28 by wanghonghx


									28 A

        Excerpts from the book. The full text could be read in the attached CD

                                     An Undiplomatic Diary

                           by Major General Harry Hill Bandholtz
                             Footnotes by Fritz-Konrad Krüger

       August 11, 1919.
       We arrived in Budapest at daylight and were met at the station by Colonel Yates
and Lieutenant-Colonel Causey, who represents the Peace Conference, in charge of
railroads. From the station we went to the Hotel Ritz where I opened an office in Room
17. Shortly thereafter I was called upon by General Gorton, the British representative on
the Inter-Allied Military Mission. General Gorton and I planned a campaign, and word
was sent to the Roumanian General Holban1 that I would be at the Ritz Hotel at 4:30 that
afternoon. He took the hint, called and was given some fatherly advice. At 5:30 in the
afternoon the Archduke Joseph,2 the temporary president of the Hungarian Republic,
asked to see me and came into the room scared nearly to death, holding in his hand what
purported to be an ultimatum from the Roumanian government requiring an answer by 6
o’clock, which meant within one-half hour. The ultimatum was to the effect that Hungary
must yield to all Roumanian demands, giving up all of her war material and supplies of
whatever nature, agree to back Roumania in taking away the Bánát country3 from the
Jugo-Slavs, and, finally, that she must consent to political union with Roumania, with the
King of Roumania as ruler of Hungary, along the same lines as the former Austro-
Hungarian monarchy. He was told not to be afraid, and looking at me and trembling, he
replied- "I am not afraid; I am a soldier just like you," which left-handed compliment was
passed by without remark. He asked what he should do in regard to the ultimatum and
was informed that in view of the fact that it had not been presented by the Roumanian
Plenipotentiary, he could send word to the sender to go plumb to Hell. This relieved the
strain on the Archducal physiognomy to a great extent, and he retired in good order. After
his departure I proceeded to the Royal Palace, which is on the Buda side of the river, and
selected the best large suite in the building for Headquarters of the American Mission;
and then suggested to General Gorton that he go over and take what was left for the
British Mission. Later in the evening General Mombelli, the Italian representative,
arrived, called upon General Gorton and myself, and agreed to the plans I had outlined as
to the organization of the Mission.

  General Holban, who is frequently mentioned unfavorably by General Bandholtz, committed
     suicide on the eve of the investigation ordered by the Roumanian government after Sir George
     Clerk had come to look into the situation.
  Archduke Joseph was a distant relative of the late Emperor-King Karl. He was born in 1872.
     During the world war, he had commanded first a division and later an army corps on the Italian
     front and had been a popular and capable military leader. He had always considered himself
     specifically a Hungarian. During the Károlyi and Bolshevik regimes, he remained in Hungary,
     living quietly on his estate under the name of Joseph Hapsburg. On Aug. 6, 1919, he resumed
     the position of Nádor, or Regent, allegedly conferred upon him by Emperor-King Karl. After he
     was forced by the Allies to resign, he returned to private life and from then on took little part in
     public affairs.
  Part of the Bánát was given to Jugo-Slavia by the Peace conference. The Roumanians claimed that
     it should belong to them and felt very bitter towards the Jugo-Slavs.
       August 16, 1919.
       …It being my turn to preside at the meeting of the Mission, I read to my associates
the telegram from the Supreme Council, submitting to them likewise the draft of a paper
which I proposed to place immediately before the Roumanian Commander in Chief. This
was agreed to, and the latter, accompanied by General Mardarescu and his Chief of Staff,
appeared before the Mission at 4:30. The text of the paper handed them was as follows:
       1: (a) Cease at once requisitioning or taking possession of any supplies or property
of whatever nature except in zones authorized by this Mission, and then only of such
supplies as may be necessary for the Roumanian Army, and that this Mission be informed
as to the kind of supplies which will be considered necessary.
       (b) The Roumanian Commander in Chief to furnish without delay a map clearly
showing the requisition zones, and also indicating thereon the disposition of his troops.
       (c) Return at once to its owners all private property now in the possession of the
Roumanians, such as automobiles, horses, carriages, or any other property of which the
ownership is vested in individuals.
       (d) To arrange for the gradual return to the Hungarian Government of the railroad,
post and telegraph systems.
       (e) Make no further requisitions of buildings, stores or real property and evacuate
as rapidly as possible all schools, colleges, and buildings of like character.
       (f) Cease at once all shipments of rolling stock or Hungarian property of any kind
whatsoever, to or towards Roumania, and stop and return to Budapest any rolling stock or
property already en route or held at outside stations.
       (g) Limit supervision over public or private affairs in the city to such extent as may
be approved by this Mission.

