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									         Social issues relating to permanent
             and non-permanent residents
         in the Moranbah mining community




   Report prepared by the Regional Social Development Centre


                          March 2011



Project team:
Ms Deborah Rae
Dr Liane McDermott
Ms Christine Stevens
Dr Shane Hopkinson
Ms Sandra Ruddock
Ms Kym Spandley
Ms Tracey Johnson
Ms Sharon Schoneveld
                                                            Contents



Executive summary ............................................................................................................. 3

1         Introduction .............................................................................................................. 7

2         Literature review ...................................................................................................... 7

2.1       Background ............................................................................................................... 7

2.2       Socio-economic impacts ............................................................................................ 9

2.3       Conclusions ..............................................................................................................13

3         Case studies ...........................................................................................................13

3.1       Methods ....................................................................................................................13

3.2       Findings ....................................................................................................................14

4         Moranbah community perceptions study .............................................................21

4.1       Methods ....................................................................................................................21

4.2       Findings ....................................................................................................................24

5         Conclusions ............................................................................................................34

6         Recommendations ..................................................................................................36

7         References ..............................................................................................................38

8         Appendix .................................................................................................................41




Acknowledgements

We thank all participants from the Moranbah community for their time and valuable
contribution to this social research. We gratefully acknowledge the guidance and assistance
of Jan Anfruns from JCA Solutions, and express our sincere gratitude to the Adaptive
Communities team for their collaboration and support in engaging the Moranbah community.

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Executive summary

This report details the findings of research conducted by the Regional Social Development
Centre (RSDC) on behalf of the Isaac Regional Council. The aim of this study was to
investigate the social issues relating to the location of permanent and non-permanent
residents in the Moranbah mining community.

This social research was undertaken as part of Isaac Regional Council‟s Adaptive
Communities initiative, which aimed to ascertain the community‟s views on accommodating
non-resident workers (NRW) in the Moranbah region. This initiative sought the community‟s
input into the challenge of accommodating and integrating the 2500 additional workers who
will come into the Moranbah region in the near future.

The social research conducted by RSDC, which is encompassed in this report, includes:

    A review of the literature on the social and economic issues facing mining town
     communities
    Case studies on the positive and negative impacts of permanent and non-permanent
     residence
    A community perceptions study on the social issues relating to the location of non-
     resident workers

Literature review

This literature review focused on the social and economic issues facing mining town
communities, such as Moranbah. The research literature showed that there are a range of
inter-related social and economic impacts, including impacts on economic and population
growth, accommodation costs, impacts on local business, impacts on existing social capital,
lack of social integration and gender imbalance. Some of these inter-related impacts are as
follows:

     One outcome of the changes in regulations in the mining industry has been the
     increasing use of „non-resident workforces‟, which have impacted on the ability of towns
     to attract and retain permanent residents. Finding ways to properly integrate the
     percentage of workers in camps who wish to become permanent residents should be a
     high priority.

     Increases in population are supplemented by a substantial population of non-resident
     workers in „temporary‟ accommodation who are predominantly male – adding to the
     male dominance experienced in most parts of the Bowen Basin.

     The gender imbalance and progressive masculinisation of the workforce is linked to
     increasing levels of violence and over-consumption of alcohol. An increase in the
     number of residential workers (and their families) may decrease such levels of violence
     and alcohol abuse.

     The proportion of residents to non-residents contributes to the sense of being „taken
     over‟ by work camps. Lack of social integration creates a strong sense of „us versus
     them‟ and mine-workers are blamed for a disproportionate share of the crime and anti-
     social behaviour. The increasing levels of fear reported among mining communities,
     itself a significant social impact, seems to be borne out by available statistics which
     indicate an increase in the rate of offences against the person.

     Mining communities have limited availability of permanent housing, with inflations in
     purchase and rental costs. While some people benefit from this, most people see it as


                                             3
     creating problems such as hardship for low-income earners, workers having to sleep in
     cars or tents, difficulties in attracting or retaining employees in essential services such
     as schools, hospitals and social services, and people being forced to relocate,
     especially as low cost options like caravan parks are converted to 'single person
     quarters‟.

     While some local businesses benefit from mining, attracting and retaining staff is a
     serious issue as it is difficult for other businesses (or services) to compete with mining
     in terms of wages and conditions.

     Economic benefits to the local community are also limited where non-resident workers
     have partial expenditure in town and most of the provisioning (including alcohol) is
     brought to the site rather than purchased locally.

     The impact of mining capital on the community means regional council services and
     other community and social services are expected to provide infrastructure, services
     and facilities to an increasing temporary population.

     Despite increases in population, social service organisations in mining towns that are
     often sustained by volunteers, report declining membership and leadership, alongside
     an increasing demand for their services.

There is a range of socio-economic impacts related to the domination of mining capital which
encourages uneven economic development and dependency on mining, as well as
squeezing out alternatives due to communities‟ inability to capture sufficient capital for
sustainable alternatives. Such growth distorts and masculinises the population by importing
the human capital as „non-resident‟ which further undermines social capital. Localised
inflation, especially in rent and housing mean the whole community is forced to bear the cost.
The lack of social integration and gender balance are part of the complex web that people
experience as rising rates of crime and violence, all of which contributes to a feeling that the
community is not in control of its own future.

Case studies

Case studies provide an insight into the lives of both individuals and families who have
personally experienced both the advantages and disadvantages of working within and
outside of the Moranbah community.

Five case studies were conducted with individuals and families who were accessed through
self-identification (at public consultations or in the shopping centre), referral by family or
friends, or approached by RSDC as having experiences relevant to this study.

The following five case studies were developed:

Case Study One:       Individual Non-Resident Worker – Positive Experience
Case Study Two:       Individual Non-Resident Worker – Negative Experience
Case Study Three:     Family with a Non- Resident Worker – Positive Experience
Case Study Four:      Family with a Non- Resident Worker – Negative Experience
Case Study Five:      Long-term Moranbah Family No Non-Resident Worker


Moranbah community perceptions study

This study aimed to identify community perceptions on the social issues relating to the
location of non-resident workers in the Moranbah mining community. Participants for this
study were recruited through the „Adaptive Communities‟ community engagement processes.

                                               4
All social research data (which was collected through public consultation meetings, individual
face-to-face and telephone interviews, focus group discussions and an online survey) was of
a qualitative nature. Its purpose was not to be quantified but rather to provide a more in-
depth understanding of the community‟s issues and concerns surrounding the
accommodation of non-resident workers.

A total of 221 community members participated in the study, which explored their perceptions
of the advantages and disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living within the
Moranbah township, and the advantages and disadvantages of non-resident mine workers
living outside of the Moranbah township.

The key findings were as follows:

     The main advantages of non-resident workers (NRW) living within Moranbah included
     economic benefits to local business; potential population growth and development of
     the town (including improved infrastructure, services and facilities); an increase in
     social capital for the community; and benefits for the NRW themselves.

     The main disadvantages of accommodating NRW within the township included the
     increased pressure on existing infrastructure and services (as NRW are not included in
     the Census); and a negative impact on the development of a „family friendly‟ town. The
     perceived increase in anti-social behaviour and crime among NRW was the salient
     negative impact which threatened this family orientation and the community‟s sense of
     safety and social cohesion.

