance of the columns from each other. Now the danger of this
subdivision is—arithmetically expressed—in an inverse ratio to the
necessity for it. The smaller the parts are, the more readily must they
be able to render assistance to each other; the larger they are, the
longer they can be left to depend on themselves. If we only call to
mind what has been said in the preceding book on this subject, and
also consider that in cultivated countries at a few miles distance from
the main road there are always other tolerably good roads running in a
parallel direction, it is easy to see that, in regulating a march, there
are no great difficulties which make rapidity and precision in the
advance incompatible with the proper concentration of force.—In a
mountainous country parallel roads are both scarce, and the difficulties
of communication between them great; but the defensive powers of a
single column are very much greater.

 In order to make this idea clearer let us look at it for a moment in a
concrete form.

  A division of 8, 000 men, with its artillery and other carriages, takes
up, as we know by experience in ordinary cases, a space of one
league; if, therefore, two divisions march one after the other on the
same road, the second arrives one hour after the first; but now, as
said in the sixth chapter of the fourth book, a division of this strength
is quite capable of maintaining a combat for several hours, even
against a superior force, and, therefore, supposing the worst, that is,
supposing the first had to commence a fight instantaneously, still the
second division would not arrive too late. Further, within a league right
and left of the road on which we march, in the cultivated countries of
central Europe there are, generally, lateral roads which can be used for
a march, so that there is no necessity to go across country, as was so
often done in the Seven Years' War.




                                   324
  Again, it is known by experience that the head of a column composed
of four divisions and a reserve of cavalry, even on indifferent roads,
generally gets over a march of three miles in eight hours; now, if we
reckon for each division one league in depth, and the same for the
reserve cavalry and artillery, then the whole march will last thirteen
hours. This is no great length of time, and yet in this case forty
thousand men would have marched over the same road. But with such
a mass as this we can make use of lateral roads, which are to be found
at a greater distance, and therefore easily shorten the march. If the
mass of troops marching on the same road is still greater than above
supposed, then it is a case in which the arrival of the whole on the
same day is no longer indispensable, for such masses never give battle
now the moment they meet, usually not until the next day.

  We have introduced these concrete cases, not as exhausting
considerations of this kind, but to make ourselves more intelligible,
and by means of this glance at the results of experience to show that
in the present mode of conducting war the organisation of marches no
longer offers such great difficulties; that the most rapid marches,
executed with the greatest precision, no longer require either that
peculiar skill or that exact knowledge of the country which was needed
for Frederick's rapid and exact marches in the Seven Years' War.
Through the existing organisation of armies, they rather go on now
almost of themselves, at least without any great preparatory plans. In
times past, battles were conducted by mere word of command, but
marches required a regular plan, now the order of battle requires the
latter, and for a march the word of command almost suffices.

 As is well known, all marches are either perpendicular [to the front]
or parallel. The latter, also called flank marches, alter the geometrical
position of the divisions; those parts which, in position, were in line,
will follow one another, and vice versa. Now, although the line of
march may be at any angle with the front, still the order of the march
must decidedly be of one or other of these classes.

  This geometrical alteration could only be completely carried out by
tactics, and by it only through the file-march as it is called, which, with
great masses, is impossible. Far less is it possible for strategy to do it.
The parts which changed their geometrical relation in the old order of
battle were only the centre and wings; in the new they are the
divisions of the first rank—corps, divisions, or even brigades, according
to the organisation of the army. Now, the consequences above
deduced from the new order of battle have an influence here also, for
as it is no longer so necessary, as formerly, that the whole army


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should be assembled before action commences, therefore the greater
care is taken that those troops which march together form one whole
(a unit). If two divisions were so placed that one formed the reserve to
the other, and that they were to advance against the enemy upon two
roads, no one would think of sending a portion of each division by each
of the roads, but a road would at once be assigned to each division;
they would therefore march side by side, and each general of division
would be left to provide a reserve for himself in case of a combat.
Unity of command is much more important than the original
geometrical relation; if the divisions reach their new position without a
combat, they can resume their previous relations. Much less if two
divisions, standing together, are to make a parallel (flank) march upon
two roads should we think of placing the second line or reserve of each
division on the rear road; instead of that, we should allot to each of
the divisions one of the roads, and therefore during the march
consider one division as forming the reserve to the other. If an army in
four divisions, of which three form the front line and the fourth the
reserve, is to march against the enemy in that order, then it is natural
to assign a road to each of the divisions in front, and cause the reserve
to follow the centre. If there are not three roads at a suitable distance
apart, then we need not hesitate at once to march upon two roads, as
no serious inconvenience can arise from so doing.

 It is the same in the opposite case, the flank march.

  Another point is the march off of columns from the right flank or left.
In parallel marches (marches to a flank) the thing is plain in itself. No
one would march off from the right to make a movement to the left
flank. In a march to the front or rear, the order of march should
properly be chosen according to the direction of the lines of roads in
respect to the future line of deployment. This may also be done
frequently in tactics, as its spaces are smaller, and therefore a survey
of the geometrical relations can be more easily taken. In strategy it is
quite impossible, and therefore although we have seen here and there
a certain analogy brought over into strategy from tactics, it was mere
pedantry. Formerly the whole order of march was a purely tactical
affair, because the army on a march remained always an indivisible
whole, and looked to nothing but a combat of the whole; yet
nevertheless Schwerin, for example, when he marched off from his
position near Brandeis, on the 5th of May, could not tell whether his
future field of battle would be on his right or left, and on this account
he was obliged to make his famous countermarch.




                                   326
  If an army in the old order of battle advanced against the enemy in
four columns, the cavalry in the first and second lines on each wing
formed the two exterior columns, the two lines of infantry composing
the wings formed the two central columns. Now these columns could
march off all from the right or all from the left, or the right wing from
the right, the left wing from the left, or the left from the right, and the
right from the left. In the latter case it would have been called "double
column from the centre." But all these forms, although they ought to
have had a relation directly to the future deployment, were really all
quite indifferent in that respect. When Frederick the Great entered on
the battle of Leuthen, his army had been marched off by wings from
the right in four columns, therefore the wonderful transition to a
march off in order of battle, as described by all writers of history, was
done with the greatest ease, because it happened that the king chose
to attack the left wing of the Austrians; had he wanted to turn their
right, he must have countermarched his army, as he did at Prague.

  If these forms did not meet that object in those days, they would be
mere trifling as regards it now. We know now just as little as formerly
the situation of the future battle-field in reference to the road we take;
and the little loss of time occasioned by marching off in inverted order
is now infinitely less important than formerly. The new order of battle
has further a beneficial influence in this respect, that it is now
immaterial which division arrives first or which brigade is brought
under fire first.

  Under these circumstances the march off from the right or left is of
no consequence now, otherwise than that when it is done alternately it
tends to equalise the fatigue which the troops undergo. This, which is
the only object, is certainly an important one for retaining both modes
of marching off with large bodies.

  The advance from the centre as a definite evolution naturally comes
to an end on account of what has just been stated, and can only take
place accidentally. An advance from the centre by one and the same
column in strategy is, in point of fact, nonsense, for it supposes a
double road.

  The order of march belongs, moreover, more to the province of
tactics than to that of strategy, for it is the division of a whole into
parts, which, after the march, are once more to resume the state of a
whole. As, however, in modern warfare the formal connection of the
parts is not required to be constantly kept up during a march, but on
the contrary, the parts during the march may become further


                                    327
separated, and therefore be left more to their own resources, therefore
it is much easier now for independent combats to happen in which the
parts have to sustain themselves, and which, therefore must be
reckoned as complete combats in themselves, and on that account we
have thought it necessary to say so much on the subject.

 Further, an order of battle in three parts in juxtaposition being, as we
have seen in the second55 chapter of this book, the most natural where
no special object predominates, from that results also that the order of
march in three columns is the most natural.

  It only remains to observe that the notion of a column in strategy
does not found itself mainly on the line of march of one body of troops.
The term is used in strategy to designate masses of troops marching
on the same road on different days as well. For the division into
columns is made chiefly to shorten and facilitate the march, as a small
number marches quicker and more conveniently than large bodies. But
this end may, be attained by marching troops on different days, as
well as by marching them on different roads.




 55
      5th Chap.?—tr.



                                   328
            Chapter XI. Marches (Continued)

 RESPECTING the length of a march and the time it requires, it is
natural for us to depend on the general results of experience.

  For our modern armies it has long been settled that a march of three
miles should be the usual day's work which, on long distances, may be
set down as an average distance of two miles per day, allowing for the
necessary rest days, to make such repairs of all kinds as may be
required.

  Such a march in a level country, and on tolerable roads will occupy a
division of 8,000 men from eight to ten hours; in a hilly country from
ten to twelve hours. If several divisions are united in one column, the
march will occupy a couple of hours longer, without taking into
account the intervals which must elapse between the departure of the
first and succeeding divisions.

  We see, therefore, that the day is pretty well occupied with such a
march; that the fatigue endured by a soldier loaded with his pack for
ten or twelve hours is not to be judged of by that of an ordinary
journey of three miles on foot which a person, on tolerable roads,
might easily get over in five hours.

 The longest marches to be found in exceptional instances are of five,
or at most six miles a day; for a continuance four.

  A march of five miles requires a halt for several hours; and a division
of 8,000 men will not do it, even on a good road, in less than sixteen
hours. If the march is one of six miles, and that there are several
divisions in the column, we may reckon upon at least twenty hours.

  We here mean the march of a number of whole divisions at once,
from one camp to another, for that is the usual form of marches made
on a theatre of war. When several divisions are to march in one
column, the first division to move is assembled and marched off earlier
than the rest, and therefore arrives at its camping ground so much the
sooner. At the same time this difference can still never amount to the
whole time, which corresponds to the depth of a division on the line of
march, and which is so well expressed in French, as the time it
requires for its découlement (running down). The soldier is, therefore,
saved very little fatigue in this way, and every march is very much
lengthened in duration in proportion as the number of troops to be



                                   329
moved increases. To assemble and march off the different brigades of
a division, in like manner at different times, is seldom practicable, and
for that reason we have taken the division itself as the unit.

 In long distances, when troops march from one cantonment into
another, and go over the road in small bodies, and without points of
assembly, the distance they go over daily may certainly be increased,
and in point of fact it is so, from the necessary detours in getting to
quarters.

  But those marches, on which troops have to assemble daily in
divisions, or perhaps in corps, and have an additional move to get into
quarters, take up the most time, and are only advisable in rich
countries, and where the masses of troops are not too large, as in
such cases the greater facilility of subsistence and the advantage of
the shelter which the troops obtain compensate sufficiently for the
fatigue of a longer march. The Prussian army undoubtedly pursued a
wrong system in their retreat in 1806 in taking up quarters for the
troops every night on account of subsistence. They could have
procured subsistence in bivouacs, and the army would not have been
obliged to spend fourteen days in getting over fifty miles of ground,
which, after all, they only accomplished by extreme efforts.

  If a bad road or a hilly country has to be marched over, all these
calculations as to time and distance undergo such modifications that it
is difficult to estimate, with any certainty, in any particular case, the
time required for a march; much less, then, can any general theory be
established. All that theory can do is to direct attention to the liability
to error with which we are here beset. To avoid it the most careful
calculation is necessary, and a large margin for unforeseen delays. The
influence of weather and condition of the troops also come into
consideration.

  Since the doing away with tents and the introduction of the system of
subsisting troops by compulsory demands for provisions on the spot,
the baggage of an army has been very sensibly diminished, and as a
natural and most important consequence we look first for an
acceleration in the movements of an army, and, therefore, of course,
an increase in the length of the day's march. This, however, is only
realized under certain circumstances.

 Marches within the theatre of war have been very little accelerated
by this means, for it is well known that for many years whenever the
object required marches of unusual length it has always been the


                                    330
practice to leave the baggage behind or send it on beforehand, and,
generally, to keep it separate from the troops during the continuance
of such movements, and it had in general no influence on the
movement, because as soon as it was out of the way, and ceased to
be a direct impediment, no further trouble was taken about it,
whatever damage it might suffer in that way. Marches, therefore, took
place in the Seven Years' War, which even now cannot be surpassed;
as an instance we cite Lascy's march in 1760, when he had to support
the diversion of the Russians on Berlin, on that occasion he got over
the road from Schweidnitz to Berlin through Lusatia, a distance of
forty-five miles, in ten days, averaging, therefore, 4½ miles a day,
which, for a corps of 15,000, would be an extraordinary march even in
these days.

  On the other hand, through the new method of supplying troops the
movements of armies have acquired a new retarding principle. If
troops have partly to procure supplies for themselves, which often
happens, then they require more time for the service of supply than
would be necessary merely to receive rations from provision wagons.
Besides this, on marches of considerable duration troops cannot be
encamped in such large numbers at any one point; the divisions must
be separated from one another, in order the more easily to manage for
them. Lastly, it almost always happens that it is necessary to place
part of the army, particularly the cavalry, in quarters. All this
occasions on the whole a sensible delay. We find, therefore, that
Buonaparte in pursuit of the Prussians in 1806, with a view to cut off
their retreat, and Blucher in 1815, in pursuit of the French, with a like
object, only accomplished thirty miles in ten days, a rate which
Frederick the Great was able to attain in his marches from Saxony to
Silesia and back, notwithstanding all the train that he had to carry with
him.

  At the same time the mobility and handiness, if we may use such an
expression, of the parts of an army, both great and small, on the
theatre of war have very perceptibly gained by the diminution of
baggage. Partly, inasmuch as while the number of cavalry and guns is
the same, there are fewer horses, and therefore, there is less forage
required; partly, inasmuch as we are no longer so much tied to any
one position, because we have not to be for ever looking after a long
train of baggage dragging after us.

 Marches such as that, which, after raising the siege of Olmutz, 1758,
Frederick the Great made with 4,000 carriages, the escort of which
employed half his army broken up into single battalions and


                                   331
companies, could not be effected now in presence of even the most
timid adversary.

  On long marches, as from the Tagus to the Niemen, that lightening
of the army is more sensibly felt, for although the usual measure of
the day's march remains the same on account of the carriages still
remaining, yet, in cases of great urgency, we can exceed that usual
measure at a less sacrifice.

  Generally the diminution of baggage tends more to a saving of power
than to the acceleration of movement.




                                 332
            Chapter XII. Marches (Continued)

 WE have now to consider the destructive influence which marches
have upon an army. It is so great that it may be regarded as an active
principle of destruction, just as much as the combat.

 One single moderate march does not wear down the instrument, but
a succession of even moderate marches is certain to tell upon it, and a
succession of severe ones will, of course, do so much sooner.

  At the actual scene of war, want of food and shelter, bad broken-up
roads, and the necessity of being in a perpetual state of readiness for
battle, are causes of an excessive strain upon our means, by which
men, cattle, carriages of every description as well as clothing are
ruined.

  It is commonly said that a long rest does not suit the physical health
of an army; that at such a time there is more sickness than during
moderate activity. No doubt sickness will and does occur if soldiers are
packed too close in confined quarters; but the same thing would occur
if these were quarters taken up on the march, and the want of air and
exercise can never be the cause of such sicknesses, as it is so easy to
give the soldier both by means of his exercises.

  Only think for a moment, when the organism of a human being is in
a disordered and fainting state, what a difference it must make to him
whether he falls sick in a house or is seized in the middle of a high
road, up to his knees in mud, under torrents of rain, and loaded with a
knapsack on his back; even if he is in a camp he can soon be sent to
the next village, and will not be entirely without medical assistance,
whilst on a march he must be for hours without any assistance, and
then be made to drag himself along for miles as a straggler. How
many trifling illnesses by that means become serious, how many
serious ones become mortal. Let us consider how an ordinary march in
the dust, and under the burning rays of a summer sun may produce
the most excessive heat, in which state, suffering from intolerable
thirst, the soldier then rushes to the fresh spring of water, to bring
back for himself sickness and death.

  It is not our object by these reflections to recommend less activity in
war; the instrument is there for use, and if the use wears away the
instrument that is only in the natural order of things; we only wish to
see every thing put in its right place, and to oppose that theoretical



                                   333
bombast according to which the most astonishing surprises the most
rapid movements, the most incessant activity cost nothing, and are
painted as rich mines which the indolence of the general leaves
unworked. It is very much the same with these mines as with those
from which gold and silver are obtained; nothing is seen but the
produce, and no one asks about the value of the work which has
brought this produce to light.

  On long marches outside a theatre of war, the conditions under
which the march is made are no doubt usually easier, and the daily
losses smaller, but on that account men with the slightest sickness are
generally lost to the army for some time, as it is difficult for
convalescents to overtake an army constantly advancing.

 Amongst the cavalry the number of lame horses and horses with sore
backs rises in an increasing ratio, and amongst the carriages many
break down or require repair. It never fails, therefore, that at the end
of a march of 100 miles or more, an army arrives much weakened,
particularly as regards its cavalry and train.

  If such marches are necessary on the theatre of war, that is under
the eyes of the enemy, then that disadvantage is added to the other,
and from the two combined the losses with large masses of troops,
and under conditions otherwise unfavourable may amount to
something incredible.

 Only a couple of examples in order to illustrate our ideas.

  When Buonaparte crossed the Niemen on 24th June, 1812, the
enormous centre of his army with which he subsequently marched
against Moscow numbered 301,000 men. At Smolensk, on the 15th
August, he detached 13,500, leaving, it is to be supposed, 287,500.
The actual state of his army however at that date was only 182,000;
he had therefore lost 105,000.56 Bearing in mind that up to that time
only two engagements to speak of had taken place, one between
Davoust and Bragathion, the other between Murat and Tolstoy-
Osterman, we may put down the losses of the French army in action at
10,000 men at most, and therefore the losses in sick and stragglers
within fifty-two days on a march of about seventy miles direct to his
front, amounted to 95,000, that is a third part of the whole army.


 56
      All these figures are taken from Chambray. Vergl. Bd. vii. 2te Auflage,§ 80, ff.



                                                       334
  Three weeks later, at the time of the battle of Borodino, the loss
amounted to 144,000 (including the casualties in the battle), and eight
days after that again, at Moscow, the number was 198,000. The losses
of this army in general were at the commencement of the campaign at
the rate of 1/150daily, subsequently they rose to 1/120, and in the
last period they increased to 1/19 of the original strength.

  The movement of Napoleon from the passage of the Niemen up to
Moscow certainly may be called a persistent one; still, we must not
forget that it lasted eighty-two days, in which time he only
accomplished 120 miles, and that the French army upon two occasions
made regular halts, once at Wilna for about fourteen days, and the
other time at Witebsk for about eleven days, during which periods
many stragglers had time to rejoin. This fourteen weeks' advance was
not made at the worst season of the year, nor over the worst of roads,
for it was summer, and the roads along which they marched were
mostly sand. It was the immense mass of troops collected on one
road, the want of sufficient subsistence, and an enemy who was on the
retreat, but by no means in flight, which were the adverse conditions.

  Of the retreat of the French army from Moscow to the Niemen, we
shall say nothing, but this we may mention, that the Russian army
following them left Kaluga 120,000 strong, and reached Wilna with
30,000. Every one knows how few men were lost in actual combats
during that period.

  One more example from Blucher's campaign of 1813 in Silesia and
Saxony, a campaign very remarkable not for any long march but for
the amount of marching to and fro. York's corps of Blucher's army
began this campaign 16th August about 40,000 strong, and was
reduced to 12,000 at the battle of Leipsic, 19th October. The principal
combats which this corps fought at Goldberg, Lowenberg, on the
Katsbach, at Wartenburg, and Mockern (Leipsic) cost it on the
authority of the best writers, 12,000 men. According to that their
losses from other causes in eight weeks amounted to 16,000, or two-
fifths of the whole.

  We must, therefore, make up our minds to great wear and tear of
our own forces, if we are to carry on a war rich in movements, we
must arrange the rest of our plan accordingly, and above all things the
reinforcements which are to follow.




                                  335
                 Chapter XIII. Cantonments

  IN the modern system of war cantonments have become again
indispensable, because neither tents nor a complete military train
make an army independent of them. Huts and open-air camps
(bivouacs as they are called), however far such arrangements may be
carried, can still never become the usual way of locating troops
without sickness gaining the upper hand, and prematurely exhausting
their strength, sooner or later, according to the state of the weather or
climate. The campaign in Russia in 1812 is one of the few in which, in
a very severe climate, the troops, during the six months that it lasted
hardly ever lay in cantonments. But what was the consequence of this
extreme effort, which should be called an extravagance, if that term
was not much more applicable to the political conception of the
enterprise!

  Two things interfere with the occupation of cantonments—the
proximity of the enemy, and the rapidity of movement. For these
reasons they are quitted as soon as the decision approaches, and
cannot be again taken up until the decision is over.

   In modern wars, that's, in all campaigns during the last twenty-five
years which occur to us at this moment, the military element has
acted with full energy. Nearly all that was possible has generally been
done in them, as far as regards activity and the utmost effort of force;
but all these campaigns have been of short duration, they have seldom
exceeded half a year; in most of them a few months sufficed to bring
matters to a crisis, that is, to a point where the vanquished enemy
saw himself compelled to sue for an armistice or at once for peace, or
to a point where, on the conqueror's part, the impetus of victory had
exhausted itself. During this period of extreme effort there could be
little question of cantonments, for even in the victorious march of the
pursuer, if there was no longer any danger, the rapidity of movement
made that kind of relief impossible.

  But when from any cause the course of events is less impetuous,
when a more even oscillation and balancing of forces takes place, then
the housing of troops must again become a foremost subject for
attention. This want has some influence even on the conduct of war
itself, partly in this way, that we seek to gain more time and security
by a stronger system of outposts, by a more considerable advanced
guard thrown further forward; and partly in this way, that our
measures are governed more by the richness and fertility of the



                                   336
country than by the tactical advantages which the ground affords in
the geometrical relations of lines and points. A commercial town of
twenty or thirty thousand inhabitants, a road thickly studded with
large villages or flourishing towns give such facilities for the
assembling in one position large bodies of troops, and this
concentration gives such a freedom and such a latitude for movement
as fully compensate for the advantages which the better situation of
some point may otherwise present.

  On the form to be followed in arranging cantonments we have only a
few observations to make, as this subject belongs for the most part to
tactics.

  The housing of troops comes under two heads, inasmuch as it can
either be the main point or only a secondary consideration. If the
disposition of the troops in the course of a campaign is regulated by
grounds purely tactical and strategical, and if, as is done more
especially with cavalry, they are directed for their comfort to occupy
the quarters available in the vicinity of the point of concentration of
the army, then the quarters are subordinate considerations and
substitutes for camps; they must, therefore, be chosen within such a
radius that the troops can reach the point of assembly in good time.
But if an army takes up quarters to rest and refresh, then the housing
of the troops is the main point, and other measures, consequently also
the selection of the particular point of assembly, will be influenced by
that object.