       2: The Roumanian government to furnish this Mission not later than August
twenty-third a complete list of all war material, railway or agricultural material, live stock
or property of any kind whatsoever that has been taken possession of in Hungary by
Roumanian forces.
       The Roumanians received this, agreeing to carry out instructions, and formally
acknowledged the Inter-Allied Military Mission as being the authorized representative in
Hungary of the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference. While at the meeting they
were told that not even Roumanian contact patrols could push on towards Szeged, and
that they must not extend their occupation of Hungary. They were also given a few more
bitter pills which they swallowed with apparent complacency. I wired the American
Mission in Paris this evening that in my opinion the Roumanians were doing their
utmost to delay matters in order to complete the loot of Hungary 4 and that as far as

    This is the first mention of the looting of Hungary by the Roumanians. Other examples are found
      on pages 38, 43, 46, 112, 113, 212, etc (according to the original edition). The following are
      some opinions of writers familiar with this aspect of Roumanian occupation of Hungary. “The
      story of the pillaging by the Roumanian army in Hungary is Homeric. It equals any thing of the
      kind done in the war. A member of the English Mission, sent into the East of Hungary to
      investigate the facts, said epigrammatically, that the Roumanians had not even left the nails in
      the boards!”-John Foster Bass, The Peace Tangle, New York, 1920, p.193.
          “The Roumanian invasion was more like an old-time Highland cattle foray than a war.” L.
      Haden Guest, The Struggle for Power in Eu rope, Lon don, 1921, p.195.
          “The Magyars detest the Roumanians on account of their looting during the occupation
      following the Béla Kun régime. They are accused of having stolen everything movable - plate,
      pictures, carpets, linen, furniture, even down to the cloth of billiard tables. They took the best
I could see their progress up to date in complying with the Supreme Council’s
desires, was negative rather than positive.

      August 19, 1919.

       At this morning’s session, matters were much more quiet, although the
Roumanians, as usual, won a point by sending as their representative an officer who was
authorized to give information on only two points, namely the question of food supply
and the question of the organization of the Municipal police of Budapest. General
Holban, the Roumanian Commander of Budapest and vicinity, is the representative and
apparently knows as much about the military game as does an Igorrote about manicuring.
On the fifteenth, when he was before the Mission, he stated that he had 10,000 troops in
the city and 5,000 in the suburbs. Today he insisted that he had only 5,000 all told. When
called upon to explain his map relative to requisition zones, he could not explain it at all
and admitted that he could not turn out a map that would be intelligible. The Serbian

    thoroughbreds and let them die in the train for want of food. They took twelve hundred
    locomotives and left the Hungarians only four hundred.
        In my hotel, Béla Kun had done five mil lion crowns’ worth of damage. The Roumanians did
    seven million worth. They took literally every thing, and the rooms are still without telephones
    as a result of their brigandage. This, of course, is all the Hungarian account of what happened.”
    Charles à Court Repington, Af ter the War, Boston, 1912, p.165.
        Even E. J. Dillon, the most ardent defender of Roumanian interests, says: “They [the
    Roumanians] seized rolling stock, cattle, agricultural implements, and other property of the kind
    that had been stolen from their people and sent the booty home without much ado.” The Inside
    Story of the Peace Conference, p.230. How far his statement is correct is left to the reader to
    judge from the facts given in this diary. Dillon calls the action of the Roumanians “wholesale
        “Hungary has suffered a Roumanian occupation, which was worse almost than the
    revolutions of Bolshevism.” Francesco Nitti, The Wreck of Europe, Indianapolis, 1912, p.171.
        Louis K. Birinyi, The Tragedy of Hungary, Cleveland, 1924. Especially Chapter XX,
    “Hungary Fleeced during the Armistice.” It is somewhat rhetorical and not always accurate.
    This is particularly true of his account of the occupation of Budapest by Horthy’s troops and the
    evacuation of Budapest.
    On the other hand Cecil John Charles Street, in Hungary and Democracy, London, 1923, states
    “To Roumania was as signed the task of restoring the baseless charges which are made against
    the commander of the army will be judged at their proper value. Light is al ready breaking, in
    fact, upon these unjust charges” (p.263).
        Charles Upson Clark, Greater Roumania, New York, 1922. Mr. Clark was an American
    newspaper correspondent. He is a great friend of Roumania. His views are admittedly one-sided.
    He says: “Relying in general on Rotimanian sources, I shall try to check them up so as not to
    give too partial an account” (p.242). Of special interest for us is Chapter XIX, “The Roumanians
    in Budapest.” In this chapter, he makes the statement that he is “trying to get at the truth - with a
    strong Roumanian bias, I admit, but anxious to do justice on all sides” (p. 257). “Doubt less few
    situations have ever combined more complex factors than did Budapest under the Roumanians. -
    No historian will ever clear them up fully” (p.258).order, and in her execution of it she
    displayed an ability and a restraint which will for ever redound to her credit” (p.200). Mr. Street
    makes it appear as if the aim of the Roumanians in invading Hungary with their “well
    disciplined forces” was principally to save the world from Bolshevism. From Street and Jászi is
    taken the account of Hungary by C. Deslisle Burns, 1918-1928, A Short History of the World,
    New York, 1928. Consequently it is entirely one-sided. We may also refer to the statement in
    the standard short history of Roumania by N. Jorga, A History of Roumania. Translated from
    the second edition by Joseph McCabe, London, 1925. “For several months the capital of
    Hungary was in possession of the Roumanians, and a day will come when
plenipotentiary showed up and presented his credentials to the Mission. He rejoices in the
euphonious cognomen of Lazar Baitch. It was decided in the future to have morning
sessions of the Mission, leaving the afternoons to the members for catching up with their
work and making personal investigations. I then notified the Mission that I must insist
that General Mardarescu, the Roumanian Commander in Chief, be himself directed to
appear before the Mission tomorrow at 11 o’clock. This time there was no dissenting
vote. Despite all their promises and instructions the Roumanians are continuing with their
wholesale pillaging of Hungary and the Hungarians.

