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					                           PLATON 2007
                           WORKSHOP 1

            BRIDGE OVER
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Participants:     Susanne Emich (GER)        Leader:   Richard Pirolt
                  Christina Schlesinger
                  Viola Ebner
                  Claire Alleame
                  Emil Nefzger
                  Fabian Klein
                  Sven Dietl
                  Valdis Timofejeos
                  Patrick Steindl

Platon Youth Forum 2007               1/43         Bridge over troubled water
1. Bridge over troubled water – Dilemma Story .......................................................... 4
2. Corruption .................................................................................................................. 5
        Korruption in Deutschland ................................................................................... 5
        Typische Täter struktureller Korruption ............................................................... 5
        Warum schreckt Strafrecht nicht ab? .................................................................. 6
        Warum schreckt Strafrecht die Nehmer nicht ab?............................................... 6
        Mängel der Strafverfolgung ................................................................................. 6
        Sanktionen und Verfahrenserledigungen ............................................................ 6
        Verantwortung der Wirtschaft.............................................................................. 7
        Mangelhafte Korruptionsprävention .................................................................... 7
        Korruptionsprävention ist möglich, weil ............................................................... 7
        Scheinaktivitäten ................................................................................................. 7
        Konkrete Vorschläge ........................................................................................... 7
        Korruptionsskandal in Benidorm? ....................................................................... 8
4. Bridge Collapse ....................................................................................................... 14
        Six dead, three injured in Spanish bridge collapse ........................................... 14
5. Jobs in Spain ........................................................................................................... 16
        Accidents .......................................................................................................... 16
        Insecure employment and industrial accidents ................................................. 17
        Action taken ...................................................................................................... 18
        Commentary ..................................................................................................... 18
        Industrial accident rate still high ........................................................................ 19
        Commentary ..................................................................................................... 20
        Opposition parties' views .................................................................................. 21
        Catalan government's response ....................................................................... 21
        Employers' organisations react ......................................................................... 22
        Commentary ..................................................................................................... 22
        Controls ............................................................................................................ 23
        Tighter controls ................................................................................................. 23
        JOINT POLICE FORCE .................................................................................... 24
6. Health and safety at work in Spain......................................................................... 24
        PREVENTION OF RISKS AT WORK ACT 31 .................................................. 24
               Article 14.- Right to protection against occupational risks. ..................... 24
               Article 38.- Committee of Safety and Health........................................... 25
               Article 39.- Competencies and powers of the Committee of Safety and
               Health ..................................................................................................... 26
7. Immigrants ............................................................................................................... 27
        Manifesto for the unconditional regularisation of immigrants ............................ 27
        WE DEMAND:................................................................................................... 28

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                1- A regularisation process for all the people living in Spain. ................. 28
                2- An end to sudden irregularity: ............................................................ 28
                3- The cancellation of deportation orders not carried out and the end of all
                deportations............................................................................................ 28
                4- An end to Police assault. .................................................................... 29
                5- Closing down of all detention centres. ................................................ 29
                6- Repeal of Immigration Law................................................................. 29
                7- A new model of immigration policies. ................................................. 29
       Die Ohnmacht auf der Straße ........................................................................... 30
       Wer braucht noch die Gewerkschaft? ............................................................... 31
       Interessen vergessen ........................................................................................ 31
       Characteristics of Immigrants............................................................................ 32
       Labor Force Participation of Immigrants in Spain ............................................. 32
       Forging an Immigration Policy........................................................................... 33
       The Plan Greco ................................................................................................. 34
       Labor Quota System ......................................................................................... 34
       Eine kurze Chronologie des "Ausländergesetzes" ............................................ 35
8. Wages ....................................................................................................................... 36
       Three groups of countries : ............................................................................... 36
9.   Spanish sources ................................................................................................ 36
10. Donations ........................................................................................................... 39
11. Safety .................................................................................................................. 42
       Safety Culture: .................................................................................................. 42
       Safety – Implementation: .................................................................................. 43
       Client Duties:..................................................................................................... 43
       Contractor Duties at the Coal – Face: ............................................................... 43

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1. Bridge over troubled water – Dilemma Story
Jose runs a construction company in the city of Jimena de la Frontera in the South of
Spain. With several construction projects – his company is specialized in building
bridges – he has earned some wealth. To realize projects in a minimum of time inhigh
quality with low costs is what counts. Therefore he needs low labour costs. So he em-
ploys many workers from abroad and he doesn´t ask often where they come from as
long as they do a good job. Rumours are spread that many of them come from Africa
and came to Spain on dangerous ways.
His childhood friend and brother-in-law Antonio is a trade-union official and member of
the local authorities in Vejer. His party constantly makes complaints about the problems
of the masses of immigrants and persons seeking for asylum because the cause big
problems for the local administrations. The party also ran a campaign against the legali-
zation of half a million illegal immigrants by the central government and the members of
the party complain the unequal distribution of the immigrants and refugees. They say
that few regions have to cope with this problem whereas in other regions of the country
you won´t find almost any refugee or immigrant. With this politics the party was very
successful in the last elections and therefore got the mayor of the city of Vejer. To be
able to pay for the costs of the campaign the party depends on donations that come
mostly from unnamed spenders out of industry and trade, a small amount also came
from Joses company.
Now the Spanish government and the administration of Andalusia plan to build another
section of the motorway A48 from Aljecir to Vejer. The project is supported by the Euro-
pean Union, it will cost about 500 million Euros and the aim is to develop the tourism in
this region by strengthening the traffic infrastructure. Jose bids for a contract to build a
bridge within this project because he would earn some millions of Euros. But his com-
pany recently was in the headlines because of a collapse of a bridge in a similar project
near the city of Granada. Several workers came to death there, most of them were from
Portugal. Now Antonio is a member of the local commission that is in charge of the plac-
ing of this project. The mayor of Vejer is deeply in favour of Joses company because
Jose has informally promised some money for the party. He also informally threatened
members of his party to be withdrawn from the local authorities and to be excluded from
the party if they didn´t support his direction. On the other hand the trade union expects
all members to take a firm stand against companies that employ illegal workers and that
do so-called “wage dumping” by lowering the wages of workers from abroad what then
stresses the home labour market. In addition the trade union criticizes that such compa-
nies do not care enough about the security of their employees. So representatives of the
trade union urge Antonio to stand up against his mayor and vote against Jose. Antonios
wife Lucia is a chief waitress in the restaurant of a hotel at the coast. She would like the
motorway because she expects more guests in her restaurant and therefore more
money. She would also regard Antonios public denial of her brother

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Jose as a heavy insult against the honor of her family. As it comes to award the contract
for the bridge project three of the seven members of the commission are in favour of
Joses company, three members who do not belong to Antonios party prefer another

How should Antonio decide?


2. Corruption
22.02.2006 Prof. Dr. Britta Bannenberg, Universität Bielefeld

Korruption in Deutschland
      Korruption ist in Deutschland ein weit verbreitetes Phänomen
      Alle Branchen sind betroffen
      Fallbeispiele aus dem Öffentlichen Dienst
      Überwiegend Vergabe von Großaufträgen / monopolartige Auftraggeber, Kartelle:
      Bau von Flughäfen, Klärwerken in Großstädten, Autobahnen, Kasernen, Wohn-
       und Gewerbegebiete mit Deponien und Lärmschutzwällen, Ausrüstung
       Polizei/Bundeswehr, Werften, Ausstattung
      Führerscheinverfahren
      Ausländerbehörden, OK
      Abfallwirtschaft
      Politische Einflussnahmen auf Verwaltung und Justiz
      Gefahren für die Demokratie
      Sog-und Spiralwirkung
      Schwerwiegende Korruption geht mit anderen Straftaten einher
      Hohe materielle und immaterielle Schäden
      Die Aufdeckung korruptiverSachverhalte ist weitgehend zufällig
      Die strafrechtliche Ermittlung ist ebenso zufällig und hängt sehr stark von
       Kapazitäten und Erfahrungen der Ermittler ab (> Mängel der Strafverfolgung)
      Aufdeckung wird von strafrechtlichen Ermittlungen bestimmt
      Interne Kontrollen sind mangelhaft
      Strafrechtliche Ermittlungen führen regelmäßig zu neuen Verdachtsmomenten
      Anonyme Hinweise
      Zufall
      Presseveröffentlichungen
      Anzeigen von Konkurrenten und Privatpersonen

Typische Täter struktureller Korruption
    Männlich, deutsch, nicht vorbestraft

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      Keine Schulden (zumindest nicht bekannt)
      Ehrgeizig
      Macht-und Entscheidungsbefugnisse in Unternehmen und Verwaltung
      Keine illegalen Wertvorstellungen, verstehen sich nicht als kriminell handelnd
      Ausgeprägte Rechtfertigungs-und Neutralisierungstechniken
      Unterschied Gruppenstruktur: Einbindung in korrupte Unternehmensstrategien nd
       Macht-und Vertrauensmissbrauch beim Amtsträger

Warum schreckt Strafrecht nicht ab?
      Geringe / keine Entdeckungswahrscheinlichkeit
      Keine Abschreckung durch Strafdrohung
      Geringe Anzeigewahrscheinlichkeit
      Keine funktionierende Kontrolle
      Verdachtsmomenten in Unternehmen und Verwaltungen wird nicht nachgeganen

Warum schreckt Strafrecht die Nehmer nicht ab?
      Keine wirksame Kontrolle in der Hierarchie des öffentlichen Dienstes
      Verhaltensrichtlinien und Verbote bleiben abstrakt
      Ausgeprägte Neutralisierungs-und Rechtfertigungsmechanismen
      Machtmissbrauch: Ausnutzung der Vertrauensstellung, um Regeln zu brechen
      Teilweise ausgeprägte Doppelmoral: nach außen korrekter
       Vorgesetzter/Mitarbeiter, in Wahrheit Rechtsbruch zum eigenen Vorteil

Mängel der Strafverfolgung
    Vielfältige Probleme bei der Bewältigung der umfangreichen und komplizierten
    Spezielle Fähigkeiten, Unterstützung und personelle Ressourcen sind nicht
     immer vorhanden
    Keine institutionalisierte Vernetzung zwischen den Bundesländern
    (politische) Einflussnahmen

Sanktionen und Verfahrenserledigungen
      Keine wirksamen Unterbindungen des Filzes
      Bei struktureller Korruption dominieren
      Einstellungen des Strafverfahrens nach
      § 170 II StPO,
      Deals, Absprachen

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    Bei Verurteilung vielfach Freiheitsstrafen bis zu zwei Jahren mit Strafaussetzung
     zur Bewährung

Verantwortung der Wirtschaft
    Korruption ist vielfach bereits normale Geschäftspolitik
    Unterstützungsstrategien für Beschuldigte
    Lagerwechsel
    Geringes Unrechtsbewusstsein
    Kontrolle wird abgelehnt; bekannt gewordene Korruption darf nicht nach außen
    Aufgedeckte Fälle werden als Einzelfälle verschleiert und verharmlost

Mangelhafte Korruptionsprävention
      Interne Kontrollen versagen in Verwaltung und Unternehmen
      Entdeckungswahrscheinlichkeit gering
      Aufklärung erfordert konsequentes und kompetentes Vorgehen
      Mehr-Ebenen-Konzepte
      Politischer Wille zur Umsetzung

Korruptionsprävention ist möglich, weil
    langandauernde und verfestigte Korruption im Kollegenkreis oft bereits bekannt
     ist oder vermutet wird
    sich bestimmte Verhaltensauffälligkeiten häufen (Indikatoren)
    Korruption in vielen Geschäftsbereichen üblich ist und die Täter auf Schweigen
     und fehlende Intervention vertrauen

    Korruptionsbeauftragte
    Konzentration auf Verbot der Geschenkannahme
    „Rotation“, „Vieraugenprinzip“ –unwirksam und als präventiv notwendig
    Wirksame Kontrollen gelten als schädlich

Konkrete Vorschläge
    Ombudsmann, Vertrauensanwalt
    Anti-Korruptions-Stellen mit mobilen Prüfgruppen
    Whistleblower-Systeme

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      Information der Staatsanwaltschaft bei Korruptionsverdacht
      Schulung von Rechnungsprüfern, interne Revisionen
      Vergabesperren
      Schwachstellenanalysen
      Einsatz technischer Neuerungen im Vergabebereich
      Grundsätzliche Trennung von Planung, Vergabe, Abrechnung
      Vertragsstrafen
      Vergabesperren
      Schadensersatzforderungen

Korruptionsskandal in Benidorm?
Auch in Benidorm wurde gegen die Stadtregierung gerichtliche Ermittlungen wegen
Korruptionsverdacht eingeleitet. Die Anzeige an den Generalstaatsanwalt in Madrid
wurde vom Sprecher der sozialistischen Opposition, Augustín Navarra, vorgenommen.
Die Anklage richtet sich gegen den Bürgermeister und den Kulturstadtrat, denen bei
Vertragsabschlüssen im Zusammenhang mit großen Events in der Stadt im Jahr 2002
und         2004           Ungesetzmäßigkeiten          vorgeworfen          werden.
Im ersten Fall handelt es sich um ein Konzert, welches am 8. August 2002 mit der
Gruppe Navajita Plateá ausgetragen werden sollte und das für rund 20.000 Euro mit der
Firma Star Lan S.L. vertraglich vereinbart wurde. Der Auftritt wurde wegen der
schlechten Wetterbedingungen jedoch abgesagt. Zwei Jahre später verzichtete der
Bürgermeister, zum Nachteil der Stadtkasse, auf die Zurückzahlung der vorgeleisteten
In einem weiteren Fall geht es um einen Vertragsabschluss von 1.1. Millionen Euro mit
der Firma Mundisenti2 Eventos S.L.. In diesem Fall wird die Art des
Vertragsabschlusses untersucht, die entsprechenden Klauseln, sowie die vom
Bürgermeister verteilten Karten an bestimmte Firmen, um auf diese Weise mehr Geld
einzunehmen. (10.04.2006)

Öffentliche Ämter zur persönlichen Bereicherung – Korruption in
Tageszeitungen in ganz Spanien beschäftigen sich dieser Tage mit den
Korruptionsfällen im Land Valencia und Marbella.