  The first question for examination here is as to the general form of
the cantonments as a whole. The usual form is that of a very long
oval, a mere widening as it were of the tactical order of battle. The
point of assembly for the army is in front, the head-quarters in rear.
Now these three arrangements are, in point of fact, adverse, indeed
almost opposed, to the safe assembly of the army on the approach of
the enemy.

  The more the cantonments form a square, or rather a circle, the
quicker the troops can concentrate at one point, that is the centre. The
further the place of assembly is placed in rear, the longer the enemy
will be in reaching it, and, therefore, the more time is left us to
assemble. A point of assembly in rear of the cantonments can never
be in danger. And, on the other hand, the farther the head-quarters
are in advance, so much the sooner reports arrive, therefore so much
the better is the commander informed of everything. At the same



                                  337
time, the first named arrangements are not devoid of points which
deserve some attention.

  By the extension of cantonments in width, we have in view the
protection of the country which would otherwise be laid under
contributions by the enemy. But this motive is neither thoroughly
sound, nor is it very important. It is only sound as far as regards the
country on the extremity of the wings, but does not apply at all to
intermediate spaces existing between separate divisions of the army, if
the quarters of those divisions are drawn closer round their point of
assembly, for no enemy will then venture into those intervals of space.
And it is not very important, because there are simpler means of
shielding the districts in our vicinity from the enemy's requisitions than
scattering the army itself.

  The placing of the point of assembly in front is with a view to
covering the quarters, for the following reasons:—In the first place, a
body of troops, suddenly called to arms, always leaves behind it in
cantonments a tail of stragglers—sick, baggage, provisions, etc., etc.—
which may easily fall into the enemy's hands if the point of assembly is
placed in rear. In the second place, we have to apprehend that if the
enemy with some bodies of cavalry passes by the advanced guard, or
if it is defeated in any way, he may fall upon scattered regiments or
battalions. If he encounters a force drawn up in good order, although
it is weak, and in the end must be overpowered, still he is brought to a
stop, and in that way time is gained.

 As respects the position of the head-quarters, it is generally
supposed that it cannot be made too secure.

  According to these different considerations, we may conclude that
the best arrangement for districts of cantonments is where they take
an oblong form, approaching the square or circle, have the point of
assembly in the centre, and the head-quarters placed on the front line,
well protected by considerable masses of troops.

  What we have said as to covering of the wings in treating of the
disposition of the army in general, applies here also; therefore corps
detached from the main body, right and left, although intended to fight
in conjunction with the rest, will have particular points of assembly of
their own in the same line with the main body.

  Now, if we reflect that the nature of a country, on the one hand, by
favourable features in the ground determines the most natural point of


                                   338
assembly, and on the other hand, by the positions of towns and
villages determines the most suitable situation for cantonments, then
we must perceive how very rarely any geometrical form can be
decisive in our present subject. But yet it was necessary to direct
attention to it, because, like all general laws, it affects the generality
of cases in a greater or less degree.

  What now remains to be said as to an advantageous position for
cantonments is that they should be taken up behind some natural
obstacle of ground affording cover, whilst the sides next the enemy
can be watched by small but numerous detached parties; or they may
be taken up behind fortresses, which, when circumstances prevent any
estimate being formed of the strength of their garrisons, impose upon
the enemy a greater feeling of respect and and caution.

 We reserve the subject of winter quarters, covered by defensive
works for a separate article.

  The quarters taken up by troops on a march differ from those called
standing cantonments in this way, that, in order to save the troops
from unnecessary marching, cantonments on a march are taken up as
much as possible along the lines of march, and are not at any
considerable distance on either side of these roads; if their extension
in this sense does not exceed a short day's march, the arrangement is
not one at all unfavourable to the quick concentration of the army.

  In all cases in presence of the enemy, according to the technical
phrase in use, that is in all cases where there is no considerable
interval between the advance guards of the two armies respectively,
the extent of the cantonments and the time required to assemble the
army determine the strength and position of the advanced guard and
outposts; but when these must be suited to the enemy and
circumstances, then, on the contrary, the extent of the cantonments
must depend on the time which we can count upon by the resistance
of the advance guard.

  In the third57 chapter of this book, we have stated how this
resistance, in the case of an advanced corps, may be estimated. From
the time of that resistance we must deduct the time required for
transmission of reports and getting the men under arms, and the


 57
      8th Chap.?—tr.



                                   339
remainder only is the time available for assembling at the point of
concentration.

  We shall conclude here also by establishing our ideas in the form of a
result, such as is usual under ordinary circumstances. If the distance
at which the advanced guard is detached is the same as the radius of
the cantonments, and the point of assembly is fixed in the centre of
the cantonments, the time which is gained by checking the enemy's
advance would be available for the transmission of intelligence and
getting under arms, and would in most cases be sufficient, even
although the communication is not made by means of signals, cannon-
shots, etc., but simply by relays of orderlies, the only really sure
method.

  With an advanced guard pushed forward three miles in front, our
cantonments might therefore cover a space of thirty square miles. In a
moderately-peopled country there would be 10,000 houses in this
space, which for an army of 50,000, after deducting the advanced
guard, would be four men to a billet, therefore very comfortable
quarters; and for an army of twice the strength nine men to a billet,
therefore still not very close quarters. On the other hand, if the
advanced guard is only one mile in front, we could only occupy a space
of four square miles; for although the time gained does not diminish
exactly in proportion as the distance of the advanced guard
diminishes, and even with a distance of one mile we may still calculate
on a gain of six hours, yet the necessity for caution increases when the
enemy is so close. But in such a space an army of 50,000 men could
only find partial accommodation, even in a very thickly populated
country.

 From all this we see what an important part is played here by great
or at least considerable towns, which afford convenience for sheltering
10,000 or even 20,000 men almost at one point.

  From this result it follows that, if we are not very close to the enemy,
and have a suitable advanced guard we might remain in cantonments,
even if the enemy is concentrated, as Frederick the Great did at
Breslau in the beginning of the year 1762, and Buonaparte at Witebsk
in 1812. But although by preserving a right distance and by suitable
arrangements we have no reason to fear not being able to assemble in
time, even opposite an enemy who is concentrated, yet we must not
forget that an army engaged in assembling itself in all haste can do
nothing else in that time; that it is therefore, for a time at least, not in
a condition to avail itself in an instant of fortuitous opportunities,


                                    340
which deprives it of the greater part of its really efficient power. The
consequence of this is, that an army should only break itself up
completely in cantonments under some one or other of the three
following cases:

 1. If the enemy does the same.

 2. If the condition of the troops makes it unavoidable.

  3. If the more immediate object with the army is completely limited
to the maintenance of a strong position, and therefore the only point
of importance is concentrating the troops at that point in good time.

  The campaign of 1815 gives a very remarkable example of the
assembly of an army from cantonments. General Ziethen, with
Blucher's advanced guard, 30,000 men, was posted at Charleroi, only
two miles from Sombreff, the place appointed for the assembly of the
army. The farthest cantonments of the army were about eight miles
from Sombreff, that is, on the one side beyond Ciney, and on the
other near Liége. Notwithstanding this, the troops cantoned about
Ciney were assembled at Ligny several hours before the battle began,
and those near Liége (Bulow's Corps) would have been also, had it not
been for accident and faulty arrangements in the communication of
orders and intelligence.

  Unquestionably, proper care for the security of the Prussian army
was not taken; but in explanation we must say that the arrangements
were made at a time when the French army was still dispersed over
widely extended cantonments, and that the real fault consisted in not
altering them the moment the first news was received that the
enemy's troops were in movement, and that Buonaparte had joined
the army.

  Still it remains noteworthy that the Prussian army was able in any
way to concentrate at Sombreff before the attack of the enemy.
Certainly, on the night of the 14th, that is, twelve hours before
Ziethen was actually attacked, Blucher received information of the
advance of the enemy, and began to assemble his army; but on the
15th at nine in the morning, Ziethen was already hotly engaged, and it
was not until the same moment that General Thielman at Ciney first
received orders to march to Namur. He had therefore then to assemble
his divisions, and to march six and a half miles to Sombreff, which he
did in 24 hours. General Bulow would also have been able to arrive



                                  341
about the same time, if the order had reached him as it should have
done.

  But Buonaparte did not resolve to make his attack on Ligny until two
in the afternoon of the 16th. The apprehension of having Wellington on
the one side of him, and Blucher on the other, in other words, the
disproportion in the relative forces, contributed to this slowness; still
we see how the most resolute commander may be detained by the
cautious feeling of the way which is always unavoidable in cases which
are to a certain degree complicated.

   Some of the considerations here raised are plainly more tactical than
strategic in their nature; but we have preferred rather to encroach a
little than to run the risk of not being sufficiently explicit.




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                  Chapter XIV. Subsistence

  THIS subject has acquired much greater importance in modern
warfare from two causes in particular. First, because the armies in
general are now much greater than those of the middle ages, and
even those of the old world; for, although formerly armies did appear
here and there which equalled or even surpassed modern ones in size,
still these were only rare and transient occurrences, whilst in modern
military history, since the time of Louis XIV., armies have always been
very strong in number. But the second cause is still more important,
and belongs entirely to modern times. It is the very much closer inner
connection which our wars have in themselves, the constant state of
readiness for battle of the belligerents engaged in carrying them on.
Almost all old wars consist of single unconnected enterprises, which
are separated from each other by intervals during which the war in
reality either completely rested, and only still existed in a political
sense, or when the armies at least had removed so far from each
other that each, without any care about the army opposite, only
occupied itself with its own wants.

  Modern wars, that is, the wars which have taken place since the
Peace of Westphalia, have, through the efforts of respective
governments, taken a more systematic connected form; the military
object, in general, predominates everywhere, and demands also that
arrangements for subsistence shall be on an adequate scale. Certainly
there were long periods of inaction in the wars of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, almost amounting to a cessation of war; these
are the regular periods passed in cantonments; still even those periods
were subordinate to the military object; they were caused by the
inclemency of the season, not by any necessity arising out of the
subsistence of the troops, and as they regularly terminated with the
return of summer, therefore we may say at all events uninterrupted
action was the rule of war during the fine season of the year.

  As the transition from one situation or method of action to another
always takes place gradually so it was in the case before us. In the
wars against Louis XIV. the allies used still to send their troops into
winter cantonments in distant provinces in order to subsist them the
more easily; in the Silesian war that was no longer done.

  This systematic and connected form of carrying on war only became
possible when states took regular troops into their service in place of
the feudal armies. The obligation of the feudal law was then commuted



                                  343
into a fine or contribution: personal service either came to an end,
enlistment being substituted, or it was only continued amongst the
lowest classes, as the nobility regarded the furnishing a quota of men
(as is still done in Russia and Hungary) as a kind of tribute, a tax in
men. In every case, as we have elsewhere observed, armies became
henceforward, an instrument of the cabinet, their principal basis being
the treasury or the revenue of the government.

  Just the same kind of thing which took place in the mode of raising
and keeping up an establishment of troops could not but follow in the
mode of subsisting them. The privileged classes having been released
from the first of these services on payment of a contribution in money,
the expense of the latter could not be again imposed on them quite so
easily. The cabinet and the treasury had therefore to provide for the
subsistence of the army, and could not allow it to be maintained in its
own country at the expense of the people. Administrations were
therefore obliged to look upon the subsistence of the army as an affair
for which they were specially responsible. The subsistence thus
became more difficult in two ways: first, because it was an affair
belonging to government, and next, because the forces required to be
permanently embodied to confront those kept up in other states.

  Thus arose a separate military class in the population, with an
independent organisation provided for its subsistence, and carried out
to the utmost possible perfection.

  Not only were stores of provisions collected, either by purchase or by
deliveries in kind from the landed estates (Dominiallieferungen),
consequently from distant points, and lodged in magazines, but they
were also forwarded from these by means of special wagons, baked
near the quarters of the troops in ovens temporarily established, and
from thence again carried away at last by the troops, by means of
another system of transport attached to the army itself. We take a
glance at this system not merely from its being characteristic of the
military arrangements of the period, but also because it is a system
which can never be entirely done away; some parts of it must
continually reappear.

  Thus military organisation strove perpetually towards becoming more
independent of people and country.

  The consequence was that in this manner war became certainly a
more systematic and more regular affair, and more subordinated to
the military, that is the political object; but it was at the same time


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also much straitened and impeded in its movement, and infinitely
weakened in energy. For now an army was tied to its magazines,
limited to the working powers of its transport service, and it naturally
followed that the tendency of everything was to economise the
subsistence of the troops. The soldier fed on a wretched pittance of
bread, moved about like a shadow, and no prospect of a change for
the better comforted him under his privations.

  Whoever treats this miserable way of feeding soldiers as a matter of
no moment, and points to what Frederick the Great did with soldiers
subsisted in this manner, only takes a partial view of the matter. The
power of enduring privations is one of the finest virtues in a soldier,
and without it no army is animated with the true military spirit; but
such privation must be of a temporary kind, commanded by the force
of circumstances, and not the consequence of a wretchedly bad
system, or of a parsimonious abstract calculation of the smallest ration
that a man can exist upon. When such is the case the powers of the
men individually will always deteriorate physically and morally. What
Frederick the Great managed to do with his soldiers cannot be taken
as a standard for us, partly because he was opposed to those who
pursued a similar system, partly because we do not know how much
more he might have effected if he had been able to let his troops live
as Buonaparte allowed his whenever circumstances permitted.

  The feeding of horses by an artificial system of supply is, however,
an experiment which has not been tried, because forage is much more
difficult to provide on account of its bulk. A ration for a horse weighs
about ten times as much as one for a man, and the number of horses
with an army is more than one-tenth the number of men, at present it
is one-fourth to one-third, and formerly it was one-third to one-half,
therefore the weight of the forage required is three, four, or five times
as much as that of the soldier's rations required for the same period of
time; on this account the shortest and most direct means were taken
to meet the wants of an army in this respect, that is by foraging
expeditions. Now these expeditions occasioned great inconvenience in
the conduct of war in other ways, first by making it a principal object
to keep the war in the enemy's country; and next because they made
it impossible to remain very long in one part of the country. However,
at the time of the Silesian war, foraging expeditions were much less
frequent, they were found to occasion a much greater drain upon the
country, and much greater waste than if the requirements were
satisfied by means of requisitions and imposts.




                                   345
  When the French Revolution suddenly brought again upon the war
stage a national army, the means which governments could command
were found insufficient, and the whole system of war, which had its
origin in the limited extent of these means, and found again its
security in this limitation, fell to pieces, and of course in the downfall
of the whole was included that of the branch of which we are now
speaking, the system of subsistence. Without troubling themselves
about magazines, and still less about such an organisation as the
artificial clockwork of which we have spoken, by which the different
divisions of the transport service went round like a wheel, the leading
spirits of the revolution sent their soldiers into the field, forced their
generals to fight, subsisted, reinforced their armies, and kept alive the
war by a system of exaction, and of helping themselves to all they
required by robbery and plunder.

  Between these two extremes the war under Buonaparte, and against
him, preserved a sort of medium, that is to say, it just made use of
such means as suited it best amongst all that were available; and so it
will be also in future.

  The modern method of subsisting troops, that is, seizing every thing
which is to be found in the country without regard to meum et tuum
may be carried out in four different ways: that is, subsisting on the
inhabitant, contributions which the troops themselves look after,
general contributions and magazines. All four are generally applied
together, one generally prevailing more than the others: still it
sometimes happens that only one is applied entirely by itself.

1.—Living on the inhabitant, or on the community, which is the
same thing.

  If we bear in mind that in a community consisting even as it does in
great towns, of consumers only, there must always be provisions
enough to last for several days, we may easily see that the most
densely populated place can furnish food and quarters for a day for
about as many troops as there are inhabitants, and for a less number
of troops for several days without the necessity of any particular
previous preparation. In towns of considerable size this gives a very
satisfactory result, because it enables us to subsist a large force at one
point. But in smaller towns, or even in villages, the supply would be
far from sufficient; for a population of 3,000 or 4,000 in a square mile
which would be large in such a space, would only suffice to feed 3,000
or 4,000 soldiers, and if the whole mass of troops is great they would
have to be spread over such an extent of country at this rate as would


                                   346
hardly be consistent with other essential points. But in level countries,
and even in small towns, the quantity of those kinds of provisions
which are essential in war is generally much greater; the supply of
bread which a peasant has is generally adequate to the consumption
of his family for several, perhaps from eight to fourteen days; meat
can be obtained daily, vegetable productions are generally forthcoming
in sufficient quantity to last till the following crop. Therefore in
quarters which have never been occupied there is no difficulty in
subsisting troops three or four times the number of the inhabitants for
several days, which again is a very satisfactory result. According to
this, where the population is about 2,000 or 3,000 per square mile,
and if no large town is included, a column of 30,000 would require
about four square miles, which would be a length of side of two miles.
Therefore for an army of 90,000, which we may reckon at about
75,000 combatants, if marching in three columns contiguous to each
other, we should require to take up a front six miles in breadth in case
three roads could be found within that breadth.

  If several columns follow one another into these cantonments, then
special measures must be adopted by the civil authorities, and in that
way there can be no great difficulty in obtaining all that is required for
a day or two more. Therefore if the above 90,000 are followed the day
after by a like number, even these last would suffer no want; this
makes up the large number of 150,000 combatants.

  Forage for the horses occasions still less difficulty, as it neither
requires grinding nor baking, and as there must be forage forthcoming
in sufficient quantity to last the horses in the country until next
harvest, therefore even where there is little stall-feeding, still there
should be no want, only the deliveries of forage should certainly be
demanded from the community at large, not from the inhabitants
individually. Besides, it is supposed that some attention is, of course,
paid to the nature of the country in making arrangements for a march,
so as not to send cavalry mostly into places of commerce and
manufactures, and into districts where there is no forage.

  The conclusion to be drawn from this hasty glance is, therefore, that
in a moderately populated country, that is, a country of from 2,000 to
3,000 souls per square mile, an army of 150,000 combatants may be
subsisted by the inhabitants and community for one or two days within
such a narrow space as will not interfere with its concentration for
battle, that is, therefore, that such an army can be subsisted on a
continuous march without magazines or other preparation.



                                   347
   On this result were based the enterprises of the French army in the
revolutionary war, and under Buonaparte. They marched from the
Adige to the Lower Danube, and from the Rhine to the Vistula, with
little means of subsistence except upon the inhabitants, and without
ever suffering want. As their undertakings depended on moral and
physical superiority, as they were attended with certain results, and
were never delayed by indecision or caution, therefore their progress
in the career of victory was generally that of an uninterrupted march.

  If circumstances are less favourable, if the population is not so great,
or if it consists more of artisans than agriculturists, if the soil is bad,
the country already several times overrun—then of course the results
will fall short of what we have supposed. Still, we must remember that
if the breadth of the front of a column is extended from two miles to
three, we get a superficial extent of country more than double in size,
that is, instead of four we command nine square miles, and that this is
still an extent which in ordinary cases will always admit of
concentration for action; we see therefore that even under
unfavourable circumstances this method of subsistence will still be
always compatible with a continuous march.

  But if a halt of several days takes place, then great distress must
ensue if preparations have not been made beforehand for such an
event in other ways. Now these preparatory measures are of two
kinds, and without them a considerable army even now cannot exist.
The first is equipping the troops with a wagon train, by means of which
bread or flour, as the most essential part of their subsistence, can be
carried with them for a few, that is, for three or four days; if to this we
add three or four days' rations which the soldier himself can carry,
then we have provided what is most indispensable in the way of
subsistence for eight days.

  The second arrangement is that of a regular commissariat, which
whenever there is a moment's halt gathers provisions from distant
localities, so that at any moment we can pass over from the system of
quartering on the inhabitants to a different system.

 Subsisting in cantonments has the immense advantage that hardly
any transport is required, and that it is done in the shortest time, but
certainly it supposes as a prior condition that cantonments can be
provided for all the troops.

2.—Subsistence through exactions enforced by the troops
themselves.


                                    348
  If a single battalion occupies a camp, this camp may be placed in the
vicinity of some villages, and these may receive notice to furnish
subsistence; then the method of subsistence would not differ
essentially from the preceding mode. But, as is most usual, if the mass
of troops to be encamped at some one point is much larger, there is
no alternative but to make a collection in common within the circle of
districts marked out for the purpose, collecting sufficient for the supply
of one of the parts of the army, a brigade or division, and afterwards
to make a distribution from the common stock thus collected.

  The first glance shows that by such a mode of proceeding the
subsistence of a large army would be a matter of impossibility. The
collection made from the stores in any given district in the country will
be much less than if the troops had taken up their quarters in the
same district, for when thirty or forty men take possession of a
farmer's house they can if necessary collect the last mouthful, but one
officer sent with a few men to collect provisions has neither time nor
means to hunt out all the provisions that may be stored in a house,
often also he has not the means of transport; he will therefore only be
able to collect a small proportion of what is actually forthcoming.
Besides, in camps the troops are crowded together in such a manner
at one point, that the range of country from which provisions can be
collected in a hurry is not of sufficient extent to furnish the whole of
what is required. What could be done in the way of supplying 30,000
men, within a circle of a mile in diameter, or from an area of three or
four square miles? Moreover it would seldom be possible to collect
even what there is, for the most of the nearest adjacent villages would
be occupied by small bodies of troops, who would not allow anything
to be removed. Lastly, by such a measure there would be the greatest
waste, because some men would get more than they required, whilst a
great deal would be lost, and of no benefit to any one.

  The result is, therefore, that the subsistence of troops by forced
contributions in this manner can only be adopted with success when
the bodies of troops are not too large, not exceeding a division of
8,000 or 10,000 men, and even then it is only to be resorted to as an
unavoidable evil.

  It cannot in general be avoided in the case of troops directly in front
of the enemy, such as advanced guards and outposts, when the army
is advancing, because these bodies must arrive at points where no
preparations could have been made, and they are usually too far from
the stores collected for the rest of the army; further, in the case of


                                   349
moveable columns acting independently; and lastly, in all cases where
by chance there is neither time nor means to procure subsistence in
any other way.

 The more troops are accustomed to live by regular requisitions, the
more time and circumstances permit the adoption of that way of
subsisting, then the more satisfactory will be the result. But time is
generally wanting, for what the troops get for themselves directly is
got much quicker.

3.—By regular requisitions.

 This is unquestionably the simplest and most efficacious means of
subsisting troops, and it has been the basis of all modern wars.

  It differs from the preceding way chiefly by its having the co-
operation of the local authorities. The supply in this case must not be
carried off forcibly just from the spot where it is found, but be
regularly delivered according to an equitable division of the burden.
This division can only be made by the recognised official authorities of
the country.