     One of the most important advantages for NRW living outside of Moranbah was the
     perception that anti-social behaviour and crime would be lessened. Other advantages
     included less strain on the town‟s existing infrastructure and services; preserving the
     aesthetic and family nature of the town; and positive lifestyle benefits for NRW
     themselves.

     The disadvantages of NRW living outside of the Moranbah township included the loss
     of economic benefits to local businesses; the continued strain on infrastructure and
     services; the persistence of anti-social behaviour; social disintegration between the
     community and NRW; and other negative impacts for NRW.

     Community members perceived that there would be little economic and social benefits
     for the community from an increase in a „temporary‟ population, unless there was the
     possibility that NRW would become permanent residents of Moranbah and bring their
     partners and families to the community.

In considering the accommodation of additional NRW in the Moranbah region, the community
members in this study highlighted, and gave a voice to, many of the social impacts
evidenced in our literature review. The following are key recommendations for addressing
some of these social impacts.

     For community members to fully embrace an increase in NRW living within their
     community, there needs to be a greater understanding of the true economic benefits
     and opportunities for the community and local business.

     The realisation that NRW are not included in Census data and therefore do not bring
     about improved infrastructure, facilities and services to the community also needs to be
     addressed. Collective lobbying with other local governments and communities who also
     have large temporary populations needs to be undertaken to change the current


                                              5
Census data collection measure, so that a fairer distribution of regional funding can be
gained for these communities. The recent Bowen Basin Population Report 2010, which
provides population measures for both the resident and non-resident population may
assist in this process.

An analysis of local data from existing community, social and health services could
provide an assessment of the actual use of these services by both permanent and non-
permanent residents. This would present a „real‟ rather than perceived representation
of usage of these services by NRW.

The community‟s expressed need to encourage more permanent workers and families
into their community could be assisted through a „family exchange‟ program, where a
local Moranbah family hosts a NRW for a family meal and/or hosts a NRW and his/her
family for the weekend. This could be in conjunction with a „family fun day‟, celebrating
and showcasing Moranbah as a liveable community. This would enable positive social
interactions to take place, where Moranbah residents are given the opportunity to
promote the positive benefits of living in their community, and NRW are provided the
opportunity to consider this as an option.

The community‟s concerns about the increases in crime and anti-social behaviour
among NRW need to be better understood. Whether these increases have occurred
within Moranbah, or whether they are relative to other towns or mining camps within the
region needs further clarification. Such information may help to address the social fears
that already exist in this community and provide the information required to address this
critical social issue.

Local government and mining companies may need to work together to develop
strategies to create greater social cohesion in this mining town. Community capacity
building efforts to increase social and communal responsibility among both non-
permanent and permanent residents could be considered. For example, community
events that are inclusive of NRW which celebrate the community‟s diversity and what it
means to be a mining town; organised community sporting events for non-permanent
and permanent residents; and other strategies which invite NRW to contribute to, or be
a part of, this community.

While NRW had the opportunity to participate in this social research, they were not
specifically targeted. It is therefore recommended that further research and/or
consultations are undertaken that specifically target NRW to gain an understanding of
their opinions and views on these accommodation choices that affect them, as well as
their perceptions and experiences of being a non-permanent, „transient‟ worker.




                                         6
1      Introduction

This report details the findings of a study conducted by the Regional Social Development
Centre (RSDC) on behalf of the Isaac Regional Council. The aim of this study was to
investigate the social issues relating to the location of permanent and non-permanent
residents in the Moranbah mining community.

This social research was undertaken as part of Isaac Regional Council‟s Adaptive
Communities initiative, which aimed to ascertain the community‟s views on accommodating
non-resident workers in the Moranbah region. This process sought the community‟s input
into the challenge of accommodating and integrating the 2500 additional workers who will
come into the Moranbah region in the near future.

The social research conducted by RSDC, which is encompassed in this report, includes:

      A review of the literature on the social and economic issues facing mining town
       communities
      Case studies on the positive and negative impacts of permanent and non-permanent
       residence
      A community perceptions study on the social issues relating to the location of non-
       resident workers


2      Literature review

This literature review examines the social and economic issues facing mining communities
such as Moranbah.

Moranbah is a purpose built mining town constructed in 1971. In 2010 it was estimated to
have a full-time equivalent (FTE) population of 11442, comprising 8511 permanent residents
and 2931 non-resident workers, the latter representing 26% of the FTE population (OESR
2011). In the Bowen Basin region, 65% of population growth in the Isaac local government
area has been in terms of non-resident workers. The town of Moranbah is a major
accommodation centre for residents and non-resident workers, and it is a major provider of
technical services, light engineering and logistical support for mining operations in the area
(OESR 2011). In terms of towns in the Bowen Basin, Moranbah is well-placed to take
advantage of mining but has struggled to find the resources needed to do so.

2.1    Background

The research literature on the question of social and economic impacts of resource extractive
industries is quite extensive. A large body of work has been produced by researchers at
Central Queensland University (with a focus on the Bowen Basin), researchers in Western
Australia (which focused on the Pilbara), as well as government reports and material
produced by the corporate sector.

The processes of neo-liberal deregulation, in place since the 1980s, have led to changes in
how the multinational mining industry operates. Since the end of the last „bust‟ cycle, „boom‟
conditions have returned to the industry. The mining industry workforce now works the
longest hours on a continuous basis of any industry in Australia (Heiler et al 2000), providing
high wages to a small number of workers and flow-on costs and benefits to local
communities. This workforce extracts millions of tonnes of coal and produces hundreds of
millions of dollars a day in profits for multinational mining companies. The imposition of block
shifts for workers of 12 hours and other forms of deregulation has seen the growing use of
„non-resident workforces‟ in mining. This has created a range of social and economic
problems for communities that are mutually reinforcing and not easily managed by resources

                                               7
that are available in these communities. While mining and the attendant economic growth is
generally welcomed by Bowen Basin communities, reliance on non-resident workforces often
means economic benefits are not trapped within the community that bears the costs (Rolfe et
al 2007a). Housing shortages and localised inflation also limits the potential for flow-on
economic development and has created pressures on non-mining businesses and other
socio-economic groups. Non-resident workforces also bring additional problems of fatigue,
family isolation and community fragmentation. These issues need to be addressed, not just
when the problems become acute, but as part of planning processes and as a key element in
the corporate sector‟s „social licence to operate‟ in the community, who in the end owns
these resources, across the life of the mine. Coal companies pay a royalty per tonne (not on
dollar value) to extract the coal since ownership of the resource is vested in the state of
Queensland who administers the resource on behalf of the whole community.

This literature review draws upon the „resource community cycle model‟ (Lockie et al 2009)
which highlights the need to anticipate the long-term, cumulative and less obvious impacts of
resource development, rather than focus simply on immediate or acute concerns. These
communities often report feeling disempowered, as important decisions that affect their
future lives and lifestyle are made elsewhere (Rolfe et al 2009, Freeleagus 2006).

Until the 1980s, the Australian state and federal governments insisted the corporate mining
sector provide accommodation for their workforces, together with the social infrastructure
(and often transport and other infrastructure) needed to utilise the below-ground resources of
the Commonwealth. The mining companies paid a royalty per ton to the government. Later,
these towns and infrastructure were „normalised‟, ie taken back by the state, which then
maintained it.