Immobiliendeal und ungeklärte Privateinkünfte
Schon im März 2004 gerät Bürgermeister Mateo von Torrevieja durch dubiose
Millionengeschäfte in die Schlagzeilen. Wie die Oppositionsparteien damals aufdeckten,
wurden in den Jahren 1999 bis 2003 Rechnungen in Millionenhöhe beglichen, ohne den
Stadtrat fristgemäß darüber zu informieren. Die Liste der ohne Ratsbeschluss bezahlten
Dienstleistungen ist lang und geht bis zu Festakten und Politempfängen. Hierfür wurden
z.T. außerordentliche Kredite aufgenommen, die weder im Haushaltsplan vorgesehen
noch vom Stadtratsbeschluss genehmigt waren. Öffentliche Ausschreibungen für
städtische Projekte habe es mitunter nicht gegeben. Mateo hingegen bezeichnet sein
Demokratieverständnis als "ganz normal" und "es fehlte halt die Zeit".

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Im Juli 2000 kaufte er mit seiner Frau 3 Fincas im Raum Almoradi für 180.000.- Euro
und verkaufte diese nur zweieinhalb Jahre später für über 5,4 Millionen Euro an einen
lokalen Bauträger, welcher auch bereits mehrere Hunderte Wohnungen in Torrevieja
fertig stellte. Die Baufirma erklärte auf den erworbenen Grundstücken derzeit keine
Bauvorhaben, es gebe aber "die klare Erwartung eines zukünftigen städtebaulichen
Zwischenzeitlich hat das Immobilienunternehmen Eden del Mar, welches Mateo ein
Grundstück zum überhöhten Preis abgekauft hat, offiziell bei der Stadtverwaltung nach
der Genehmigung ihres Projektes "El Limonar" nachgefragt.
Noch während die Staatsanwalt für Korruptionsdelikte im Immobiliendeal ermittelt,
kommen weitere Ungereimtheiten über die Einnahmen von Bürgermeister Mateo ans
Tageslicht. Woher die Einzahlungen auf seinem Konto von 140.000.- Euro innerhalb
eines halben Jahres stammen, konnte der BM während einer Pressekonferenz nicht
klären. Von Januar bis Juli des Jahres gingen auf seinem Konto bei der CAM-Bank 13
Checks ein sowie Überweisungen in Höhe von 2.600.- bis 48.000.- Euro, obwohl er laut
Vernehmung keine anderen Einkünfte als aus seiner Abgeordneten-Tätigkeit und dem
Verkauf des Obstes auf seinem Landgut erziele.
Auf Drängen der Opposition kam nun ans Licht, dass Mateo auf einem seiner Konten in
fünf Jahren mehr als 512.00 Euro eingezahlt hat. Woher das Geld stammt, das mit
Schecks eingelöst wurde, ist bislang nicht bekannt. Sein Einkommen als
Landtagsabgeordneter - in vier Jahren 112.000 Euro - ging auf ein anderes Konto.

Geld stink in Orihuela nicht
Erst vor 4 Jahren wurde der Ex-Bürgermeister von Orihuela, Luis Fernando Cartagena,
wegen Veruntreuung zu 4 Jahren Haft verurteil - die er bis Heute nicht antreten
brauchte. Die Nonnen der Karmeliterinnen überreichten Cartagena damals 50.000.-
Euro als Restbetrag, welcher nach der Schließung des städtischen Krankenhauses
übrig geblieben war. Die Summe, so der Wunsch der Karmeliterinnen, möge die
Stadtverwaltung in karikative Tätigkeiten stecken. Der Bürgermeister steckte jedoch das
Geld in seine eigene Tasche. Damals mit auf der Anklagebank saß der Unternehmer
Angel Fernoll. Er hatte Cartagena fingierte Rechnungen über die 50.000.- Euro
Im Schatten dieser Veruntreuung kam der völlig unerfahrene Medina auf den Stuhl des
Bürgermeisters in Orihuela. Und auch Fenoll, Colsur-Chef der Müllabfuhr im Raum
Orihuela taucht wieder im neusten Skandal um Bürgermeister Medina auf. Bei der
neuen Vergabe für die Aufträge der Müllabfuhr und Straßenreinigung geht es um einen
Auftrag von mindestens 210 Millionen Euro. Fenoll hatten diesen Auftrag aus den 80er
Jahren immer wieder verlängert bekommen. Bei der Ausschreibung im Oktober 2005
landete Fenoll mit seinem Unternehmen bei der Bewertung jedoch nur auf Platz 4. Die
Fachleute der Stadtverwaltung hatten der Firma "Urbaser" aus Madrid die besten Noten
Doch der "Müllkönig" Fenoll schlägt zurück. Kurz bevor der Finanzausschuss über die
Auftragsvergabe entschied, legt Fenoll der Presse ein Video vor, aus dem hervor geht,
dass Urbaser dem Bürgermeister Medina und den Fachteam 2 Millionen Euro
angeboten haben soll. Medina beugt sich nun dem Druck von Fenoll und lässt durch 2
Gutachter die Rechtmäßigkeit der Ausschreibung prüfen, sowie es seine Kontrahentin
Lorente bereits gefordert hatte.
Medina und die an der Bestechung beteiligten Firma bestreiten die Vorwürfe, die

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involvierten Stadträte schweigen zu den Beschuldigungen. Der Staatsanwalt für
Korruption nahm den neuen Fall zu seinen Akten, dessen Umfang mittlerweile steigen.
Auch Medina steht durch Korruptionsvorwürfe auf der Anklageliste der
Staatsanwaltschaft. Sein 92.000.- Euro teurer Luxus-Audi sei eine freundliche Leihgabe
eines lokalen Bauunternehmers, welcher Bauprojekte durch den Stadtrat genehmigt
bekommt. Die 800.000.- Euro teure Luxus-Villa und sein Rolls-Royce gehören einem
Bauunternehmer, welcher durch Genehmigungsverfahren ebenfalls von der
Stadtverwaltung profitiert. Laut Medina habe er alles ehrlich gekauft, konnte bisher
jedoch nicht den vollen Preis zahlen.
Der Antikorruptionsstaatsanwalt ermittelt zwischenzeitlich in rund 30 Delikten gegen den
Bürgermeister von Orihuela, welcher sich durch seinen gnadenlosen Führungsstil im
Rathaus wenig Freunde macht. Die Anklage schließt 5 Stadträte und mehrere
Unternehmen ein.

In Alicante verschwinden Millionen spurlos
Bereits im September 2003 wurden Ermittlungsverfahren gegen den Bürgermeister
Alperi von Alicante gemeinsam mit dem Stadtrat Zaragoza und Ex-PP-Stadtrat Galant
eingeleitet. Das Verfahren, in dem 6 Millionen Euro aus Geschäften der Firma
Mercalicante, ein Unternehmen der öffentlichen Hand, spurlos verschwunden sind, ist
bis Heute nicht abgeschlossen. Der ehemalige Leiter der Firma Mercalicante, Clavero,
steht im Verfahren als Hauptangeklagter vor Gericht. Im Juli 2005 scheiterten die drei
Rathauspolitiker mit dem Versuch, das Gericht zur Einstellung des Verfahrens zu
bewegen. Der Antrag wurde jedoch abgelehnt.

Bürgermeisterin von Marbella verhaftet
Im Nobelbadeort Marbelle wurden bei einer Razzia neben der Bürgermeisterin Yagüe
gleich noch 15 weitere Mitarbeiter der Stadtverwaltung wegen Korruptionsvorwurf
verhaftet. Die Polizei durchsuchte dabei die Büros und auch die Privatwohnungen der
Festgenommenen. Auch für den Baustadtrat der Stadt, Roca, wurde ein Haftbefehl
wegen Bestechung, Unterschlagung und illegale Einflussnahme ausgestellt.
Die Stadt der Hübschen und Reichen gilt seit Jahren als eine Hochburg der Korruption.
Während der Eigenheimbesitzer für eine Holzlaube in seinem Garten eine
Genehmigung aus dem Rathaus einholen muss, wurden Großteile der 80.000 Gebäude
der Stadt ohne Genehmigungen illegal errichtet.
Die spanische Regierung hat zwischenzeitlich den gesamten Stadtrat von Marbella
abgesetzt. Die Regierung der Region Andalusien hat auf Grund der exorbitanten
Misswirtschaft ein Verfahren angestrebt, um der Stadt die Zuständigkeit für Bauplanung
und Raumordnung zu entziehen.
Die Liste der Veruntreuungen, Bestechungen und Amtsmissbräuche läßt sich an der
ganzen Küste und in ganz Spanien fast beliebig fortsetzen. Die "Mallorca Zeitung"
berichtet in seiner Ausgabe vom 6.04.2006 über die Korruptionsprobleme auf der
Ferieninsel. Öffentliche Ämter werden ohne jedes Rechtsbewusstsein zur persönlichen
Bereicherung und zur Profilsucht degradiert. Dies scheint in der spanische Kultur
verwurzelt und aus der Franco-Geschichte vom Volk akzeptiert zu sein wie Paella,
Stierkampf und Flamenco.
Doch die Zeiten für unersättlich gierige Bürgermeister und Stadträte, Grundstücks- und
Bauspekulanten, Müllbarone und andere Rechtsverletzer haben sich geändert. Auch
wenn diese erst vom Antikorruptionsstaatsanwalt darauf verwiesen werden müssen.

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Weitere Quellen:
Bürgermeisterin in Spanien wegen Korruption festgenommen
Spanische Bürgermeisterin nun in Untersuchungshaft
Nebeneinkünfte von Torreviejas Bürgermeister veröffentlicht

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Platon Youth Forum 2007   12/43   Bridge over troubled water
Platon Youth Forum 2007   13/43   Bridge over troubled water
4. Bridge Collapse
Six dead, three injured in Spanish bridge collapse
General view of the structure of a bridge under construction which collapsed on Monday
07 November 2005 at the Mediterranean highway in Torrecuevas, near Almunecar,
Granada, southern Spain. At least six workers, five of them from Portugal and one from
Spain, died in the accident. EPA/PAQUETNov 7, 2005, 22:52 GMT Granada - Spanish
authorities reported that there were six fatalities in the collapse of a motorway bridge
under construction in southern Spain. Unofficial reports earlier had said that up to 20
people had died after a 60-metre-long section of a bridge being built over a valley in the
province of Granada broke off and plunged from a height of 50 metres. About 30 work-
ers were at the site at the time of the bridge's collapse, a spokesman for the prefecture

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in the regional Andalusian capital of Seville said. Three injured workers were rescued
from the rubble. Spanish authorities said five of the dead workers were from Portugal
and one from Spain. The accident occurred when a steel platform over which concrete
was to be poured gradually buckled, authorities said. They added that most of the work-
ers were able to flee to safety at the last moment, initial sparking confusion among res-
cue workers as to the number of workers missing. The bridge, near the resort of Al-
munecar, was part of the Mediterranean motorway designed to link the southern Span-
ish towns of Almeria and Malaga, of which certain sections have already been com-
pleted. Trade unions in Spain have for years complained about the high rate of acci-
dents in the workplace, especially in the construction industry, even striking occasionally
to press their demands for improved security measures. The province of Granada has
one of the highest rates of work- related accidents. In neighbouring Portugal, a piece of
bridge also broke off during the construction of the Lisbon motorway in the Algarve.
Motorway bridge in Almuñécar (Province of Granada, Spain) 2005 - part collapsed dur-
ing construction, killing 6 workers.