  In this all depends on time. The more time there is, the more general
can the division be made, the less will it press on individuals, and the
more regular will be the result. Even purchases may be made with
ready money to assist, in which way it will approach the mode which
follows next in order (Magazines). In all assemblages of troops in their
own country there is no difficulty in subsisting by regular requisitions;
neither, as a rule, is there any in retrograde movements. On the other
hand, in all movements into a country of which we are not in
possession, there is very little time for such arrangements, seldom
more than the one day which the advanced guard is in the habit of
preceding the army. With the advanced guard the requisitions are sent
to the local officials, specifying how many rations they are to have
ready at such and such places. As these can only be furnished from
the immediate neighbourhood, that is, within a circuit of a couple of
miles round each point, the collections so made in haste will never be
nearly sufficient for an army of considerable strength, and
consequently, if the troops do not carry with them enough for several
days, they will run short. It is therefore the duty of the commissariat
to economise what is received, and only to issue to those troops who
have nothing. With each succeeding day, however, the embarrassment
diminishes; that is to say, if the distances from which provisions can
be procured increase in proportion to the number of days, then the


                                   350
superficial area over which the contributions can be levied increases as
the squares of the distances gained. If on the first day only four
square miles have been drawn upon, on the next day we shall have
sixteen, on the third, thirty-six; therefore on the second day twelve
more than on the first, and on the third day twenty more than on the
second.

  Of course this is a mere rough estimate of what may take place,
subject to many modifying circumstances which may intervene, of
which the principal is, that one district may not be capable of
contributing like another. But on the other hand, we must also
remember that the radius within which we can levy may increase more
than two miles a day in width, perhaps three or four, or in many
places still more.

  The due execution of these requisitions is enforced by detachments
placed under the orders of the official functionaries, but still more by
the fear of responsibility, punishment, and ill-treatment which, in such
cases, like a general weight, presses on the whole population.

  However, it is not our intention to enter into details—into the whole
machinery of commissariat and army subsistence; we have only
results in view.

  The result to be derived from a common-sense view of all the
circumstances in general, and the view which the experience of the
wars since the French revolution tends to confirm is,—that even the
largest army, if it carries with it provisions for a few days, may
undoubtedly be subsisted by contributions which, commencing at the
moment of entering a country, affect at first only the districts in the
immediate vicinity of the army, but afterwards, in the course of time,
are levied on a greater scale, over a range of country always
increasing, and with an ever increasing weight of authority.

  This resource has no limits except those of the exhaustion,
impoverishment, and devastation of the country. When the stay of an
invading army is of some duration, the administration of this system at
last is handed over to those in the highest official capacity; and they
naturally do all they can to equalise its pressure as much as possible,
and to alleviate the weight of the tax by purchases; at the same time,
even an invader, when his stay is prolonged in his enemy's country, is
not usually so barbarous and reckless as to lay upon that country the
entire burden of his support; thus the system of contributions of itself
gradually approaches to that of magazines, at the same time without


                                  351
ever ceasing altogether, or sensibly losing any of that influence which
it exercises on the operations of the war; for there is a wide difference
between a case in which some of the resources which have been
drawn from a country are replaced by supplies brought from more
distant parts (the country, however, still remaining substantially the
source on which the army depends for its supplies), and the case of an
army which—as in the eighteenth century—provides for all its wants
from its own resources, the country in which it is operating
contributing, as a rule, nothing towards its support.

 The great difference consists in two things,—namely, the
employment of the transport of the country, and its ovens. In this
way, that enormous burden of any army, that incubus which is always
destroying its own work, a military transport train, is almost got rid of.

   It is true that even now no army can do entirely without some
subsistence wagons, but the number is immensely diminished, and
little more is required than sufficient to carry the surplus of one day on
till the next. Peculiar circumstances, as in Russia in 1812, may even
again compel an army to carry an enormous train, and also field-
ovens; but in the first place these are exceptional cases; for how
seldom will it happen that 300,000 men make a hostile advance of 130
miles upon almost a single road, and that through countries such as
Poland and Russia, and shortly before the season of harvest; and in
the next place, any means of supply attached to an army in such
cases, may be looked upon as only an assistance in case of need, the
contributions of the country being always regarded as the groundwork
of the whole system of supply.

  Since the first campaigns of the French revolutionary war, the
requisition system has formed constantly the mainstay of their armies,
the armies opposed to them were also obliged to adopt the same
system, and it is not at all likely that it will ever be abandoned. There
is no other which can be substituted for it with the same results, both
as regards its simplicity and freedom from restraint, and also as
respects energy in the prosecution of the war. As an army is seldom
distressed for provisions during the first three or four weeks of a
campaign whatever direction it takes, and afterwards can be assisted
by magazines, we may very well say that by this method war has
acquired the most perfect freedom of action. Certainly difficulties may
be greater in one direction than in another, and that may carry weight
in preliminary deliberation; but we can never encounter an absolute
impossibility, and the attention which is due to the subject of
subsistence can never decide a question imperatively. To this there is


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only one exception, which is a retreat through an enemy's country. In
such a case many of the inconveniences connected with subsistence
meet together. The operation is one of a continuous nature, generally
carried on without a halt worth speaking of; there is, therefore, no
time to procure provisions; the circumstances under which the
operation commences are generally unfavourable, it is therefore
necessary to keep the troops in masses, and a dispersion in
cantonments, or even any considerable extension in the width of the
column cannot be allowed; the hostile feeling of the country precludes
the chance of any collection of contributions by mere orders issued
without the support of a force capable of executing the order; and,
lastly, the moment is most auspicious for the inhabitants to give vent
to their feelings by acts of hostility. On account of all this, an army so
situated is generally obliged to confine itself strictly to its previously
prepared lines of communication and retreat.

 When Buonaparte had to retreat in 1812, it was impossible for him to
do so by any other line but the one upon which he had advanced, on
account of the subsistence of his army; and if he had attempted any
other he would only have plunged into more speedy and certain
destruction; all the censure therefore passed on him by even French
writers as well as by others with regard to this point is sheer
nonsense.

4.—Subsistence from Magazines.

  If we are to make a generic distinction between this method of
subsisting troops and the preceding, it must be by an organisation
such as existed for about thirty years at the close of the seventeenth
and during the eighteenth century. Can this organisation ever
reappear?

 Certainly we cannot conceive how it can be dispensed with if great
armies are to be bound down for seven, ten, or twelve years long to
one spot, as they have been formerly in the Netherlands, on the
Rhine, in Upper Italy, Silesia, and Saxony; for what country can
continue for such a length of time to endure the burden of two great
armies, making it the entire source of their supplies, without being
utterly ruined in the end, and therefore gradually becoming unable to
meet the demands?

 But here naturally arises the question: shall the war prescribe the
system of subsistence, or shall the latter dictate the nature of the war?
To this we answer: the system of subsistence will control the war, in


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the first place, as far as the other conditions on which it depends
permit; but when the latter are encroached upon, the war will react on
the subsistence system, and in such case determine the same.

  A war carried on by means of the system of requisitions and local
supplies furnished on the spot has such an advantage over one carried
on in dependence on issues from magazines, that the latter does not
look at all like the same instrument. No state will therefore venture to
encounter the former with the latter; and if any war minister should be
so narrow-minded and blind to circumstances as to ignore the real
relation which the two systems bear to each other, by sending an
army into the field to live upon the old system, the force of
circumstances would carry the commander of that army along with it
in its course, and the requisition system would burst forth of itself. If
we consider besides, that the great expense attending such an
organisation must necessarily reduce the extent of the armament in
other respects, including of course the actual number of combatant
soldiers, as no state has a superabundance of wealth, then there
seems no probability of any such organisation being again resorted to
unless it should be adopted by the belligerents by mutual agreement,
an idea which is a mere play of the imagination.

  Wars therefore may be expected henceforward always to commence
with the requisition system; how much one or other government will
do to supplement the same by an artificial organisation to spare their
own country, etc., etc., remains to be seen; that it will not be
overmuch we may be certain, for at such moments the tendency is to
look to the most urgent wants, and an artificial system of subsisting
troops does not come under that category.

  But now, if a war is not so decisive in its results, if its operations are
not so comprehensive as is consistent with its real nature, then the
requisition system will begin to exhaust the country in which it is
carried on to that degree that either peace must be made, or means
must be found to lighten the burden on the country, and to become
independent of it for the supplies of the army. The latter was the case
of the French army under Buonaparte in Spain, but the first happens
much more frequently. In most wars the exhaustion of the state
increases to that degree that, instead of thinking of prosecuting the
war at a still greater expense, the necessity for peace becomes so
urgent as to be imperative. Thus from this point of view the modern
method of carrying on war has a tendency to shorten the duration of
wars.



                                    354
  At the same time we shall not positively deny the possibility of the
old system of subsistence reappearing in future wars; it will perhaps
be resorted to by belligerents hereafter, where the nature of their
mutual relations urge them to it, and circumstances are favourable to
its adoption; but we can never perceive in that system a natural
organisation; it is much rather an abnormal growth permitted by
circumstances, but which can never spring from war in its true sense.
Still less can we consider that form or system as any improvement in
war on the ground of its being more humane, for war itself is not a
humane proceeding.

  Whatever method of providing subsistence may be chosen, it is but
natural that it should be more easily carried out in rich and well-
peopled countries, than in the midst of a poor and scanty population.
That the population should be taken into consideration, lies in the
double relation which that element bears to the quantity of provisions
to be found in a country: first because, where the consumption is
large, the provision to meet that consumption is also large; and in the
next place, because as a rule a large population produces also largely.
From this we must certainly except districts peopled chiefly by
manufacturers, particularly when, as is often the case, such districts lie
in mountain valleys surrounded by unproductive land; but in the
generality of cases it is always very much easier to feed troops in a
well populated than in a thinly inhabited country. An army of 100,000
men cannot be supported on four hundred square miles inhabited by
400,000 people, as well as it would be on four hundred square miles
with a population of 2,000,000 inhabitants, even supposing the soil
equally good in the two cases. Besides, the roads and means of water-
carriage are much better in rich countries and afford a greater choice,
being more numerous, the means of transport are more abundant, the
commercial relations easier and more certain. In a word, there is
infinitely less difficulty in supporting an army in Flanders than in
Poland.

 The consequence is, that war with its manifold suckers fixes itself by
preference along high roads, near populous towns, in the fertile valleys
of large rivers, or along such sea-coasts as are well frequented.

  This shows clearly how the subsistence of troops may have a general
influence upon the direction and form of military undertakings, and
upon the choice of a theatre of war and lines of communication.

  The extent of this influence, what weight shall attach to the facility or
difficulty of provisioning the troops, all that in the calculation depends


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very much on the way in which the war is to be conducted. If it is to
be carried on in its real spirit, that is, with the unbridled force which
belongs to its element, with a constant pressing forward to, or seeking
for the combat and decisive solution, then the sustenance of the
troops although an important, is but a subordinate, affair; but if there
is to be a state of equilibrium during which the armies move about
here and there in the same province for several years, then the
subsistence must often become the principal thing, the intendant the
commander-in-chief, and the conduct of the war an administration of
wagons.

  There are numberless campaigns of this kind in which nothing took
place; the plans miscarried, the forces were used to no purpose, the
only excuse being the plea of a want of subsistence; on the other hand
Buonaparte used to say "Qu'on ne me parle pas des vivres!"

  Certainly that general in the Russian campaign proved that such
recklessness may be carried too far, for not to say that perhaps his
whole campaign was ruined through that cause alone, which at best
would be only a supposition, still it is beyond doubt that to his want of
regard to the subsistence of his troops he was indebted for the
extraordinary melting away of his army on his advance, and for its
utter ruin on the retreat.

  But while fully recognising in Buonaparte the eager gambler who
ventures on many a mad extreme, we may justly say that he and the
revolutionary generals who preceded him dispelled a powerful
prejudice in respect to the subsistence of troops, and showed that it
should never be looked upon in any other light than as a condition of
war, never as an object.

  Besides, it is with privation in war just as with physical exertion and
danger; the demands which the general can make on his army are
without any defined bounds; an iron character demands more than a
feeble sensitive man; also the endurance of an army differs in degree,
according as habit, military spirit, confidence in and affection towards
the commander, or enthusiasm for the cause of fatherland, sustain the
will and energy of the soldier. But this we may look upon as an
established principle, that privation and want, however far they may
be carried, should never be otherwise regarded than as transition-
states which should be succeeded by a state of abundance, indeed
even by superfluity. Can there be any thing more touching than the
thought of so many thousand soldiers, badly clothed, with packs on
their backs weighing thirty or forty pounds, toiling over every kind of


                                   356
road, in every description of weather, for days and days continually on
the march, health and life for ever in peril, and for all that unable to
get a sufficiency of dry bread. Any one who knows how often this
happens in war, is at a loss to know how it does not oftener lead to a
refusal of the will and powers to submit any longer to such exactions,
and how the mere bent constantly given to the imagination of human
beings in one direction, is capable of first calling forth, and then
supporting such incredible efforts.

  Let any one then, who imposes great privations on his men because
great objects demand such a trial of endurance, always bear in mind
as a matter of prudence, if not prompted to it by his own feelings, that
there is a recompence for such sacrifices which he is bound to pay at
some other time.

  We have now to consider the difference which takes place in respect
to the question of subsistence in war, according as the action is
offensive or defensive.

  The defensive is in a position to make uninterrupted use of the
subsistence which he has been able to lay in beforehand, as long as
his defensive act continues. The defensive side therefore can hardly be
in want of the necessaries of life, particularly if he is in his own
country; but even in the enemy's this holds good. The offensive on the
other hand is moving away from his resources, and as long as he is
advancing, and even during the first weeks after he stops, must
procure from day to day what he requires, and this can very rarely be
done without want and inconvenience being felt.

  This difficulty is felt in its fullest force at two particular periods, first
in the advance, before the decision takes place; then the supplies of
the defensive side are all at hand, whilst the assailant has been
obliged to leave his behind; he is obliged to keep his masses
concentrated, and therefore cannot spread his army over any
considerable space; even his transport cannot keep close to him when
he commences his movements preliminary to a battle. If his
preparations have not been very well made, it may easily happen at
this moment that his army may be in want of supplies for several days
before the decisive battle, which certainly is not a means of bringing
them into the fight in the highest state of efficiency.

  The second time a state of want arises is at the end of a victorious
career, if the lines of communication begin to be too long, especially if
the war is carried on in a poor, sparsely-populated country, and


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perhaps also in the midst of a people whose feelings are hostile. What
an enormous difference between a line of communication from Wilna
to Moscow, on which every carriage must be forcibly seized, and a line
from Cologne by Liége, Louvain, Brussels, Mons, and Valenciennes to
Paris, where a mercantile contract or a bill of exchange would suffice
to procure millions of rations.

 Frequently has the difficulty we are now speaking of resulted in
obscuring the splendour of the most brilliant victories, reduced the
powers of the victorious army, rendered retreat necessary, and then
by degrees ended in producing all the symptoms of a real defeat.

  Forage, of which, as we have before said, there is usually at first the
least deficiency, will run short soonest if a country begins to become
exhausted, for it is the most difficult supply to procure from a
distance, on account of its bulk, and the horse feels the effect of low
feeding much sooner than the man. For this reason, an over-numerous
cavalry and artillery may become a real burden, and an element of
weakness to an army.




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              Chapter XV. Base of Operations

  IF an army sets out on any expedition, whether it be to attack the
enemy and his theatre of war, or to take post on its own frontier, it
continues in a state of necessary dependence on the sources from
which it draws its subsistence and reinforcements, and must maintain
its communication with them, as they are the conditions of its
existence and preservation. This dependence increases in intensity and
extent in proportion to the size of the army. But now it is neither
always possible nor requisite that the army should continue in direct
communication with the whole of its own country; it is sufficient if it
does so with that portion immediately in its rear, and which is
consequently covered by its position. In this portion of the country
then, as far as necessary, special depôts of provisions are formed, and
arrangements are made for regularly forwarding reinforcements and
supplies. This strip of territory is therefore the foundation of the army
and of all its undertakings, and the two must be regarded as forming
in connection only one whole. If the supplies for their greater security
are lodged in fortified places, the idea of a base becomes more
distinct; but the idea does not originate in any arrangement of that
kind, and in a number of cases no such arrangement is made.

  But a portion of the enemy's territory may also become a base for
our army, or, at least, form part of it; for when an army penetrates
into an enemy's land, a number of its wants are supplied from that
part of the country which is taken possession of; but it is then a
necessary condition that we are completely masters of this portion of
territory, that is, certain of our orders being obeyed within its limits.
This certainty, however, seldom extends beyond the reach of our
ability to keep the inhabitants in awe by small garrisons, and
detachments moving about from place to place, and that is not very
far in general. The consequence is, that in the enemy's country, the
part of territory from which we can draw supplies is seldom of
sufficient extent to furnish all the supplies we require, and we must
therefore still depend on our own land for much, and this brings us
back again to the importance of that part of our territory immediately
in rear of our army as an indispensable portion of our base.

  The wants of an army may be divided into two classes, first those
which every cultivated country can furnish; and next those which can
only be obtained from those localities where they are produced. The
first are chiefly provisions, the second the means of keeping an army
complete in every way. The first can therefore be obtained in the



                                   359
enemy's country; the second, as a rule, can only be furnished by our
own country, for example men, arms, and almost all munitions of war.
Although there are exceptions to this classification in certain cases,
still they are few and trifling, and the distinction we have drawn is of
standing importance, and proves again that the communication with
our own country is indispensable.

  Depôts of provisions and forage are generally formed in open towns,
both in the enemy's and in our own country, because there are not as
many fortresses as would be required for these bulky stores
continually being consumed, and wanted sometimes here, sometimes
there, and also because their loss is much easier to replace; on the
other hand, stores to keep the army complete, such as arms, munition
of war, and articles of equipment are never lodged in open places in
the vicinity of the theatre of war if it can be avoided, but are rather
brought from a distance, and in the enemy's country never stored
anywhere but in fortresses. From this point, again, it may be inferred
that the base is of more importance in relation to supplies intended to
refit an army than in relation to provisions for food.

  Now, the more means of each kind are collected together in great
magazines before being brought into use, the more, therefore, all
separate streams unite in great reservoirs, so much the more may
these be regarded as taking the place of the whole country, and so
much the more will the conception of a base fix itself upon these great
depôts of supply; but this must never go so far that any such place
becomes looked upon as constituting a base in itself alone.

  If these sources of supply and refitment are abundant, that is, if the
tracts of territory are wide and rich, if the stores are collected in great
depôts to be more speedily brought into use, if these depôts are
covered in a military sense in one way or another, if they are in close
proximity to the army and accessible by good roads, if they extend
along a considerable width in the rear of the army or surround it in
part as well—then follows a greater vitality for the army, as well as a
greater freedom in its movements. Attempts have been made to sum
up all the advantages which an army derives from being so situated in
one single conception, that is, the extent of the base of operations. By
the relation which this base bears to the object of the undertakings, by
the angle which its extremities make with this object (supposed as a
point), it has been attempted to express the whole sum of the
advantages and disadvantages which accrue to an army from the
position and nature of its sources of supply and equipment; but it is
plain this elegant piece of geometrical refinement is merely a play of


                                    360
fancy, as it is founded on a series of substitutions which must all be
made at the expense of truth. As we have seen, the base of an army is
a triple formation in connection with the situation in which an army is
placed: the resources of the country adjacent to the position of the
army, the depôts of stores which have been made at particular points,
and the province from which these stores are derived or collected.
These three things are separated in space, and cannot be collected
into one whole, and least of all can we substitute for them a line which
is to represent the width of the base, a line which is generally
imagined in a manner perfectly arbitrary, either from one fortress to
another or from one capital of a province to another, or along a
political boundary of a country. Neither can we determine precisely the
mutual relation of these three steps in the formation of a base, for in
reality they blend themselves with each other always more or less. In
one case the surrounding country affords largely the means of refitting
an army with things which otherwise could only be obtained from a
long distance; in another case we are obliged to get even food from a
long distance. Sometimes the nearest fortresses are great arsenals,
ports, or commercial cities, which contain all the military resources of
a whole state, sometimes they are nothing but old, feeble ramparts,
hardly sufficient for their own defence.

  The consequence is that all deductions from the length of the base of
operations and its angles, and the whole theory of war founded on
these data, as far as its geometrical phase, have never met with any
attention in real war, and in theory they have only caused wrong
tendencies. But as the basis of this chain of reasoning is a truth, and
only the conclusions drawn are false, this same view will easily and
frequently thrust itself forward again.

  We think, therefore, that we cannot go beyond acknowledging
generally the influence of a base on military enterprises, that at the
same time there are no means of framing out of this maxim any
serviceable rules by a few abstract ideas; but that in each separate
case the whole of the things which we have specified must be kept in
view together.

  When once arrangements are made within a certain radius to provide
the means of subsisting an army and keeping it complete in every
respect, and with a view to operations in a certain direction, then,
even in our own country, this district only is to be regarded as the
base of the army; and as any alteration of a base requires time and
labour, therefore an army cannot change its base every day, even in
its own country, and this again limits it always more or less in the


                                  361
direction of its operations. If, then, in operating against an enemy's
country we take the whole line of our own frontier, where it forms a
boundary between the two countries as our base, we may do so in a
general sense, in so far that we might make those preparations which
constitute a base anywhere on that frontier; but it will not be a base at
any moment if preparations have not been already made everywhere.
When the Russian army retreated before the French in 1812, at the
beginning of the campaign the whole of Russia might have been
considered as its base, the more so because the vast extent of the
country offered the army abundance of space in any direction it might
select. This is no illusory notion, as it was actually realised at a
subsequent time, when other Russian armies from different quarters
entered the field; but still at every period throughout the campaign the
base of the Russian army was not so extensive; it was principally
confined to the road on which the whole train of transport to and from
their army was organised. This limitation prevented the Russian army,
for instance, from making the further retreat which became necessary
after the three days' fighting at Smolensk in any direction but that of
Moscow, and so hindered their turning suddenly in the direction of
Kaluga, as was proposed in order to draw the enemy away from
Moscow. Such a change of direction could only have been possible by
having been prepared for long beforehand.

  We have said that the dependence on the base increases in intensity
and extent with the size of the army, which is easy to understand. An
army is like a tree. From the ground out of which it grows it draws its
nourishment; if it is small it can easily be transplanted, but this
becomes more difficult as it increases in size. A small body of troops
has also its channels, from which it draws the sustenance of life, but it
strikes root easily where it happens to be; not so a large army. When,
therefore, we talk of the influence of the base on the operations of an
army, the dimensions of the army must always serve as the scale by
which to measure the magnitude of that influence.

  Further it is consistent with the nature of things that for the
immediate wants of the present hour the subsistence is the main
point, but for the general efficiency of the army through a long period
of time the refitment and recruitment are the more important, because
the latter can only be done from particular sources while the former
may be obtained in many ways; this again defines still more distinctly
the influence of the base on the operations of the army.