It is important not to romanticise life in the old-style company mining towns, which were often
poorly serviced and had their own unique social issues, particularly a lack of economic
diversity and shortages of health, education, recreation and retail services (Hogan & Berry
2000). These were, in effect, similar issues to what is seen now, though the responsibility lay
with the mining company rather than state and local governments. Demographic changes
have seen a rise in population moving to the coast (the so-called „tree‟ or „sea‟ changes) and
a declining population in rural or remote areas. With the end of the last downturn, rural and
remote towns had lost people, especially skilled ones, leaving them poorly equipped to deal
with the new boom conditions. While company towns were probably better socially integrated
– with families as well as single men - they were still male dominated. The lack of economic
diversity was another serious problem given that most women expect to be able work as well
(Storey & Shrimpton 1991).

More recently, through neo-liberal deregulation of the industry, reduced prices for airfares
and changes in tax arrangements, the corporate sector has sought to avoid the costs of
providing these types of facilities for miners and their families (but not managerial staff) in
often remote locations. By imposing shift arrangements of 12 hour days with blocks of 4 days
on/4 days off (or longer), it became viable to have fly-in/fly-out (FIFO) workforces from large
centres such as Brisbane or drive-in/drive out (DIDO) from larger regional towns such as
Mackay, relying on work-camp accommodation during rostered shifts.

The term „non-resident workforce‟ is used in this review to describe the mine workers who do
not live in permanent accommodation in towns within close proximity to the mine in which
they are working. Western Australian experience suggests whether it be drive-in/drive-out
(DIDO) or fly-in/fly-out (FIFO), the average commute is about 2.5 hours compared to
residential workforce trips of 25 minutes (Hogan & Berry 2000). Mining workforces are made
up of different phases of the life of the mine (set-up, maintenance, operational). They may be
direct employees or subcontractors who maybe be regarded as „temporary‟ (even though
they work on the same site for a number of years) or „itinerant‟ (when they may work for the
same company at different sites for an extended period). At times this literature review refers

                                               8
to the men in these predominately male environments as „single‟ since while on roster they
live as single men in SPQs – their families being located on the coast or at some distance.

While there has been increasing concern regarding the impact of FIFO work on both the
home and working life of commuters (Brereton & Venables, 2002; Collinson, 1998), this
literature review focuses on the social impacts for the communities concerned, not the
workforce themselves.

2.2    Socio-economic impacts

Identifying socio-economic impacts under conditions of rapid change is hampered by the
complexity of the issues and their inter-relationship. Mining capital has a major impact on the
lives of people and „their‟ communities so these are not issues where it is easy to find a
neutral perspective. Even basic objective data like the Census does not accurately capture
rapid change in population due to its five-year cycle. Furthermore, the Census often only
captures „residential‟ addresses such that the non-resident workforce is captured at home in
Mackay or Brisbane. Thus for the purpose of calculating rates and taxes – and regional
funding – this is not a fair measure of where people spend their time (or what the population
of a town or region may be). Objective data may therefore be skewed.

While the large amount of subjective data collected has identified a range of issues, it can be
difficult to disaggregate precise effects in relation to non-resident workers. For example, rises
in population bring increases in crime, however attributing all of this to a non-resident
workforce is unfair but tends to happen due to their „outsider‟ status. In relation to the
increase in motor vehicle accidents, one would expect a higher level of fatigue and thus
accidents from those on 12 hour shifts, but disaggregating the effect of a non-resident
workforce from the overall increase in population is difficult. Finally the social impacts are felt
well beyond the mine-site and nearby towns but as a result of FIFO/DIDO they impact across
the region, the state and the nation.

With these caveats, the research literature identifies clear themes about the impact of non-
resident workforces in several areas.

      Economic and population growth
      Accommodation costs
      Impacts on local business
      Impacts on existing social capital
      Travel fatigue and motor vehicle accidents
      Lack of social integration
      Gender imbalance

These social impacts are mediated by a range of factors. However, in a key study of six
Bowen Basin towns (Blackwater, Springsure, Rolleston, Nebo, Coppabella & Moranbah)
from 2003 -2008, Petkova et al (2009 p. 225 italics added) concluded that: „The number of
mines close to a town, and the extent of the non-resident workforce, appear to be key factors
determining the extent of social impacts.‟

Economic and population growth

In the Bowen Basin, coal mining is highly regarded as an economic driver which brings
positive benefits to individual towns and to the region as a whole. More jobs, higher wages,
more people and diversity, support for local business, more services, improved infrastructure
and access to other resources bought by mining and other companies are all to be
welcomed. It is in this context that social impacts make their mark. The first obvious impact of
boom conditions is simply the increased population experienced across the whole region.
This increased population is supplemented by a substantial population of non-resident

                                                9
workers in „temporary‟ accommodation who are predominantly male – adding to the male
dominance experienced in most parts of the Basin (though Moranbah is somewhat more
balanced) (Petkova et al 2009 pp. 217-18). In addition to the growth in numbers is the more
hidden issue of turnover. This can be seen in school enrolments which show that despite an
increase in population there is not always an increase in school student numbers. This is a
result of turnover as workers arrive and move quickly to better jobs (or preferred locations)
and in some towns, families are replaced by „single‟ men, resulting in a decline in school
enrolments (Petkova et al 2009).

Accommodation costs

The first impact of these demographic changes is the limited availability of permanent
housing and the associated inflation in purchase and rental cost of that housing. This
demand leads to a rapid rise in house and rental prices (in the case of Moranbah by 400%).
While some people benefit from this, most people see it as creating problems such as
hardship for low-income earners, workers having to sleep in cars or tents, difficulties in
attracting or retaining employees in essential services such as schools, hospitals and social
services, and people being forced to relocate, especially as low cost options like caravan
parks are converted to 'single person quarters‟.

Thus the costs of housing brought about by a boom in one sector are borne by the whole
community. This is the basis of two negative social impact cycles, as explained by Petkova et
al (2009):

       On the one hand, an increasing proportion of the permanent housing stock was
       actually taken up by itinerant workers who preferred to enter share housing
       arrangements than to live in work camps. As rental costs increased, it was
       correspondingly difficult for anyone not sharing with several others to access such
       housing. On the other hand the ability of these towns to generate the critical mass of
       permanent residents needed to underwrite human services and other facilities was
       further undermined, in turn making them less desirable to permanent residents. (p.
       219)

It is these kinds of situations which have resulted in uneven development of the community
economy, such that the domination of corporate economic capital undermines the social
capital of communities, which lays at the basis of the community‟s capacity to take
advantage of the economic benefits. The chief reason for this is what the mining companies
describe as the „value depleting cost to the project‟ of providing accommodation. With
deregulation it became possible to reduce the size of the workforce and increase the length
of the working day and avoiding social infrastructure costs that existed in the past. This does
not apply to all employees though; the exception being supervisory management staff. This
group are housed at nominal rents despite these positions only having terms of 2-3 years,
while those of production and engineering employees are many times that (CFMEU 2010).

Work camp surveys indicate that while most do not, 11% of those in Moranbah camps (and
12% in Nebo) would be interested in moving permanently to these towns. The moving of this
group into permanent residency – along with families – would lead to significant growth
(Petkova, V. et al 2009).