      It is not possible to describe conditions in a city or country occupied by an enemy,
but judging from conditions in Budapest and Hungary while occupied by the
Roumanians, we Americans should promptly take every measure possible to avoid any
such catastrophe. Universal training should be adopted without further parley.

       August 20, 1919.
       . Next, our old friend Diamandi came in with the Roumanian Commander in Chief,
General Mardarescu, and a new star in the Roumanian constellation in the person of a
General Rudeanu. General Mardarescu was put on the carpet and told in unmistakable
terms that it was up to him to report what had been done in complying with the request
from the Mission of August 16, 1919. He resorted to all sorts of evasions and
circumlocutions, which may have been intentional or may have been due to his grade of
intelligence, which appears to be about that of a comatose caribou. He finally agreed to
be a good boy and carry out our instructions.

      August 22, 1919.
                     Memorandum on the Hungarian Political Situation

          The Hungarians had barely disentangled themselves from the meshes of
          Bolshevism when the present weak régime came into existence. It would be a
          calamity if either Bolshevists or the Hapsburgs were allowed to control
          Hungary. To prevent this, it is important that some strong man of real
          popularity and influence among all classes be placed in charge and given every
          assistance in reorganizing a semi-permanent government.

      Before adjourning, a telegram was received from the Supreme Council authorizing
the Mission to send detachments wherever necessary to prevent the Roumanians from
getting their Hungarian loot over into Roumania, and it was decided to wire the Supreme
Council that this would not be feasible either with the means at our disposal or with any
force that could arrive in time for the purpose. It was furthermore recommended that
additional officers be sent to watch over the points of egress and take inventory of what
the Roumanians were making away with. In the afternoon, after sending a telegram to the
American Commission posting them to date on the situation, I took a car and investigated
a few of the complaints concerning Roumanian seizures, etc., and found them to be true. I
then called upon General Rudeanu, told him I had found his people were removing 4,000
telephone instruments from private houses and were about to take the remaining half of
the supplies of the Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs, which hey had not taken in first
requisition; that they were seizing the few remaining Hungarian breeding stallions; that
they had sent word to the Ministry of Agriculture to deliver to them all maps,
instruments, etc.; and that I could give him only too many instances of like character. I
told him that his government had repeatedly promised to carry out the Mission’s

instructions, but that I had been here twelve days, during which the Roumanians had
continued their seizures and had not returned a single thing despite their repeated
promises. I added that we were all most anxious to cooperate, but that I should like for
once to telegraph my superiors that the Roumanians had shown any indication of an
intention to play the game according to the rule. He replied that in my place he would feel
as I did, that he would confer with his colleagues tonight, and would tomorrow let us
know whether or not the Roumanian government really intended to stop requisitioning
and return any property already seized. All of this looks like an admission that they had
all along intended to pursue the even tenor of their way regardless of the wishes of the
Supreme Council.

       August 23, 1919.
       At this morning’s session, after disposing of several routine matters, the Mission
prepared to receive M. Diamandi and General Rudeanu, who had faithfully promised to
be in the antechamber at 11:30. As a matter of fact, they were only twenty minutes late,
which is the closest any Roumanian has yet come to keeping his promise with us. 5
Diamandi seated himself with his unctious diplomatic smile, and stated that he had
received advices from his government at Bucharest, and first proceeded to regale us with
information that was already six days old and which we had read to him ourselves at one
of our sessions. He was politely informed of the fact and then proceeded to other matters,
prefacing his remarks by the usual statement that the Roumanian government desired to
work in complete accord with its allies, but that we must consider the deplorable
transportation conditions in Roumania and the fact that the Roumanians found here in
Hungary many supplies taken from their own country, in proof of which he displayed two
first-aid packets, two iodine tubes, and one or two other matters with the Roumanian
mark. We were overwhelmed with this incontrovertible evidence, but in time sufficiently
recovered to let him proceed, which he did by adding that all Roumanian property found
in Hungary must naturally be subject to unqualified seizure, that the seizures would be
limited to what was actually necessary for the Roumanian forces, but that this
government must insist that they pick up an additional 30 per cent to replace articles
taken from Roumania during the German invasion; that formerly Roumania had had
1,000 locomotives whereas they now had only 6o; that they would be very glad to pay for
all private automobiles and other property seized in Hungary, but must insist on doing so
with their government bonds along the same lines as the Central Powers had done in
Roumania. Then he wished to know, in case Roumania did not take things from Hungary,
who would guarantee that the Roumanians got their proper share, and he added that it
certainly would be much better to leave all such property in the hands of faithful and
truthful allies like the Roumanians, than to leave it with the Hungarians, who were known
never to keep their promises. He would probably have gone on indefinitely with similar
sophistical persiflage, had I not intervened and stated that on three separate occasions our
truthful allies, the Roumanians, had faithfully promised to carry out our instructions, but
that up to the present time there was no tangible proof that a single one of the promises
had been kept. Certain it was that they were continuing their requisitions and more boldly
than ever, that no property had yet been returned, that they had submitted no reports as
promised, and that I personally must insist on some proof of the perfect accord that I had
heard so much about. M. Diamandi stated that he could say nothing more than was