 However great that influence may be, we must never forget that it
belongs to those things which can only show a decisive effect after


                                   362
some considerable time, and that therefore the question always
remains what may happen in that time. The value of a base of
operations will seldom determine the choice of an undertaking in the
first instance. Mere difficulties which may present themselves in this
respect must be put side by side and compared with other means
actually at our command; obstacles of this nature often vanish before
the force of decisive victories.




                                 363
         Chapter XVI. Lines of Communication

  THE roads which lead from the position of an army to those points in
its rear where its depôts of supply and means of recruiting and
refitting its forces are principally united, and which it also in all
ordinary cases chooses for its retreat, have a double signification; in
the first place, they are its lines of communication for the constant
nourishment of the combatant force, and next they are roads of
retreat.

  We have said in the preceding chapter, that, although according to
the present system of subsistence, an army is chiefly fed from the
district in which it is operating, it must still be looked upon as forming
a whole with its base. The lines of communication belong to this
whole; they form the connection between the army and its base, and
are to be considered as so many great vital arteries. Supplies of every
kind, convoys of munitions, detachments moving backwards and
forwards, posts, orderlies, hospitals, depôts, reserves of stores, agents
of administration, all these objects are constantly making use of these
roads, and the total value of these services is of the utmost
importance to the army.

  These great channels of life must therefore neither be permanently
severed, nor must they be of too great length, or beset with
difficulties, because there is always a loss of strength on a long road,
which tends to weaken the condition of an army.

  By their second purpose, that is as lines of retreat, they constitute in
a real sense the strategic rear of the army.

  For both purposes the value of these roads depends on their length,
their number, their situation, that is their general direction, and their
direction specially as regards the army, their nature as roads,
difficulties of ground, the political relations and feeling of local
population, and lastly, on the protection they derive from fortresses or
natural obstacles in the country.

  But all the roads which lead from the point occupied by an army to
its sources of existence and power, are not on that account necessarily
lines of communication for that army. They may no doubt be used for
that purpose, and may be considered as supplementary of the system
of communication, but that system is confined to the lines regularly
prepared for the purpose. Only those roads on which magazines,



                                   364
hospitals, stations, posts for despatches and letters are organised
under commandants with police and garrisons, can be looked upon as
real lines of communication. But here a very important difference
between our own and the enemy's army makes its appearance, one
which is often overlooked. An army, even in its own country, has its
prepared lines of communication, but it is not completely limited to
them, and can in case of need change its line, taking some other which
presents itself, for it is every where at home, has officials in authority,
and the friendly feeling of the people. Therefore, although other roads
may not be as good as those at first selected there is nothing to
prevent their being used, and the use of them is not to be regarded as
impossible in case the army is turned and obliged to change its front.
An army in an enemy's country on the contrary can as a rule only look
upon those roads as lines of communication upon which it has
advanced; and hence arises through small and almost invisible causes
a great difference in operating. The army in the enemy's country takes
under its protection the organisation which, as it advances, it
necessarily introduces to form its lines of communication; and in
general, inasmuch as terror, and the presence of an enemy's army in
the country invests these measures in the eyes of the inhabitants with
all the weight of unalterable necessity, the inhabitants may even be
brought to regard them as an alleviation of the evils inseparable from
war. Small garrisons left behind in different places support and
maintain this system. But if these commissaries, commandants of
stations, police, fieldposts, and the rest of the apparatus of
administration, were sent to some distant road upon which the army
had not been seen, the inhabitants then would look upon such
measures as a burden which they would gladly get rid of, and if the
most complete defeats and catastrophes had not previously spread
terror throughout the land, the probability is that these functionaries
would be treated as enemies, and driven away with very rough usage.
Therefore in the first place it would be necessary to establish garrisons
to subjugate the new line, and these garrisons would require to be of
more than ordinary strength, and still there would always be a danger
of the inhabitants rising and attempting to overpower them. In short,
an army marching into an enemy's country is destitute of the
mechanism through which obedience is rendered; it has to institute its
officials into their places, which can only be done by a strong hand,
and this cannot be effected thoroughly without sacrifices and
difficulties, nor is it the work of a moment—From this it follows that a
change of the system of communication is much less easy of
accomplishment in an enemy's country than in our own, where it is at
least possible; and it also follows that the army is more restricted in its



                                    365
movements, and must be much more                  sensitive   about    any
demonstrations against its communications.

  But the choice and organisation of lines of communication is from the
very commencement subject also to a number of conditions by which
it is restricted. Not only must they be in a general sense good high
roads, but they will be the more serviceable the wider they are, the
more populous and wealthy towns they pass through, the more strong
places there are which afford them protection. Rivers, also, as means
of water communication, and bridges as points of passage, have a
decisive weight in the choice. It follows from this that the situation of a
line of communication, and consequently the road by which an army
proceeds to commence the offensive, is only a matter of free choice up
to a certain point, its situation being dependent on certain
geographical relations.

  All the foregoing circumstances taken together determine the
strength or weakness of the communication of an army with its base,
and this result, compared with one similarly obtained with regard to
the enemy's communications, decides which of the two opponents is in
a position to operate against the other's lines of communication, or to
cut off his retreat, that is, in technical language to turn him. Setting
aside all considerations of moral or physical superiority, that party can
only effectually accomplish this whose communications are the
strongest of the two, for otherwise the enemy saves himself in the
shortest mode, by a counterstroke.

  Now this turning can, by reason of the double signification of these
lines, have also two purposes. Either the communications may be
interfered with and interrupted, that the enemy may melt away by
degrees from want, and thus be compelled to retreat, or the object
may be directly to cut off the retreat.

  With regard to the first, we have to observe that a mere momentary
interruption will seldom have any effect while armies are subsisted as
they now are; a certain time is requisite to produce an effect in this
way in order that the losses of the enemy by frequent repetition may
compensate in number for the small amount he suffers in each case.
One single enterprise against the enemy's flank, which might have
been a decisive stroke in those days when thousands of bread-
waggons traversed the lines of communication, carrying out the
systematised method then in force for subsisting troops, would hardly
produce any effect now, if ever so successful; one convoy at most



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might be seized, which would cause the enemy some partial damage,
but never compel him to retreat.

  The consequence is, that enterprises of this description on a flank,
which have always been more in fashion in books than in real warfare,
now appear less of a practical nature than ever, and we may safely
say that there is no danger in this respect to any lines of
communication but such as are very long, and otherwise unfavourably
circumstanced, more especially by being exposed everywhere and at
any moment to attacks from an insurgent population.

  With respect to the cutting off an enemy's retreat, we must not be
overconfident in this respect either of the consequences of threatening
or closing the enemy's lines of retreat, as recent experience has shown
that, when troops are good and their leader resolute, it is more
difficult to make them prisoners, than it is for them to cut their way
through the force opposed to them.

  The means of shortening and protecting long lines of communication
are very limited. The seizure of some fortresses adjacent to the
position taken up by the army, and on the roads leading to the rear—
or in the event of there being no fortresses in the country, the
construction of temporary defences at suitable points—the kind
treatment of the people of the country, strict discipline on the military
roads, good police, and active measures to improve the roads, are the
only means by which the evil may be diminished, but it is one which
can never be entirely removed.

  Furthermore, what we said when treating of the question of
subsistence with respect to the roads which the army should chose by
preference, applies also particularly to lines of communication. The
best lines of communication are roads leading through the most
flourishing towns and the most important provinces; they ought to be
preferred, even if considerably longer, and in most cases they exercise
an important influence on the definitive disposition of the army.




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         Chapter XVII. On Country and Ground

  IRRESPECTIVE quite of their influence as regards the means of
subsistence of an army, country and ground, bear another most
intimate and never-failing relation to the business of war, which is
their decisive influence on the battle, both upon what concerns its
course, as well as upon the preparation for it, and the use to be made
of it. We now proceed to consider country and ground in this phase,
that is, in the full meaning of the French expression "Terrain."

  The way to make use of them is a subject which lies mostly within
the province of tactics, but the effects resulting from them appear in
strategy; a battle in the mountains is, in its consequences as well as in
itself, quite a different thing from a battle on a level plain.

  But until we have studied the distinction between offensive and
defensive, and examined the nature of each separately and fully, we
cannot enter upon the consideration of the principal features of the
ground in their effects; we must therefore for the present confine
ourselves to an investigation of its general properties. There are three
properties through which the ground has an influence on action in war;
that is, as presenting an obstacle to approach, as an obstacle to an
extensive view, and as protection against the effect of fire-arms; all
other effects may be traced back to these three.

  Unquestionably this threefold influence of ground has a tendency to
make warfare more diversified, more complicated, and more scientific,
for they are plainly three more quantities which enter into military
combinations.

  A completely level plain, quite open at the same time, that is, a tract
of country which cannot influence war at all, has no existence except
in relation to small bodies of troops, and with respect to them only for
the duration of some given moment of time. When larger bodies are
concerned, and a longer duration of time, accidents of ground mix
themselves up with the action of such bodies, and it is hardly possible
in the case of a whole army to imagine any particular moment, such as
a battle, when the ground would not make its influence felt.

  This influence is therefore never in abeyance, but it is certainly
stronger or weaker according to the nature of the country.




                                   368
  If we keep in view the great mass of topographical phenomena we
find that countries deviate from the idea of perfectly open level plains
principally in three ways: first by the form of the ground, that is, hills
and valleys; then by woods, marshes, and lakes as natural features;
and lastly, by such changes as have been introduced by the hand of
man. Through each of these three circumstances there is an increase
in the influence of ground on the operations of war. If we trace them
up to a certain distance we have mountainous country, a country little
cultivated and covered with woods and marshes, and the well
cultivated. The tendency in each case is to render war more
complicated and connected with art.

  The degree of influence which cultivation exercises is greater or less
according to the nature of the cultivation; the system pursued in
Flanders, Holstein, and some other countries, where the land is
intersected in every direction with ditches, dykes, hedges, and walls,
interspersed with many single dwellings and small woods has the
greatest effect on war.

 The conduct of war is therefore of the easiest kind in a level
moderately-cultivated country. This however only holds good in quite a
general sense, leaving entirely out of consideration the use which the
defensive can make of obstacles of ground.

 Each of these three kinds of ground has an effect in its own way on
movement, on the range of sight, and in the cover it affords.

 In a thickly-wooded country the obstacle to sight preponderates; in a
mountainous country, the difficulty of movement presents the greatest
obstacle to an enemy; in countries very much cultivated both these
obstacles exist in a medium degree.

  As thick woods render great portions of ground in a certain manner
impracticable for military movements, and as, besides the difficulty
which they oppose to movement they also obstruct the view, thereby
preventing the use of means to clear a passage, the result is that they
simplify the measures to be adopted on one side in proportion as they
increase the difficulties with which the other side has to contend.
Although it is difficult practically to concentrate forces for action in a
wooded country, still a partition of forces does not take place to the
same extent as it usually does in a mountainous country, or in a
country very much intersected with canals, rivers, &c.: in other words,
the partition of forces in such a country is more unavoidable but not so
great.


                                   369
  In mountains, the obstacles to movement preponderate and take
effect in two ways, because in some parts the country is quite
impassable, and where it is practicable we must move slower and with
greater difficulty. On this account the rapidity of all movements is
much diminished in mountains, and all operations are mixed up with a
larger quantity of the element of time. But the ground in mountains
has also the special property peculiar to itself, that one point
commands another. We shall devote the following chapter to the
discussion of the subject of commanding heights generally, and shall
only here remark that it is this peculiarity which causes the great
partition of forces in operations carried on amongst mountains, for
particular points thus acquire importance from the influence they have
upon other points in addition to any intrinsic value which they have in
themselves.

  As we have elsewhere observed, each of these three kinds of ground
in proportion as its own special peculiarity has a tendency to an
extreme, has in the same degree a tendency to lower the influence of
the supreme command, increasing in like manner the independent
action of subordinates down to the private soldier. The greater the
partition of any force, the less an undivided control is possible, so
much the more are subordinates left to themselves; that is self-
evident. Certainly when the partition of a force is greater, then
through the diversity of action and greater scope in the use of means
the influence of intelligence must increase, and even the commander-
in-chief may show his talents to advantage under such circumstances;
but we must here repeat what has been said before, that in war the
sum total of single results decides more than the form or method in
which they are connected, and therefore, if we push our present
considerations to an extreme case, and suppose a whole army
extended in a line of skirmishers so that each private soldier fights his
own little battle, more will depend on the sum of single victories
gained than on the form in which they are connected; for the benefit
of good combinations can only follow from positive results, not from
negative. Therefore in such a case the courage, the dexterity, and the
spirit of individuals will prove decisive. It is only when two opposing
armies are on a par as regards military qualities, or that their peculiar
properties hold the balance even, that the talent and judgment of the
commander become again decisive. The consequence is that national
armies and insurgent levies, etc., etc., in which, at least in the
individual, the warlike spirit is highly excited, although they are not
superior in skill and bravery, are still able to maintain a superiority by
a great dispersion of their forces favoured by a difficult country, and


                                   370
that they can only maintain themselves for a continuance upon that
kind of system, because troops of this description are generally
destitute of all the qualities and virtues which are indispensable when
tolerably large numbers are required to act as a united body.

  Also in the nature of forces there are many gradations between one
of these extremes and the other, for the very circumstance of being
engaged in the defence of its own country gives to even a regular
standing army something of the character of a national army, and
makes it more suited for a war waged by an army broken up into
detachments.

  Now the more these qualifications and influences are wanting in an
army, the greater they are on the side of its opponent, so much the
more will it dread being split into fractions, the more it will avoid a
broken country; but to avoid fighting in such a description of country is
seldom a matter of choice; we cannot choose a theatre of war like a
piece of merchandise from amongst several patterns, and thus we find
generally that armies which from their nature fight with advantage in
concentrated masses, exhaust all their ingenuity in trying to carry out
their system as far as possible in direct opposition to the nature of the
country. They must in consequence submit to other disadvantages,
such as scanty and difficult subsistence for the troops, bad quarters,
and in the combat numerous attacks from all sides; but the
disadvantage of giving up their own special advantage would be
greater.

  These two tendencies in opposite directions, the one to concentration
the other to dispersion of forces, prevail more or less according as the
nature of the troops engaged incline them more to one side or the
other, but however decided the tendency, the one side cannot always
remain with his forces concentrated, neither can the other expect
success by following his system of warfare in scattered bodies on all
occasions. The French were obliged to resort to partitioning their
forces in Spain, and the Spaniards, whilst defending their country by
means of an insurgent population, were obliged to try the fate of great
battles in the open field with part of their forces.

  Next to the connection which country and ground have with the
general, and especially with the political, composition of the forces
engaged, the most important point is the relative proportion of the
three arms.




                                   371
  In all countries which are difficult to traverse, whether the obstacles
are mountains, forests, or a peculiar cultivation, a numerous cavalry is
useless: that is plain in itself; it is just the same with artillery in
wooded countries; there will probably be a want of room to use it with
effect, of roads to transport it, and of forage for the horses. For this
arm highly cultivated countries are less disadvantageous, and least of
all a mountainous country. Both, no doubt, afford cover against its
fire, and in that respect they are unfavourable to an arm which
depends entirely on its fire: both also often furnish means for the
enemy's infantry to place the heavy artillery in jeopardy, as infantry
can pass anywhere; but still in neither is there in general any want of
space for the use of a numerous artillery, and in mountainous
countries it has this great advantage, that its effects are prolonged
and increased in consequence of the movements of the enemy being
slower.

 But it is undeniable that infantry has a decided advantage over every
other arm in difficult country, and that, therefore, in such a country its
number may considerably exceed the usual proportion.




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           Chapter XVIII. Command of Ground

  THE word "command" has a charm in the art of war peculiar to itself,
and in fact to this element belongs a great part, perhaps half the
influence which ground exercises on the use of troops. Here many of
the sacred relics of military erudition have their root, as, for instance,
commanding positions, key positions, strategic manœuvres, etc. We
shall take as clear a view of the subject as we can without prolixity,
and pass in review the true and the false, reality and exaggeration.

  Every exertion of physical force if made upwards is more difficult
than if it is made in the contrary direction (downwards); consequently
it must be so in fighting; and there are three evident reasons why it is
so. First, every height may be regarded as an obstacle to approach;
secondly, although the range is not perceptibly greater in shooting
down from a height, yet, all geometrical relations being taken into
consideration, we have a better chance of hitting than in the opposite
case; thirdly, an elevation gives a better command of view. How all
these advantages unite themselves together in battle we are not
concerned with here; we collect the sum total of the advantages which
tactics derives from elevation of position and combine them in one
whole which we regard as the first strategic advantage.

  But the first and last of these advantages that have been
enumerated must appear once more as advantages of strategy itself,
for we march and reconnoitre in strategy as well as in tactics; if,
therefore, an elevated position is an obstacle to the approach of those
on lower ground, that is the second; and the better command of view
which this elevated position affords is the third advantage which
strategy may derive in this way.

  Of these elements is composed the power of dominating,
overlooking, commanding; from these sources springs the sense of
superiority and security which is felt in standing on the brow of a hill
and looking at the enemy below, and the feeling of weakness and
apprehension which pervades the minds of those below. Perhaps the
total impression made is at the same time stronger than it ought to
be, because the advantage of the higher ground strikes the senses
more than the circumstances which modify that advantage. Perhaps
the impression made surpasses that which the truth warrants, in which
case the effect of imagination must be regarded as a new element,
which exaggerates the effect produced by an elevation of ground.




                                   373
  At the same time the advantage of greater facility of movement is
not absolute, and not always in favour of the side occupying the higher
position; it is only so when his opponent wishes to attack him; it is not
if the combatants are separated by a great valley, and it is actually in
favour of the army on the lower ground if both wish to fight in the
plain (battle of Hohenfriedberg). Also the power of overlooking, or
command of view, has likewise great limitations. A wooded country in
the valley below, and often the very masses of the mountains
themselves on which we stand, obstruct the vision. Countless are the
cases in which we might seek in vain on the spot for those advantages
of an elevated position which a map would lead us to expect; and we
might often be led to think we had only involved ourselves in all kinds
of disadvantages, the very opposite of the advantages we counted
upon. But these limitations and conditions do not abrogate or destroy
the superiority which the more elevated position confers, both on the
defensive and offensive. We shall point out, in a few words, how this is
the case with each.

  Out of the three strategic advantages of the more elevated ground,
the greater tactical strength, the more difficult approach, and the
better view, the first two are of such a nature that they belong really
to the defensive only; for it is only in holding firmly to a position that
we can make use of them, whilst the other side (offensive) in moving
cannot remove them and take them with him; but the third advantage
can be made use of by the offensive just as well as by the defensive.

  From this it follows that the more elevated ground is highly important
to the defensive, and as it can only be maintained in a decisive way in
mountainous countries, therefore it would seem to follow, as a
consequence, that the defensive has an important advantage in
mountain positions. How it is that, through other circumstances, this is
not so in reality, we shall show in the chapter on the defence of
mountains.

  We must first of all make a distinction if the question relates merely
to commanding ground at one single point, as, for example, a position
for an army; in such case the strategic advantages rather merge in the
tactical one of a battle fought under advantageous circumstances; but
if now we imagine a considerable tract of country—suppose a whole
province—as a regular slope, like the declivity at a general watershed,
so that we can make several marches, and always hold the upper
ground, then the strategic advantages become greater, because we
can now use the advantages of the more elevated ground not only in
the combination of our forces with each other for one particular


                                   374
combat, but also in the combination of several combats with one
another. Thus it is with the defensive.

  As regards the offensive, it enjoys to a certain extent the same
advantages as the defensive from the more elevated ground; for this
reason that the stragetic attack is not confined to one act like the
tactical. The strategic advance is not the continuous movement of a
piece of wheelwork; it is made in single marches with a longer or
shorter interval between them, and at each halting point the assailant
is just as much acting on the defensive as his adversary.

 Through the advantage of a better view of the surrounding country,
an elevated position confers, in a certain measure, on the offensive as
well as the defensive, a power of action which we must not omit to
notice; it is the facility of operating with separate masses. For each
portion of a force separately derives the same advantages which the
whole derives from this more elevated position; by this—a separate
corps, let it be strong or weak in numbers, is stronger than it would
otherwise be, and we can venture to take up a position with less
danger than we could if it had not that particular property of being on
an elevation. The advantages which are to be derived from such
separate bodies of troops is a subject for another place.

  If the possession of more elevated ground is combined with other
geographical advantages which are in our favour, if the enemy finds
himself cramped in his movements from other causes, as, for instance,
by the proximity of a large river, such disadvantages of his position
may prove quite decisive, and he may feel that he cannot too soon
relieve himself from such a position. No army can maintain itself in the
valley of a great river if it is not in possession of the heights on each
side by which the valley is formed.

  The possession of elevated ground may therefore become virtually
command, and we can by no means deny that this idea represents a
reality. But nevertheless the expressions "commanding ground,"
"sheltering position," "key of the country," in so far as they are
founded on the nature of heights and descents, are hollow shells
without any sound kernel. These imposing elements of theory have
been chiefly resorted to in order to give a flavour to the seeming
commonplace of military combinations; they have become the darling
themes of learned soldiers, the magical wands of adepts in strategy,
and neither the emptiness of these fanciful conceits, nor the frequent
contradictions which have been given to them by the results of
experience have sufficed to convince authors, and those who read


                                   375
their books, that with such phraseology they are drawing water in the
leaky vessel of the Danaides. The conditions have been mistaken for
the thing itself, the instrument for the hand. The occupation of such
and such a position or space of ground, has been looked upon as an
exercise of power like a thrust or a cut, the ground or position itself as
a substantive quantity; whereas the one is like the lifting of the arm,
the other is nothing but the lifeless instrument, a mere property which
can only realise itself upon an object, a mere sign of plus or minus
which wants the figures or quantities. This cut and thrust, this object,
this quantity, is a victorious battle; it alone really counts; with it only
can we reckon; and we must always have it in view, as well in giving a
critical judgment in literature as in real action in the field.

  Consequently, if nothing but the number and value of victorious
combats decides in war, it is plain that the comparative value of the
opposing armies and ability of their respective leaders again rank as
the first points for consideration, and that the part which the influence
of ground plays can only be one of an inferior grade.




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                      Book VI—Defence
              Chapter I. Offence and Defence
1.—Conception of Defence.