Impacts on local business and services

A similar situation applies in relation to local economic capital. While businesses benefit from
mining, the domination of the community economy by multinational capital makes this form of
capital a single economic base. There is some expansion of industries serving mining,
though the local flow-on of economic capital is often limited due to the size of mining capital
relative to most communities. In the case of human capital invested in the community, the

                                              10
effect is largely negative. For example, attracting and retaining staff is a serious issue as it is
difficult for other businesses (or services) to compete with mining in terms of wages and
conditions. Mining capital has dealt with this by importing the human capital it needs in the
form of non-resident labour but as was seen above, this leads to undermining of social
capital in housing. There is a similar effect where non-resident workers have limited
expenditure in town and most of the provisioning (including alcohol) is brought to the site
rather than purchased locally. There is little to indicate at present that non-mining business
expansion is likely to be sustainable beyond the life of coal mining. This means that towns
will become poorly serviced poverty traps for those who cannot afford to move elsewhere if
ways cannot be found to stop the economic leakages1 (Rolfe et al 2003).

Impacts on existing social capital

The impact of mining capital on the community – aside from housing – means regional
council services (also struggling to attract and retain staff) are expected to provide physical
infrastructure for power and water often on very short lead times, and with little control over
decisions that are made elsewhere. Perceptions vary about the extent of environmental
issues, depending on whether mining was a focus in the town or not, but many were
concerned about health and amenity impacts (noise, dust, water and power shortages) in
mining-focus towns. The amenity of the towns themselves varies but even similar towns like
Moranbah and Blackwater, the former is better served by shops and landscaping than the
latter (Petkova et al 2009).

Typically in rural towns, which lack social services that are provided elsewhere, it is social
capital in the form of volunteering that sustains these services. Despite the increase in
population, all service organisations in these towns report a decline in membership and
leadership, and often an increasing demand for their services. The existence of 12-hour
shifts mean there is little time for anything except work-eat-sleep on roster and when not
rostered on (assuming workers remain in the area), these periods do not correspond to the
weekly or monthly schedules around which community organisations are organised (Petkova
et al 2009). The increased exploitation of human capital depletes the social capital in this
way as well. In addition, social infrastructure such as sport and recreation clubs and
adequate government services provides a more amenable climate to attract investment and
transferable skills for residents (Rolfe et al 2003).

Travel fatigue and motor vehicle accidents

The increase in population, and activities of mining capital, results in increased usage of
roads, increasing the risk of accidents. These are regularly reported in the local media, along
with complaints about the declining condition of roads. While it is difficult to disaggregate
clearly whether non-resident workforces on DIDO schedules add to the volume of traffic on
the roads and thus to the risk, travel fatigue after long shifts is a great concern in the
community. It is also identified by most of the mining companies, who now have some form
of fatigue management plans in place, although these do not address the underlying cause
(ie long shifts). Fatigue researchers have identified that between 13-23% of drivers on their
way to or from shifts will fall asleep, resulting in crossing the centre line or running off the
road (Di Milia 2006). As noted above, this also creates extra burden for volunteer emergency
service organisations like the State Emergency Service that face extra demands due to
increased road traffic without being able to recruit extra members (Rolfe et al 2009).




1
  It should be noted that this is not solely an issue in relation to mining as even permanent residents of Nebo
spend a fair proportion of their income in Mackay (Petkova, V. et al 2009) which highlights the difficulty of
trapping the potential benefits in smaller towns in general.

                                                      11
Lack of social integration

Aside from visual amenity, the proportion of residents to non-residents also contributes (in
Coppabella and Nebo particularly) to the sense of being „taken over‟ by work camps with
close to 1000 workers (Petkova et al 2009). Small rural towns have a strong identity and
sense of community – an important part of the social capital of these towns in the absence of
public services - that is threatened by the dominance of mining capital. Lack of integration
creates a strong sense of „us versus them‟ and mine-workers are blamed for a
disproportionate share of the crime and anti-social behaviour. The increasing levels of fear
reported, itself a significant social impact, seems to be borne out by available statistics which
indicate an increase in the rate of offences against the person. This is especially so for
sexual assault, which is now rated higher in parts of the Isaac Region than Queensland, with
average rates increasing faster than the state average in some towns (Petkova et al 2009 p.
222). As Lockie et al (2009, p. 338) state:

       The increase in anti-social behaviour between the two studies [of Coppabella in 2003
       and 2007] appeared to be linked to the declining density of acquaintanceship and
       informal surveillance due to population growth.

In the case of Coppabella, „increases in anti-social behaviour (both real and perceived)
reflected two major demographic changes: the exponential growth in the temporary resident
population between 2003 and 2006 and, less obviously, the progressive masculinisation of
the permanent resident workforce‟ (Lockie et al 2009 p. 338).

Gender imbalance

The progressive masculinisation of the workforce is often seen as the cause of increasing
levels of violence in rural towns. While this is certainly a factor – along with overconsumption
of alcohol - it is important not to see gender in isolation or attribute the effects to some sort of
natural cause (eg „boys will be boys‟). Men are not „naturally‟ violent, nor does alcohol „cause‟
violence in any straightforward way. Violence between men, particularly in these rural
settings is about maintaining one‟s status as a „real man‟. This includes competition over
rates of pay, possession of available females, and control of „public‟ space in the town.
Drinking and brawling occur in this context. Family and other ties moderate this but as many
are away from home and family – and many are young – this factor is absent for non-resident
workforces.

While being an „outsider‟ is certainly a factor as outlined above (ie these men‟s sense of
community lies elsewhere and they are not well-integrated into the town), as Carrington et al
(2010) points out, this kind of masculine competition is not alien to the public culture of rural
towns. Violence erupts between male residents and non-residents, not because the cultures
are different, but precisely because they are similar.

There is no doubt that an increase in the number of residential workers (and their families)
would decrease the levels of violence. Recent research into rates of family violence in the
Bowen Basin suggests that rates of family violence are not significantly higher than
elsewhere or connected with mining (Nancarrow et al 2008). However, the likelihood that a
woman had experienced social-psychological abuse (defined as „acts/behaviours that limit
social interaction‟ such as restricting access to family/friends, wanting to know where you are
and who you are with at all times) were increased by a factor of 1.8 if her partner was
employed as a miner, or 3.3 if her partner was a miner and she lived in Mackay (Nancarrow
et al 2008). This suggests that the issues around violence are not about men‟s natures but
about their masculine status, which is highly dependent on their partners at home. Here we
see specific forms of family violence relating to the competition for status and the separation
of non-resident workers, rather than elevated violence across the board.


                                                12
2.3    Conclusions

In the context of boom conditions for mining capital, it has been shown that there are a range
of inter-related social and economic impacts. One outcome of the changes in regulations on
mining capital has been the increasing use of „non-resident workforces‟ who are an important
source of human capital. It has been shown that „the ability of towns to attract and retain
permanent residents serves as a useful proxy indicator of the number and magnitude of
social, economic and environmental impacts associated with mining‟ (Petkova et al 2009 p.
226). Finding ways to properly integrate the percentage of workers in camps who wish to
become permanent residents should be a high priority.

However, none of this addresses the issue of a future downturn and the capacity of these
communities to adapt to this, as happened in the 1980s and 1990s. The demographics of
towns dominated by „single‟ men with limited education or training, and the fact that most
housing is in private hands, means that any reduction in mine-related employment will leave
behind unskilled workers with limited mobility. While this may vary across the region, none of
the towns have been able to use a boom to create other development opportunities that
might create a sustainable future.