    I found an amusing laconic footnote by Lieutenant-Colonel Repington in his After the War, A
       Diary, Boston, 1922. “Roumanians are not remarkable for keeping promises or appointments”
       (p. 327).
contained in his instructions, and any question whatever that was put up to him would
need to be referred to Bucharest for decision, the natural inference being that he could
never answer a question inside of about five days. Our little friend Diamandi has always
been in the diplomatic service, having served at Rome, Vienna, Paris, and Berlin. He was
Roumanian minister to Petrograd when the Boishevist régime started, during which he
was arrested by the Bolshevists, and I shall never forgive them for having afterwards
released him. He typifies perfectly the Roumanian policy of procrastination with a view
of absolutely draining Hungary before it can be stopped.
       …..I therefore insisted that a telegram be sent from us to the Supreme Council,
informing them of all of M. Diamandi’s statements and adding that in our opinion so far
as the Roumanians were concerned the time of this Mission had been wasted, and that it
would be useless to continue its relations with Roumanian officials who apparently were
determined to carry on a reprehensible policy of procrastination, and who had repeatedly
broken their solemn promises. General Graziani said he would draft this telegram at once,
provided he could take a recess of about an hour. When he returned with his draft, it
contained only the bald statement in regard to M. Diamandi’s remarks. I insisted that my
reference to our waste of time be incorporated in the telegram. Thereupon I was asked to
draft the telegram. I complied with this request and handed the telegram to Lieutenant-
Colonel Romanelli, General Mombelli’s secretary. He made a very good French
translation of it, arid it was then handed to General Graziani’s aide to add to the telegram.
Just as we were leaving, I saw this aide hand General Mombelli my draft, Colonel
Romanelli’s translation, and another slip of paper, and asked him what the third paper
was. He said that it was for the purpose of putting part of Romanelli’s translation into
better French. I insisted on seeing that part. He showed it to me, and then General
Mombelli said that, as handed to him, it was understood that this new slip of paper was to
replace entirely Colonel Romanelli’s translation. At this I thumped the table two or three
times and said that I absolutely insisted that the statement in regard to the futility of
hoping for anything from the Roumanians be incorporated. This was then agreed to.
Evidently our French colleague was trying to play a skin game and got caught at it.

      August 24, 1919.
      …I then prepared and sent a long telegram to the American Mission, to the effect
that yesterday our suave friend Diamandi, accompanied by General Rudeanu, had called
upon Admiral Troubridge, apparently on the verge of tears because we had not sent for
them the day before. They both intimated that probably their usefulness in Budapest was
over, in which they were just about right. The rotund and diplomatic Diamandi was
undoubtedly thus affected because he had been sent here to pull off a coup in the shape of
forcing Hungary to make a separate peace with Roumania practically amounting to
annexation, which coup had been demolished by a bomb in the shape of the Supreme
Council’s handing the Archduke his hat and telling him not to be in a hurry. I also
received word that on the twenty-first the Crown Prince of Roumania, as the future
King of Hungary, received a number of kowtowing Hungarian aristocrats.
      The day before yesterday I sent Colonel Yates, formerly of the Thirtieth Infantry,
U. S. A., and now American attaché at Bucharest, to investigate conditions in Hungary
west of the Danube. On his return today he reported that Admiral Horthy had about 8,000
well-disciplined, well-trained, and well-armed troops, including machine guns and
nineteen field guns under his command.
      ….I also wired the American Mission in regard to the incident of last night, when
our dapper French colleague tried to put one over on the American and British
representatives by not including all that should have been included in the telegram to the

Supreme Council. General Gorton, the British representative, read over and concurred in
all of my telegram, asked me to say so, and to add that he requested that a copy be
furnished the British Mission.