  WHAT is defence in conception? The warding off a blow. What is then
its characteristic sign? The state of expectancy (or of waiting for this
blow). This is the sign by which we always recognise an act as of a
defensive character, and by this sign alone can the defensive be
distinguished from the offensive in war. But inasmuch as an absolute
defence completely contradicts the idea of war, because there would
then be war carried on by one side only, it follows that the defence in
war can only be relative and the above distinguishing signs must
therefore only be applied to the essential idea or general conception: it
does not apply to all the separate acts which compose the war. A
partial combat is defensive if we receive the onset, the charge of the
enemy; a battle is so if we receive the attack, that is, wait for the
appearance of the enemy before our position and within range of our
fire; a campaign is defensive if we wait for the entry of the enemy into
our theatre of war. In all these cases the sign of waiting for and
warding off belongs to the general conception, without any
contradiction arising with the conception of war, for it may be to our
advantage to wait for the charge against our bayonets, or the attack
on our position or our theatre of war. But as we must return the
enemy's blows if we are really to carry on war on our side, therefore
this offensive act in defensive war takes place more or less under the
general title defensive—that is to say, the offensive of which we make
use falls under the conception of position or theatre of war. We can,
therefore, in a defensive campaign fight offensively, in a defensive
battle we may use some divisions for offensive purposes, and lastly,
while remaining in position awaiting the enemy's onslaught, we still
make use of the offensive by sending at the same time balls into the
enemy's ranks. The defensive form in war is therefore no mere shield
but a shield formed of blows delivered with skill.

2.—Advantages of the Defensive.

  What is the object of defence? To preserve. To preserve is easier
than to acquire; from which follows at once that the means on both
sides being supposed equal, the defensive is easier than the offensive.
But in what consists the greater facility of preserving or keeping
possession? In this, that all time which is not turned to any account


                                   377
falls into the scale in favour of the defence. He reaps where he has not
sowed. Every suspension of offensive action, either from erroneous
views, from fear or from indolence, is in favour of the side acting
defensively. This advantage saved the State of Prussia from ruin more
than once in the Seven Years' War. It is one which derives itself from
the conception and object of the defensive, lies in the nature of all
defence, and in ordinary life, particularly in legal business which bears
so much resemblance to war, it is expressed by the Latin proverb,
Beati sunt possidentes. Another advantage arising from the nature of
war and belonging to it exclusively, is the aid afforded by locality or
ground; this is one of which the defensive form has a preferential use.

  Having established these general ideas we now turn more directly to
the subject.

  In tactics every combat, great or small, is defensive if we leave the
initiative to the enemy, and wait for his appearance in our front. From
that moment forward we can make use of all offensive means without
losing the said two advantages of the defence, namely, that of waiting
for, and that of ground. In strategy, at first, the campaign represents
the battle, and the theatre of war the position; but afterwards the
whole war takes the place of the campaign, and the whole country that
of the theatre of war, and in both cases the defensive remains that
which it was in tactics.

  It has been already observed in a general way that the defensive is
easier than the offensive; but as the defensive has a negative object,
that of preserving, and the offensive a positive object that of
conquering, and as the latter increases our own means of carrying on
war, but the preserving does not, therefore in order to express
ourselves distinctly, we must say, that the defensive form of war is in
itself stronger than the offensive. This is the result we have been
desirous of arriving at; for although it lies completely in the nature of
the thing, and has been confirmed by experience a thousand times,
still it is completely contrary to prevalent opinion—a proof how ideas
may be confused by superficial writers.

  If the defensive is the stronger form of conducting war, but has a
negative object, it follows of itself that we must only make use of it so
long as our weakness compels us to do so, and that we must give up
that form as soon as we feel strong enough to aim at the positive
object. Now as the state of our circumstances is usually improved in
the event of our gaining a victory through the assistance of the
defensive, it is therefore, also, the natural course in war to begin with


                                   378
the defensive, and to end with the offensive. It is therefore just as
much in contradiction with the conception of war to suppose the
defensive the ultimate object of the war as it was a contradiction to
understand passivity to belong to all the parts of the defensive, as well
as to the defensive as a whole. In other words: a war in which
victories are merely used to ward off blows, and where there is no
attempt to return the blow, would be just as absurd as a battle in
which the most absolute defence (passivity) should everywhere prevail
in all measures.

  Against the justice of this general view many examples might be
quoted in which the defensive continued defensive to the last, and the
assumption of the offensive was never contemplated; but such an
objection could only be urged if we lost sight of the fact that here the
question is only about general ideas (abstract ideas), and that
examples in opposition to the general conception we are discussing are
all of them to be looked upon as cases in which the time for the
possibility of offensive reaction had not yet arrived.

  In the Seven Years' War, at least in the last three years of it,
Frederick the Great did not think of an offensive; indeed we believe
further, that generally speaking, he only acted on the offensive at any
time in this war as the best means of defending himself; his whole
situation compelled him to this course, and it is natural that a general
should aim more immediately at that which is most in accordance with
the situation in which he is placed for the time being. Nevertheless, we
cannot look at this example of a defence upon a great scale without
supposing that the idea of a possible counterstroke against Austria lay
at the bottom of the whole of it, and saying to ourselves, the moment
for that counterstroke had not arrived before the war came to a close.
The conclusion of peace shows that this idea is not without foundation
even in this instance; for what could have actuated the Austrians to
make peace except the thought that they were not in a condition with
their own forces alone to make head against the talent of the king;
that to maintain an equilibrium their exertions must be greater than
heretofore, and that the slightest relaxation of their efforts would
probably lead to fresh losses of territory. And, in fact, who can doubt
that if Russia, Sweden, and the army of the German Empire had
ceased to act together against Frederick the Great he would have tried
to conquer the Austrians again in Bohemia and Moravia?

 Having thus defined the true meaning of the defensive, having
defined its boundaries, we return again to the assertion that the
defensive is the stronger form of making war.


                                   379
  Upon a closer examination, and comparison of the offensive and
defensive, this will appear perfectly plain; but for the present we shall
confine ourselves to noticing the contradiction in which we should be
involved with ourselves, and with the results of experience by
maintaining the contrary to be the fact. If the offensive form was the
stronger there would be no further occasion ever to use the defensive,
as it has merely a negative object, every one would be for attacking,
and the defensive would be an absurdity. On the other hand, it is very
natural that the higher object should be purchased by greater
sacrifices. Whoever feels himself strong enough to make use of the
weaker form has it in his power to aim at the greater object; whoever
sets before himself the smaller object can only do so in order to have
the benefit of the stronger form—If we look to experience, such a
thing is unheard of as any one carrying on a war upon two different
theatres—offensively on one with the weaker army, and defensively on
the other with his strongest force But if the reverse of this has
everywhere and at all times taken place that shows plainly that
generals although their own inclination prompts them to the offensive,
still hold the defensive to be the stronger form. We have still in the
next chapters to explain some preliminary points.




                                   380
    Chapter II. The Relations of the Offensive and
         Defensive to each other in Tactics

  FIRST of all we must inquire into the circumstances which give the
victory in a battle.

  Of superiority of numbers, and bravery, discipline, or other qualities
of an army, we say nothing here, because, as a rule, they depend on
things which lie out of the province of the art of war in the sense in
which we are now considering it; besides which they exercise the same
effect in the offensive as the defensive; and, moreover also, the
superiority in numbers in general cannot come under consideration
here, as the number of troops is likewise a given quantity or condition,
and does not depend on the will or pleasure of the general. Further,
these things have no particular connection with attack and defence.
But, irrespective of these things, there are other three which appear to
us of decisive importance, these are: surprise, advantage of ground,
and the attack from several quarters. The surprise produces an effect
by opposing to the enemy a great many more troops than he expected
at some particular point. The superiority in numbers in this case is
very different to a general superiority of numbers; it is the most
powerful agent in the art of war.—The way in which the advantage of
ground contributes to the victory is intelligible enough of itself, and we
have only one observation to make which is, that we do not confine
our remarks to obstacles which obstruct the advance of an enemy,
such as scarped grounds, high hills, marshy streams, hedges,
inclosures, etc.; we also allude to the advantage which ground affords
as cover, under which troops are concealed from view. Indeed we may
say that even from ground which is quite unimportant a person
acquainted with the locality may derive assistance. The attack from
several quarters includes in itself all tactical turning movements great
and small, and its effects are derived partly from the double execution
obtained in this way from fire-arms, and partly from the enemy's
dread of his retreat being cut off.

  Now how do the offensive and defensive stand respectively in
relation to these things?

  Having in view the three principles of victory just described, the
answer to this question is, that only a small portion of the first and last
of these principles is in favour of the offensive, whilst the greater part
of them, and the whole of the second principle, are at the command of
the party acting defensively.


                                    381
 The offensive side can only have the advantage of one complete
surprise of the whole mass with the whole, whilst the defensive is in a
condition to surprise incessantly, throughout the whole course of the
combat, by the force and form which he gives to his partial attacks.

  The offensive has greater facilities than the defensive for surrounding
and cutting off the whole, as the latter is in a manner in a fixed
position while the former is in a state of movement having reference to
that position. But the superior advantage for an enveloping movement,
which the offensive possesses, as now stated, is again limited to a
movement against the whole mass; for during the course of the
combat, and with separate divisions of the force, it is easier for the
defensive than for the offensive to make attacks from several
quarters, because, as we have already said, the former is in a better
situation to surprise by the force and form of his attacks.

  That the defensive in an especial manner enjoys the assistance which
ground affords is plain in itself; as to what concerns the advantage
which the defensive has in surprising by the force and form of his
attacks, that results from the offensive being obliged to approach by
roads and paths where he may be easily observed, whilst the
defensive conceals his position, and, until almost the decisive moment,
remains invisible to his opponent.—Since the true method of defence
has been adopted, reconnaissances have gone quite out of fashion,
that is to say, they have become impossible. Certainly reconnaissances
are still made at times, but they seldom bring home much with them.
Immense as is the advantage of being able to examine well a position,
and become perfectly acquainted with it before a battle, plain as it is
that he (the defensive) who lies in wait near such a chosen position
can much more easily effect a surprise than his adversary, yet still to
this very hour the old notion is not exploded that a battle which is
accepted is half lost. This comes from the old kind of defensive
practised twenty years ago, and partly also in the Seven Years' War,
when the only assistance expected from the ground was that it should
be difficult of approach in front (by steep mountain slopes, etc., etc.),
when the little depth of the positions and the difficulty of moving the
flanks produced such weakness that the armies dodged one another
from one hill to another, which increased the evil. If some kind of
support were found on which to rest the wings, then all depended on
preventing the army stretched along between these points, like a piece
of work on an embroidery frame, from being broken through at any
point. The ground occupied possessed a direct value at every point,
and therefore a direct defence was required everywhere. Under such


                                   382
circumstances, the idea of making a movement or attempting a
surprise during the battle could not be entertained; it was the exact
reverse of what constitutes a good defence, and of that which the
defence has actually become in modern warfare.

  In reality, contempt for the defensive has always been the result of
some particular method of defence having become worn out (outlived
its period); and this was just the case with the method we have now
mentioned, for in times antecedent to the period we refer to, that very
method was superior to the offensive.

  If we go through the progressive development of the modern art of
war, we find that at the commencement—that is the Thirty Years' War
and the war of the Spanish Succession—the deployment and drawing
up of the army in array, was one of the great leading points connected
with the battle. It was the most important part of the plan of the
battle. This gave the defensive, as a rule, a great advantage, as he
was already drawn up and deployed. As soon as the troops acquired
greater capability of manœuvring, this advantage ceased, and the
superiority passed over to the side of the offensive for a time. Then
the defensive sought shelter behind rivers or deep valleys, or on high
land. The defensive thus recovered the advantage, and continued to
maintain it until the offensive acquired such increased mobility and
expertness in manœuvring that he himself could venture into broken
ground and attack in separate columns, and therefore became able to
turn his adversary. This led to a gradual increase in the length of
positions, in consequence of which, no doubt, it occurred to the
offensive to concentrate at a few points, and break through the
enemy's thin line. The offensive thus, for a third time, gained the
ascendancy, and the defence was again obliged to alter its system.
This it has done in recent wars by keeping its forces concentrated in
large masses, the greater part not deployed, and, where possible,
concealed, thus merely taking up a position in readiness to act
according to the measures of the enemy as soon as they are
sufficiently revealed.

  This does not preclude a partially passive defence of the ground; its
advantage is too great for it not to be used a hundred times in a
campaign. But that kind of passive defence of the ground is usually no
longer the principal affair: that is what we have to do with here.

  If the offensive should discover some new and powerful element
which it can bring to its assistance—an event not very probable, seeing
the point of simplicity and natural order to which all is now brought—


                                  383
then the defence must again alter its method. But the defensive is
always certain of the assistance of ground, which insures to it in
general its natural superiority, as the special properties of country and
ground exercise a greater influence than ever on actual warfare.




                                   384
   Chapter III. The Relations of the Offensive and
        Defensive to each other in Strategy

  LET us ask again, first of all, what are the circumstances which insure
a successful result in strategy?

  In strategy there is no victory, as we have before said. On the one
hand, the strategic success is the successful preparation of the tactical
victory; the greater this strategic success, the more probable becomes
the victory in the battle. On the other hand, strategic success lies in
the making use of the victory gained. The more events the strategic
combinations can in the sequel include in the consequences of a battle
gained, the more strategy can lay hands on amongst the wreck of all
that has been shaken to the foundation by the battle, the more it
sweeps up in great masses what of necessity has been gained with
great labour by many single hands in the battle, the grander will be its
success.—Those things which chiefly lead to this success, or at least
facilitate it, consequently the leading principles of efficient action in
strategy, are as follow:—

 1. The advantage of ground.

 2. The surprise, let it be either in the form of an actual attack by
surprise or by the unexpected display of large forces at certain points.

 3. The attack from several quarters (all three, as in tactics).

 4. The assistance of the theatre of war by fortresses, and everything
belonging to them.

 5. The support of the people.

 6. The utilisation of great moral forces.

  Now, what are the relations of offensive and defensive with respect
to these things?

  The party on the defensive has the advantage of ground; the
offensive side that of the attack by surprise in strategy, as in tactics
But respecting the surprise, we must observe that it is infinitely more
efficacious and important in strategy than in tactics. In the latter, a
surprise seldom rises to the level of a great victory, while in strategy it
often finishes the war at one stroke. But at the same time we must


                                    385
observe that the advantageous use of this means supposes some great
and uncommon, as well as decisive error committed by the adversary,
therefore it does not alter the balance much in favour of the offensive.

  The surprise of the enemy, by placing superior forces in position at
certain points, has again a great resemblance to the analogous case in
tactics. Were the defensive compelled to distribute his forces upon
several points of approach to his theatre of war, then the offensive
would have plainly the advantage of being able to fall upon one point
with all his weight. But here also, the new art of acting on the
defensive by a different mode of proceeding has imperceptibly brought
about new principles. If the defensive side does not apprehend that
the enemy, by making use of an undefended road, will throw himself
upon some important magazine or depôt, or on some unprepared
fortification, or on the capital itself.—and if he is not reduced to the
alternative of opposing the enemy on the road he has chosen, or of
having his retreat cut off, then there are no peremptory grounds for
dividing his forces; for if the offensive chooses a different road from
that on which the defensive is to be found, then some days later the
latter can march against his opponent with his whole force upon the
road he has chosen; besides, he may at the same time, in most cases,
rest satisfied that the offensive will do him the honour to seek him
out.—If the offensive is obliged to advance with his forces divided,
which is often unavoidable on account of subsistence, then plainly the
defensive has the advantage on his side of being able to fall in force
upon a fraction of the enemy.

  Attacks in flank and rear, which in strategy mean on the sides and
reverse of the theatre of war, are of a very different nature to attacks
so called in tactics.

 1st. There is no bringing the enemy under two fires, because we
cannot fire from one end of a theatre of war to the other.

  2nd. The apprehension of losing the line of retreat is very much less,
for the spaces in strategy are so great that they cannot be barred as in
tactics.

  3rd. In strategy, on account of the extent of space embraced, the
efficacy of interior, that is of shorter lines, is much greater, and this
forms a great safeguard against attacks from several directions.




                                   386
  4th. A new principle makes its appearance in the sensibility, which is
felt as to lines of communication, that is in the effect which is
produced by merely interrupting them.

  Now it confessedly lies in the nature of things, that on account of the
greater spaces in strategy, the enveloping attack, or the attack from
several sides, as a rule is only possible for the side which has the
initiative, that is the offensive, and that the defensive is not in a
condition, as he is in tactics, in the course of the action, to turn the
tables on the enemy by surrounding him, because he has it not in his
power either to draw up his forces with the necessary depth relatively,
or to conceal them sufficiently: but then, of what use is the facility of
enveloping to the offensive, if its advantages are not forthcoming? We
could not therefore bring forward the enveloping attack in strategy as
a principle of victory in general, if its influence on the lines of
communication did not come into consideration. But this factor is
seldom great at the first moment, when attack and defence first meet,
and while they are still opposed to each other in their original position;
it only becomes great as a campaign advances, when the offensive in
the enemy's country is by degrees brought into the condition of
defensive; then the lines of communication of this new party acting on
the defensive, become weak, and the party originally on the defensive,
in assuming the offensive can derive advantage from this weakness.
But who does not see that this casual superiority of the attack is not to
be carried to the credit of the offensive in general, for it is in reality
created out of the superior relations of the defensive.

  The fourth principle, the Assistance of the Theatre of War, is
naturally an advantage on the side of the defensive. If the attacking
army opens the campaign, it breaks away from its own theatre, and is
thus weakened, that is, it leaves fortresses and depôts of all kinds
behind it. The greater the sphere of operations which must be
traversed, the more it will be weakened (by marches and garrisons);
the army on the defensive continues to keep up its connection with
everything, that is, it enjoys the support of its fortresses, is not
weakened in any way, and is near to its sources of supply.

  The support of the population as a fifth principle is not realised in
every defence, for a defensive campaign may be carried on in the
enemy's country, but still this principle is only derived from the idea of
the defensive, and applies to it in the majority of cases. Besides by
this is meant chiefly, although not exclusively, the effect of calling out
the last Reserves, and even of a national armament, the result of



                                   387
which is that all friction is diminished, and that all resources are
sooner forthcoming and flow in more abundantly.

  The campaign of 1812, gives as it were in a magnifying glass a very
clear illustration of the effect of the means specified under principles 3
and 4. 500,000 men passed the Niemen, 120,000 fought at Borodino,
and much fewer arrived at Moscow.

  We may say that the effect itself of this stupendous attempt was so
disastrous that even if the Russians had not assumed any offensive at
all, they would still have been secure from any fresh attempt at
invasion for a considerable time. It is true that with the exception of
Sweden there is no country in Europe which is situated like Russia, but
the efficient principle is always the same, the only distinction being in
the greater or less degree of its strength.

  If we add to the fourth and fifth principles, the consideration that
these forces of the defensive belong to the original defensive, that is
the defensive carried on in our own soil, and that they are much
weaker if the defence takes place in an enemy's country and is mixed
up with an offensive undertaking, then from that there is a new
disadvantage for the offensive, much the same as above, in respect to
the third principle; for the offensive is just as little composed entirely
of active elements, as the defensive of mere warding off blows; indeed
every attack which does not lead directly to peace must inevitably end
in the defensive.

  Now, if all defensive elements which are brought into use in the
attack are weakened by its nature, that is by belonging to the attack,
then this must also be considered as a general disadvantage of the
offensive.

  This is far from being an idle piece of logical refinement, on the
contrary we should rather say that in it lies the chief disadvantage of
the offensive in general, and therefore from the very commencement
of, as well as throughout every combination for a strategic attack,
most particular attention ought to be directed to this point, that is to
the defensive, which may follow, as we shall see more plainly when we
come to the book on plans of campaigns.

  The great moral forces which at times saturate the element of war,
as it were with a leaven of their own, which therefore the commander
in certain cases can use to assist the other means at his command, are
to be supposed just as well on the side of the defensive as of the


                                   388
offensive; at least those which are more especially in favour of the
attack, such as confusion and disorder in the enemy's ranks—do not
generally appear until after the decisive stroke is given, and
consequently seldom contribute beforehand to produce that result.

  We think we have now sufficiently established our proposition, that
the defensive is a stronger form of war than the offensive; but there
still remains to be mentioned one small factor hitherto unnoticed. It is
the high spirit, the feeling of superiority in an army which springs from
a consciousness of belonging to the attacking party. The thing is in
itself a fact, but the feeling soon merges into the more general and
more powerful one which is imparted by victory or defeat, by the
talent or incapacity of the general.




                                   389
Chapter IV. Convergence of Attack and Divergence
                   of Defence
  THESE two conceptions, these forms in the use of offensive and
defensive, appear so frequently in theory and reality, that the
imagination is involuntarily disposed to look upon them as intrinsic
forms, necessary to attack and defence, which, however, is not really
the case, as the smallest reflection will show. We take the earliest
opportunity of examining them, that we may obtain once for all clear
ideas respecting them, and that, in proceeding with our consideration
of the relations of attack and defence, we may be able to set these
conceptions aside altogether, and not have our attention for ever
distracted by the appearance of advantage and the reverse which they
cast upon things. We treat them here as pure abstractions, extract the
conception of them like an essence, and reserve our remarks on the
part which it has in actual things for a future time.

  The defending party, both in tactics and in strategy, is supposed to
be waiting in expectation, therefore standing, whilst the assailant is
imagined to be in movement, and in movement expressly directed
against that standing adversary. It follows from this, necessarily, that
turning and enveloping is at the option of the assailant only, that is to
say, as long as his movement and the immobility of the defensive
continue. This freedom of choice of the mode of attack, whether it
shall be convergent or not, according as it shall appear advantageous
or otherwise, ought to be reckoned as an advantage to the offensive in
general. But this choice is free only in tactics; it is not always allowed
in strategy. In the first, the points on which the wings rest are hardly
ever absolutely secure; but they are very frequently so in strategy, as
when the front to be defended stretches in a straight line from one sea
to another, or from one neutral territory to another. In such cases, the
attack cannot be made in a convergent form, and the liberty of choice
is limited. It is limited in a still more embarrassing manner if the
assailant is obliged to operate by converging lines. Russia and France
cannot attack Germany in any other way than by converging lines;
therefore they cannot attack with their forces united. Now if we
assume as granted that the concentric form in the action of forces in
the majority of cases is the weaker form, then the advantage which
the assailant possesses in the greater freedom of choice may probably
be completely outweighed by the disadvantage, in other cases, of
being compelled to make use of the weaker form.




                                   390
  We proceed to examine more closely the action of these forms, both
in tactics and in strategy.

  It has been considered one of the chief advantages of giving a
concentric direction to forces, that is, operating from the
circumference of a circle towards the centre, that the further the
forces advance, the nearer they approach to each other; the fact is
true, but the supposed advantage is not; for the tendency to union is
going on equally on both sides; consequently, the equilibrium is not
disturbed. It is the same in the dispersion of force by eccentric
movements.

 But another and a real advantage is, that forces operating on
converging lines direct their action towards a common point, those
operating on diverging lines do not.—Now what are the effects of the
action in the two cases? Here we must separate tactics from strategy.

  We shall not push the analysis too far, and therefore confine
ourselves to the following points as the advantages of the action in
tactics.