There is a range of socio-economic impacts related to the domination of mining capital which
encourages uneven economic development and dependency on mining, as well as
squeezing out alternatives due to communities‟ inability to capture sufficient capital for
sustainable alternatives. Such growth distorts and masculinises the population by importing
the human capital as „non-resident‟ which further undermines social capital. Localised
inflation, especially in rent and housing mean the whole community is forced to bear the cost.
Rising rates of motor vehicle accidents are another cost, and the effects of fatigue on
workers and families as a result of 12-hour shifts are not well understood. The lack of social
integration and gender balance are part of the complex web that people experience as rising
rates of crime and violence, all of which contributes to a feeling that the community is not in
control of its own future.


3      Case studies

3.1    Methods

Case studies provide an insight into the lives of both individuals and families who have
personally experienced both the advantages and disadvantages of working within and
outside of the Moranbah community.

Five case studies were conducted with individuals and families who were accessed through
self-identification (at public consultations or in the shopping centre), referral by family or
friends, or approached by RSDC as having experiences relevant to this study.

The case study interviews were recorded in writing and audiotaped. The initial interview
commenced with an explanation of the study and issues of confidentiality. Participants‟
consent to participate as a case study, proceed with the interview and to have the interview
recorded was obtained. Case studies one to four, explored participants‟ experiences of either
living within the Moranbah township or outside of the Moranbah township, as an individual
non-resident worker, or partner of a non-resident worker. Case study five explored the
participants‟ experiences as long-term Moranbah residents of a non-mining family. Each
interview further explored any specific concerns or issues relating to their experiences.

Subsequent interviews were conducted with participants to verify comments or collect
additional information. These interviews were also recorded, as above. The interview notes


                                              13
were then developed into a case study, which was provided to the participants for
verification.

Information which could identify participants is not included in the case studies, and names
have been changed on each case study to protect the privacy of participants.

The following five case studies were developed:

Case Study One: Individual Non-Resident Worker – Positive Experience
Case Study Two: Individual Non-Resident Worker – Negative Experience
Case Study Three: Family with a Non- Resident Worker – Positive Experience
Case Study Four: Family with a Non- Resident Worker – Negative Experience
Case Study Five: Long-term Moranbah Family No Non-Resident Worker


3.2 Findings

Case Study One: Individual Non-Resident Worker - Positive Experience

                                          ‘Anthony’

Anthony is a married man and father of three in his forties. He is a resident of Mackay who
has chosen to work with a mining company in Moranbah. This involves Anthony commuting
to and from Moranbah to attend work, which has necessitated his staying overnight for the
duration of his “lifestyle” roster. In essence this means that Anthony is absent from his family
for 2-3 nights a week, with fluctuating days of attendance due to the configuration of the
roster.

Anthony has chosen this lifestyle to make his living mainly because he regards it as a “great
chance” for a Mackay resident to make a good wage without having to relocate to a mining
town or community. In fact he says, “There‟s no other opportunity for blokes here in Mackay
to earn that sort of money in any other job locally.” He regards the travel distance as
reasonable and „do-able‟. Fatigue issues are managed by sharing transport and ensuring he
sleeps after night shift before travelling home. As he explains, “It‟s the best of both worlds
really. You get a good wage and get to spend most of any given week with your family.”

Anthony was born in Brisbane but has lived in Mackay for the majority of his life. He initially
worked in Mackay but then relocated for a time to Glenden, another mining town
approximately 180km to the northwest. Anthony has keenly experienced the differences
between being resident in a mining town (which he describes as “closed”) versus commuting.
He thinks his family is much happier being settled in a larger city with opportunities for the
children‟s education and leisure activities. His wife, who has a professional career, is also
able to secure advancement in her chosen field.

Anthony also spoke of the “mining mentality” peculiar to such towns which is characterised
by gossip, “knowing everyone‟s business”, conversations around income, employment
contracts, promotions, vacancies, speculation around the industry‟s future, etc. “My wife saw
it while working at the school out there,” he explains. “The town revolves around the mining
job. It makes the place and the people very closed.” Consequently Anthony feels it is
psychologically and socially healthier to live away from the dominant industry that offers
employment in a town.

Whilst in Moranbah for his allocated shifts, Anthony stays at the contractor camp. He
describes himself as a “permanent employee in temporary accommodation”. This
accommodation is little more than a single bed in a small room, with little opportunity for
mixing with others or recreational activities during the day. The canteen is open only for

                                               14
breakfast and dinner and there are no sporting or leisure activities provided at the camp.
“You can be living within a few feet of a bloke and never speak to him.” Although this can be
isolating during the day, if he is on night-shift, the duration of his days away from home rarely
amount to more than two in succession. Anthony hasn‟t encountered any violence, drug or
alcohol problems at the camp, although he stressed that he is not there for long periods.

Anthony is always keen to return home to his family, with his children adjusting well to his
routine and work pattern. Although they don‟t like Daddy going back to work, they
understand that it is for a limited time only and they will see him again in a few days.

Anthony hasn‟t experienced any issues with family disruption relating to his absences and
enjoys the time together on his days off. “The kids don‟t like it when I have to go back but
they know the routine and adapt well once I‟ve gone.”

With regard to improving conditions for non-resident workers, Anthony suggests the
operation of a bus service to and from Mackay for permanent employees rather than just
contractors. He believes this would significantly reduce the fatigue involved in travel and
reduce the road toll on the notorious Peak Downs Highway.

Overall, Anthony is happy with his employment/family situation, emphasising that it was a
conscious choice for him to base himself and his family in Mackay while travelling to his
place of work. The arrangement affords him a high wage balanced with the positive lifestyle
that being based in a coastal provisional city offers.


Case Study Two: Individual Non-Resident Worker - Negative Experience

                                           ‘Damien’

Damien is a man in his 20‟s who is in a de-facto relationship. He lives in Mackay but works in
a mine at Moranbah.

Damien relocated to Mackay four years ago from the Sunshine Coast to try and gain
employment as a tradesman in the mining industry. This led him to a position in Moranbah
which required Damien to live in the township for three months. This was a terrible time for
Damien; community attitudes were very negative and unwelcoming and the camp
accommodation was shared and in awful condition. Damien describes Moranbah as a “hick
town full of arrogant people that hate contractors and non locals”. So Damien decided he did
not want to live in Moranbah and purchased a property in Mackay and found employment
with a different contractor.

Damien stated that on several occasions the behaviour and attitudes in Moranbah were very
narrow minded, sexist and degrading towards women. One incident mentioned by Damien
involved witnessing a women being “punched in the face” at the local pub. Damien also
recalled other incidents of people being glassed and physical assaults both with and without
weapons. He believes alcohol and drugs were the major contributing factors in these
incidents.

Another issue that Damien raised as important is sexual promiscuity. He recalled one night
when he was at the local pub in Moranbah and “a women asked me back to her place for a
good time because her husband was on night shift”. Damien stated that this kind of
behaviour is rife as there are a lot of men in the town whose families are thousands of
kilometres away and do not feel accountable for their actions. He speculated that the
wives/women in the township are treated more like “trophies”.



                                               15
Damien self drives his own vehicle to and from Moranbah and he stays in mine camp
accommodation that is provided for him by the mining company he works for. The roster that
Damien follows requires him to be away from his partner up to three nights at a time.
Although Damien says it‟s not too far to travel, he has had some instances of fatigue being
an issue. For example, when driving home from night shift he has on occasion had to “stop
the car and have a powernap”. Damien stated that he has seen many accidents on the roads
and the concern of hitting a kangaroo is a constant reality.