       August 25, 1919.
       Yesterday afternoon, accompanied by Colonel Loree and Lieutenant Hamilton, I
visited and inspected the State Railway shops, and found that the Roumanians were
gutting the place strictly in accord with the Hungarian reports. In a neighboring freight
yard there were 120 freight cars loaded with machinery and material, and in the yard of
the shops there were 15 cars, likewise loaded and more than 25 others partly loaded or in
the process of being loaded. I then went through the machine shops and saw many places
where machinery had just been removed and others where it was in the process of being
removed. The workmen stated that the Roumanians had been busy there, despite the fact
that it was Sunday, until 4 o’clock in the afternoon, and that they were obliging the
Hungarians to do all the work connected with taking out the machinery.
       In the evening, at about 9:50, we heard a racket outside of our window, but we did
not pay much attention to it at the time because a discussion of Roumanians and
Hungarians, none of whom understands the others, usually sounds like a ladies’ tea party.
This morning I found out, however, that the trouble was all caused by a Roumanian
patrol of one officer and eight or ten men who had arrested a British Bluejacket and had
declined to examine his pass. One of my men, thinking the rumpus was all due to the fact
that the Roumanians did not understand the Britisher, went to try to explain in German,
and met the fate of the peacemaker. He was pricked by a bayonet wielded by a
Roumanian soldier. At this, becoming disgusted with the role of peace maker, he yelled
to the American soldiers and British sailors across the street. They came tearing to the
rescue of their comrade who was promptly abandoned by the Roumanians.

      August 26, 1919.
      Yesterday afternoon a verbose but rather stiff telegram came to me, containing the
text of an ultimatum from the Supreme Council to the Roumanian government. I told
them in unmistakable terms that in case they persisted in looting Hungary, alleging as an
excuse that they were simply reimbursing themselves for what they had lost during
Mackensen’s invasion, it was all bosh; that they must abide by the decision of any
reparation commission the Peace Conference might appoint; and that in the meantime this
Mission of Inter-Allied Generals would be authorized to appoint such a commission
temporarily. It was added that in case they did not immediately and affirmatively make a
Statement that they would abide by all their past agreements, the Allied and Associated
Powers would be obliged to make them pay in full any claims against Transylvania and
other portions of Hungary which had been given to Roumania by the Peace Conference.
The foregoing telegram was followed up this morning by another one preëmptorily
notifying those sons of Ananias, the Roumanians, that drastic measures would
immediately be adopted if they would not come to time.
     I had drafted a telegram, which was sent in the name of the
Mission, stating that in our opinion the Roumanians were looting
Hungary as rapidly as possible so that they might suddenly evacuate
the country, and at the same time they were disarming everybody
and refusing to reorganize the police, and in general that,
intentionally or unintentionally, every move they made was in the
direction of turning Hungary over to Bolshevism and chaos.
      Major Borrow of the British Army, whom we sent to inspect the Szolnok6 Bridge,
reported that it would take two or three weeks to get that or any other bridge across the
Theiss River so that it would support loaded cars, but that he found at the bridge, ready to
cross, 150 locomotives, 200 to 300 empty freight cars, 4 aeroplanes on cars, 200 to 300
tank cars and, between Szolnok and Budapest, many hundreds of carloads of

       August 27, 1919.
       Later on in the afternoon I learned that the fine Italian hand had attempted to get in
its deadly work, even during the Bolshevist régime; that the Italians had then bought the
magnificent Hungarian Breeding Farms, which are now being seized by the Roumanians;
that they were now as mad as a nest of hornets because they cannot stop the Roumanian
seizures, as it would give away their rather reprehensible relations with the Bolshevists. I
also learned that the Italian Lieutenant-Colonel Romanelli, who has been in Budapest for
some time, is understood to have been sent with a mission to induce the Hungarians to
accept the Duke of Savoy as their king. This is rather confirmed by the intense hostility
towards Romanelli of the Roumanians, who wanted the Crown Prince Carol to be elected
King of Hungary,7 and also that most of the Hungarians are sore on Romanelli.
       The Roumanians are proceeding merrily with their seizures and general raising of
Hell. All this cannot last indefinitely and something is sure to pop up before long.

       August 28, 1919.
       Yesterday afternoon, accompanied by General Gorton, the British representative, I
visited some of the places where reports have been received from Hungarian sources that
the Roumanians were making seizures. It is remarkable that, so far as we have been able
to verify, not a single Hungarian complaint has been exaggerated. At the warehouse of
the Hungarian Discount and Exchange Bank, we found that up to date the Roumanians
had seized and removed 2,400 carloads, mainly of provisions and forage, and were daily
carting away great quantities. At the Central Depot of the Hungarian Post and Telegraph
we found seven cars already loaded, two with shoes and five with carpets and rugs. In
this connection, it should be remembered that the Roumanian Commander in Chief said
that he had never taken anything that was not absolutely necessary for the use of troops in
the field. At this place we also found the Roumanians removing the machinery from the
repair shops. At the works of the Ganz-Danubius Company we found the Roumanians
busily engaged loading five freight cars with material, under the charge of Lieutenant
Vaude Stanescu. At the Hungarian Military Hospital Number I, the Roumanians had
ordered all the patients out and there remained only 57 patients in the hospital, whose
capacity was 800, and these 57 could not be removed on account of the serious nature of
their wounds. Next we visited the Hungarian Central Sanitary Depot and found that under
Major C. Georgescu, a medical officer, the Roumanians were absolutely gutting the
establishment. In all the places we visited, the manual labor is performed by Hungarian
soldiers under Roumanian sentinels.
       On arrival at my quarters a little before 8 o’clock, I found General Gorton awaiting
me, and he gave me the substance of another ultimatum of a somewhat anonymous
character, delivered through the Roumanian Ardeli, who had sent the first ultimatum to
the Archduke. This one was along similar lines and included demands for immediate