  1. A cross fire, or, at least, an increased effect of fire, as soon as all
is brought within a certain range.

 2. Attack of one and the same point from several sides.

 3. The cutting off the retreat.

  The interception of a retreat may be also conceived strategically, but
then it is plainly much more difficult, because great spaces are not
easily blocked. The attack upon one and the same body from several
quarters is generally more effectual and decisive, the smaller this body
is, the nearer it approaches to the lowest limit—that of a single
combatant. An army can easily give battle on several sides, a division
less easily, a battalion only when formed in mass, a single man not at
all. Now strategy, in its province, deals with large masses of men,
extensive spaces, and considerable duration of time; with tactics, it is
the reverse. From this follows that the attack from several sides in
strategy cannot have the same results as in tactics.

  The effect of fire does not come within the scope of strategy; but in
its place there is something else. It is that tottering of the base which
every army feels when there is a victorious enemy in its rear, whether
near or far off.


                                    391
  It is, therefore, certain that the concentric action of forces has an
advantage in this way, that the action or effect against a is at the
same time one against b, without its force against a being diminished,
and that the action against b is likewise action against a. The whole,
therefore, is not a + b, but something more; and this advantage is
produced both in tactics and strategy, although somewhat differently
in each.

  Now what is there in the eccentric or divergent action of forces to
oppose to this advantage? Plainly the advantage of having the forces
in greater proximity to each other, and the moving on interior lines. It
is unnecessary to demonstrate how this can become such a multiplier
of forces that the assailant cannot encounter the advantage it gives his
opponent unless he has a great superiority of force.—When once the
defensive has adopted the principle of movement (movement which
certainly commences later than that of the assailant, but still time
enough to break the chains of paralysing inaction), then this
advantage of greater concentration and the interior lines tends much
more decisively, and in most cases more effectually, towards victory
than the concentric form of the attack. But victory must precede the
realisation of this superiority; we must conquer before we can think of
cutting off an enemy's retreat. In short, we see that there is here a
relation similar to that which exists between attack and defence
generally; the concentric form leads to brilliant results, the advantages
of the eccentric are more secure: the former is the weaker form with
the positive object; the latter, the stronger form with the negative
object. In this way these two forms seem to us to be brought nearly to
an even balance. Now if we add to this that the defence, not being
always absolute, is also not always precluded from using its forces on
converging lines, we have no longer a right to believe that this
converging form is alone sufficient to ensure to the offensive a
superiority over the defensive universally, and thus we set ourselves
free from the influence which that opinion usually exercises over the
judgment, whenever there is an opportunity.

  What has been said up to the present, relates to both tactics and
strategy; we have still a most important point to bring forward, which
applies to strategy only. The advantage of interior lines increases with
the distances to which these lines relate. In distances of a few
thousand yards, or a half mile, the time which is gained, cannot of
course be as much as in distances of several days' march, or indeed,
of twenty or thirty miles; the first, that is, the small distances,
concerns tactics, the greater ones belong to strategy. But, although we


                                   392
certainly require more time, to reach an object in strategy, than in
tactics, and an army is not so quickly defeated as a battalion, still,
these periods of time in strategy can only increase up to a certain
point; that is, they can only last until a battle takes place, or, perhaps,
over and above that, for the few days during which a battle may be
avoided without serious loss. Further, there is a much greater
difference in the real start in advance, which is gained in one case, as
compared with the other. Owing to the insignificance of the distances
in tactics, the movements of one army in a battle, take place almost in
sight of the other; the army, therefore, on the exterior line, will
generally very soon be made aware of what his adversary is doing.
From the long distances, with which strategy has to deal, it very
seldom happens, that the movement of one army, is not concealed
from the other for at least a day, and there are numerous instances, in
which especially if the movement is only partial, such as a
considerable detachment, that it remains secret for weeks.—It is easy
to see, what a great advantage this power of concealing movements
must be to that party, who through the nature of his position has
reason to desire it most.

 We here close our considerations on the convergent and divergent
use of forces, and the relation of those forms to attack and defence,
proposing to return to the subject at another time.




                                    393
     Chapter V. Character of Strategic Defensive

 WE have already explained what the defensive is generally, namely,
nothing more than a stronger form of carrying on war (page 69), by
means of which we endeavour to wrest a victory, in order, after having
gained a superiority, to pass over to the offensive, that is to the
positive object of war.

  Even if the intention of a war is only the maintenance of the existing
situation of things, the status quo, still a mere parrying of a blow is
something quite contradictory to the conception of the term war,
because the conduct of war is unquestionably no mere state of
endurance. If the defender has obtained an important advantage, then
the defensive form has done its part, and under the protection of this
success he must give back the blow, otherwise he exposes himself to
certain destruction; common sense points out that iron should be
struck while it is hot, that we should use the advantage gained to
guard against a second attack. How, when and where this reaction
shall commence is subject certainly to a number of other conditions,
which we can only explain hereafter. For the present we keep to this,
that we must always consider this transition to an offensive return as a
natural tendency of the defensive, therefore as an essential element of
the same, and always conclude that there is something wrong in the
management of a war when a victory gained through the defensive
form is not turned to good account in any manner, but allowed to
wither away.

  A swift and vigorous assumption of the offensive—the flashing sword
of vengeance—is the most brilliant point in the defensive; he who does
not at once think of it at the right moment, or rather he who does not
from the first include this transition in his idea of the defensive will
never understand the superiority of the defensive as a form of war; he
will be for ever thinking only of the means which will be consumed by
the enemy and gained by ourselves through the offensive, which
means however depend not on tying the knot, but on untying it.
Further, it is a stupid confusion of ideas if, under the term offensive,
we always understand sudden attack or surprise, and consequently
under defensive imagine nothing but embarrassment and confusion.

  It is true that a conqueror makes his determination to go to war
sooner than the unconscious defender, and if he knows how to keep
his measures properly secret, he may also perhaps take the defender
unawares; but that is a thing quite foreign to war itself, for it should



                                  394
not be so. War actually takes place more for the defensive than for the
conqueror, for invasion only calls forth resistance, and it is not until
there is resistance that there is war. A conqueror is always a lover of
peace (as Buonaparte always asserted of himself); he would like to
make his entry into our state unopposed; in order to prevent this, we
must choose war, and therefore also make preparations, that is in
other words, it is just the weak, or that side which must defend itself,
which should be always armed in order not to be taken by surprise; so
it is willed by the art of war.

  The appearance of one side sooner than the other in the theatre of
war depends, besides, in most cases on things quite different from a
view to offensive or defensive. But although a view to one or other of
these forms is not the cause, it is often the result of this priority of
appearance. Whoever is first ready will on that account go to work
offensively, if the advantage of surprise is sufficiently great to make it
expedient; and the party who is the last to be ready can only then in
some measure compensate for the disadvantage which threatens him
by the advantages of the defensive.

  At the same time, it must be looked upon in general as an advantage
for the offensive, that he can make that good use of being the first in
the field which has been noticed in the third book; only this general
advantage is not an absolute necessity in every case.

 If, therefore, we imagine to ourselves a defensive, such as it should
be, we must suppose it with every possible preparation of all means,
with an army fit for, and inured to, war, with a general who does not
wait for his adversary with anxiety from an embarrassing feeling of
uncertainty, but from his own free choice, with cool presence of mind,
with fortresses which do not dread a siege, and lastly, with a loyal
people who fear the enemy as little as he fears them. With such
attributes the defensive will act no such contemptible part in
opposition to the offensive, and the latter will not appear such an easy
and certain form of war, as it does in the gloomy imaginations of those
who can only see in the offensive courage, strength of will, and
energy; in the defensive, helplessness and apathy.




                                   395
      Chapter VI. Extent of the Means of Defence

  WE have shown in the second and third chapters of this book how
the defence has a natural advantage in the employment of those
things, which,—irrespective of the absolute strength and qualities of
the combatant force,—influence the tactical as well as the strategic
result, namely, the advantage of ground, sudden attack, attack from
several directions (converging form of attack), the assistance of the
theatre of war, support of the people, and the utilising great moral
forces. We think it useful now to cast again a glance over the extent of
the means which are at command of the defensive in particular, and
which are to be regarded as the columns of the different orders of
architecture in his edifice.

1.—Landwehr (Militia).

  This force has been used in modern times to combat the enemy on
foreign soil; and it is not to be denied that its organisation in many
states, for instance in Prussia, is of such a kind, that it may almost be
regarded as part of the standing army, therefore it does not belong to
the defensive exclusively. At the same time, we must not overlook the
fact, that the very great use made of it in 1813-1415 was the result of
defensive war; that it is organised in very few places to the same
degree as in Prussia, and that always when its organisation falls below
the level of complete efficiency, it is better suited for the defensive
than for the offensive. But besides that, there always lies in the idea of
a militia the notion of a very extensive more or less voluntary co-
operation of the whole mass of the people in support of the war, with
all their physical powers, as well as with their feelings, and a ready
sacrifice of all they possess. The more its organisation deviates from
this, so much the more the force thus created will become a standing
army under another name, and the more it will have the advantages of
such a force; but it will also lose in proportion the advantages which
belong properly to the militia, those of being a force, the limits of
which are undefined, and capable of being easily increased by
appealing to the feelings and patriotism of the people. In these things
lies the essence of a militia; in its organisation, latitude must be
allowed for this co-operation of the whole people; if we seek to obtain
something extraordinary from a militia, we are only following a
shadow.

 But now the close relationship between this essence of a militia
system, and the conception of the defensive, is not to be denied,



                                   396
neither can it be denied that such a militia will always belong more to
the defensive form than to the offensive, and that it will manifest
chiefly in the defensive, those effects through which it surpasses the
attack.

2.—Fortresses.

  The assistance afforded by fortresses to the offensive does not
extend beyond what is given by those close upon the frontiers, and is
only feeble in influence; the assistance which the defensive can derive
from this reaches further into the heart of the country, and therefore
more of them can be brought into use, and their utility itself differs in
the degree of its intensity. A fortress which is made the object of a
regular siege, and holds out, is naturally of more considerable weight
in the scales of war, than one which by the strength of its works
merely forbids the idea of its capture, and therefore neither occupies
nor consumes any of the enemy's forces.

3.—The People.

  Although the influence of a single inhabitant of the theatre of war on
the course of the war in most cases is not more perceptible than the
co-operation of a drop of water in a whole river, still even in cases
where there is no such thing as a general rising of the people, the total
influence of the inhabitants of a country in war is anything but
imperceptible. Every thing goes on easier in our own country, provided
it is not opposed by the general feeling of the population. All
contributions great and small, are only yielded to the enemy under the
compulsion of direct force; that operation must be undertaken by the
troops, and cost the employment of many men as well as great
exertions. The defensive receives all he wants, if not always
voluntarily, as in cases of enthusiastic devotion, still through the long-
used channels of submission to the state on the part of the citizens,
which has become second nature, and which besides that, is enforced
by the terrors of the law with which the army has nothing to do. But
the spontaneous co-operation of the people proceeding from true
attachment is in all cases most important, as it never fails in all those
points where service can be rendered without any sacrifice. We shall
only notice one point, which is of the highest importance in war, that is
intelligence, not so much special, great and important information
through persons employed, as that respecting the innumerable little
matters in connection with which the daily service of an army is
carried on in uncertainty, and with regard to which a good



                                   397
understanding with the inhabitants gives the defensive a general
advantage.

  If we ascend from this quite general and never failing beneficial
influence, up to special cases in which the populace begins to take part
in the war, and then further up to the highest degree, where as in
Spain, the war, as regards its leading events is chiefly a war carried on
by the people themselves, we may see that we have here virtually a
new power rather than a manifestation of increased cooperation on the
part of the people, and therefore that—

4.—The National Armament,

 or general call to arms, may be considered as a particular means of
defence.

5.—Allies.

  Finally, we may further reckon allies as the last support of the
defensive. Naturally we do not mean ordinary allies, which the
assailant may likewise have; we speak of those essentially interested
in maintaining the integrity of the country. If for instance we look at
the various states composing Europe at the present time, we find
(without speaking of a systematically regulated balance of power and
interests, as that does not exist, and therefore is often with justice
disputed, still, unquestionably) that the great and small states and
interests of nations are interwoven with each other in a most
diversified and changeable manner, each of these points of
intersection forms a binding knot, for in it the direction of the one
gives equilibrium to the direction of the other; by all these knots
therefore, evidently a more or less compact connection of the whole
will be formed, and this general connection must be partially
overturned by every change. In this manner the whole relations of all
states to each other serve rather to preserve the stability of the whole
than to produce changes, that is to say, this tendency to stability
exists in general.

  This we conceive to be the true notion of a balance of power, and in
this sense it will always of itself come into existence, wherever there
are extensive connections between civilised states.

  How far this tendency of the general interests to the maintenance of
the existing state of things is efficient is another question; at all events
we can conceive some changes in the relations of single states to each


                                    398
other, which promote this efficiency of the whole, and others which
obstruct it. In the first case they are efforts to perfect the political
balance, and as these have the same tendency as the universal
interests, they will also be supported by the majority of these
interests. But in the other case, they are of an abnormal nature, undue
activity on the part of some single states, real maladies; still that
these should make their appearance in a whole with so little cohesion
as an assemblage of great and little states is not to be wondered at,
for we see the same in that marvellously organised whole, the natural
world.

  If in answer we are reminded of instances in history where single
states have effected important changes, solely for their own benefit,
without any effort on the part of the whole to prevent the same, or
cases where a single state has been able to raise itself so much above
others as to become almost the arbiter of the whole,—then our answer
is that these examples by no means prove that a tendency of the
interests of the whole in favour of stability does not exist, they only
show that its action was not powerful enough at the moment. The
effort towards an object is a different thing from the motion towards it.
At the same time it is anything but a nullity, of which we have the best
exemplification in the dynamics of the heavens.

  We say, the tendency of equilibrium is to the maintenance of the
existing state, whereby we certainly assume that rest, that is
equilibrium, existed in this state; for where that has been already
disturbed, tension has already commenced, and there the equilibrium
may certainly also tend to a change. But if we look to the nature of the
thing, this change can only affect some few separate states, never the
majority, and therefore it is certain that the preservation of the latter
is supported and secured through the collective interests of the
whole—certain also that each single state which has not against it a
tension of the whole will have more interest in favour of its defence
than opposition to it.

  Whoever laughs at these reflections as utopian dreams, does so at
the expense of philosophical truth. Although we may learn from it the
relations which the essential elements of things bear to each other, it
would be rash to attempt to deduce laws from the same by which each
individual case should be governed without regard to any accidental
disturbing influences. But when a person, in the words of a great
writer, "never rises above anecdote," builds all history on it, begins
always with the most individual points, with the climaxes of events,
and only goes down just so deep as he finds a motive for doing, and


                                   399
therefore never reaches to the lowest foundation of the predominant
general relations, his opinion will never have any value beyond the one
case, and to him, that which philosophy proves to be applicable to
cases in general, will only appear a dream.

  Without that general striving for rest and the maintenance of the
existing condition of things, a number of civilised states could not long
live quietly side by side; they must necessarily become fused into one.
Therefore, as Europe has existed in its present state for more than a
thousand years, we can only regard the fact as a result of that
tendency of the collective interests; and if the protection afforded by
the whole has not in every instance proved strong enough to preserve
the independence of each individual state, such exceptions are to be
regarded as irregularities in the life of the whole, which have not
destroyed that life, but have themselves been mastered by it.

  It would be superfluous to go over the mass of events in which
changes which would have disturbed the balance too much have been
prevented or reversed by the opposition more or less openly declared
of other states. They will be seen by the most cursory glance at
history. We only wish to say a few words about a case which is always
on the lips of those who ridicule the idea of a political balance, and
because it appears specially applicable here as a case in which an
unoffending state, acting on the defensive, succumbed without
receiving any foreign aid. We allude to Poland. That a state of eight
millions of inhabitants should disappear, should be divided amongst
three others without a sword being drawn by any of the rest of the
European states, appears, at first sight, a fact which either proves
conclusively the general inefficiency of the political balance, or at least
shows that it is inefficient to a very great extent in some instances.
That a state of such extent should disappear, a prey to others, and
those already the most powerful (Russia and Austria), appears such a
very extreme case that it will be said, if an event of this description
could not rouse the collective interests of all free states, then the
efficient action which this collective interest should display for the
benefit of individual states is imaginary. But we still maintain that a
single case, however striking, does not negative the general truth, and
we assert next that the downfall of Poland is also not so unaccountable
as may at first sight appear. Was Poland really to be regarded as a
European state, as a homogeneous member of the community of
nations in Europe? No! It was a Tartar state, which instead of being
located, like the Tartars of the Crimea, on the Black Sea, on the
confines of the territory inhabited by the European community, had its
habitation in the midst of that community on the Vistula. We neither


                                    400
desire by this to speak disrespectfully of the Poles, nor to justify the
partition of their country, but only to look at things as they really are.
For a hundred years this country had ceased to play any independent
part in European politics, and had been only an apple of discord for the
others. It was impossible that for a continuance it could maintain itself
amongst the others with its state and constitution unaltered: an
essential alteration in its Tartar nature would have been the work of
not less than half, perhaps a whole century, supposing the chief men
of that nation had been in favour of it. But these men were far too
thorough Tartars to wish any such change. Their turbulent political
condition, and their unbounded levity went hand in hand, and so they
tumbled into the abyss. Long before the partition of Poland the
Russians had become quite at home there, the idea of its being an
independent state, with boundaries of its own, had ceased, and
nothing is more certain than that Poland, if it had not been partitioned,
must have become a Russian province. If this had not been so, and if
Poland had been a state capable of making a defence, the three
powers would not so readily have proceeded to its partition, and those
powers most interested in maintaining its integrity, like France,
Sweden and Turkey, would have been able to co-operate in a very
different manner towards its preservation. But if the maintenance of a
state is entirely dependent on external support, then certainly too
much is asked.

   The partition of Poland had been talked of frequently for a hundred
years, and for that time the country had been not like a private house,
but like a public road, on which foreign armies were constantly jostling
one another. Was it the business of other states to put a stop to this;
were they constantly to keep the sword drawn to preserve the political
inviolability of the Polish frontier? That would have been to demand a
moral impossibility. Poland was at this time politically little better than
an uninhabited steppe; and as it is impossible that defenceless
steppes, lying in the midst of other countries should be guarded for
ever from invasion, therefore it was impossible to preserve the
integrity of this state, as it was called. For all these reasons there is as
little to cause wonder in the noiseless downfall of Poland as in the
silent conquest of the Crimean Tartars; the Turks had a greater
interest in upholding the latter than any European state had in
preserving the independence of Poland, but they saw that it would be
a vain effort to try to protect a defenceless steppe.—

 We return to our subject, and think we have proved that the
defensive in general may count more on foreign aid than the offensive;
he may reckon the more certainly on it in proportion as his existence is


                                    401
of importance to others, that is to say, the sounder and more vigorous
his political and military condition.

 Of course the subjects which have been here enumerated as means
properly belonging to the defensive will not be at the command of
each particular defensive. Sometimes one, sometimes another, may be
wanting; but they all belong to the idea of the defensive as a whole.




                                 402
Chapter VII. Mutual Action and Reaction of Attack
                  and Defence

  WE shall now consider attack and defence separately, as far as they
can be separated from each other. We commence with the defensive
for the following reasons:—It is certainly very natural and necessary to
base the rules for the defence upon those of the offensive, and vicè
versâ; but one of the two must still have a third point of departure, if
the whole chain of ideas is to have a beginning, that is, to be possible.
The first question concerns this point.

  If we reflect upon the commencement of war philosophically, the
conception of war properly does not originate with the offensive, as
that form has for its absolute object, not so much fighting as the
taking possession of something. The idea of war arises first by the
defensive, for that form has the battle for its direct object, as warding
off and fighting plainly are one and the same. The warding off is
directed entirely against the attack; therefore supposes it, necessarily;
but the attack is not directed against the warding off; it is directed
upon something else—the taking possession; consequently does not
presuppose the warding off. It lies, therefore, in the nature of things,
that the party who first brings the element of war into action, the
party from whose point of view two opposite parties are first
conceived, also establishes the first laws of war, and that party is the
defender. We are not speaking of any individual case; we are only
dealing with a general, an abstract case, which theory imagines in
order to determine the course it is to take.

  By this we now know where to look for this fixed point, outside and
independent of the reciprocal effect of attack and defence, and that it
is in the defensive.

  If this is a logical consequence, the defensive must have motives of
action, even when as yet he knows nothing of the intentions of the
offensive; and these motives of action must determine the
organisation of the means of fighting. On the other hand, as long as
the offensive knows nothing of the plans of his adversary, there are no
motives of action for him, no grounds for the application of his military
means. He can do nothing more than take these means along with
him, that is, take possession by means of his army. And thus it is also
in point of fact; for to carry about the apparatus of war is not to use it;
and the offensive who takes such things with him, on the quite general
supposition that he may require to use them, and who, instead of


                                    403
taking possession of a country by official functionaries and
proclamations, does so with an army, has not as yet committed,
properly speaking, any act of warfare; but the defensive who both
collects his apparatus of war, and disposes of it with a view to fighting,
is the first to exercise an act which really accords with the conception
of war.

  The second question is now: what is theoretically the nature of the
motives which must arise in the mind of the defensive first, before the
attack itself is thought of? Plainly the advance made with a view to
taking possession, which we have imagined extraneous to the war, but
which is the foundation of the opening chapter. The defence is to
oppose this advance; therefore in idea we must connect this advance
with the land (country); and thus arise the first most general
measures of the defensive. When these are once established, then
upon them the application of the offensive is founded, and from a
consideration of the means which the offensive then applies, new
principles again of defence are derived. Now here is the reciprocal
effect which theory can follow in its inquiry, as long as it finds the
fresh results which are produced are worth examination.

  This little analysis was necessary in order to give more clearness and
stability to what follows, such as it is; it is not made for the field of
battle, neither is it for the generals of the future; it is only for the
army of theorists, who have made a great deal too light of the subject
hitherto.




                                   404
           Chapter VIII. Methods of Resistance

  THE conception of the defence is warding off; in this warding off lies
the state of expectance, and this state of expectance we have taken as
the chief characteristic of the defence, and at the same time as its
principal advantage.

  But as the defensive in war cannot be a state of endurance, therefore
this state of expectation is only a relative, not an absolute state; the
subjects with which this waiting for is connected are, as regards space,
either the country, or the theatre of war, or the position, and, as
regards time, the war, the campaign, or the battle. That these subjects
are no immutable units, but only the centres of certain limited regions,
which run into one another and are blended together, we know; but in
practical life we must often be contented only to group things
together, not rigidly to separate them; and these conceptions have, in
the real world itself, sufficient distinctness to be made use of as
centres round which we may group other ideas.

  A defence of the country, therefore, only waits for attack on the
country; a defence of a theatre of war an attack on the theatre of war;
and the defence of a position the attack of that position. Every
positive, and consequently more or less offensive, kind of action which
the defensive uses after the above period of waiting for, does not
negative the idea of the continuance of the defensive; for the state of
expectation, which is the chief sign of the same, and its chief
advantage, has been realised.