                                                                                 A 60
Province of                     02005-11-          Construction,
Granada, Spain,                 07 7      Motorway accident,
                Almuñécar Spain                                              6/3 part fell
Motorway bridge                 November bridge    reason
                                                                                 50 me-
(search correct                 2005               unknown
name of bridge)

Spain pushes West Africa curbs on illegal migrants
23 Jun 2007 15:43:48 GMT
Source: Reuters

By Pascal Fletcher
DAKAR, June 23 (Reuters) - Spain and Senegal want to incorporate West African states
in a common strategy against illegal migration that combines security measures with
more Spanish aid and investment, officials said on Saturday.
Spanish Interior Minister Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba said he had discussed with Senegal-
ese leaders the idea of calling a regional conference on migration to which Senegal's
neighbours Mauritania, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau and Gambia would be invited.
He made the announcement after a two-day visit to Senegal in which he and his cabinet
colleague Jesus Caldera, the minister for labour, announced that several hundred job
contracts would be created this year in Spain for Senegalese workers.
These legal job openings are part of a strategy by Spain and Senegal to try to avoid a
repeat of last year's exodus of 35,000 illegal job-seekers from Sub-Saharan Africa,
many of them Senegalese, who arrived in boats in the Spanish Canary Islands.

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Rubalcaba said coordinated Spanish-Senegalese-European Union air and sea patrols
had helped sharply reduce migrant arrivals in the Canaries so far this year to just over
But he added that "holes and problems" existed in this anti-migrant shield, notably in
Guinea, Guinea-Bissau and Gambia from where departures of Europe-bound illegal mi-
grants were continuing and authorities found it more difficult to cooperate.
"I think it's good to reinforce regional cooperation, it makes sense," Rubalcaba said,
adding Spain and Senegal would try to "export" their joint strategy against illegal mi-
No date had been set yet for the regional conference, which was expected to be hosted
by Senegal.
While Spain was reinforcing its air and sea patrolling in the triangle formed by Maurita-
nia, the Cape Verde Islands and Senegal, migrant departures had moved further south
to the unguarded creeks and islets of Gambia, Guinea-Bissau and Guinea.
Guinea's ports of Conakry and Kamsar are departure points for sometimes larger ves-
sels used by migrant-trafficking gangs who smuggle big groups of Africans and Asians
to Europe.

The Spanish ministers led a delegation of 30 business chiefs -- the largest to ever visit
former French colony Senegal -- who said they were looking to fill their labour needs at
home by recruiting Senegalese workers.
"We're looking for (labour) resources from outside," Patricia Abril, president of McDon-
ald's Espana, the Spanish unit of McDonald's Corp. <MCD.N>, told Reuters.
In addition to fishing and construction companies, the delegation also included execu-
tives of major hotel chains like Sol Melia <SOL.MC> and the Barcelo Group.
Miguel Barcelo, director of expansion for Europe and Africa for the Barcelo Group, said
the hotel chain was looking to contract Senegalese workers and was also studying the
possibility of future hotel investments in Senegal.
Labour Minister Caldera said Spain would back the training of Senegalese workers for
the Spanish market by setting up vocational schools, five initially, in the West African
"Senegal is a nation with a future ... Spanish companies need labour and will invest here
to develop job contracts," he told reporters.

Sharp increase in accidents in the construction sector
Construction still has the highest rate of industrial accidents amongst all sectors of the
Spanish economy. For some time the trade unions have been protesting about employ-
ment insecurity and lack of safety in this sector, and demanding compliance with existing
regulations. Then in August 1997 the number of industrial accidents increased dramati-
cally, which brought matters to a head; health and safety has now become one of the
main sources of dispute in the sector.

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Spain has the highest rate of industrial accidents in Europe (ES9708216F), but the situa-
tion is particularly serious in the construction sector, as the table below indicates.
Industrial accidents involving absence from work per thousand workers
          Agriculture       Industry      Construction        Services
1988     27               100           102                  25
1996    37               86          105               31
Source: Boletín de Estadísticas Laborales and EPA (annual average).

Construction has traditionally suffered a very high number of industrial accidents, espe-
cially serious and fatal accidents. Of every thousand construction workers, over one
hundred suffer an accident each year. Furthermore, the accident rate in construction is
not only already the highest, but is also increasing in comparison with other sectors: in
1988 there were 102 accidents per thousand workers in construction compared with 100
in industry but by 1996 this had risen to 105 compared with 86 in industry. The propor-
tion of serious and fatal accidents is also higher in construction, as well as in agriculture,
than in the other sectors.

Insecure employment and industrial accidents
The trade unions have for some time been claiming that the high rate of industrial acci-
dents in construction is closely related to working conditions in the sector.
Outsourcing and subcontracting are far more widespread in construction than in other
sectors. The objective is to reduce labour costs and fixed infrastructural costs. Large
construction companies thus tend to become service companies that subcontract the
successive stages of their work programmes. Small companies and self-employed
workers are those who finally carry out the building work.
This management model has led to a sharp increase in precarious employment. Tempo-
rary employment has always been high in the sector due to the cyclical nature of the
activity and its geographical dispersion. Other factors are added to this: the construction
sector has traditionally been a "transitional" sector with a high demand for unskilled
workers which in the past helped labour to move from agriculture to industry.
However, there has been an extraordinary increase in labour turnover and temporary
employment over the last few years, due to outsourcing and subcontracting: in 1996
54% of construction workers had been working in the sector for less than a year and
47% had a temporary contract ( according to the EPA labour force survey, second quar-
ter). This lack of experience - and qualifications - is not conducive to safety at work.
Furthermore, in such a fragmented production structure with such a high level of tempo-
rary employment, there is very little legal and trade union protection. According to com-
mentators, competition in the sector makes it necessary to work against the clock and to
pay little attention to safety at work. Staged subcontracting dilutes the employers' re-
sponsibilities in this area: in some firms existing safety regulations are not applied, whilst
in others they are observed only formally because in practice the workers are forced to
ignore them in order to get the work done on time. All this explains why the accident rate
is so high.

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Action taken
Fairly recently, the employers and trade unions adopted several measures to deal with
this situation. In 1992, the employers' association, the National Federation of Construc-
tion (Confederación Nacional de la Construcción), and the trade unions, UGT and
CC.OO, signed the first general agreement in the construction sector. This agreement
committed the signatories to create a joint organisation to prevent industrial hazards and
to promote training in the sector. Shortly afterwards, the Labour Foundation of the Con-
struction Sector (Fundación Laboral de la Construcción), a bipartite institution, was set
up to pursue these aims, and is doing important work in the area of health and safety at
At present, a new general agreement is being negotiated and health and safety at work
is one of the central topics. Negotiations are being carried out along two lines: the pro-
motion of measures to secure a greater degree of security in employment and training;
and the establishment of mechanisms to apply the Law on Prevention of Industrial Haz-
ards to the sector, which will involve greater participation of the workers in this area.
However, the process of negotiations is difficult, since the complexity of the situation
requires measures to be taken across a great variety of areas.
At the same time, the unions have been demanding greater involvement of the public
administration to deal with the problem. In the Community of Madrid, UGT and CC.OO
have reached an agreement with the regional administration to give priority in the award-
ing of public contracts to companies that have stable workforces and a commitment not
to subcontract. In Catalonia, CC.OO has also begun negotiations with the administra-
tion, after an intensive campaign against precarious employment and its effects on the
accident rate in the sector.
The sharp increase in industrial accidents recorded in August 1997 has focused atten-
tion on the situation. UGT called a construction sector strike in Catalonia on 20 October
and for the rest of Spain on 22 October, to coincide with a rally on health and safety at
work and prevention of industrial hazards that had previously been called by all sectors.
The aim of the strike is to protest against the situation in the sector and to persuade both
the social partners and the administration to take measures in the short term.

Over the last few years the relationship between insecure employment and the accident
rate has become increasingly clear. This explains why the industrial accident rate is
higher in Spain than in other European countries, and why it is higher in the construction
sector. The agreements reached in the construction sector are a proof of this: not only
the unions, but also the employers and the public administration are increasingly inclined
to adopt measures to counter the risks. Health and safety at work is becoming one of the
main areas of negotiation in the sector as well as one of the main sources of dispute,
and this involves facing up to the problem of precarious employment. The solutions,
however, are not easy. It is necessary to take action across a great variety of areas
which requires a degree of consensus amongst the social partners and public admini-
stration that is still far from having been reached. (Maria Caprile, CIREM Foundation)

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Industrial accident rate still high
The government's analysis is that the industrial accident rate is improving because,
though the number of slight accidents has increased by 1.75% according to the most
recent Eurostat statistics, the number of serious accidents has fallen by 9%, which is
seen as a good result. Furthermore, 98% of accidents are slight. Also, 30% of the fatal
accidents are due to "non-traumatic" causes such as heart attacks, and both these and
work-related road incidents are difficult for companies to address. Thus, considering
these facts, it can be concluded that there has been an improvement in health and
safety in companies, the government claims.
Employers' organisations claim that some of the reasons for the high accident rate can
be found in the vitality of economic growth during the phase of prosperity that has coin-
cided with the years since the introduction of the new occupational risks law. They also
state that in many cases accidents take place because of failures to follow the rules
which are the personal responsibility of workers. The employers claim that a large num-
ber of accidents are beyond the control of the employers, especially those attributable to
personal diseases and those that occur outside the workplace, over which the employ-
ers have no control. In short, industrial accidents are often a question of individual re-
sponsibility. However, employers have a vested interest in preventing these accidents,
both to achieve desired levels of health and safety and because accidents at work have
a negative effect on productivity.
The Trade Union Confederation of Workers' Commissions (Comisiones Obreras,
CC.OO) underlines that the law determines the employers' obligations to avoid and re-
duce occupational risks, and it is thus a valid instrument of prevention. However, there
seems to be a low level of application of the law. One reason for this, it is suggested,
may be the employers' lack of knowledge of health and safety regulations.
CC.OO points out that the workers at greatest risk are those in the construction and ag-
riculture sectors, older workers, those with little seniority and the self-employed
(ES9904215F). Other factors leading to a high accident rate may be pressure to per-
form, competition between companies and the difficulty of obtaining information and
guidance on the law. Work rhythms, the employment rate, manual work, job rotation and
casual labour also have an effect on the accident rate. In the construction sector
(ES0011122F and ES0004282F), where the accident rate is particularly high, the causes
seem to be subcontracting, mobility, temporary employment and the provisional nature
of the facilities. The serious and fatal accidents usually occur in companies with six to 50
workers. Also, there is a high rate of work-related road incidents, especially in sectors
such as finance, real estate, information technology and research and development. The
sectors most affected by fatal work-related road incidents are retail and hotels and cater-
ing. In fact, in CC.OO's opinion, fatal accidents usually occur outside the workplace and
are often caused by the use of private transport.
In the opinion of the General Workers' Confederation (Unión General de Trabajadores,
UGT), the fundamental factors behind the high industrial accident rate in Spain are sub-
contracting, temporary employment and the increasing instability of the labour market -
dimensions that will grow due to the recently introduced labour market reform
(ES0103237F). UGT claims that the 1999-2000 national action plan on industrial acci-
dents, renewed in 2001, has not been carried out. It considers that there is a need,
within the social dialogue, to raise awareness of measures that might help to solve the
situation, such as:

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the implementation of a national training plan;
the development of the article of the Law on Prevention of Occupational Risks on the
coordination of preventive activities in companies that share the same workplace;
the regulation of subcontracting;
intensifying and coordinating action in companies with the highest accident rates, with
the real participation of the social partners;
reporting the unjustified postponement of medical check-ups; and
giving priority to monitoring workers' health

In the five years that have gone by since the introduction of legislation regulating such
an important matter for the economy and for society, the level of awareness of health
and safety among the social partners has certainly increased. However, the industrial
accident rate is still very high. The probable reason for this is the relationship between
industrial accidents and sectors at special risk associated with job rotation, mobility and
unstable employment. Though there is a tendency towards specialisation, workers often
have insufficient experience because they do not remain in a job for long and have little
job security. They therefore have a low level of professional competence in carrying out
the tasks assigned to them, in addition to a low level of training on health and safety and
work organisation. (Daniel Albarracín, Fundación CIREM)

Controversy       over     fatal      industrial     accidents      in             Catalonia

An unusual concentration of fatal industrial accidents in Spain's Catalonia region in July
and August 2002 caused widespread public concern. Due to the media coverage that
these accidents received, and pressure from the trade unions, the Catalan authorities
promised to take a number of measures to reduce risks at work. Meanwhile, regional
employers' organisations defended themselves against accusations that the high level of
workplace accidents is essentially their fault.
In July and August 2002, there were 22 fatal industrial accidents - 16 of them in the con-
struction sector - in the region (autonomous community) of Catalonia. Given that most of
the population is on holiday during this period, this figure is high. Four of these deaths, in
addition to one serious injury, took place during construction work on a high-speed train
line crossing the region. In view of the extensive media coverage of the deaths and the
impact on public opinion, as well as trade union and political pressure, the regional gov-
ernment has promised a number of measures to address the problems.
Trade union positions
The main trade unions claim that the increase in the number of fatal accidents at work
(ES0209201N) is largely due to the indifference of the public authorities, which have al-
legedly failed to take decisive action to fulfil the Law on Preventions of Occupational
Risks (LPRL 31/1995) (ES9708216F). The unions have therefore demanded that politi-
cal responsibilities be identified and that serious and fatal accidents at work be reported
to the public prosecutor. They also call for prison sentences rather than just fines for
employers that fail to comply with the health and safety laws.