  Szolnok, a river port on the right bank of the Theiss. Population not quite 29,000. An important
    market and railroad center.
  Compare statement to this effect in the entry of the Diary on Aug. 11.
peace between Hungary and Roumania; the occupation of Hungary by Roumania for one
year; the cession of practically all the strategic points, and then the annexation of
Hungary to Roumania. This was coded and ciphered and sent to the American
Commission in Paris with a request that a copy be sent to the British Commission.
       Early this morning I sent another coded and ciphered message to the American
Commission, to the effect that the Roumanians certainly could not continue their arrogant
and haughty attitude unless backed by someone, and that I believed it was the French and
the Italians who were trying to accomplish some kind of political or other union between
Roumania, Hungary, Austria, and Italy, with a view to isolating entirely the Jugo-Slavs.

      August 29, 1919.
      At the meeting this morning, there was the usual discussion and gesticulatory
machine gun French on the part of our Latin members, especially after I suggested that
the Mission, owing to the attitude of the Roumanians, had accomplished less than nothing
since its arrival here, and that we should consider whether or not the time had arrived for
notifying the Supreme Council that in our opinion our prolonged stay only subjected us to
humiliation from the Roumanians, and our governments to steady loss of prestige with
both the Roumanians and the Hungarians. After considerable discussion and playing the
fine old game of passing the buck, they invited me to prepare a memorandum on the
subject, which I agreed to do.
      Our beloved Roumanian allies are continuing merrily with their requisitions and
seizures, and apparently have not the slightest intention of letting up until they have
cleaned Hungary out of everything worth taking.

       September 1, 1919.
       We also decided to tell the Roumanian Commander in Chief that we were getting
damned tired of the fact that they had not yet answered a single one of our questions
definitely; that the organization of the Municipal Police of Budapest was of paramount
importance; and, in effect, that if the present Commander could not comply with his
promises, someone else ought to be put in his place.
       The chief of police of the city of Budapest appeared before this Mission and
showed that, although he had 3,700 men, the Roumanians had given them nothing in the
way of arms beyond the original 600 carbines.
       General Soós, the Chief of the Hungarian General Staff, appeared before the
Mission and explained his proposed plan for the organization of the Hungarian Army. His
intelligence and knowledge of what he wanted to do was in startling contrast to the
Roumanian ignorance and stupidity.

      September 2, 1919.
      A strong letter was drafted to be sent to the Roumanians, demanding that they
immediately complete the organization of the police as promised, and complaining of
subterfuge and procrastination. A similar letter was sent in regard to the evacuation of
western Hungary.
      Colonel Yates arrived last night from Bucharest, and from his report the
Roumanians are pretty generally arrogant and haughty over what they consider their
tremendous victory over Hungary, completely ignoring the fact that they could never
even have touched Hungary had not the Allies first crushed both Germany and Austria-
Hungary. All their talk is along the lines of having a Roumanian officer in a coordinate
position on the Inter-Allied Military Mission, and demonstrates the fact that they feel that
on account of their little private war with Hungary they are entitled to loot the latter

absolutely in payment for their last little war, and leave the Allies to get indemnification
from a prostrate nation for their share of expenses in the World War.

      September 3, 1919.
      It is quite noticeable that the Roumanians in particular habitually make the mistake
of thinking that our French colleague, General Graziani, is the President of the Day,
which rather strengthens the suspicion that the Roumanians and French are somewhat in

      September 6, 1919.
      In view of the fact that there is practically nothing doing, I have arranged to go with
Captain Gore to Bucharest. Colonel Yates, the American Attaché to the Roumanian
capital, will accompany us and act as our guide and mentor. We plan to leave Budapest at
4 o’clock this date and return about the tenth of September.

       September 7, 1919.
       Colonel Yates, Captain Gore and myself, accompanied by a Roumanian liaison
officer, left Budapest on a special car and by special train about 4:30 yesterday afternoon.
Our special car was about half the length of an ordinary American car, but was very well
fitted out and had all conveniences except those for cooking. I know I slept on a hair
mattress, because the hairs pushed up through the mattress, through the sheets and
through my pajamas, and could be very distinctly felt. In addition to this, the mattress
undoubtedly had a large and animated population. All of my traveling companions
reported like experiences. Last night, while traveling through eastern Hungary, we saw
large numbers of cars loaded with stuff, all en route to Roumania. We crossed the
Szolnok Bridge, which had been originally a large double-tracked structure, but in the
course of recent repairs had been left mostly single-tracked. We traveled through long
stretches of level land in Transylvania and late in the afternoon got into the foothills of
the Carpathians, and finally at 7:15 we arrived at Sinaja, where the summer palace of the
King is located. We went direct to the Palace, and found that they had planned to
entertain us all night and as long as we could stay. The summer palace of the King is
called “Castel Palisor,”8 and is beautifully located in the Carpathian Mountains about
seventy-five miles north of Bucharest. There are really two palaces here; one which was
built for the former Queen of Roumania, the celebrated Carmen Sylva 9 and which,