Damien believes that mining companies should provide a bus service for those who choose
not to live in Moranbah to ensure their safety. Damien‟s partner worries about him driving to
and from Moranbah and she misses not having him home every night. She says she is
“lonely” and feels “vulnerable being home alone at night”. When asked about being away
from his partner, Damien said it “makes me feel down and I think about her all the time which
makes it harder when I am at work”.

Damien said that he would not like to live back in Moranbah and he added that his partner
“would hate it, and there is not enough work opportunities for her”. He stated that if his work
wanted him to relocate back to Moranbah he would resign.

When working, Damien stays at a mine camp close to the township. He believes that this is
better than being in a camp further out of the community as you are able to use the facilities
(such as the supermarket or takeaway shops) and go for a “jog around the streets”. He did
however mention that with the current greed of the town, prices of goods, living expenses
and the negative attitude towards miners who live in the camps, that “the town does not
deserve their money”. Damien also thinks that if the mine workers were forced to stay in
camps out of the township, maybe there would not be so many incidents of violence and
disorderly behaviour.


Case Study Three: Family with Non-Resident Worker - Positive Experience

                                  ‘Ben and Alice Jameson’

The Jameson family have a grandfather, father, mother, two uncles and three sons who have
been employed in the mining industry. Ben‟s father worked in the industry for seven years in
another mining community. He went on strike when Ben was eight years old to fight for
cement floors in the tents in which they lived.

Ben met Alice in 1969 while he was a plant operator in a regional Qld town. He gained
employment at a mine near Moranbah while his brother was working at the same mine. He
lived in the single men‟s accommodation, called „barracks‟ at that time. These were twin
rooms with communal showers. Ben experienced a sense of mateship in these camps, since
with only 300 workers on the mine site, “there weren‟t enough people to have divisions”.
While it didn‟t feel like “home”, Ben‟s room was his own and he could leave his belongings
there when he was off-site. Ben worked a seven day roster (seven day shifts, seven night
shifts, seven afternoon shifts) followed by five days off. He would travel back and forth from
Moranbah on his days off when he could, as at times it was impractical to travel on the
„shoddy‟ roads. Ben found that when workers finished a shift in daylight they were more
sociable since they could play sport, train and be with their children.

In 1972, the Peak Downs mine opened and the newly married husband and wife moved to
Moranbah. Peak Downs was the brother mine to Goonyella and there was a friendly rivalry
between the two mines. There were many social events, such as barbeques and parties,
which were well attended by all community members. Ben and Alice saw living in the town at
this time as an adventure. They lived in a caravan for six weeks until a company home was
provided. Managers lived on “Snob Hill”, workers in low-set accommodation and foremen in

                                               16
high-set or split-level homes. Many came to town for financial rewards and eventually
remained in the community. Ben and Alice remember great friendships being made in the
town.

Two years later, Ben and Alice had children and became involved in community activities
such as the Country Women‟s Association (CWA), Nursing Mothers Association, teaching
sewing classes and establishing a local business. As the family grew, Alice began working in
town and then moved to an accounts role in a mining company as a permanent day shift
worker. She currently has another part-time role with a mining company as well as other
employment.

The family lived in mine houses and bought the house they were renting when the mining
company began offering them for purchase to employees around 1994. Ben and Alice
believe that owning their own part of Moranbah increased their sense of ownership in the
town.

Ben and Alice have three sons, all of whom, after attending local schools, decided to train in
careers outside mining. However, they all eventually qualified for mining traineeships and
work in the mines to the present day, along with their father. The family now has a third
generation in Moranbah, ranging from 5 to 16 years old. Through this multi-generational link
with Moranbah for over 40 years, the family are very proud of the township.

Ben says there is a “brotherhood” in the mines, but this has changed over the years. The
staff of Goonyella and Saraji mines once played cricket on their “pyjama days” (a transition
day between day and night shift) but this is now more difficult. Ben does not think this was
caused by the Moranbah community, but a result of general social changes and the move to
12-hour shifts. Dragline operators also work on separate shifts from the five day rosters of
others, so people are all working at different times and have limited opportunities to connect.
Previously, “everyone knew each other” and could socialise in their five days off, often by
going on fishing trips. With shift changes however, workers can only get together for three
days.

Ben sees a benefit in living in town while working at a local mine. He has seen young men
who were “quite wild” become settled through the routine of mine work. He thinks that fly
in/fly out (FIFO) work arrangements could encourage workers‟ negative behaviours. Also,
while it may suit single workers, it is not suitable for those with families. Two of his sons, for
instance, are only half an hour from home when they finish their shift. They can be home to
see their families in the evening, have a normal night, take the children to school and visit
their extended family. Ben explains, “other workers go to Mackay one night and come back
the next. After 400 kilometres on the road, they arrive when their children are in bed, sleep
during the day and leave at 3pm to get back to work, without having real quality family life.”
Ben also thinks that fathers can come home to discipline their children for incidents that
happened five days ago. This lessens control in the home and society.

Ben and Alice think there a many sporting groups and clubs available in Moranbah for social
engagement. They know of up to 32 clubs which are accessible to workers and several of
the groups have had creditable successes, such as the world championship BMX club riders,
State of Origin and Australian rugby league players, top athletes, swimmers and squash
players who were in the top of their field nationally.




                                                17
Case Study Four: Family with Non-Resident Worker - Negative Experience

                                  ‘Andrew and Samantha’

Andrew is originally from Mackay but was living in Victoria, where he met his wife Samantha.
They moved to Mackay in 2005 and Andrew commenced work in a mining company as a
drive in/drive out (DIDO) non-resident worker. He worked a 4-5 lifestyle roster which
involved working 4 days on roster, then 4 days off, followed by 5 days on, then 5 days off.
This allowed Andrew to have two weekends on and two weekends off in each roster period.
Samantha was working in Mackay and their oldest child was in year 10 at high school.
Andrew then changed companies for 10 months, followed by a move to another mining
company, when he was offered transit accommodation for himself and his family in
Moranbah.

For Andrew, living in the camp was just about work, with little time or energy for socialising.
“When you are living in camp you only work...all the time doing 12 hour shifts...with ½ hour
travel to site you can only eat and sleep with the time you have off, and maybe some
washing.” Andrew had little contact with other workers at the camp, with few opportunities to
make connections or friendships with others. While he thought highly of his workmates, he
was unable to really get to know them. He explains, “You only see the guys you work with as
you drive in and out to work and at the mess. Mostly you have to sleep to be right for work
again. There were only a couple of things we went to, like going for pizza and the pub, but
not much as you had to work.”

Driving in and out to Moranbah created tension for Andrew and Samantha, particularly when
Andrew was working night shifts. They found they had different needs and expectations
about how their time would be spent while Andrew was back in Mackay, which created
conflict. Andrew explains, “That was some of the bad things about DIDO. You were tired
after driving home...and your wife wanted a hand with things and waited for me to get home
but couldn‟t really do much as you were just too tired.” Samantha continues, “I felt very
isolated,” she explains. “When (Andrew) came home I‟d be desperate. I‟d have a list of
things and places I needed to go but he just wanted to play golf.”

Communication was difficult with Andrew‟s absence from the family, and Samantha was
experiencing problems at work and with her health. Andrew says, “It was pretty rocky. I
missed out on how my son was going at school and my wife was working as well and she
had dramas at work and she couldn‟t talk to me. When you are together day to day you work
through it but when you are apart, the other family members feel that they are alone, that
there is no help.” From Samantha‟s perspective it seemed that, “We had a lot of trouble
communicating. I felt like I was stuck in Mackay and (Andrew) was living the high life.”