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The unions also consider that a key factor in the sustained increase in industrial acci-
dents is unjustified subcontracting by companies, particularly in the construction sector.
They also claim that quality of life at work has deteriorated continuously due to the in-
creasing rate of unstable employment - two-thirds of all work-related accidents affect
people on temporary contracts, who represent only a third of the employed population
(ES0009106N). The trade unions state that there is a need to draw up an 'integral plan'
for the construction sector and to regulate subcontracting by law. They have asked the
Minister of Labour to present a package of measures to improve health and safety, to
give priority to inspecting companies with higher accident rates, and to create sectoral
and regional safety representatives to assist workers who have no safety representa-
tives in their companies. The unions also propose that companies holding public con-
tracts should be required to fulfil the health and safety regulations laid down by law.

Opposition parties' views
The main left-wing parties opposition in Catalonia - the Catalan Socialist Party (Partit
dels Socialistes de Catalunya, PSC), the Catalan Republican Left (Esquerra Republi-
cana de Catalunya, ERC) and the Initiative for Catalonia-Greens ( Iniciativa per Cata-
lunya-Verds, ICV) - called successfully for a plenary session of the Catalan parliament to
be held in order to debate the reasons for the high number of industrial accidents during
the summer and ask the regional government for explanations on the inefficacy of health
and safety measures. This session was to be held in October 2002. The aim is that this
debate should help lead to an agreement between the Catalan government, the trade
unions and the political parties to guarantee workers' right to health. At national level,
the left-wing opposition blames the Spanish government for not enforcing fulfilment of
the health and safety legislation, and claims that the government has still not imple-
mented most of the 70 measures contained in the 'Durán report', commissioned by the
Prime Minister in 2000 to draw up a diagnosis of the situation and make proposals to
reduce the level of industrial accidents (ES0202213F).

Catalan government's response
In response to the concern caused by the work-related deaths over recent months, the
Catalan regional government (Generalitat) has promised several measures. These in-
clude the signing of an initial agreement with the majority trade unions - the Trade Union
Confederation of Workers’ Commissions (Comisiones Obreras, CC.OO) and the Gen-
eral Workers’ Confederation (Unión General de Trabajadores, UGT) - whereby the re-
gional government agrees to regulate subcontracting in those public works that depend
on the Catalan public administration.
The Catalan government has also announced that it will propose a modification of Article
24 of the LPRL, aimed at reducing the number of accidents caused by safety failures in
subcontractor firms. Paradoxically, a few months previously in the Spanish parliament
the governing party in the Catalan Generalitat, Convergence and Union (Convergència i
Unió, CiU), together with the national governing party, the Peoples’ Party (Partido Popu-
lar, PP), rejected a draft law on this same subject (ie the regulation of subcontracting)
presented by CC.OO and UGT and supported by 600,000 signatures (ES0012125N).

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The Catalan government has also agreed to intensify safety inspections of companies,
and to increase the number of labour inspectors, which is far lower in relation to the em-
ployed population than it is in the rest of Spain and in Europe.

Employers' organisations react
Employers reacted sharply to the complaints made by trade unions and politicians over
the industrial accidents during summer 2002, in the view of some commentators re-
sponding as if they were being subjected to public persecution. They reject the argu-
ments put forward by the unions on the role of subcontracting and unstable employment
in accidents, and the attempts by the unions and the authorities to give employers ex-
clusive responsibility for the situation. Fomento del Trabajo Nacional (FTN), the Catalan
employers' association, insists that the relationship between temporary contracts and
industrial accidents is not very clear, and that subcontracting cannot be blamed for the
recent deaths because subcontracted companies tend to be very specialised and their
workers are expert at their jobs. It admits that the large number of accidents in such a
short period of time is unacceptable, but claims that the increase has occurred only in a
few, high-risk sectors. The president of FTN states that the employers are doing all they
can to prevent risks. He suggests that the reasons for accidents include unsafe behav-
iour by workers, who fail to take the necessary precautions through over-confidence,
and that bad luck also plays a role in the occurrence of accidents.
According to a leading figure in Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises of Catalonia (Pe-
queña y Mediana Empresa de Catalunya, PIMEC-SEFES), employers should not be
treated as the sole culprits in industrial accidents; the employers, workers, trade unions
and authorities are jointly responsible. He considers that the solution will not be
achieved through the 'easy' route of increasing penalties and inspections, but through a
profound analysis of the causes of accidents. The small and medium-sized employers'
organisation would agree with the drawing up of an 'integral plan' to combat industrial
accidents, as the trade unions have called for, but states that first a serious study must
be made of the causes of accidents (because, as stated above, employers do not accept
the reasons put forward by the trade unions).

Though there was a certain increase in the number of fatal accidents in July and August
2002, particularly in Catalonia, there has been no spectacular increase in the daily aver-
age of fatal accidents calculated for the whole year. Therefore, rather than an increase,
there was a concentration of accidents over a particular period. However, the recent ac-
cidents have occurred in circumstances that have brought them to the public attention.
They were concentrated in a short period of time and the same place, because several
of them occurred during the construction of the high-speed train line. The companies
involved have a strong trade union presence, so the accidents were widely reported.
They also occurred in summer, when the media are short of news and pay more atten-
tion to social matters. All of this meant that the accidents were given a great deal of me-
dia coverage, presenting an opportunity for the groups that wish to obtain better working
conditions and improve risk prevention. The authorities (particularly the Catalan Gener-
alitat) felt themselves under pressure, and were forced to offer explanations and make

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public commitments. However, the commitments are few and ambiguous, and are far
from satisfying the demands that the trade unions have been making for many years.
The employers' organisations have been attacked from all sides (the trade unions, the
authorities and the media) and have reacted by confirming their position, denying the
accusations and stating that employers should not be considered as solely responsible
for risk prevention. In general, the statements by the leaders of the employers' organisa-
tions with regard to the accidents during the summer arguably indicate how far they are
from embracing the general principles of risk prevention. Their attempts to share out re-
sponsibilities for health and safety (the LPRL law establishes that the main responsibility
is that of employers) or to justify the accidents with reasons that were removed from the
principles of risk management long ago (luck, inevitable accidents etc), suggest that the
number of industrial accidents is unlikely to fall in the short or medium term. This will
perhaps require a firmer intervention by the authorities, which judging from the present
case seems to be favoured by a combination of trade union pressure and media cover-
age. (Josep Espluga. Department of Sociology of the Autonomous University of Barce-

According to recent statistics fromEurostat (Population and social conditions, 1992:2), 5
million industrial accident occur yearly in the EU, which means that one out of 25 Euro-
pean employees is exposed to industrial accidents necessitating more than three day's
sick leave. The frequency of industrial accidents is geographical unbalanced in the EU.
Portugal has the highest frequency of industrial accidents in the EU, followed by Luxem-
bourg, Spain and France. The United Kingdom, Ireland, Sweden and Denmark have the
lowest frequency of accidents. The building and construction sector is by far the most
hazardous workplace, with twice as many accidents as all other sectors.

Some were also arrested in cities such as Gerona and Barcelona. Police said the immi-
grants came to Spain to benefit from the new laws giving foreign workers the same
rights as Spanish citizens in health, education and legal services.

Tighter controls
Authorities are now tightening controls of airports and border crossings.
Under the law, which was approved in December, 80,000 illegal immigrants will receive
valid working papers by 31 July.
However, immigrants must prove that they have lived in Spain continuously since at
least 1 June 1999 and have filed for a residence or work permit or for refugee status dur-
ing the last three years.
Spain has the highest unemployment rate in the European Union, but a shortage of
manual labour has drawn in many in foreign workers, mostly from North Africa and Latin

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By Peter Biles in southern Spain
Workers from Morocco guarantee the success of one of Spain's most important exports.
Vegetables grown there will be sold all over Western Europe having been grown in hot-
houses and handpicked by a largely migrant labour force. The Moroccans have brought
prosperity to a corner of Spain that was once little more than a desert. Antonio Villegas
Navarro, a Spanish farmer says: "The Moroccans - and immigration in general, are very
important to us. This is the base of our economy. As an example, we've got 10 people
working here. Five of them are from Morocco. "Sometimes we need more. And in this
area as a whole, there are 15,000-20,000 workers, most of them from Morocco.
But the country needs its migrant workforce to maintain this level of agricultural produc-
tion. And the immigration question is certain to present a major challenge for the politi-
cians now campaigning for a general election.

Last month the European Commission proposed that the European Union create and
fund a joint police force along Europe's borders to prevent illegal immigration, especially
by sea. With one of Europe's broadest maritime frontiers, Spain foots the bill for much of
Europe's immigration control. The proposal will be one of the principal issues discussed
at a European Union's conference in Seville, Spain, on June 21.
Though demand in Spain for migrant labor is rising, many of the illegal immigrants see
the country as the gateway to the rest of Europe.


of 8th November 1995, published 10th November 1995
coming into force February 1996
(Published in the Official State Gazette (BOE) on Friday 10th November 1995. BOE
Number 269. )

Article 14.- Right to protection against occupational risks.
1.- Workers have the right to an efficient protection in safety and health at work. The
said right supposes a
corresponding obligation of employer to the protection of workers against occupational
This obligation of protection constitutes, equally, an obligation for the Public Administra-
tions with regard to
their employees.

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The rights to information, consultation and participation, training in prevention, stoppage
of activities in case
of serious and imminent risk and surveillance of their state of health, within the terms
foreseen by this Act,
are part of the workers' right to an efficient protection in safety and health at work.
2.- In compliance with the obligation to protection, the employer shall guarantee the
safety and health of his
workers in all aspects relating to work. To this end, within the context of his responsibili-
ties, the employer
shall put in place the prevention against occupational risks through the adoption of all
the measures
necessary for the safety and health protection of workers, with the specialities referred to
in the following
articles relating to the assessment of risks, information and participation and training of
workers, action in
cases of emergency and serious and imminent risk, health, surveillance, and through the
setting-up of
organisation and necessary means in pursuance of the terms laid down in Chapter IV of
this Act.
The employer shall develop a permanent action with the purpose of improving the exist-
ing levels of
protection and shall arrange whatever may be necessary for the adaptation of the pre-
ventive measures listed
in the foregoing paragraph to the possible changes of the circumstances affecting the
carrying-out of work.
3.- The employer shall comply with the obligations laid-down in the provisions of the pre-
vention of risks at
4.- The workers' obligations laid down in this Act, the assignment to workers or services
of enterprises of
activities related to the protection and prevention of risks at work and the resort to the
agreement with
specialised organisation for the development of prevention activities shall complete the
employer's actions.
This shall not discharge him from his responsibilities in this area, without prejudice to the
actions which he
may take, where appropriate, against any other person.
5.- The cost of the measures relating to safety and health at work shall not be in any way
at the workers'

Article 38.- Committee of Safety and Health
1.- The Committee of Safety and Health is a bipartite and corporate body of participation
bound to perform
regular and periodical consultation on the prevention of risks matter.

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2.- It shall be established a Committee of Safety and Health in all enterprises or estab-
lishments with a
workforce of 50 workers or more.
The Committee shall consist of the Delegates of Prevention, on the one hand, and of the
employer and/or his
representatives in equal number to the Delegates of Prevention, on the other.
In the meetings of the Committee of Safety and Health there shall participate, with voice
but without vote, the
Unions' Delegates and the experts responsible for the prevention in the enterprise who
are not included in
the composition referred to in the previous paragraph. In the same conditions there shall
be able to
participate workers of the enterprise who have special qualifications or information relat-
ing to concrete issues
which are debated in this body and experts in prevention alien to the enterprise, pro-
vided that any party of
the Committee requests it.
3.- The Committee of Safety and Health shall meet quarterly and whenever any of its
parties requests it. The
Committee shall adopt its own working rules.
The enterprises with several workplaces provided with a Committee of Safety and
Health shall be able to
agree on with their workers the establishment of a multi-plant worker committee, with the
functions conferred
on it by the agreement.

Article 39.- Competencies and powers of the Committee of Safety and Health
1.- The Committee of Safety and Health shall have the following competencies:
a) To participate in the working-out, putting into practice and assessment of projects and
programmes of
prevention of occupational risks. To that end, there shall be debated, within itself, before
putting into practice
and regarding its concern with the prevention of risks, the project in the matter relating to
the planning, the
arrangement of work and introduction of new technologies, arrangement and develop-
ment of activities of
protection and prevention and planning and arrangement of training in preventive mat-
b) To promote initiatives about methods and procedures for the effective prevention of
risks, putting forward
to the enterprise the improvement of conditions or correction of the existing deficiencies.
2.- In the exercise of its functions, the Committee of Safety and Health shall have the
following powers:
a) To know directly the situation relating to the prevention of risks at the workplace, car-
rying out to this end
the inspections considered appropriate.