    Or Castel Pelishor.
    In 1866, Prince Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was called to Roumania to govern this
       country, which had secured its autonomy after the Crimean war in 1856. Roumania’s complete
       independence was recognized in 1878 in the Treaty of Berlin, and in 1881 Charles was crowned
       King of Roumania. He was married to the noble Princess Elisabeth of Wied, who as a charming
       writer and poetess was known by the name of Carmen Sylva. Their only child, Marie, died in
       infancy. Charles died in 1914, shortly after the outbreak of the world war. Being without male
       issue, his nephew Ferdinand became his successor to the throne. He had in 1893 married Marie,
       daughter of the late Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha. The membership of the Royal Roumanian
       family is as follows:
            Ferdinand I (b. 1865, d. 1927), m. Marie (b. 1875)
            King Carol II (b. 1893), m. Princess Helen of Greece, 1921
            Michael (b. 1921)
            Elisabeth (b. 1894), m. Crown Prince (now former King) George of Greece, 1921
            Ma rie (b. 1900), m. King Alexander of Jugo-Slavia, 1922
            Nicholas (b. 1903)
            Ileana (b. 1909) m. Archduke Anton of Austria-Tuscany, 1931
although completely furnished, is not occupied by the present King, who instead, with the
Royal Family, lives in the palace which was built for him when he was Crown Prince.
This is neither so pretentious nor so commodious as the other, but apparently is better
adapted to the present needs of the Royal Family. We met His Majesty at dinner about
8:30, and he had me seated at his left. The only other member of the Royal Family
present was Prince Nickolai, neither the Queen or any of her daughters appearing during
the evening. The King is of medium height with a full-pointed beard, and with a low
forehead with the hair starting from not far above the eyes. He speaks English fairly well,
although with a peculiar hissing accent.
      After dinner, while waiting in the reception room, I talked with the King and other
members of his staff, and stated that I hoped to leave early in the morning. His Majesty
then asked me if I would not kindly step into his private office for a little conversation,
which I did, and he kept me there about an hour and a half during which he went into
details of the Roumanian grievances, especially referring to the fact that the Roumanians
were considered to be robbers because they were looting Hungary, whereas the Serbs had
looted the Bánát and had never been called to account. He also complained that the Serbs
had received some of the Danube monitors, whereas Roumania had received nothing. But
his main grievance seemed to be due to the “Minorities” clause in the Treaty of Peace 10
which Roumania was to be called upon to sign.11 I explained to

         Mircea (b. 1912, d. 1916). On Dec.28, 1925, Carol renounced his right of succession to the
         throne. On Jan. 4, 1926, his son, Prince Michael, was declared heir to the throne. In 1927
         he be came King under a regency. On June 8, 1930, Carol was again proclaimed King by
         Act of Parliament and ascended the throne.

  Treaty of St. Germain with Aus tria.
   The problem of the protection of minorities in Europe is not new. The first to receive special
    protection were religious groups, such as the Christians and Jews under Turkish rule, the
    Protestants in certain Catholic countries, and vice versa.
Article 44 of the Treaty of Berlin of July 13.1878, contained the following provision in regard to
    Roumania: “The difference of religious creeds and confessions shall not be alleged against any
    person as a ground for exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment of civil and
    political rights, admission to public employments. functions, and honors, or the exercise of the
    various professions and industries in any localities whatsoever.” F. de Martens, Recueil général
    des traités, 2d series, Vol.111, p.345.
In spite of this treaty obligation, the Jewish minority in Roumania continued to be discriminated
    against as previously.
Even before the war, the treatment of religious, cultural, and racial minorities had received the
    attention of the liberal and socialistic element all over the world; and during the world war the
    right of self determination became one of the powerful slogans. The tenth of the Fourteen Points
    of President Wilson demanded “the freest opportunity of autonomous development” for ”the
    peoples of Austria-Hungary." Several drafts of the League of Nations Covenant contained this
    principle, as applying to all members of the League. In the final version, such a provision was
    left out, probably because of the tremendous dangers to the imperialism of the victorious Great
How ever, it was realized at the Peace Conference that the transferof large alien populations to new
    or enlarged states, especially when such people were of a much superior cul ture, would be a
    constant source of irritation and would prevent the stabilization of Eu rope, unless such
    minorities were protected against undue persecution. Therefore these States - Poland, Czecho-
    Slovakia, Jugo-Slavia, Greece, and Armenia - were required to sign special treaties guaranteeing
    certain rights to the minorities living under their rule. Similar provisions are contained in the
    peace treaties with Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, and in the defunct treaty of Sèvres with Turkey.
    Roumania signed a minority treaty very reluctantly on Dec. 9, 1919. Doubtless the pressure of
    the very influential Jewish element in the United States had a great deal to do with the insistence
    September 8, 1919.