Both Andrew and Samantha found it difficult to socialise and make friends during this DIDO
period. Without regular work days and hours, and being away from Mackay for days,
Andrew struggled to become part of the community or form friendships. As he explains, “You
have limited time back in where you live in Mackay and it is hard to have a lot of steady
friends...you can‟t do normal things like play sport as you only have two weekends so your
whole life feels like you are working all the time. Even your time off is such a short period
and then you have got to go back.”

Moving to Moranbah improved Andrew and Samantha‟s relationship and lifestyle. They
communicated more, made friends and became part of their community. Samantha states,
“If we hadn‟t moved here, we probably wouldn‟t be together. It took a while to get back to
being a family again. I was used to being independent. There was still tension and it was
hard to build a positive relationship.” Andrew explains, “Now we have heaps of friends and
feel part of the town where we live. I play golf with a few workmates...and seem to enjoy my
days off better. Work is much easier and not as stressful.”

                                              18
However, Andrew and Samantha have also encountered negative aspects of living in
Moranbah. These particularly related to the cost and lack of supply of housing. Andrew and
Samantha are themselves currently living in a small three bedroom house, which can
contribute to family disputes, but hope to build a larger home soon. Samantha says, “The
lack of affordable housing causes financial strain, stress on relationships and domestic
violence – it‟s so much pressure.”

Samantha has also noticed a sense of social isolation for some residents, which she believes
is due to the high cost of living in Moranbah. As she explains, “People can‟t afford to visit
family or go home for Christmas. There are a few social groups around but they‟re not well
advertised. People don‟t realise it‟s going to be like that. They come here with a 5 year plan,
then realise it‟ll take 20.”


Case Study Five: Long-term Moranbah Family No Non-Resident Worker

                                   ‘Tom and Janice Smith’

Tom came to Moranbah from Ipswich with his wife Janice and two young children in 1999 for
employment as a trainee train driver. Although Tom works at Coppabella (for a non-mining
company), the family were provided with subsidised housing in Moranbah.

This relocation was a contrast from life in Ipswich. Janice had lived in Ipswich all her life and
since this was her first move, it was a big change. She struggled for the first 3 to 6 months
because Moranbah did not have the facilities she used to access. Janice began volunteering
when her children were in pre-school and helped as much as she could on the Parents &
Citizens (P&C) Committee. She eventually began studying and found employment as a
teacher aide. Sixteen months ago, Janice changed career and became self-employed.

The family plan had been to stay in Moranbah for seven years but the family liked the town
so much that they stayed. Both Tom and Janice consider Moranbah to be a lovely town and
find the people very friendly. The town has a good location and a country town atmosphere.
Janice also considers Moranbah to be a safe town. In Ipswich, doors were locked and gates
padlocked, but Janice thinks it is a safe environment in Moranbah, with little crime and lovely
people around. Janice enjoys the relaxed atmosphere compared to the hustle and bustle of
the city and likes seeing a lot of people she knows when she walks down the street.

Both Tom and Janice agree that the Moranbah community has changed in the past 12 years.
In their street there are a couple of houses which are rented by a company, housing 6 or 7
workers, where there used to be families. The residents come and go but there are no
issues and they are not noisy. There are men and women living in houses like the one next
door to them but Janice doesn‟t get to meet any of those people because they “come home,
eat, sleep and go back to work”. While Tom admits that this does not add to the
neighbourhood „feel‟, it has not affected him and he socialises with others in the street.

Tom thinks that the biggest change to lifestyle in Moranbah has been shift work. He has
experienced changes to his shifts while a worker and now a supervisor. He currently works 8
days on roster, 5 days off, 6 days on, then 3 days off. His shifts are “all over the show” but
he does get every second weekend off to be with his family. In the past he had only one
weekend off per month, which was hard on his family. Janice sees many of the other
mothers in town and mixes with people, but thinks that socialising is hard because of the
nature of shift work. With husbands on shift work, the mothers also take on all the family
responsibilities and attend the children‟s social activities, such as swim clubs and awards
nights, alone many times.


                                               19
Tom‟s family has been involved in soccer for 10 years since his son joined a team. Tom
says it is difficult to get coaches and parents to help, but there is a core of wives who do
most of the organisation. “That is the down side of living in communities like this where it is
left to the mums to do a lot, especially sports, because the men are on shift work. The
women have to take on the roles of managing and different things like that to help out so the
kids get the benefits,” Janice explained. Despite recreation being difficult to coordinate with
shift work, Janice thinks there are plenty of opportunities in Moranbah, such as football,
rugby union, gymnastics, tae kwon do, golf and motorbike activities.

Tom and Janice‟s son is in Year 12 and their daughter is in Year 11. Their son is considering
an apprenticeship in the mines and their daughter is undecided about her future education
and career path. Tom and Janice are both happy with the educational opportunities in
Moranbah, with two primary schools and a 600 student high school.

Tom sees Moranbah as a thriving community now but it has not always been that way.
“When I first came up in 1999/2000, there was a bit of a slump...it was unbelievable. They
were planning what they were going to do with the town because the town was dying. The
businesses couldn‟t stay afloat. But now we are getting more and more businesses here.
It‟s in the middle of a boom, but that‟s the way mining businesses go isn‟t it?”

A negative aspect of life for Tom and Janice in Moranbah is the limited shopping choices.
Tom knows of some families who go to Mackay for greater shopping choices, but his family
does not. When Janice first arrived in Moranbah she would shop in Mackay for sewing
material not available in Moranbah. Supplies have improved over time though and she has
learnt to better manage her time and order products by phone or mail rather than travelling.

Tom and Janice also previously travelled to Mackay for sport for three years but spending
four hours and more than 400 kilometres for a game every Saturday proved to be too
difficult. However, Tom knows that people living further out west travel far more.

Janice believes that the town is what you make of it. People need to get involved and
support community events because that‟s what makes a town. However, she worries about
the impact of a growing town for her teenage daughter. “I worry if it is going to be safe for
these girls out and about.” She stresses though that the town is designed for children,
relaxed, laid back and much safer than the city. There is not much evidence of violence or
crime.

Janice says there are now more doctors in Moranbah due to transient (non-resident)
workers, but the hospital still needs more facilities. “They don‟t get the extra funding
because of the transient people and that is the down side of having such a transient town
where people are drive in or fly-in. If they were actually residing here as a family the town
would grow and benefit from government funding.”

Tom thinks there is a good feeling in Moranbah but there is currently no option for people to
buy homes in Moranbah. “There are no houses available. They have been bought up by
investors...they charge $1200 her week. You wouldn‟t come for a $140 000 and pay $1200 a
week rent – you‟d be mad. You might as well take a $60 000 job in the city.”

Tom thinks that the main disadvantage is that there is no choice of housing for non-resident
workers and others in Moranbah. He believes that an increase in housing options, coupled
with an increase in the number of non-resident workers, will make the town busier and
increase retail expenditure and won‟t be detrimental to the community.




                                               20
4       Moranbah community perceptions study

The objective of the Community Perceptions Study was to identify community perceptions on
social issues relating to the location of non-resident workers in the Moranbah mining
community, as part of the Adaptive Communities initiative.