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b) To know as many documents and reports relating to the working conditions as neces-
sary for the
discharge of their functions and, where appropriate, the ones coming from the activities
of the service of
c) To know and to analyse the injuries caused to the health or to the physical integrity of
workers, for the
purpose of assessing their causes and to propose the appropriate preventive measures.
d) To know and to inform the annual report and planning of the service of prevention.
3.- In order to comply with the provisions of this Act regarding the collaboration among
enterprises on the
assumptions of simultaneous development of activities in the same workplace, there
shall be able to agree
the arrangement of joint meetings of the Committee of Safety and Health or, in its ab-
sence, of the Delegates
of Prevention and employers of the enterprises which do not have such Committees, or
other measures of
co-ordinated action.

7. Immigrants
Manifesto for the unconditional regularisation of immigrants

In Spain more than 50% of immigrants have no legal papers. We are the visible tip of an
iceberg of life"s precariousness affecting everyone equally.
In order to fight against this situation, we went out to the streets, we recognised our
equals, we built a platform for struggle, we listened to other people´s struggles at the
Popular Assembly, we claimed a direct dialogue with the Administration, we banged our
pans prior to elections, we received from zapatero promises which affected us directly,
we attended an interview with the renewed Generalitat de Cataluna...
In order to fight against this situation, we went out to the streets, we recognised our
equals, we built a platform for struggle, we listened to other people"s struggles at the
Popular Assembly, we claimed a direct dialogue with the Administration, we banged our
pans prior to elections, we received from zapatero promises which affected us directly,
we attended an interview with the renewed Generalitat de Cataluna... Yet, the Generali-
tat still treats us like a problem and takes back, together with Central Government, the
campaign promises and press announcements. We have knocked on all doors. Faced
with silence and denial of our fundamental rights, for citizenship is achieved through the
very exercising of itself...
tional Regularisation brings together different immigrant communities, organisations and
citizens. Its aim is to fight for full access to full rights (civil, financial, social and olitical)
and duties for immigrants in Spain.

Platon Youth Forum 2007                      27/43                     Bridge over troubled water
- A regularisation process for all the people living in Spain
- That no one is deprived of their rights because of Administration���¹s ineffi-
- The cancellation of deportation orders not carried out and the end of all deportations
- An end to Police assault
- Closing down of all detention centres
- Repeal of the Immigration Law (Ley de Extranjer"a)
- A change in immigration policies.

1- A regularisation process for all the people living in Spain.
In Spain there are around one million illegal immigrants, unprotected, with no rights and
in a legal apartheid. It is a humanly intolerable and unacceptable situation for a so-called
democratic State. The new PSOE government is talking about an apparent and con-
fused individual regularisation for immigrants with job opportunities, and has discarded
any extraordinary regularisation process. The majority of immigrants do not have a job.
Women and children are victims of a double inequality. In conclusion, the regularisation
process of those with job opportunities does not solve any problems; what is needed is a
general regularisation with no conditions. Children, women and disabled people are be-
ing exploited by the mafias in the depths of the parallel economy.

2- An end to sudden irregularity:
people ?with papers who, due to the Administration´s fault, become paperless or illegal.
The delay in processing papers, the bureaucratic barriers and the excessive expendi-
tures inherent to the processing of papers, derive in lack of identity papers, traumatic
living conditions, suffering and fear. The Immigration Ministry has more than 43,000 un-
answered e-mails and 53,000 applications for the renewal of residence visas waiting to
be processed. A lot of people have lost job opportunities, have not been able to travel
abroad or have had trouble with police. More than 20,000 people have already lost their
residence and working permits, or are about to, according to the Sub Secretary of Bar-
celonas Council. This number goes up by the day, because there are more applications
coming in than there are being resolved.

3- The cancellation of deportation orders not carried out and the end of all depor-
The Interior Ministry opens deportation files to people arbitrarily detained on the street.
By law, these people will never be able to be regularised. This results in thousands of
people being made homeless, without a chance of getting a job, renting a home, etc.

Platon Youth Forum 2007                   28/43                   Bridge over troubled water
4- An end to Police assault.
Constant control, assault and detention carried out by Police provokes a day to day fear
and a continuous sense of persecution. Also, a public image of immigration is portrayed
as one linked to criminality and terrorism.

5- Closing down of all detention centres.
Immigrants with a deportation order, which is not a crime but rather an administrative
error, are kept in deplorable conditions. Many of the detention centres are located in
buildings which originally functioned as prisons, but which now hold different legal con-
siderations. The special spokeswoman for the UN recently informed that these centres
are too full and that once there, immigrants do not count with any sort of judicial or con-
sular protection, nor do they have appropriate legal defence, nor interpreters, nor infor-
mation regarding necessary requirements for the regularisation of their situation.

6- Repeal of Immigration Law
The Immigration Law institutionalises inequality and establishes a "cast" system in a se-
rious legal apartheid, namely, nationals and members of the EU, with full rights; the
"regular" outsiders of the EU, with very restricted rights; and the "?paperless" or illegal
immigrants, with no rights at all, legally inexistent. The Immigration Law considers for-
eigners as "?goods": their "?welcome" is authorised based on exclusively productive
criteria. This supposes the infringement of the fundamental principles of Human and
Constitutional rights. Distinctions are made based on race, origin and social condition. It
is not surprising that more than a hundred groups, including some political parties, have
asked the Peoples´ Defender to lodge an inquiry for unconstitutionality. Even the
Basque Parliament has done so. The last reform, agreed between the PP and the
PSOE, is the reflection of how political power understands the immigration phenomenon
and the case that almost one million people are considered "? Illegal"

7- A new model of immigration policies.
We denounce the model of immigration policies developed to present, restricted to one
law and applying it in the harshest possible manner, not paying attention to the rest of
the issues: social welfare, working conditions, integration and intercultural dialogue. We
demand that every individual has a guarantee of his full rights (civil, political and social)
and conditions of duties equal to those of nationals, including the right to vote. We de-
mand that the right to immigrate is acknowledged, and that to carry it out in Spain
ceases to suppose a trauma and an attempt against people´s dignity. We ask for the
abolition of the racist Shengen Treaty, freedom of circulation and residency for every-
one, the acknowledgement of universal citizenship for everyone and the respect of an
authentic right of asylum in all countries.In the face of this desperate situation, this As-
sembly considers that all options are valid, including lockup.

Platon Youth Forum 2007                   29/43                   Bridge over troubled water
Die Ohnmacht auf der Straße
Sie stecken in der Krise: Mitgliederschwund und abnehmender Einfluss machen
Europas Gewerkschaften schwer zu schaffen. Selbst Massendemonstrationen werden
zum Sinnbild des allgegenwärtigen Machtverlustes.von HEINZ ERDMANN
Es sollte eine der mächtigsten Demonstrationen gegen den fortschreitenden
Sozialabbau in Europa werden, und nach Meinung der Veranstalter ist die Übung
durchaus gelungen. Als der Europäische Gewerkschaftsbund (EGB) am 19. März dieses
Jahres unter dem Motto: "Für mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze statt
Arbeitsplatzvernichtung" mobil machte und Sympathisanten nach Brüssel rief, kamen
diese in Scharen. Zwischen 50.000 und 70.000 Menschen drängten sich mit Fahnen
und Transparenten bewaffnet den Boulevard Lemonnier entlang und verwandelten die
Brüsseler Innenstadt in einen gewaltigen Demonstrationszug.
Neben Wimpeln der IG Metall schwebten die Symbole der französischen CGT, des
österreichischen Gewerkschaftsbundes und der polnischen Gewerkschaft Solidarnósc
einträchtig über den Köpfen der Demonstranten. "Gegen Bolkestein – für eine
europäische Sozialcharta" und "Bolkestein ist Frankenstein" war auf den empor
gestreckten Transparenten zu lesen. Der Grund für die Unbill der marschierenden
Masse liegt in der sogenannten EU-Dienstleistungsrichtlinie oder auch "Bolkestein-
Erlass" nach dem ehemaligen EU-Kommissar Frits Bolkestein begründet. Die Richtlinie
stellt den Kernpunkt der geplanten Liberalisierung des europäischen Binnenmarktes für
Dienstleistungen dar.
Ausreizung des letzten Mittels
Besonders das sogenannte Herkunftslandprinzip – wonach ein Unternehmen seine
Dienstleistungen nach den gesetzlichen Bestimmungen des Landes, in dem es seinen
Firmensitz unterhält, europaweit anbieten kann – sorgte für Zündstoff unter den
europäischen Gewerkschaftern. Sie befürchten einen deutlichen Qualitätsverlust der
Dienstleistungen, Lohn-Dumping und den Verlust von Arbeitsplätzen "Wir brauchen eine
starke Europäische Kommission, die den Sozialstaat und den sozialen Dialog
verteidigt", mahnte EGB-Generalsekretär John Monks. Nur wenige Tage nach der
augenscheinlichen Machtdemonstration der Gewerkschaften verkündeten die
europäischen Regierungschefs eine baldige Überarbeitung der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie.
Doch selbst dieser kleine Teilerfolg – wenn es überhaupt einer werden sollte – kaschiert
in keinster Weise die tiefe Krise, in der sich die europäischen Gewerkschaften derzeit
Massiver Mitgliederschwund, Differenzen innerhalb der nationalen Verbände und zum
Teil gegensätzliche politische Forderungen in den Vereinigungen haben den Einfluss
der Gewerkschaften wenn nicht gänzlich marginalisiert, so doch zumindest drastisch
reduziert. Selbst die Rückeroberung der Straßen, wie kürzlich in Brüssel, muss man
wohl gemeinhin als politisches Schwächezeichen der einstigen Fixgröße Gewerkschaft
deuten. Die auffallende Häufung von Streiks in ganz Europa, in besseren Tagen
allenfalls das letzte politische Druckmittel der Arbeitnehmervertreter, zeigt die sinkende
Effizienz und Durchsetzungskraft auf nationaler Ebene. Und die Malaise der
Gewerkschaften ist ein europaweites Phänomen. Deindustrialisierung und die
Individualisierung        der       Beschäftigungsverhältnisse       schwächen          die
Interessensvertretungen bereits seit Jahrzehnten.

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Wer braucht noch die Gewerkschaft?
So glitten beispielsweise die britischen Gewerkschaften fast in die Bedeutungslosigkeit,
als die damalige Premierministerin Margaret Thatcher selbst von einem einjährigen
Bergarbeiterstreit 1984/85 vollends unbeeindruckt blieb und die Zechen der Insel wegen
Unrentabilität für immer schließen ließ. Danach jagte ein gewerkschaftliches Desaster
das nächste. Auch der Trade Union Congress (TUC), der Dachverband der britischen
Gewerkschaften konnte diesen Machtverlust bis heute nicht stoppen. Hinzu kommt,
dass auf der Insel der gewerkschaftliche Organisationsgrad innerhalb der
Privatwirtschaft verschwindend gering ist. Ebenfalls ein europäisches Phänomen, an
dem die Gewerkschaft nicht ganz unschuldig sind.
Wenn Frankreichs Staatsdiener und die Angestellten des öffentlichen Dienstes in
regelmäßigen Abständen durch Streiks den gesamten Nah- und Fernverkehr und somit
das gesamte Land lahm legen, sorgt das bei zahlreichen Franzosen bestenfalls für
verärgertes Kopfschütteln. Die Forderung nach Erhaltung sozialer Privilegien für
Staatsbedienstete trug ihr Übriges für das wachsende Unverständnis bei. Selbiges gilt
auch für Italien und Österreich.
Hinzu kommen oft widersprüchliche Forderungen der Interessensvertretungen. Während
die Gewerkschaften in einem zumindest neoliberal eingefärbten Europa – Großkonzerne
erwirtschaften die besten Gewinne seit Jahren bei gleichzeitigem Stellenabbau –
zumindest partiell Sympathien generieren, verspielt man im selben Augenblick den
Popularitätsbonus. So forderte Bernard Thibault, Chef der französischen Gewerkschaft
CGT von der Regierung kürzlich die Beibehaltung der 35-Stunden-Woche, dabei zwang
gerade deren Einführung im Jahr 1999 die Arbeitnehmer offizielle Lohnkürzungen zu

Interessen vergessen
Auch in den großen Betrieben ist es um die Gewerkschaftsvertreter nicht gut bestellt.
Die schwierige konjunkturelle Lage der letzten Jahre zwang zahlreiche Betriebsräte in
Europa, und speziell in Deutschland, einschneidende Umstrukturierungsmaßnahmen
auf Kosten der Arbeiterschaft sogar tatkräftig mitzugestalten. Während die meisten
Unternehmen von den Maßnahmen profitierten, blieben und bleiben die Angestellten
meist auf der Strecke, oder landen auf der Straße.
"Es war eine große Demonstration und wir werden die EU-Dienstleistungsrichtlinie in
ihrer jetzigen Form zu Fall bringen", hieß es noch wenige Tage nach dem Brüsseler
Aufmarsch der EGB Mitglieder. Die Modifikationszusage der EU-Regierungschef war
Balsam in den Ohren der Gewerkschafter. Doch die Antwort kam postwendend. Ende
letzter Woche verkündete der deutsche EU-Kommissar Günter Verheugen selbstsicher:
"Das ganze Gerede über Lohn- und Sozialdumping ist völlig unverständlich" und
prophezeite, dass die EU am Herkunftslandprinzip festhalten werde.