 The conception of war, campaign, and battle, in relation to time, are
coupled respectively with the ideas of country, theatre of war, and
position, and on that account they have the same relations to the
present subject.

  The defensive consists, therefore, of two heterogeneous parts, the
state of expectancy and that of action. By having referred the first to a
definite subject, and therefore given it precedence of action, we have
made it possible to connect the two into one whole. But an act of the
defensive, especially a considerable one, such as a campaign or a
whole war, does not, as regards time, consist of two great halves, the
first the state of mere expectation, the second entirely of a state of
action; it is a state of alternation between the two, in which the state
of expectation can be traced through the whole act of the defensive
like a continuous thread.



                                   405
  We give to this state of expectation so much importance simply
because it is demanded by the nature of the thing. In preceding
theories of war it has certainly never been brought forward as an
independent conception, but in reality it has always served as a guide,
although often unobserved. It is such a fundamental part of the whole
act of war, that the one without the other appears almost impossible;
and we shall therefore often have occasion to recur to it hereafter by
calling attention to its effects in the dynamic action of the powers
called into play.

  For the present we shall employ ourselves in explaining how the
principle of the state of expectation runs through the act of defence,
and what are the successive stages in the defence itself which have
their origin in this state.

  In order to establish our ideas on subjects of a more simple kind, we
shall defer the defence of a country, a subject on which a very great
diversity of political influences exercises a powerful effect, until we
come to the Book on the Plan of War; and as on the other hand, the
defensive act in a position or in a battle is matter of tactics, which only
forms a starting point for strategic action as a whole, we shall take the
defence of a theatre, of war as being the subject, in which we can best
show the relations of the defensive.

  We have said, that the state of expectation and of action—which last
is always a counterstroke, therefore a reaction—are both essential
parts of the defensive; for without the first, there would be no
defensive, without the second no war. This view led us before to the
idea of the defensive being nothing but the stronger form of war, in
order the more certainly to conquer the enemy; this idea we must
adhere to throughout, partly because it alone saves us in the end from
absurdity, partly, because the more vividly it is impressed on the
mind, so much the greater is the energy it imparts to the whole act of
the defensive.

  If therefore we should make a distinction between the reaction,
constituting the second element of the defensive, and the other
element which consists in reality in the repulse only of the enemy;—if
we should look at expulsion from the country, from the theatre of war,
in such a light as to see in it alone the necessary thing by itself, the
ultimate object beyond the attainment of which our efforts should not
be carried, and on the other hand, regard the possibility of a reaction
carried still further, and passing into the real strategic attack, as a


                                    406
subject foreign to and of no consequence to the defence,—such a view
would be in opposition to the nature of the idea above represented,
and therefore we cannot look upon this distinction as really existing,
and we must adhere to our assertion, that the idea of revenge must
always be at the bottom of every defensive; for otherwise, however
much damage might be occasioned to the enemy, by a successful
issue of the first reaction, there would always be a deficiency in the
necessary balance of the dynamic relations of the attack and defence.

  We say, then, the defensive is the more powerful form of making
war, in order to overcome the enemy more easily, and we leave to
circumstances to determine whether this victory over the object
against which the defence was commenced is sufficient or not.

  But as the defensive is inseparable from the idea of the state of
expectation, that object, the defeat of the enemy, only exists
conditionally, that is, only if the offensive takes place; and otherwise
(that is, if the offensive stroke does not follow) of course the defensive
is contented with the maintenance of its possessions; this maintenance
is therefore its object in the state of expectation, that is, its immediate
object; and it is only as long as it contents itself with this more modest
end, that it preserves the advantages of the stronger form of war.

  If we suppose an army with its theatre of war intended for defence,
the defence may be made as follows:

 1. By attacking the enemy the moment he enters the theatre of war.
(Mollwitz, Hohenfriedberg).

  2. By taking up a position close on the frontier, and waiting till the
enemy appears with the intention of attacking it, in order then to
attack him (Czaslau, Soor, Rosbach). Plainly this second mode of
proceeding, partakes more of endurance, we "wait for" longer; and
although the time gained by it as compared with that gained in the
first, may be very little, or none at all if the enemy's attack actually
takes place, still, the battle which in the first case was certain, is in the
second much less certain, perhaps the enemy may not be able to
make up his mind to attack; the advantage of the "waiting for," is then
at once greater.

 3. By the army in such position not only awaiting the decision of the
enemy to fight a battle, that is his appearance in front of the position,
but also waiting to be actually assaulted (in order to keep to the same
general, Bunzelwitz). In such case, we fight a regular defensive battle,


                                     407
which however, as we have before said, may include offensive
movements with one or more parts of the army. Here also, as before,
the gain of time does not come into consideration, but the
determination of the enemy is put to a new proof; many a one has
advanced to the attack, and at the last moment, or after one attempt
given it up, finding the position of the enemy too strong.

 4. By the army transferring its defence to the heart of the country.
The object of retreating into the interior is to cause a diminution in the
enemy's strength, and to wait until its effects are such that his forward
march is of itself discontinued, or at least until the resistance which we
can offer him at the end of his career is such as he can no longer
overcome.

  This case is exhibited in the simplest and plainest manner, when the
defensive can leave one or more of his fortresses behind him, which
the offensive is obliged to besiege or blockade. It is clear in itself, how
much his forces must be weakened in this way, and what a chance
there is of an opportunity for the defensive to attack at some point
with superior forces.

  But even when there are no fortresses, a retreat into the interior of
the country may procure by degrees for the defender that necessary
equilibrium or that superiority which was wanting to him on the
frontier; for every forward movement in the strategic attack lessens its
force, partly absolutely, partly through the separation of forces which
becomes necessary, of which we shall say more under the head of the
"Attack." We anticipate this truth here as we consider it as a fact
sufficiently exemplified in all wars.

  Now in this fourth case the gain of time is to be looked upon as the
principal point of all. If the assailant lays siege to our fortresses, we
have time till their probable fall, (which may be some weeks or in
some cases months); but if the weakening, that is the expenditure, of
the force of the attack is caused by the advance, and the garrisoning
or occupation of certain points, therefore merely through the length of
the assailant's march, then the time gained in most cases becomes
greater, and our action is not so much restricted in point of time.

  Besides the altered relations between offensive and defensive in
regard to power which is brought about at the end of this march, we
must bring into account in favour of the defensive an increased
amount of the advantage of the state of "waiting for." Although the
assailant by this advance may not in reality be weakened to such a


                                    408
degree that he is unfit to attack our main body where he halts, still he
will probably want resolution to do so, for that is an act requiring more
resolution in the position in which he is now placed, than would have
sufficed when operations had not extended beyond the frontier: partly,
because the powers are weakened, and no longer in fresh vigour,
while the danger is increased; partly, because with an irresolute
commander the possession of that portion of the country which has
been obtained is often sufficient to do away with all idea of a battle,
because he either really believes or assumes as a pretext, that it is no
longer necessary. By the offensive thus declining to attack, the
defensive certainly does not acquire, as he would on the frontier, a
sufficient result of a negative kind, but still there is a great gain of
time.

  It is plain that, in all the four methods indicated, the defensive has
the benefit of the ground or country, and likewise that he can by that
means bring into cooperation his fortresses and the people; moreover
these efficient principles increase at each fresh stage of the defence,
for they are a chief means of bringing about the weakening of the
enemy's force in the fourth stage. Now as the advantages of the "state
of expectation" increase in the same direction, therefore it follows of
itself that these stages are to be regarded as a real intensifying of the
defence, and that this form of war always gains in strength the more it
differs from the offensive. We are not afraid on this account of any one
accusing us of holding the opinion that the most passive defence would
therefore be the best. The action of resistance is not weakened at each
new stage, it is only delayed, postponed. But the assertion that a
stouter resistance can be offered in a strong judiciously entrenched
position, and also that when the enemy has exhausted his strength in
fruitless efforts against such a position a more effective counterstroke
may be levelled at him, is surely not unreasonable. Without the
advantage of position Daun would not have gained the victory at
Kollin, and as Frederick the Great only brought off 18,000 men from
the field of battle, if Daun had pursued him with more energy the
victory might have been one of the most brilliant in military history.

  We therefore maintain, that at each new stage of the defensive the
preponderance, or more correctly speaking, the counterpoise increases
in favour of the defensive, and consequently there is also a gain in
power for the counterstroke.

 Now are these advantages of the increasing force of the defensive to
be had for nothing? By no means, for the sacrifice with which they are
purchased increases in the same proportion.


                                   409
  If we wait for the enemy within our own theatre of war, however
near the border of our territory the decision takes place, still this
theatre of war is entered by the enemy, which must entail a sacrifice
on our part; whereas, had we made the attack, this disadvantage
would have fallen on the enemy. If we do not proceed at once to meet
the enemy and attack him, our loss will be the greater, and the extent
of the country which the enemy will overrun, as well as the time which
he requires to reach our position, will continually increase. If we wish
to give battle on the defensive, and we therefore leave its
determination and the choice of time for it to the enemy, then perhaps
he may remain for some time in occupation of the territory which he
has taken, and the time which through his deferred decision we are
allowed to gain will in that manner be paid for by us. The sacrifices
which must be made become still more burdensome if a retreat into
the heart of the country takes place.

  But all these sacrifices on the part of the defensive, at most only
occasion him in general a loss of power which merely diminishes his
military force indirectly, therefore, at a later period, and not directly,
and often so indirectly that its effect is hardly felt at all. The defensive,
therefore, strengthens himself for the present moment at the expense
of the future, that is to say, he borrows, as every one must who is too
poor for the circumstances in which he is placed.

  Now, if we would examine the result of these different forms of
resistance, we must look to the object of the aggression. This is, to
obtain possession of our theatre of war, or, at least, of an important
part of it, for under the conception of the whole, at least the greater
part must be understood, as the possession of a strip of territory few
miles in extent is, as a rule, of no real consequence in strategy. As
long, therefore, as the aggressor is not in possession of this, that is, as
long as from fear of our force he has either not yet advanced to the
attack of the theatre of war, or has not sought to find us in our
position, or has declined the combat we offer, the object of the
defence is fulfilled, and the effects of the measures taken for the
defensive have therefore been successful. At the same time this result
is only a negative one, which certainly cannot directly give the force
for a real counterstroke. But it may give it indirectly, that is to say, it
is on the way to do so; for the time which elapses the aggression
loses, and every loss of time is a disadvantage, and must weaken in
some way the party who suffers the loss.




                                     410
  Therefore in the first three stages of the defensive, that is, if it takes
place on the frontier, the non-decision is already a result in favour of
the defensive.

 But it is not so with the fourth.

  If the enemy lays siege to our fortresses we must relieve them in
time, to do this we must therefore bring about the decision by positive
action.

  This is likewise the case if the enemy follows us into the interior of
the country without besieging any of our places. Certainly in this case
we have more time; we can wait until the enemy's weakness is
extreme, but still it is always an indispensable condition that we are at
last to act. The enemy is now, perhaps, in possession of the whole
territory which was the object of his aggression, but it is only lent to
him; the tension continues, and the decision is yet pending. As long as
the defensive is gaining strength and the aggressor daily becoming
weaker, the postponement of the decision is in the interest of the
former: but as soon as the culminating point of this progressive
advantage has arrived, as it must do, were it only by the ultimate
influence of the general loss to which the offensive has exposed
himself, it is time for the defender to proceed to action, and bring on a
solution, and the advantage of the "waiting for" may be considered as
completely exhausted.

  There can naturally be no point of time fixed generally at which this
happens, for it is determined by a multitude of circumstances and
relations; but it may be observed that the winter is usually a natural
turning point. If we cannot prevent the enemy from wintering in the
territory which he has seized, then, as a rule, it must be looked upon
as given up. We have only, however, to call to mind Torres Vedras, to
see that this is no general rule.

 What is now the solution generally?

  We have always supposed it in our observations in the form of a
battle; but in reality, this is not necessary, for a number of
combinations of battles with separate corps may be imagined, which
may bring about a change of affairs, either because they have really
ended with bloodshed, or because their probable result makes the
retreat of the enemy necessary.




                                     411
  Upon the theatre of war itself there can be no other solution; that is
a necessary consequence of our view of war; for, in fact, even if an
enemy's army, merely from want of provisions, commences his
retreat, still it takes place from the state of restraint in which our
sword holds him; if our army was not in the way he would soon be
able to provision his forces.

  Therefore, even at the end of his aggressive course, when the enemy
is suffering the heavy penalty of his attack, when detachments,
hunger, and sickness have weakened and worn him out, it is still
always the dread of our sword which causes him to turn about, and
allow everything to go on again as usual. But nevertheless, there is a
great difference between such a solution and one which takes place on
the frontier.

  In the latter case our arms only were opposed to his to keep him in
check, or carry destruction into his ranks; but at the end of the
aggressive career the enemy's forces, by their own exertions, are half
destroyed, by which our arms acquire a totally different value, and
therefore, although they are the final they are not the only means
which have produced the solution. This destruction of the enemy's
forces in the advance prepares the solution, and may do so to this
extent, that the mere possibility of a reaction on our part may cause
the retreat, consequently a reversal of the situation of affairs. In this
case, therefore, we can practically ascribe the solution to nothing else
than the efforts made in the advance. Now, in point of fact we shall
find no case in which the sword of the defensive has not co-operated;
but, for the practical view, it is important to distinguish which of the
two principles is the predominating one.

  In this sense we think we may say that there is a double solution in
the defensive, consequently a double kind of reaction, according as the
aggressor is ruined by the sword of the defensive, or by his own
efforts.

  That the first kind of solution predominates in the first three steps of
the defence, the second in the fourth, is evident in itself; and the latter
will, in most cases, only come to pass by the retreat being carried
deep into the heart of the country, and nothing but the prospect of
that result can be a sufficient motive for such a retreat, considering
the great sacrifices which it must cost.

 We have, therefore, ascertained that there are two different
principles of defence; there are cases in military history where they


                                    412
each appear as separate and distinct as it is possible for an elementary
conception to appear in practical life. When Frederick the Great
attacked the Austrians at Hohenfriedberg, just as they were
descending from the Silesian mountains, their force could not have
been weakened in any sensible manner by detachments or fatigue;
when, on the other hand, Wellington, in his entrenched camp at Torres
Vedras, waited till hunger, and the severity of the weather, had
reduced Massena's army to such extremities that they commenced to
retreat of themselves, the sword of the defensive party had no share
in the weakening of the enemy's army. In other cases, in which they
are combined with each other in a variety of ways, still, one of them
distinctly predominates. This was the case in the year 1812. In that
celebrated campaign such a number of bloody encounters took place
as might, under other circumstances, have sufficed for a most
complete decision by the sword; nevertheless, there is hardly any
campaign in which we can so plainly see how the aggressor may be
ruined by his own efforts. Of the 300,000 men composing the French
centre only about 90,000 reached Moscow; not more than 13,000
were detached; consequently there had been a loss of 197,000 men,
and certainly not a third of that loss can be put to account of battles.

  All campaigns which are remarkable for temporising, as it is called,
like those of the famous Fabius Cunctator, have been calculated chiefly
on the destruction of the enemy by his own efforts. This principle has
been the leading one in many campaigns without that point being
almost ever mentioned; and it is only when we disregard the specious
reasoning of historians, and look at things clearly with our own eyes,
that we are led to this real cause of many a solution.

  By this we believe we have unravelled sufficiently those ideas which
lie at the root of the defensive, and that in the two great kinds of
defence we have shown plainly and made intelligible how the principle
of the waiting for runs through the whole system and connects itself
with positive action in such a manner that, sooner or later, action does
take place, and that then the advantage of the attitude of waiting for
appears to be exhausted.

  We think, now, that in this way we have gone over and brought into
view everything comprised in the province of the defensive. At the
same time, there are subjects of sufficient importance in themselves to
form separate chapters, that is, points for consideration in themselves,
and these we must also study; for example, the nature and influence
of fortified places, entrenched camps, defence of mountains and rivers,
operations against the flank, etc., etc. We shall treat of them in


                                  413
subsequent chapters, but none of these things lie outside of the
preceding sequence of ideas; they are only to be regarded as a closer
application of it to locality and circumstances. That order of ideas has
been deduced from the conception of the defensive, and from its
relation to the offensive; we have connected these simple ideas with
reality, and therefore shown the way by which we may return again
from the reality to those simple ideas, and obtain firm ground, and not
be forced in reasoning to take refuge on points of support which
themselves vanish in the air.

  But resistance by the sword may wear such an altered appearance,
assume such a different character, through the multiplicity of ways of
combining battles, especially in cases where these are not actually
realised, but become effectual merely through their possibility, that we
might incline to the opinion that there must be some other efficient
active principle still to be discovered; between the sanguinary defeat
in a simple battle, and the effects of strategic combinations which do
not bring the thing nearly so far as actual combat, there seems such a
difference, that it is necessary to suppose some fresh force, something
in the same way as astronomers have decided on the existence of
other planets from the great space between Mars and Jupiter.

  If the assailant finds the defender in a strong position which he
thinks he cannot take, or behind a large river which he thinks he
cannot cross, or even if he fears that by advancing further he will not
be able to subsist his army, in all these cases it is nothing but the
sword of the defensive which produces the effect; for it is the fear of
being conquered by this sword, either in a great battle or at some
specially important points, which compels the aggressor to stop, only
he will either not admit that at all, or does not admit it in a
straightforward way.

  Now even if it is granted that, where there has been a decision
without bloodshed, the combat merely offered, but not accepted, has
been the ultimate cause of the decision, it will still be thought that in
such cases the really effectual principle is the strategic combination of
these combats and not their tactical decision, and that this superiority
of the strategic combination could only have been thought of because
there are other defensive means which may be considered besides an
actual appeal to the sword. We admit this, and it brings us just to the
point we wished to arrive at, which is as follows: if the tactical result of
a battle must be the foundation of all strategic combinations, then it is
always possible and to be feared that the assailant may lay hold of this
principle, and above all things direct his efforts to be superior in the


                                    414
hour of decision, in order to baffle the strategic combination; and that
therefore this strategic combination can never be regarded as
something all-sufficient in itself; that it only has a value when either
on one ground or another we can look forward to the tactical solution
without any misgivings. In order to make ourselves intelligible in a few
words, we shall merely call to our readers' recollection how such a
general as Buonaparte marched without hesitation through the whole
web of his opponents' strategic plans, to seek for the battle itself,
because he had no doubts as to its issue. Where, therefore, strategy
had not directed its whole effort to ensure a preponderance over him
in this battle, where it engaged in finer (feebler) plans, there it was
rent asunder like a cobweb. But a general like Daun might be checked
by such measures; it would therefore be folly to offer Buonaparte and
his army what the Prussian army of the Seven Years' War dared to
offer Daun and his contemporaries. Why?—Because Buonaparte knew
right well that all depended on the tactical issue, and made certain of
gaining it; whereas with Daun it was very different in both respects.

  On this account we hold it therefore to be serviceable to show that
every strategic combination rests only upon the tactical results, and
that these are everywhere, in the bloody as well as in the bloodless
solution, the real fundamental grounds of the ultimate decision. It is
only if we have no reason to fear that decision, whether on account of
the character or the situation of the enemy, or on account of the moral
and physical equality of the two armies, or on account of our own
superiority—it is only then that we can expect something from
strategic combinations in themselves without battles.

  Now if a great many campaigns are to be found within the compass
of military history in which the assailant gives up the offensive without
any blood being spilt in fight, in which, therefore, strategic
combinations show themselves effectual to that degree, this may lead
to the idea that these combinations have at least great inherent force
in themselves, and might in general decide the affair alone, where too
great a preponderance in the tactical results is not supposed on the
side of the aggressor. To this we answer that, if the question is about
things which have their origin in the theatre of war, and consequently
belong to the war itself, this idea is also equally false; and we add that
the cause of the failure of most attacks is to be found in the higher,
the political relations of war.

 The general relations out of which a war springs, and which naturally
constitute its foundation, determine also its character; on this subject
we shall have more to say hereafter, in treating of the plan of a war.


                                   415
But these general relations have converted most wars into half-and-
half things, into which real hostility has to force its way through such a
conflict of interests, that it is only a very weak element at the last.
This effect must naturally show itself chiefly and with most force on
the side of the offensive, the side of positive action. One cannot
therefore wonder if such a short-winded, consumptive attack is
brought to a standstill by the touch of a finger. Against a weak
resolution so fettered by a thousand considerations, that it has hardly
any existence, a mere show of resistance is often enough.

  It is not the number of unassailable positions in all directions, not the
formidable look of the dark mountain masses encamped round the
theatre of war, or the broad river which passes through it, not the
ease with which certain combinations of battles can effectually
paralyse the muscle which should strike the blow against us—none of
these things are the true causes of the numerous successes which the
defensive gains on bloodless fields; the cause lies in the weakness of
the will with which the assailant puts forward his hesitating feet.

  These counteracting influences may and ought to be taken into
consideration, but they should only be looked upon in their true light,
and their effects should not be ascribed to other things, namely the
things of which alone we are now treating. We must not omit to point
out in an emphatic manner how easily military history in this respect
may become a perpetual liar and deceiver if criticism is not careful
about taking a correct point of view.

 Let us now consider, in what we may call their ordinary form, the
many offensive campaigns which have miscarried without a bloody
solution.

  The assailant advances into the enemy's country, drives back his
opponent a little way, but finds it too serious a matter to bring on a
decisive battle. He therefore remains standing opposite to him; acts as
if he had made a conquest, and had nothing else to do but to protect
it; as if it was the enemy's business to seek the battle, as if he offered
it to him daily, etc., etc. These are the representations with which the
commander deludes his army, his government, the world, even
himself. But the truth is, that he finds the enemy in a position too
strong for him. We do not now speak of a case where an aggressor
does not proceed with his attack because he can make no use of a
victory, because at the end of his first bound he has not enough
impulsive force left to begin another. Such a case supposes an attack
which has been successful, a real conquest; but we have here in view


                                    416
the case where an assailant sticks fast half way to his intended
conquest.

  He is now waiting to take advantage of favourable circumstances, of
which favourable circumstances there is in general no prospect, for the
aggression now intended shows at once that there is no better
prospect from the future than from the present; it is, therefore, a
further illusion. If now, as is commonly the case, the undertaking is in
connection with other simultaneous operations, then what they do not
want to do themselves is transferred to other shoulders, and their own
inactivity is ascribed to want of support and proper co-operation.
Insurmountable obstacles are talked of, and motives in justification are
discovered in the most confused and subtil considerations. Thus the
forces of the assailant are wasted away in inactivity, or rather in a
partial activity, destitute of any utility. The defensive gains time, the
greatest gain to him; bad weather arrives, and the aggression ends by
the return of the aggressor to winter quarters in his own theatre of
war.