       We reported for breakfast this morning about 8:30, and I met Her Majesty, the
Queen, and one of the Royal Princesses. Her Majesty habitually wears the Roumanian
peasant costume, which is very becoming, and she is decidedly a handsome woman,
showing that she must have been beautiful when younger. The Royal aide-de-camp
informed me that I was to sit at breakfast at the left of Madame Lahovary, one of the
ladies in waiting. So we entered the dining room in that order.
       However, immediately after entering, the Queen called out from the head of the
table, “General, I want you to sit up by me.” So I, in fear and trembling, approached the
Royal presence and sat on her left, with the King on her right. Without any preliminaries,
Her Majesty turned to me and said, “I didn’t know whether I wanted to meet you at all. I
have heard many things about you.” I replied, “Your Majesty, I am not half so bad as I
look, nor one-quarter so bad as you seem to think I am.” She smiled and said that the
King had told her that I wasn’t exactly a heathen, so she had decided really to form my
acquaintance. We spent a very pleasant time at the breakfast table, in which considerable
repartee was indulged in, despite the Royal presences.

      After breakfast we went out into the garden and I told Madame Lahovary that it
was very apparent that the Inter-Allied Military Mission did not stand very high in
Roumania. She said, “We have always heard that the four generals were very fine.” I
asked her if she hadn’t heard that the American actually wore horns, or at least was
somewhat of a devil. She said, hardly that, but that they had heard that the American
representative was very difficult to handle.
      After a little time in the garden, Captain Gore and myself took a long walk
exploring the grounds about both the palaces, did some writing and had lunch about one
o’clock. This time the King and Queen, instead of sitting at the end of the table, sat
opposite each other at the middle. I was placed on the Queen’s right, with the senior
Roumanian General,12 who it is understood will be the next prime minister, on her left.

     of Wilson on these treaties, as suggested on page 170 of Fouques-Dupara’s book: “Le président
     Wilson par sentiment libérale, peut-être aussi par sympathy pour un groupement éthnique, dont
     la puis sance électorale ne peut-être négligé, suivit l’exemple de ses illustres devanciers.”
All the minority treaties, which, with the exception of those with Armenia and Turkey, are in effect
     today, are according to their own terms placed under the guardianship of the League of Nations,
     and cannot be changed except with the consent of the majority of the League Council. The text
     of he Roumanian Minorities Treaty may be found in Current History of March, 1920. Statistics
     of the different minorities in Roumania and their distribution in the different parts of the country
     may be found on page 384 of Jacques Fouques-Duparc’s La Protection des minorités de race,
     de langue et de Ia religion, Paris, 1922. See also Marc Vichniak’s La protection des droits des
     minorités dans les traités internationaux de 1919-1920, Paris, 1921; and, Leo Epstein’s Der
     nationale Minderheits-schutzals internationales Rechtsproblem, Berlin, 1922.
For the treatment of the Hungarian minorities in Roumania, Crecho-Slovakia, and Jugo-Slavia, see
     Sir Robert Donald’s Tragedy of Trianon, London, 1928.
The making of the minority treaties may be followed in David Hunter Miller’s My Diary at the
     Conference of Paris, Vol. XIII. (The Appeal Print ing Co., 1925.) Only forty copies of this
     valuable set of diaries are in existence. See there especially the letter of Bratiano of May 27,
     1919, protesting against the special obligations imposed upon Roumania (p.89). Also the report
     on July 16, 1919, concerning Roumania.
   Af ter Bratiano’s resignation, a new government was formed, in October, which was headed by
     General Vaitoanu and consisted of military men and officials. After a short time, general
His Majesty had the Royal Princess on his right and Madame Lahovary on his left.
During the conversation the Queen said that she felt keenly over the fact that Roumania
had fought as an ally and was now being treated as an enemy; that all Roumania had been
pillaged by the Huns, and why shouldn’t they now retaliate and steal from Hungary,
saying, “You may call it stealing if you want to, or any other name. I feel that we are
perfectly entitled to do what we want to.”
      The King butted into the conversation and said that anyway the Roumanians had
taken no food stuffs. As it is bad form to call a king a liar, I simply informed His Majesty
that he was badly mistaken, and that I could give him exact facts in regard to thousands
of carloads of foodstuffs that had been taken out of Budapest alone. Her Majesty
complained also that a Reparation Board had been appointed to investigate and look in
Bulgaria for property that she had looted from other countries, and that all the Allies had
been represented on this Board except Roumania. She added that similar action had been
taken in regard to the German indemnification. It was apparent that all the Roumanians
are rankling, whether justly or no, under a sense of injustice, and they insist on stating,
and may be believing, that their present war with Hungary is separate and distinct from
the big War, and entitles them to first choice of everything in the country.

    elections were held and a democratic government succeeded. From November, 1919, to March,
    1920, Alexander Vaida-Voevod was the head of the government. See n. 34 below.

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