Spain's migration flows in the 20th century changed radically in two different ways. First,
the destinations of Spanish emigrants shifted dramatically. In the course of the century,
some six million Spaniards left their country of origin, and until the 1930s, 80 percent
chose to go to the Americas. From the 1950s to the mid-1970s, however, 74 percent
chose the countries of Northern Europe. Second, in the last third of the 20th century,

Platon Youth Forum 2007                  31/43                  Bridge over troubled water
Spain evolved from its traditional role as a sending country and, increasingly, a transit
country for migrants headed north. Spain became a receiving country for foreign labor-
ers, mostly from Northern Africa and Latin America, and for well-to-do immigrants from
other EU countries, such as retirees.

Characteristics of Immigrants
The number of foreign residents in Spain increased significantly in the last quarter cen-
tury. From 1975 to 1985, the increase was a moderate average of 2.2 percent annually.
From 1985 to 1991 (which included the enactment of the Ley de Extranjería, the national
immigration law, and the first extraordinary regularization process) the foreign population
rose an average of seven percent annually. As of 1992, this figure had climbed to 10
percent annually. From 1992 to 2000, the numbers of people from developing countries
increased 214 percent annually, much higher than the 60 percent increase in the num-
ber of foreigners from industrialized nations.

Table 2: Foreign population in Spain

  Year        Foreign Residents                      Percent Increase
  1995        499,773                                8.2
  1996        538,984                                7.4
  1997        609,813                                13.40
  1998        719,647                                18.01
  1999        801,329                                11.35
  2000        895,720                                11.78
  2001        1,109,060                              23.81
 Source: Balance 2001 from the Delegación del Gobierno para la Extranjería y la In-
 migración, (DGEI), Ministry of Interior.

Labor Force Participation of Immigrants in Spain
While migrants from other countries of the European Union are allowed to work in Spain,
under the provisions of the Maastricht Treaty, workers from non-EU countries require a
work permit, although many immigrants work illegally in Spain. Legal and unauthorized
migrants are playing an increasing role in Spain's economy. Alongside economic factors,
social networks have played a role in shaping labor market outcomes. Together with the
segmentation of the Spanish labor market and a quota system that recruited workers by
sector and province, these factors make for a visible labor-based stratification by ethnic
group, thus creating labor-market niches.
The service sector captures nearly 59 percent of all work permits for non-EU workers,
followed by the agricultural sector (21 percent). Unlike other countries where immigrant
labor has permeated construction and parts of industry, these sectors account for only

Platon Youth Forum 2007                  32/43                  Bridge over troubled water
nine and seven percent, respectively. By group, however, the percentages vary. Accor-
dingly, 86 percent of the Latin Americans and 89 percent of the Asians are involved in
the service sector, 39 percent of the Africans are employed in agriculture, and 15 per-
cent of East Europeans work in construction.
The numbers of immigrants in the work force vary by province, too, depending on the
leading economic sector. The autonomous communities with the largest number of
workers are Catalonia (53,804), Madrid (48,402), and Andalusia (24,024), though the
largest increases in the last two years have been in Murcia (32.69 percent) and the Ca-
nary Islands (22.71 percent).

Forging an Immigration Policy
Spain's first attempt at immigration legislation was under the then Socialist Party gov-
ernment. With Spain's admission to the European Community scheduled for 1986, the
country was under pressure to conform to EC legislation that restricted non-EC citizen
immigration. In 1985, Spain's first law, the Ley de Extranjería, or the Law on the Rights
and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain, approached most immigration as temporary phe-
nomenon, and focused primarily on control over migrants already in the country. Immi-
grants were broadly conceptualized, first and foremost, as workers who required regula-
tion by the Ministry of Labor.
The focus on control of immigrant access to the labor market hindered family reunifica-
tion and proved to be an obstacle to stable residency of the foreign-born population.
New policies required that migrants seek work visas and residency permits only after
any job offer and, further, made it exceedingly difficult to renew required permits. As a
result, many immigrants ended up in an illegal status In addition, the 1985 law called for
employer sanctions that were weakly enforced.
While the 1985 legislation was more restrictive toward immigration and extremely weak
with regard to immigrant rights, a 1996 amendment to the 1985 law recognized immigra-
tion as a structural phenomenon and acknowledged that the foreigners had a set of sub-
jective rights. These rights included access to education, equality, legal counsel, and an
interpreter when dealing with authorities. It strengthened the power of the regional gov-
ernments to protect the rights of immigrant minors and formally established a quote sys-
tem for temporary workers. Finally, the amendment established a permanent resident
category and formally included family reunification within its framework.
Most importantly, this law marked the transition in Spain from a policies focused on con-
trolling immigration flows (política de extranjería) to policies that looked more broadly at
immigration and integration (política de immigración) for Spain. This is not so much be-
cause of the law's acknowledgement of immigrant rights but because of its conception of
immigration as a permanent phenomenon, with political and administrative instruments
devised to regulate it
Furthermore, in aligning itself with common European policy on immigration and asylum,
the law addressed access and control measures, reflected an effort to ensure integration
of legal immigrants and limit unauthorized immigration, and paved the way for the sign-
ing of cooperation agreements with the main sending countries to manage inflows from
the point of origin.
Spain has signed several bilateral agreements of this kind with Ecuador, Colombia, Mo-
rocco, Dominican Republic, Nigeria, Poland, and Romania. These agreements, with the
exception of the Nigerian agreement on repatriation, are focused on negotiating adminis-

Platon Youth Forum 2007                  33/43                   Bridge over troubled water
trative formulas for access to Spain and its labor market. These agreements regulate
labor opportunities and, as such, provide for the communication of employment offers,
the assessment of professional requirements, travel, and reception. They also work to
enhance migrant labor and social rights and the work conditions of the immigrant work-
ers. In addition, the agreements special provisions for seasonal workers and the meas-
ures to facilitate their return to their home countries.

The Plan Greco
The 2000 law was the starting point for the emergence of the Global Programme to
Regulate and Coordinate Foreign Residents' Affairs and Immigration in Spain. The so-
called Plan Greco is a multiyear initiative initiated in 2001 and expected to run until
2004. Falling within the Interior Ministry, and specifically, the Immigration Department,
the Plan Greco is designed to address four key areas:

         1. Global, coordinated design of immigration as a desirable phenomenon for
              Spain, as a member of the European Union;
         2. Integration of foreign residents and their families as active contributors to the
              growth of Spain;
         3. Admission regulation to ensure peaceful coexistence within Spanish society,
         4. Management of the shelter scheme for refugees and displaced persons.

Labor Quota System
Before 2002, the quota has channelled legal immigration flows to sectors of the Spanish
economy facing a shortage of native workers. The quota system had another effect:
many illegal immigrants viewed it as a way to gain legal status in the country. Most ap-
plications for a position within the quota system came from undocumented immigrants
already in Spain.

The Law on the Right to Asylum and Refugee Status, passed in March of 1984, and
amended in 1994, is the main piece of legislation governing refugee status in Spain.
Once an asylum application is filed, asylum seekers have the right to interpreters, legal
counsel and medical assistance. Applicants can stay in Spain for up to sixty days while
their application is pending. Favorable rulings guaranteed the right to social, health and
education welfare and work permit. Those who are denied asylum must leave Spain,
usually within sixty days.

Seit November 1999 bemüht sich die konservative Regierung unter Premier Aznar um
ein Gesetz zur Regelung der Situation von ImmigrantInnen. Eines ist der spanischen
Politik in dieser Zeit ohne Zweifel gelungen: Außer den unmittelbar involvierten

Platon Youth Forum 2007                  34/43                   Bridge over troubled water
JuristInnen kennt sich mittlerweile wohl kaum jemand mehr wirklich mit dem zigfach
veränderten Gesetz aus.
Im vergangenen Jahr wurden rund 15.000 Menschen beim Versuch verhaftet, mit
Booten von Nordafrika nach Spanien zu kommen. Hunderte Flüchtlinge verloren bei
dieser gefährlichen Überfahrt ihr Leben. In jüngster Vergangenheit hat sich übrigens die
Herkunft der Flüchtlinge, die Boote benutzen, rasch verändert: Waren es 1999 noch
hauptsächlich NordafrikanerInnen, die die sogenannten "pateras" benutzen, kamen die
meisten dieser speziellen Flüchtlingsgruppe im Jahr 2000 aus Nigeria, Ghana und
Sierra Leone.
Zu all dem kommt noch, dass Spanien, bedingt durch seine Geschichte als
Kolonialmacht, Privilegien für Menschen aus Lateinamerika vorsieht.
Keine leichte Ausgangssituation für Premier Aznar und seine Volkspartei, die in sich
ziemlich genau das vereint, was die schwarz-blaue Koalition in Österreich darstellt. Im
Klartext: Wirtschaftsliberale, die Einwanderung primär aus ökonomischen Überlegungen
nicht grundsätzlich ablehnen, stehen rechtslastigen Vaterlandsbeschützern gegenüber,
regionale PolitikerInnen vertreten oft Meinungen, die schlicht rassistisch zu nennen sind.

Eine kurze Chronologie des "Ausländergesetzes"
Durch einen – bis heute nicht näher erforschten – Schwenk der katalanischen Partei CiU
gelingt es der Opposition im Dezember 1999 ein Gesetz zu Fragen der Immigration, das
vor allem für "illegale" Einwanderer Erleichterungen und soziale Mindeststandards
vorsieht, mehrheitsfähig zu machen. Die Volkspartei fällt aus allen Wolken, dass ihr
ansonsten treuer Mehrheitsbeschaffer CiU ausgerechnet in dieser Frage gegen sie
agiert. Mit diesem Gesetz wird eine Regelung aus dem Jahr 1985 außer Kraft gesetzt,
mit der ohnehin niemand besonders glücklich war. Als allerdings die Volkspartei im März
2000 die absolute Mehrheit gewinnt, macht sie sich als erstes an die Reform dieses
Im Mai 2000 präsentiert die konservative Regierung zum wiederholten Male
Abänderungsvorschläge: Es soll deutlicher als bisher zwischen "legalen" und "illegalen"
MigrantInnen unterschieden werden, die Anforderungen an "Legalisierungswillige" sollen
verschärft werden und die Behörden sollen Flüchtlingsbewegungen genau kontrollieren
und steuern.
Die linksgerichteten Parteien und die wichtigsten Gewerkschaften lehnen diese Reform
ab. Die Sozialdemokraten bieten der Regierung folgenden Kompromiss an: Ein Jahr soll
die ursprüngliche Gesetzeslage in der Praxis getestet werden, bevor man sich an
irgendwelche Reformen macht. Das Kabinett Aznar lehnt – wenig überraschend – ab.
Im Juli protestiert eine hochrangige Juristen-Kommission gegen die geplante Reform
und befindet, dass der neue Text sich kaum mehr von den alten Bestimmungen aus
dem Jahr 1985 unterscheidet. Der Ministerrat beschließt daraufhin eine weitere Reform,
die den ImmigrantInnen zumindest bessere Rahmenbedingungen in Sachen Erziehung
und Gesundheitssystem bieten soll.
Im Oktober 2000 werden abermals Modifikationen am noch immer nicht in Kraft
getretenen Gesetz vorgenommen, mehr als die Hälfte der einzelnen Bestimmungen wird
geändert. Es geht einerseits um mehr Rechte für Kinder und Jugendliche und
andererseits um ein fixes Kontingent an "erlaubten" ImmigrantInnen – ähnlich wie dies
auch in Österreich praktiziert wird.

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Die "Ley de extranjería" und ihre Folgen
Im November wird mit den Stimmen von Volkspartei, CiU und Coalicíon Canaria das
Gesetz endgültig (?) beschlossen. Die Opposition beklagt die Weigerung der Regierung,
den "illegalen" Einwanderern soziale Mindeststandards zu garantieren.
Das Gesetz tritt schließlich mit 23. Januar 2001 in Kraft und zwar mit folgenden
l Klare und folgenreiche Unterscheidung zwischen "legalen" und "illegalen"
Einwanderern. "Illegale" haben nur zwei nennenswerte soziale Rechte: Schulbildung bis
zum sechsten Lebensjahr und medizinische Basis-Versorgung.
Fundamentale Rechte wie Versammlungsfreiheit oder Streikrecht werden ihnen
verwehrt (anders als noch im Gesetz von 1985, wo immer nur pauschal von
"Ausländern" die Rede war, denen diese Rechte zugestanden wurden).
l Keine Begründungspflicht der Behörden bei abgelehnten Visa-Anträgen außer bei
einem angestrebten Familiennachzug.
l Illegale Beschäftigung oder das Fehlen einer Aufenthaltsgenehmigung berechtigt die
Behörden zu einer Abschiebung nach 48 Stunden.