  A tissue of false representations thus passes into history in place of
the simple real ground of absence of any result, namely fear of the
enemy's sword. When criticism takes up such a campaign, it wearies
itself in the discussion of a number of motives and counter-motives,
which give no satisfactory result, because they all dwindle into vapour,
and we have not descended to the real foundation of the truth. The
opposition through which the elementary energy of war, and therefore
of the offensive in particular, becomes weakened, lies for the most
part in the relations and views of states, and these are always
concealed from the world, from the mass of the people belonging to
the state, as well as from the army, and very often from the general-
in-chief. No one will account for his faint-heartedness by the admission
that he feared he could not attain the desired object with the force at
his disposal, or that new enemies would be roused, or that he did not
wish to make his allies too powerful, etc. Such things are hushed up;
but as occurrences have to be placed before the world in a presentable
form, therefore the commander is obliged, either on his own account
or on that of his government to pass off a tissue of fictitious motives.
This ever-recurring deception in military dialectics has ossified into
systems in theory, which, of course, are equally devoid of truth.
Theory can never be deduced from the essence of things except by
following the simple thread of cause and effect, as we have tried to do.

 If we look at military history with this feeling of suspicion, then a
great parade of mere words about offensive and defensive collapses,


                                   417
and the simple idea of it, which we have given, comes forward of itself.
We believe it therefore to be applicable to the whole domain of the
defensive, and that we must adhere closely to it in order to obtain that
clear view of the mass of events by which alone we can form correct
judgments.

  We have still to inquire into the question of the employment of these
different forms of defence.

  As they are merely gradations of the same which must be purchased
by a higher sacrifice, corresponding to the increased intensity of the
form, there would seem to be sufficient in that view to indicate always
to the general which he should choose, provided there are no other
circumstances which interfere. He would, in fact, choose that form
which appeared sufficient to give his force the requisite degree of
defensive power and no more, that there might be no unnecessary
waste of his force. But we must not overlook the circumstance that the
room given for choice amongst these different forms is generally very
circumscribed, because other circumstances which must be attended
to necessarily urge a preference for one or other of them. For a retreat
into the interior of the country a considerable superficial space is
required, or such a condition of things as existed in Portugal (1810),
where one ally (England) gave support in rear, and another (Spain)
with its wide territory, considerably diminished the impulsive force of
the enemy. The position of the fortresses more on the frontier or more
in the interior may likewise decide for or against such a plan; but still
more the nature of the country and ground, the character, habits, and
feelings of the inhabitants. The choice between an offensive or
defensive battle may be decided by the plans of the enemy, by the
peculiar qualities of both armies and their generals; lastly, the
possession of an excellent position or line of defence, or the want of
them may determine for one or the other;—in short, at the bare
mention of these things, we can perceive that the choice of the form of
defensive must in many cases be determined more by them than by
the mere relative strength of the armies. As we shall hereafter enter
more into detail on the more important subjects which have just been
touched upon, the influence which they must have upon the choice will
then develop itself more distinctly, and in the end the whole will be
methodised in the Book on Plans of Wars and Campaigns.

  But this influence will not, in general, be decisive unless the
inequality in the strength of the opposing armies is trifling; in the
opposite case (as in the generality of cases), the relation of the
numerical strength will be decisive. There is ample proof, in military


                                   418
history, that it has done so heretofore, and that without the chain of
reasoning by which it has been brought out here; therefore in a
manner intuitively by mere tact of judgment, like most things that
happen in war. It was the same general who at the head of the same
army, and on the same theatre of war, fought the battle of
Hohenfriedberg, and at another time took up the camp of Bunzelwitz.
Therefore even Frederick the Great, a general above all inclined to the
offensive as regards the battle, saw himself compelled at last, by a
great disproportion of force, to resort to a real defensive position; and
Buonaparte, who was once in the habit of falling on his enemy like a
wild boar, have we not seen him, when the proportion of force turned
against him, in August and September, 1813, turn himself hither and
thither as if he had been pent up in a cage, instead of rushing forward
recklessly upon some one of his adversaries? And in October of the
same year, when the disproportion reached its climax, have we not
seen him at Leipsic, seeking shelter in the angle formed by the Parth,
the Elster, and Pleiss, as it were waiting for his enemy in the corner of
a room, with his back against the wall?

  We cannot omit to observe, that from this chapter, more than from
any other in our book, it is plainly shown that our object is not to lay
down new principles and methods of conducting war, but merely to
investigate what has long existed in its innermost relations, and to
reduce it to its simplest elements.




                                   419
                Chapter IX. Defensive Battle

  WE have said, in the preceding chapter, that the defender, in his
defensive, would make use of a battle, technically speaking, of a
purely offensive character, if, at the moment the enemy invades his
theatre of war, he marches against him and attacks him; but that he
might also wait for the appearance of the enemy in his front, and then
pass over to the attack; in which case also the battle tactically would
be again an offensive battle, although in a modified form; and lastly,
that he might wait till the enemy attacked his position, and then
oppose him both by holding a particular spot, and by offensive action
with portions of his force. In all this we may imagine several different
gradations and shades, deviating always more from the principle of a
positive counterstroke, and passing into that of the defence of a spot
of ground. We cannot here enter on the subject of how far this should
be carried, and which is the most advantageous proportion of the two
elements of offensive and defensive, as regards the winning a decisive
victory. But we maintain that when such a result is desired, the
offensive part of the battle should never be completely omitted, and
we are convinced that all the effects of a decisive victory may and
must be produced by this offensive part, just as well as in a purely
tactical offensive battle.

  In the same manner as the field of battle is only a point in strategy,
the duration of a battle is only, strategically, an instant of time, and
the end and result, not the course of a battle, constitutes a strategic
quantity.

  Now, if it is true that a complete victory may result from the
offensive elements which lie in every defensive battle, then there
would be no fundamental difference between an offensive and a
defensive battle, as far as regards strategic combinations; we are
indeed convinced that this is so, but the thing wears a different
appearance. In order to fix the subject more distinctly in the eye, to
make our view clear and thereby remove the appearance now referred
to, we shall sketch, hastily, the picture of a defensive battle, such as
we imagine it.

  The defensive waits the attack in a position; for this he has selected
proper ground, and turned it to the best account, that is, he has made
himself well acquainted with the locality, thrown up strong
entrenchments at some of the most important points, opened and
levelled communications, constructed batteries, fortified villages, and



                                  420
looked out places where he can draw up his masses under cover, etc.,
etc., etc. Whilst the forces on both sides are consuming each other at
the different points where they come into contact, the advantage of a
front more or less strong, the approach to which is made difficult by
one or more parallel trenches or other obstacles, or also by the
influence of some strong commanding points, enables him with a small
part of his force to destroy great numbers of the enemy at every stage
of the defence up to the heart of the position. The points of support
which he has given his wings secure him from any sudden attack from
several quarters; the covered ground which he has chosen for his
masses makes the enemy cautious, indeed timid, and affords the
defensive the means of diminishing by partial and successful attacks
the general backward movement which goes on as the combat
becomes gradually concentrated within narrower limits. The defender
therefore casts a contented look at the battle as it burns in a moderate
blaze before him;—but he does not reckon that his resistance in front
can last for ever;—he does not think his flanks impregnable;—he does
not expect that the whole course of the battle will be changed by the
successful charge of a few battalions or squadrons. His position is
deep, for each part in the scale of gradation of the order of battle,
from the division down to the battalion, has its reserve for unforeseen
events, and for a renewal of the fight; and at the same time an
important mass, one fifth to a quarter of the whole, is kept quite in the
rear out of the battle, so far back as to be quite out of fire, and if
possible so far as to be beyond the circuitous line by which the enemy
might attempt to turn either flank. With this corps he intends to cover
his flanks from wider and greater turning movements, secure himself
against unforeseen events, and in the latter stage of the battle, when
the assailant's plan is fully developed, when the most of his troops
have been brought into action, he will throw this mass on a part of the
enemy's army, and open at that part of the field a smaller offensive
battle on his own part, using all the elements of attack, such as
charges, surprise, turning movements, and by means of this pressure
against the centre of gravity of the battle, now only resting on a point,
make the whole recoil.

  This is the normal idea which we have formed of a defensive battle,
based on the tactics of the present day. In this battle the general
turning movement made by the assailant in order to assist his attack,
and at the same time with a view to make the results of victory more
complete, is replied to by a partial turning movement on the part of
the defensive, that is, by the turning of that part of the assailant's
force used by him in the attempt to turn. This partial movement may
be supposed sufficient to destroy the effect of the enemy's attempt,


                                   421
but it cannot lead to a like general enveloping of the assailant's army;
and there will always be a distinction in the features of a victory on
this account, that the side fighting an offensive battle encircles the
enemy's army, and acts towards the centre of the same, while the side
fighting on the defensive acts more or less from the centre to the
circumference, in the direction of the radii.

  On the field of battle itself, and in the first stages of the pursuit, the
enveloping form must always be considered the most effectual; we do
not mean on account of its form generally, we only mean in the event
of its being carried out to such an extreme as to limit very much the
enemy's means of retreat during the battle. But it is just against this
extreme point that the enemy's positive counter-effort is directed, and
in many cases where this effort is not sufficient to obtain a victory, it
will at least suffice to protect him from such an extreme as we allude
to. But we must always admit that this danger, namely, of having the
line of retreat seriously contracted, is particularly great in defensive
battles, and if it cannot be guarded against, the results in the battle
itself, and in the first stage of the retreat are thereby very much
enhanced in favour of the enemy.

  But as a rule this danger does not extend beyond the first stage of
the retreat, that is, until night-fall; on the following day enveloping is
at an end, and both parties are again on an equality in this respect.

  Certainly the defender may have lost his principal line of retreat, and
therefore be placed in a disadvantageous strategic situation for the
future; but in most cases the turning movement itself will be at an
end, because it was only planned to suit the field of battle, and
therefore cannot apply much further. But what will take place, on the
other hand, if the defender is victorious? A division of the defeated
force. This may facilitate the retreat at the first moment, but next day
a concentration of all parts is the one thing most needful. Now if the
victory is a most decisive one, if the defender pursues with great
energy, this concentration will often become impossible, and from this
separation of the beaten force the worst consequences may follow,
which may go on step by step to a complete rout. If Buonaparte had
conquered at Leipsic, the allied army would have been completely cut
in two, which would have considerably lowered their relative strategic
position. At Dresden, although Buonaparte certainly did not fight a
regular defensive battle, the attack had the geometrical form of which
we have been speaking, that is, from the centre to the circumference;
the embarrassment of the Allies in consequence of their separation, is
well known, an embarrassment from which they were only relieved by


                                    422
the victory on the Katzbach, the tidings of which caused Buonaparte to
return to Dresden with the Guard.

 This battle on the Katzbach itself is a similar example. In it the
defender, at the last moment passes over to the offensive, and
consequently operates on diverging lines; the French corps were thus
wedged asunder, and several days after, as the fruits of the victory,
Puthod's division fell into the hands of the Allies.

  The conclusion we draw from this is, that if the assailant, by the
concentric form which is homogeneous to him, has the means of giving
expansion to his victory, on the other hand the defender also, by the
divergent form which is homogeneous to the defence, acquires a a
means of giving greater results to his victory than would be the case
by a merely parallel position and perpendicular attack, and we think
that one means is at least as good as the other.

  If in military history we rarely find such great victories resulting from
the defensive battle as from the offensive, that proves nothing against
our assertion that the one is as well suited to produce victory as the
other; the real cause is in the very different relations of the defender.
The army acting on the defensive is generally the weaker of the two,
not only in the amount of his forces, but also in every other respect;
he either is, or thinks he is, not in a condition to follow up his victory
with great results, and contents himself with merely fending off the
danger and saving the honour of his arms. That the defender by
inferiority of force and other circumstances may be tied down to that
degree we do not dispute, but there is no doubt that this, which is only
the consequence of a contingent necessity, has often been assumed to
be the consequence of that part which every defender has to play: and
thus in an absurd manner it has become a prevalent view of the
defensive that its battles should really be confined to warding off the
attacks of the enemy, and not directed to the destruction of the
enemy. We hold this to be a prejudicial error, a regular substitution of
the form for the thing itself; and we maintain unreservedly that in the
form of war which we call defence, the victory may not only be more
probable, but may also attain the same magnitude and efficacy as in
the attack, and that this may be the case not only in the total result of
all the combats which constitute campaign, but also in any particular
battle, if the necessary degree of force and energy is not wanting.




                                    423
                     Chapter X. Fortresses

  FORMERLY, and up to the time of great standing armies, fortresses,
that is castles and fortified towns, were only built for the defence and
protection of the inhabitants. The baron, if he saw himself pressed on
all sides, took refuge in his castle to gain time and wait a more
favourable moment; and towns sought by their walls to keep off the
passing hurricane of war. This simplest and most natural object of
fortresses did not continue to be the only one; the relation which such
a place acquired with regard to the whole country and to troops acting
here and there in the country soon gave these fortified points a wider
importance, a signification which made itself felt beyond their walls,
and contributed essentially to the conquest or occupation of the
country, to the successful or unsuccessful issue of the whole contest,
and in this manner they even became a means of making war more of
a connected whole. Thus fortresses acquired that strategic significance
which for a time was regarded as so important that it dictated the
leading features of the plans of campaigns, which were more directed
to the taking of one or more fortresses than the destruction of the
enemy's army in the field. Men reverted to the cause of the
importance of these places, that is to the connection between a
fortified point, and the country, and the armies; and then thought that
they could not be sufficiently particular or too philosophical in choosing
the points to be fortified. In these abstract objects the original one was
almost lost sight of, and at length they came to the idea of fortresses
without either towns or inhabitants.

  On the other hand, the times are past in which the mere enclosure of
a place with walls, without any military preparations, could keep a
place dry during an inundation of war sweeping over the whole
country. Such a possibility rested partly on the division of nations
formerly into small states, partly on the periodical character of the
incursions then in vogue, which had fixed and very limited duration,
almost in accordance with the seasons, as either the feudal forces
hastened home, or the pay for the condottieri used regularly to run
short. Since large standing armies, with powerful trains of artillery
mow down the opposition of walls or ramparts as it were with a
machine, neither town nor other small corporation has any longer an
inclination to hazard all their means only to be taken a few weeks or
months later, and then to be treated so much the worse. Still less can
it be the interest of an army to break itself up into garrisons for a
number of strong places, which may for a time retard the progress of
the enemy, but must in the end submit. We must always keep enough



                                   424
forces, over and above those in garrison, to make us equal to the
enemy in the open field, unless we can depend on the arrival of an
ally, who will relieve our strong places and set our army free.
Consequently the number of fortresses has necessarily much
diminished, and this has again led to the abandonment of the idea of
directly protecting the population and property in towns by
fortifications, and promoted the other idea of regarding the fortresses
as an indirect protection to the country, which they secure by their
strategic importance as knots which hold together the strategic web.

 Such has been the course of ideas, not only in books but also in
actual experience, at the same time, as usually happens, it has been
much more spun out in books.

  Natural as was this tendency of things, still these ideas were carried
out to an extreme, and mere crotchets and fancies displaced the sound
core of a natural and urgent want. We shall look into these simple and
important wants when we enumerate the objects and conditions of
fortresses all together; we shall thereby advance from the simple to
the more complicated, and in the succeeding chapter we shall see
what is to be deduced therefrom as to the determination of the
position and number of fortresses.

  The efficacy of a fortress is plainly composed of two different
elements, the passive and the active. By the first it shelters the place,
and all that it contains; by the other it possesses a certain influence
over the adjacent country, even beyond the range of its guns.

  This active element consists in the attacks which the garrison may
undertake upon every enemy who approaches within a certain
distance. The larger the garrison, so much the stronger numerically
will be the detachments that may be employed on such expeditions,
and the stronger such detachments the wider as a rule will be the
range of their operations; from which it follows that the sphere of the
active influence of a great fortress is not only greater in intensity but
also more extensive than that of a small one. But the active element
itself is again, to a certain extent, of two kinds, consisting namely of
enterprises of the garrison proper, and of enterprises which other
bodies of troops, great and small, not belonging to the garrison but in
co-operation with it, may be able to carry out. For instance, corps
which independently would be too weak to face the enemy, may,
through the shelter which, in case of necessity, the walls of a fortress
afford them, be able to maintain themselves in the country, and to a
certain extent to command it.


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  The enterprises which the garrison of a fortress can venture to
undertake are always somewhat restricted. Even in the case of large
places and strong garrisons, the bodies of troops which can be
employed on such operations are mostly inconsiderable as compared
with the forces in the field, and their average sphere of action seldom
exceeds a couple of days' marches. If the fortress is small, the
detachments it can send out are quite insignificant and the range of
their activity will generally be confined to the nearest villages. But
corps which do not belong to the garrison, and therefore are not under
the necessity of returning to the place, are thereby much more at
liberty in their movements, and by their means, if other circumstances
are favourable, the external zone of action of a fortress may be
immensely extended. Therefore if we speak of the active influence of
fortresses in general terms, we must always keep this feature of the
same principally in view.

  But even the smallest active element of the weakest garrison, is still
essential for the different objects which fortresses are destined to
fulfil, for strictly speaking even the most passive of all the functions of
a fortress (defence against attack) cannot be imagined exclusive of
that active agency. At the same time it is evident that amongst the
different purposes which a fortress may have to answer generally, or
in this or that moment, the passive element will be most required at
one time, the active at another. The role which a fortress is to fulfil
may be perfectly simple, and the action of the place will in such case
be to a certain extent direct; it may be partly complicated, and the
action then becomes more or less indirect. We shall examine these
subjects separately, commencing with the first; but at the outset we
must state that a fortress may be intended to answer several of these
purposes, perhaps all of them, either at once, or at least at different
stages of the war.

 We say, therefore, that fortresses are great and most important
supports of the defensive.

 1. As secure depots of stores of all kinds. The assailant during his
aggression subsists his army from day to day; the defensive usually
must have made preparations long beforehand, he need not therefore
draw provisions exclusively from the district he occupies, and which he
no doubt desires to spare. Storehouses are therefore for him a great
necessity. The provisions of all kinds which the aggressor possesses
are in his rear as he advances, and are therefore exempt from the
dangers of the theatre of war, while those of the defensive are


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exposed to them. If these provisions of all kinds are not in fortified
places, then a most injurious effect on the operations in the field is the
consequence, and the most extended and compulsory positions often
become necessary in order to cover depots or sources of supply.

 An army on the defensive without fortresses has a hundred
vulnerable spots; it is a body without armour.

  2. As a protection to great and wealthy towns. This purpose is closely
allied to the first, for great and wealthy towns, especially commercial
ones, are the natural storehouses of an army; as such their possession
and loss affects the army directly. Besides this, it is also always worth
while to preserve this portion of the national wealth, partly on account
of the resources which they furnish directly, partly because, in
negotiations for peace, an important place is in itself a valuable weight
thrown into the scale.

  This use of fortresses has been too little regarded in modern times,
and yet it is one of the most natural, and one which has a most
powerful effect, and is the least liable to mistakes. If there was a
country in which not only all great and rich cities, but all populous
places as well were fortified, and defended by the inhabitants and the
people belonging to the adjacent districts, then by that means the
expedition of military operation would be so much reduced, and the
people attacked would press with so great a part of their whole weight
in the scales, that the talent as well as the force of will of the enemy's
general would sink to nothing.

  We just mention this ideal application of fortification to a country to
do justice to what we have just supposed to be the proper use of
fortresses, and that the importance of the direct protection which they
afford may not be overlooked for a moment; but in any other respect
this idea will not again interrupt our considerations, for amongst the
whole number of fortresses there must always be some which must be
more strongly fortified than others, to serve as the real supports of the
active army.

  The purposes specified under 1 and 2 hardly call forth any other but
the passive action of fortresses.

  3. As real barriers, they close the roads, and in most cases the
rivers, on which they are situated.




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  It is not as easy as is generally supposed to find a practicable lateral
road which passes round a fortress, for this turning must be made, not
only out of reach of the guns of this place, but also by a detour greater
or less, to avoid sorties of the garrison.

  If the country is in the least degree difficult, there are often delays
connected with the slightest deviation of the road which may cause the
loss of a whole day's march, and, if the road is much used, may
become of great importance.

 How they may have an influence on enterprises by closing the
navigation of a river is clear in itself.

  4. As tactical points d'appui. As the diameter of the zone covered by
the fire of even a very inferior class of fortifications is usually some
leagues, fortresses may be considered always as the best points
d'appui for the flanks of a position. A lake of several miles long is
certainly an excellent support for the wing of an army, and yet a
fortress of moderate size is better. The flank does not require to rest
close upon it, as the assailant, for the sake of his retreat, would not
throw himself between our flank and that obstacle.

  5. As a station (or stage). If fortresses are on the line of
communication of the defensive, as is generally the case, they serve
as halting places for all that passes up and down these lines. The chief
danger to lines of communication is from irregular bands, whose action
is always of the nature of a shock. If a valuable convoy, on the
approach of such a comet, can reach a fortress by hastening the
march or quickly turning, it is saved, and may wait there till the
danger is past. Further, all troops marching to or from the army, after
halting here for a a few days, are better able to hasten the remainder
of the march, and a halting day is just the time of greatest danger. In
this way a fortress situated half way on a line of communication of 30
miles shortens the line in a manner one half.

  6. As places of refuge for weak or defeated corps. Under the guns of
a moderate sized fortress every corps is safe from the enemy's blows,
even if no entrenched camp is specially prepared for them. No doubt
such a corps must give up its further retreat if it waits too long; but
this is no great sacrifice in cases where a further retreat would only
end in complete destruction.

  In many cases a fortress can ensure a few days' halt without the
retreat being altogether stopped. For the slightly wounded and


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fugitives who precede a beaten army, it is especially suited as a place
of refuge, where they can wait to rejoin their corps.

  If Magdeburg had lain on the direct line of the Prussian retreat in
1806, and if that line had not been already lost at Auerstadt, the army
could easily have halted for three or four days near that great fortress,
and rallied and reorganised itself. But even as it was it served as a
rallying point for the remains of Hohenlohe's corps, which there first
resumed the appearance of an army.

  It is only by actual experience in war itself that the beneficial
influence of fortresses close at hand in disastrous times can be rightly
understood. They contain powder and arms, forage and bread, give
covering to the sick, security to the sound, and recovery of sense to
the panic-stricken. They are like an hostelry in the desert.

 In the four last named purposes it is evident that the active agency
of fortresses is called more into requisition.

  7. As a real shield against the enemy's aggression. Fortresses which
the defender leaves in his front break the stream of the enemy's
attack like blocks of ice. The enemy must at least invest them, and
requires for that, if the garrisons are brave and enterprising, perhaps
double their strength. But, besides, these garrisons may and do mostly
consist in part of troops, who, although competent to duty in a
garrison, are not fit for the field—half trained militia, invalids,
convalescents, armed citizens, landsturm, etc. The enemy, therefore,
in such case is perhaps weakened four times more than we a