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									Title: On the limits of elliptical repair: sluicing, clefts and LF-copy

This talk focuses on the precise form of the unpronounced syntactic structure in sluicing. In particular, I
start out from the question of whether the structure underlying the sluice in (1) is a regular wh-question as
in (2) or a cleft as in (3).

(1) John loves someone, but I don't know who.
(2) John loves someone, but I don't know who John loves.
(3) John loves someone, but I don't know who it is.

I show that Merchant (2001:115-127) convincingly rules out the possibility that *all* sluicing is derived from
an underlying cleft, but that his arguments leave room for another scenario: sluicing derives from an
underlying wh-question, but when such a question is unavailable, a cleft can be used as last resort. This
scenario ties in nicely with a lot of recent work arguing that clefts can be used to salvage P-stranding
violations under sluicing. Interestingly, however, this 'cleft rescue strategy' is not available in languages
with morphological case marking on their wh-phrases. In this talk, I try to capture these data through a
revised version of Chung, Ladusaw & McCloskey's (1995, 2006) LF-copy analysis of sluicing.

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