8. Wages

Three groups of countries :
Looking at the level of the minimum wage in euro, Member States fell into three broad
groups. In Bulgaria (€92 per month), Romania (€114), Latvia (€172), Lithuania (€174),
Slovakia (€217), Estonia (€230), Poland (€246), Hungary (€258) and the Czech Repub-
lic (€288), minimum wages were below €300 per month in January 2007. Portugal
(€470), Slovenia (€522), Malta (€585), Spain (€666) and Greece (€668 in July 2006) fell
into a second group, with minimum wages of between €400 and €700 per month. In
France (€1 254), Belgium (€1 259), the Netherlands (€1 301), the United Kingdom (€1
361), Ireland (€1 403) and Luxembourg (€1 570) minimum wages were over €1 200 per
Proportion of employees receiving minimum wages ranged from 1% in Spain to 17% in
The proportion of employees on minimum wages in 2005 was 2% or less in Spain
(0.8%), Malta (1.5%), Slovakia (1.7%), the United Kingdom (1.8%) and the Czech Re-
public (2.0%) and more than 10% in France (16.8%), Bulgaria (16.0%), Latvia (12.0%),
Luxembourg (11.0%) and Lithuania (10.3%).



   9. Spanish sources

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The SMI corresponds to Spain's commitment under International Labour Organisation
Convention No. 26- which it ratified in 1929 - to provide machinery whereby minimum
rates of wages can be fixed for workers employed in certain fields in which no arrange-
ments exist for the effective regulation of wages by collective agreement or otherwise
and wages are exceptionally low. This legal guarantee is also laid down in the Workers'
Statute (Estatuto de los Trabajadores) and is considered in Spanish labour law as an
obligation on the public authorities to not allow wages below a certain threshold. The
SMI affects just over 1 million workers and unemployed people who are not protected by
collective bargaining. It is one of the lowest statutory minimum wages in the old 15 EU
Member States, as indicated in the table below.
Se ve la tierra de España muy cerca desde la playa del noroeste de Africa que está cer-
ca de Gibraltarl. Sin embargo a la gente que vive en tercer mundo, le parece la tierra ser
otro mundo envidiable
Después de trabajar por tres años, vuelve a su país.

Los arrestados -una mujer de 54 años y su hijo de 23- se dedicaban a buscar personas
en situación ilegal en España, procedentes principalmente de Uruguay y Colombia, que
realizaban trabajos de albañilería en diversas obras del Sur.
Por otra parte, la Policía del Sur detuvo el pasado martes a J.L.M. varón de 18 años de
edad, acusado como presunto autor de un delito de robo con fuerza en interior de vehí-

Atocha y la plaza Elíptica, principales focos.
Los inmigrantes se ofrecen cada amanecer como mano de obra barata.
Inspección del Ministerio de Trabajo dice que desconoce la situación.
En la jerga de la construcción, pistoleros son, según Francisco Martínez, de UGT, los
enviados de las subcontratas a reclutar obreros para que trabajen en condiciones de
semiesclavitud. Podrían deber su apodo a que se les suponen tan pocos escrúpulos
como a los pistoleros de las mafias del crimen.
eligen a los obreros que devolverán a Atocha al anochecer con 50 euros por diez horas
de trabajo.
Por su despacho pasan a diario 20 inmigrantes a quienes no han pagado tras mes y
medio de trabajo. «Eso es explotación», define.
Todo un día de trabajo por 35 euros», dicen. La Policía no actúa, ni siquiera para multar
a los vehículos mal estacionados.

Un empresario de la construcción de Lugo, J. L. M. P., de 36 años; su encargado, E. I.
F. I., de 48; tres trabajadores uruguayos y uno brasileño fueron detenidos el pasado
martes dentro de la denominada operación Ladrillo. Fue puesta en marcha por la comi-
saría de policía lucense por la supuesta existencia de amenazas y situación de explota-
ción en la que el primero mantenía a los extranjeros, que están residiendo ilegalmente.

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Las detenciones se produjeron en el edificio que estaban construyendo, en la calle Ace-
roleiro. Tras prestar declaración en la comisaría, los obreros fueron puestos en libertad
sin cargos y el encargado quedó en libertad con cargos. Ayer, según algunas fuentes, el
juez dejó en libertad con cargos al empresario.

En este proceso, el rol de los empleadores resulta fundamental, pues deben ofrecer un
contrato de trabajo a quienes deseen legalizar su permanencia en el país.
Los empleadores deberán acudir a las oficinas habilitadas para ello y formalizar un con-
trato de al menos seis meses, aunque existen excepciones para sectores que requieren
trabajo temporal.

Los trabajadores ilegales inmigrantes se disparan un 56% y rozan los 800.000
Alcanzan ya el nivel previo al masivo proceso de regularización realizado por el Gobier-
no en 2005. ¿A quién interesa esta situación? Evidentemente a la patronal que logra
con ello rebajar los salarios y condiciones laborales de la mano de obra y obtener mayo-
res beneficios. Y la ley de Extranjería es la herramienta que posibilita esta situación,
además de favorecer la xenofobia
Es decir, los resultados de ese proceso se han visto esfumados por la incesante afluen-
cia de 'sin papeles' en los últimos meses.

Vienen a trabajar, como durante décadas los hicimos nosotros en Europa o Hispano-
américa. Con su trabajo se construyen las casas en las que luego vivimos, los hospita-
les a los que acudimos, las escuelas a las que van nuestros hijos.
Contribuyen de manera muy importante a la economía a través del consumo.
que se meten en los bolsillos pagando además salarios de miseria. Los trabajadores
inmigrantes se han convertido en la principal fuente que nutre esa economía sumergida.
Son parte de los trabajadores de este país, no tienen nada que agradecer a nadie pues,
como cualquiera de nosotros, viven o sobreviven de su sacrificio diario. Y cuando al-
guien vive de su trabajo, si no tiene papeles no es un “ilegal” es un trabajador, un obre-
ro sin derechos.
Sin papeles los inmigrantes tienen que trabajar aceptando salarios más bajos.
La precariedad en las condiciones laborales aumenta los riesgos de accidentes labora-
No gano lo que ganaba hace diez años” es el comentario general de muchos trabajado-
res. Hemos perdido poder adquisitivo y los salarios han bajado. Y no es una sensación
equivocada; según datos del Instituto Nacional de Estadística el salario medio en la
construcción –por poner un ejemplo- se ha reducido en los últimos años un 13%.
¿Quién baja los salarios? Podemos poner nombre a cada uno de esos banqueros y
holdings empresariales, el gobierno de Rodríguez Zapatero (y antes el PP) que los re-
presenta y esa cohorte de ladrones con grandes pretensiones que son los piratas sub-

Platon Youth Forum 2007                 38/43                   Bridge over troubled water Martín Alhaja

Se ve la tierra de España muy cerca desde la playa del noroeste de Africa que está cer-
ca de Gibraltarl. Sin embargo a la gente que vive en tercer mundo, le parece la tierra ser
otro mundo envidiable
Después de trabajar por tres años, vuelve a su país.

   10.       Donations

I. Der Begriff Parteienfinanzierung (P.) umfaßt alle Einnahmen der *Parteien a) von
privater Seite (Beiträge, Spenden, einschließlich Sammlungen und unentgeltlicher oder
verbilligter Bereitstellung von Sachmitteln und Dienstleistungen), b) aus wirtschaftl.
Betätigung (Unternehmungen, Vermietungen, Zinserträge u.ä.) und c) aus öffentl.
Die staatl. Förderung kann: a) indirekt (als steuerliche Anreize und Angebot an die
Bürger) oder direkt (an die Parteien, ihre Untergliederungen oder Nebenorganisationen)
erfolgen; b) an Zwecke (wie polit. Bildung, Presseförderung oder Wahlkampfausgaben)
gebunden sein oder pauschal gegeben werden; c) in Finanzzuweisungen oder in
Serviceleistungen        (wie    unentgeltliche    Bereitstellung   von      Stellschildern,
Versammlungsräumen oder Sendezeiten in Rundfunk und Fernsehen, Erlaß bestimmter
Telefonkosten oder verbilligter Versand von Wahlpropaganda) bestehen; d) relativ offen
(wie im Fall der dt. "Parteistiftungen") oder verdeckt erfolgen (etwa als systematische
Überbezahlung von Abgeordneten und Fraktionen zugunsten von Parteikassen).
Für die empirische Erfassung der P. spielt ferner keine Rolle, ob die Parteien öffentl.
Subventionen oder private Zuwendungen legal oder illegal erwerben. Mit den
Einnahmen bestreiten die Parteien Ausgaben für Personal, Organisation,
Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und Wahlkampagnen u.a.m. Bei den europ. "Apparatparteien" sind
die Kosten für den laufenden Betrieb meist höher als die für Wahlkämpfe; in den USA
hat die Präsenz in den Medien zu einer Explosion der Wahlkampfkosten geführt.
II. In allen westl. Demokratien ruht die P. heute, wenn auch in sehr unterschiedlicher
Gewichtung, auf drei Säulen: Mitgliedsbeiträgen, privaten Spenden und öffentl.
*Subventionen. Die idealtypische Gegenüberstellung von Beitragsparteien und
Spendenparteien ist damit weitgehend überholt. Jedoch verlangen "linke" Parteien in der
Regel höhere Beiträge und können "rechte" Parteien deutlich mehr Spenden
mobilisieren. Während Beiträge und Kleinspenden als unproblematische
Einnahmequelle gelten, stehen Großspender und Sammelvereine (wie etwa die "PACs"
in den USA) unter dem Verdacht unzulässiger Einflußnahme.
1. Das polit. Ideal der reinen Beitragspartei ist hoffnungslos antiquiert, und auch die
Versuche primär linker Parteien, eine ökonom.-publizistische Gegenmacht aufzubauen,
sind sämtlich gescheitert. Zwar haben es insbes. auch konservative bzw. christlich-
demokratische Parteien (*Bürgerliche Parteien) in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten

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vermocht, ihre Mitgliederzahlen und Beitragseinnahmen teilweise beträchtlich zu
steigern, aber diese Mittel reichen nirgendwo aus, die Wahlkampagnen und einen
modernen Dienstleistungsapparat zu finanzieren. Eine weitere Steigerung stößt zudem
an materielle und psychologische Zumutbarkeitsgrenzen.
2. Die kurzfristige Mobilisierung von Spenden Dritter stellt für die Praktiker das einzig
flexible Instrument bei Anbohrung der drei Hauptquellen dar. Daraus, und weniger aus
ihrem absoluten und relativen Volumen, ergibt sich ihre anhaltende Relevanz für
ungedeckte Grenzkosten. Die strategische Bedeutung einiger weniger fat cats geht
dabei überall zurück, auch wenn das massenhafte Einsammeln von Kleinspenden über
direct mail bisher nur in den USA gelang.
Der *Staat kann hier durch hohe steuerliche Abzugsfähigkeit besondere Anreize für
vermögende Interessenten schaffen oder aber ein vielfältiges Einwerben von kleineren
Zuwendungen durch Kandidaten oder Parteien mit eigenen Zuschlägen belohnen
(matching grants). Für alle Versuche, den Spendenfluß durch rechtl. Auflagen zu
kontrollieren, gilt: Je enger die Grenzen für steuerliche Abzugsfähigkeit und je rigider die
Vorschriften für Rechenschaft und Offenlegung, desto mehr verlagern sich die
Geldströme in andere Kanäle und in Grauzonen zwischen *Legalität und Illegalität.
3. Was die öffentl. Subventionen angeht, so kann man nach wie vor zwischen
kandidaten-orientierten Finanzierungssystemen (wie in Japan, Kanada oder den USA)
und parteien-orientierten unterscheiden. Den Vorreiter beim säkularen Trend hin zu
staatl. Fördermitteln machten gerade nicht die Länder mit einer ungebrochenen
demokratischen Tradition, sondern Staaten wie Costa Rica (1954), Argentinien (1955),
Puerto Rico (1957) und die BRD (1959). Die Ehre, historisch als erste eine staatl. P.
eingeführt zu haben, dürfte freilich der Sowjetunion gebühren. Diesem Beispiel sind
nach dem II.Weltkrieg die kommunistischen Parteien im übrigen real existierenden
Sozialismus gefolgt.
Die Akzeptanz der öffentl. Parteienförderung ist in allen Ländern eher begrenzt. Das
hindert Parteien nicht unbedingt, die Mittelansätze aufzustocken, verleitet sie aber
bisweilen dazu, Umwege zu wählen und Subventionen zu verschleiern - was nach
Bekanntwerden wiederum die Aversionen bekräftigt. H.Kaack nannte dies einen
"Kreislauf der Entfremdung" zwischen Parteien und Bürgern.
Ist man nicht prinzipiell gegen jegliche Unterstützung (zumal der Staat ohnehin niemals
völlig neutral ist), dann sind - neben Höhe und Form der indirekten Förderung - in den
westl. Demokratien inzwischen die Verteilungsschlüssel für direkte Hilfen das
III. Eine vergleichende Momentaufnahme zeigt bei den rechtl. Regelungen, dem
Volumen der Subventionen und dem Anteil der Staatsmittel an den Gesamteinnahmen
der Parteien eine erhebliche Bandbreite.
1. Eine Alimentation der Abgeordneten und Zuschüsse für die Fraktionen sind in
gewissem Umfang inzwischen in allen westl. Demokratien üblich. Diese Praxis sollte
heute nur dort zur eigentlichen P. gezählt werden, wo sie offen beabsichtigt und zulässig
ist oder entgegen einer anderslautenden Zweckbindung heimlich betrieben wird.
2. Beiträge und Spenden sind - legal - noch längst nicht überall von der Steuer
abzugsfähig. Wo diese Möglichkeit besteht, gibt es in der Regel als Gegengewicht
Seit 1994 sind in der BRD (wieder) nur relativ geringe Beträge abzugsfähig (6.000 DM
für Ledige, 12.000 DM für Verheiratete). In den Niederlanden können zwar Beiträge von
Privatpersonen, die mindestens ein und höchstens zehn Prozent ihres

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Bruttoeinkommens ausmachen, und von Unternehmen bis zu sechs Prozent des
Gesamtgewinns abgesetzt werden, doch gelten Großspenden an Parteien in der
dortigen *Politischen Kultur als unanständig. In Belgien dürfen die Parteien selbst keine
Spenden annehmen; es können aber Zuwendungen an ihnen nahestehende Stiftungen
steuerlich abgesetzt werden. Manche Spenden sind in einigen Ländern generell
Die Offenlegung von Parteispenden in der BRD ist zwar wieder auf 20.000 DM gesenkt
worden, im internat. Vergleich ist diese Publizitätsgrenze aber immer noch relativ
großzügig. In anderen Ländern müssen schon wesentlich kleinere Zuwendungen
offengelegt werden.
3. Öffentl. Subventionen sind zumeist, aber nicht in jedem Fall an die Bedingung
gebunden, einen bestimmten Stimmenanteil bzw. eine gewisse Anzahl
Parlamentsmandate zu erreichen. Die Höhe des Quorums schwankt dabei. Die meisten
Länder praktizieren eine proportionale Mittelverteilung, einige arbeiten mit
gleichmäßigen Sockelbeträgen.
Pauschale Zuschüsse für laufende Ausgaben erhalten Parteien u.a. in Griechenland,
Italien, Portugal und Spanien. Die Zweckbindung für die seit 1984 in Luxemburg
gewährten Mittel ist so allgemein, daß man sie ebenfalls dazuzählen kann. Eine
ausdrückliche Erstattung von Wahlkampfkosten kennen neben der BRD noch vier
weitere Mitgliedsstaaten der *Europäischen Union, u.a. Österreich. Wo detaillierte
Verwendungsnachweise nicht verlangt und kontrolliert werden, nähern sich solche
Erstattungen pauschalen Subventionen an.
4. Vom relativen Anteil der Subventionen an den Gesamteinnahmen her sind es
spanische Parteien, die sich heute am stärksten aus dem Staatshaushalt finanzieren,
während sie in der Schweiz - relativ und absolut - am knappsten gehalten werden.
Fehlte in Spanien in der Franco-Ära die Chance, starke und moderne Organisationen
aufzubauen, so zögern die Parteien in der Schweiz wegen des Referendums, sich
entschiedener zu subventionieren. Keine unmittelbaren Zuschüsse erhalten allerdings
nach wie vor die englischen Parteien, während man in Frankreich 1988 begonnen hat,
die heimliche Mittelnahme in offene Zuwendungen umzuwandeln.
5. Gemessen an der Vielfalt der kumulativen Subventionen und nach den absoluten
Summen, die an die Parteien ausgeschüttet werden, liegt die BRD in der westl. Welt mit
an der Spitze. Die staatl. Ausstattung der dt. Parteistiftungen ist weltweit einzigartig, und
auch die Erstattung der Wahlkosten ist durchaus großzügig. Auch die österreichische P.
bewegt sich im internat. Vergleich auf sehr hohem Niveau. Dort machen im übrigen die
Zuschüsse auf Länderebene faktisch den größeren Anteil aus, während im
"skandinavischen Modell" (Schweden, Norwegen) ganz bewußt eine Stärkung der
kommunalen Ebene vorgesehen ist. Die Zentralen bekommen zwar auch Zuwendungen,
müssen aber ihre Untergliederungen überzeugen, wenn sie einen weitergehenden
internen Finanzausgleich anstreben.
IV. Die öffentl. Förderung sollte die Parteien in die Lage versetzen, ihre Aufgaben auch
zwischen den Wahlkämpfen besser wahrnehmen zu können, bestimmte Gruppierungen
von Abhängigkeiten befreien und insgesamt mehr Chancengleichheit im polit.
Wettbewerb bringen. Als Risiken galten eine Verselbständigung der Führungsspitzen,
die nicht mehr in gleicher Weise auf Beiträge und Mitglieder angewiesen wären, nach
innen und nach außen eine Absicherung der Arrivierten, also das "staatlich
proportionierte Parteien-oligopol als Endstufe" (U.Dübber).

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Empirisch gesichert ist, daß in allen westl. Demokratien - wenig erstaunlich - die größten
Parteien in der Regel von den öffentl. Subventionen überproportional profitieren. Das ist
eine Frage der Zugangshürden und der Verteilungsschlüssel. Trotzdem sind die
"eingefrorenen" *Parteiensysteme vielerorts in Bewegung geraten und zum Teil neue
Kräfte in die Parlamente gelangt. Das verweist darauf, daß finanzielle Ressourcen nur
ein Erklärungsfaktor für polit. Erfolg sind und ihr Anteil daran zudem unsicher ist.
Die Hypothese, mit zunehmenden Staatsmitteln würden sich die Parteispitzen
verselbständigen und die Mitgliederzahlen zurückgehen, ließ sich empirisch nicht halten.
Auch hier gibt es keine eindeutige Korrelation. Nicht bestätigt hat sich freilich auch die
Hoffnung, die Abhängigkeit von Spendengeldern werde abnehmen und die P.
vollkommen transparent. Aus der Sicht der Parteien ist die öffentl. Rechenschaftslegung
die häßliche Schwester der geliebten Subventionen und wird häufig umgangen.
Ähnliches gilt für Versuche, Wahlkampfkosten zu begrenzen.
Einflußtheoretische Erklärungsansätze nach dem Motto: "Wes' Brot ich eß, des' Lied ich
sing" haben mit Aufkommen und Ausdehnung der öffentl. Subventionen zugunsten von
interaktionistischen bzw. tauschtheoretischen Deutungsmodellen an Zugkraft verloren.
Moderne Parteien werden nicht gekauft und von wenigen Finanziers im Hintergrund
gesteuert, sondern bekommen mehr Spenden als andere, wenn und weil sie ohnehin
bestimmte Interessen vertreten und um diese anderen von der Macht fernzuhalten.
Damit werden auch einfache Rückschlüsse von der Art und Weise ihrer Finanzierung
auf die von den einzelnen Parteien praktizierte materielle Politik fragwürdig. Diese
"klassische" Hypothese kann man geradezu umdrehen: Ein bestimmter Zustand der
Parteifinanzen ist danach "eher Indikator polit.-gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse als deren
Ursache" (U.Schleth).

   11.        Safety

Health and Safety at Work in the Construction Industry
Murt Coleman

Safety Culture:
Safety is enshrined in legislation. Construction activity necessarily involves change on a
constant basis by comparison with other industries. Sites develop with progress of work
hence the working environment is altering hour by hour. Change is known to be one of
the prime conditions which induces unsafe behaviour and can preclude straightforward
defensive measures.
It is difficult to legislate for the enormous variation in the size of projects. The diversity of
employment arrangements ie. Subcontractors with Main Contractor employees prohibit
any overarching safety policy, this must change. Safety regulations are required to ap-
ply generically across the spectrum. The development of the role of Project Supervisor
for the Construction Stage (PSCS) in the Safety, Health & Welfare at Work (Construc-
tion) Regulations 1995 aimed to improve coordination of the various groups on-site to
ensure minimum standards of safety are implemented.

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European Legislation:
In 1992 the European Union published the Construction Sites Directive. As a result
member states introduced legislation to improve safety and health standards at con-
struction sites. The directive initiated a
a concept of S&H based on a new chain of responsibility, (Including the owner).
new H&S documents – prior notice document, i.e
  S & H Plan
  S & H File
New Safety & Health Stakeholders i.e
S & H Coordinators for Design
S & H Coordinators for Construction
The Directive has failed to reduce accident rates but has created a great awareness of
H&S. Some countries did not implement the legislation until 2001 although the bulk was
in place by 2003.
Additions and adjustments to the role of the coordinator for construction phase was
made by some few countries. Most countries adopted the directive as drafted.

Safety – Implementation:
Historically up to recently the duties of implementing safety were passed to the Contrac-
tor. Legislation has changed this situation somewhat on paper but in my view the Cli-
ents and Designers have still left safety in the hands of the Contractor.

Client Duties:
The Client can set the tone of the entire construction project. His choice of duty holder
and Contractor reflects his priority with regard to safety on production.
The Regulations state that the Client must appoint a competent PS Design Stage and
PSCS. The PSCS / PSDS should have experience, training and a Health & Safety
Management System in place in proportion to the nature, size and level of risk involved
in the project.

Contractor Duties at the Coal – Face:
As is it at site that accidents occur it is here that great care must be taken to prevent
them. There must be a Company Policy on safety.
There must be a Direct Involvement and leadership to top management.
Trained and experienced personnel must be in place to police and implement rules and
experienced operatives to carry out the work.
A Culture of Safety should be fostered from commencement of the Project with the work
force. This can be done by:
Induction at Commencement of the Work .
Tool Box Talks on General Safety Awareness, on site hazards, risks etc. – on a weekly
Interactive Videos on safety.
Distribution of a Company Safety Booklet with Rules and Guidelines and proof of accep-

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Implementation can be aided by
Selecting and experienced work force
Achieve involvement of top management
Safety Audits by Internal Site Staff weekly
Safety Audits by External Staff – Randomly
Internal Audits should be carried out by all staff members on a rota basis.
Site Safety Weekly Competitions – Rewards for exemplary practice by a worker on a
weekly basis.
Published Safety Policy for all to observe
Safety File.
Risk Assessments.
Method Statements.
Time allocated for review and action at
Board Meetings and
Weekly Site Meetings
Implementation and Policing should be continuous / ongoing
– Repeat, Repeat, Repeat.
Neglect will result in     -Human Suffering
                           -Loss of Production
                           -Loss of Materials
                           -Damage to Materials and Plant
                           -Loss of Reputation
                           -Legal Costs
                            -Increased Insurance Premiums
                           -Neglect results in Costs

All players in a construction project are responsible and should be held responsible.
Health and safety at work in Spain: an overview
Rates of accidents at work in Spain are high. A study shows that the Spanish mortality
rates due to traumatic accidents at the workplace - an indicator that is comparable inter-
nationally because it excludes accidents due to natural causes and on the way to and
from work - are considerably higher than those in Germany, France or Britain
Prevention in Spanish companies
The ENCT of 1993 reflects a very low level of prevention in Spanish companies. Only
71.1% of the companies that should have set up a health and safety committee had
done so; in 88.2% no study of accidents or occupational illnesses was ever made; 75%
had never requested specialised advice; 86% did not provide regular education on
safety and occupational health; and 58% did not provide adequate information to
Half of the Catalonian companies legally obliged to have a company medical service did
not have one in 1996 ("Encuesta a los servicios médicos de empresa de Catalunya", FG
Benavides, J Montserrat, Societat Catalana de Seguretat i Medicina del Treball,
Barcelona, unpublished report (1996)). Though there is no equivalent survey for the
whole of Spain, there is no reason to believe that the national picture is any better than
that in Catalonia.

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The law on the prevention of occupational risks and its corresponding regulations have
led to the universal legal protection of health at work, the integration of prevention into
management structures of companies and an increase in worker participation. Other
changes have been made in the regulation of collaboration between the Mutual
Insurance Societies for Accidents at Work (MATEPSS), which manage temporary
invalidity schemes, and national systems covering health and social security.
Spanish companies have lagged behind in the protection of health and safety at work,
and it is clear that it is their responsibility to guarantee a working environment that does
not involve health hazards. Furthermore, they must understand that investments in
health and safety are not only necessary, but productive (more than 14 million working
days were lost in 1995 due to accidents at work), and that workers should participate in
the protection of their own health. For the moment cautious optimism is called for.
The signing of a basic agreement on occupational health between the Catalan
Association of Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (PIMEC) and the CC.OO and UGT
unions in Catalonia in 1996 is a cause for celebration. However, this agreement must be
developed and promoted, and the social partners at a national level - as well as the
other Catalonian employers' organisation, Foment del Treball, which did not sign the
agreement - must be encouraged to follow this example. For the moment, this seems to
be a difficult goal to achieve.
("Encuesta nacional de condiciones de trabajo 1993", Instituto Nacional de Seguridad e
Higiene en el Trabajo, Madrid (1995)
"Los accidentes de trabajo en España: un gran problema, mayor olvido", S Moncada, L
Artazcoz, Quadern CAPS (1991)

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