4.1     Methods

4.1.1   Community engagement

Through the Adaptive Communities initiative, the Moranbah community was informed of six
accommodation options and invited to vote for their preference. Strategies to inform the
community about the six options, gather feedback, and provide opportunities to vote for a
preference included:

       Public consultations and presentations
       Shopping centre displays
       Adaptive Communities website
       Telephone hotline
       Stall at Moranbah Markets




With the exception of the telephone hotline, Moranbah community members were invited
through these community engagement processes to participate in the Moranbah Community
Perceptions Study conducted by RSDC.

RSDC proposed to engage as broad a range of community members as possible in the short
time-frame of the project. In particular we aimed to reach the following key stakeholders in
our social research:
       Community leaders and service representatives
       Local business and industry
       Education representatives
       Youth
       Seniors
       Indigenous groups
       Parents
       Unemployed

4.1.2   Qualitative data collection

Given our engagement of the community through the Adaptive Communities initiative,
convenience sampling (a form of non-probability sampling) was used to recruit participants
through the public consultation sessions and other public presentations. Snowball sampling
techniques (another form of non-probability sampling) was also used with participants being
asked to nominate other individuals or groups who they thought should be involved.




                                             21
With the exception of the demographic data, all social research data collected was of a
qualitative nature and therefore its purpose was not to be quantified but rather to provide a
more in-depth understanding of the community‟s issues and concerns surrounding the
accommodation of non-resident mine workers. Given the non-probability sampling
techniques and the qualitative nature of the study, the findings are not representative of the
entire population of Moranbah.

Public consultations

A total of nine public consultations were conducted between 2 and 18 March, with four
sessions conducted on request for specific groups (school students and Isaac Regional
Council employees). Details for these sessions are as follows:

       Date and Time                       Location                    Type            No of
                                                                                   participants
 Wed 2 March (10am)             Moranbah Community Centre          Public          16
 Wed 2 March (7.30m)            Moranbah Community Centre          Public          5
 Thurs 3 March (10am)           Moranbah Community Centre          Public          4
 Thurs 3 March (7.30pm)         Moranbah Community Centre          Public          11
 Fri 4 March (9am)              Moranbah Community Centre          Public          4
 Thurs 10 March (7.30pm)        Moranbah Community Centre          Public          3
 Fri 11 March (9am)             Moranbah State High School         School          28 *
 Fri 11 March (11am)            Moranbah State High School         School          42 (approx) *
 Fri 11 March (7.30pm)          Moranbah Community Centre          Public
 Thurs 17 March (7.30pm)        Moranbah Community Centre          Public          1
 Fri 18 March (10am)            Moranbah Community Centre          Council         6
                                                                   Employees
 Fri 18 March (2pm)             Moranbah Community Centre          Council         8
                                                                   Employees
 Fri 18 March (7.30pm)          Moranbah Community Centre          Public          1
* School sessions were for information provision and educational purposes only. Students did not
vote and did not participate in the Community Perceptions Study.

A total of 59 community members provided feedback on the advantages and disadvantages
of non-resident mine workers living within the Moranbah township, and the advantages and
disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living outside of the Moranbah township.
Demographic data was collected from 43 participants.

Individual interviews

Community members who attended the public consultations, and other public presentations
at the local shopping centres and markets, were invited to participate in either a face-to-face
or telephone interview about their perceptions of the social issues associated with the
various accommodation choices to house non-resident mine workers.

The standardised, open-ended interviews commenced with an explanation of the study and
issues of confidentiality. Participants‟ consent to proceed with the interview and to have the
interview recorded was obtained. The interviews explored participants‟ perceptions of the
advantages and disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living within the Moranbah
township, and the advantages and disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living outside
of the Moranbah township. Demographic data was collected and participants were asked to
suggest names and contact details of other people in their community who may be interested


                                                 22
in participating in an individual interview. The interview schedule used for both the face-to-
face and telephone interviews is attached as Appendix 6.1. The interviews were recorded in
writing and audiotaped.

Individual interviews were conducted between 23 February and 11 March 2011 by qualified
members of the RSDC research team. A total of 80 community members participated in a
face-to-face interview and 24 participated in a telephone interview.

Focus group discussions

Five separate focus group discussions were conducted between 2 and 9 March 2011 with a
total of 25 community members, representing:

       Moranbah Interagency Forum (includes a range of health and community organisations
        and government representatives who provide services in Moranbah)
       Moranbah and District Support Services (a key community service in the Moranbah
        region)
       Emergency and Long Term Accommodation in Moranbah (ELAM) Inc
       Moranbah Youth Centre
       MRAEL Apprentice Services

The focus group discussions were recorded in writing and audiotaped. The group
discussions commenced with an explanation of the study and issues of confidentiality.
Participants‟ consent to proceed with the interview and to have the interview recorded was
obtained. The focus group discussions explored participants‟ perceptions of non-resident
mine workers living within the Moranbah township and non-resident mine workers living
outside of the Moranbah township. The focus groups further explored any specific concerns
or issues relating to the topic of accommodating non-resident mine workers. Demographic
data was collected. The interview schedule used for the focus group discussions is attached
as Appendix 6.2.




Online survey

Moranbah community members were also given the opportunity to „have their say‟ about the
social issues associated with accommodating non-resident mine workers in an online survey
linked to the Adaptive Communities voting website. This survey asked the same questions as
the individual interviews, which included perceptions of the advantages and disadvantages of
non-resident mine workers living within the Moranbah township and the advantages and
disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living outside of the Moranbah township (see
Appendix 6.3). As at 18 March 2011, a total of 33 community members completed this
survey. Their results have been collated and included with the similar data collected through
the public consultations, face-to-face and telephone interviews and focus group discussions.

4.1.3    Qualitative data analysis

Transcripts of the public consultations, face-to-face and telephone interviews and focus
group discussions and data from the online survey were used for the analysis. Thematic


                                              23
content analysis techniques were used to identify patterns and recurrent themes across all
forms of qualitative data (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992).

4.2     Findings

4.2.1   Socio-demographic characteristics of participants

The following Table 4.2.1 describes the demographic characteristics of 205 community
members who provided demographic data and who participated in the social research
process (including the public consultation meetings, individual face-to-face and telephone
interviews, focus group discussions and online survey).

Half of the participants were aged between 26 and 45 years and 55% of all participants were
female. The majority (89%) were residents of Moranbah, with most having lived in Moranbah
for more than two years (81%). Employment opportunities (48%) represented the most
common reason for living in Moranbah and the majority of participants were in full-time (71%)
employment and were non-shift workers (83%). Most participants were married (74%) and
had one or more children living at home (67%).

Table 4.2.1   Demographic characteristics of participants

                                                               Number           Percent
 Age group (n=203)
 15-25                                                                  17               8.4
 26-45                                                                 101              49.8
 46-55                                                                  52              25.6
 56-65                                                                  25              12.3
 65+                                                                     8               3.9
 Gender (n=203)
 Male                                                                   91              44.8
 Female                                                                112              55.2
 Resident of Moranbah (n=203)
 Yes                                                                   181              89.2
 No                                                                     22              10.8
 How long lived in Moranbah (n=175)
 Less than 1 year                                                       19              10.9
 1-2 years                                                              15               8.5
 More than 2 years                                                     141              80.6
 Main purpose for living in Moranbah (n=178)
 Employment opportunities                                               86              48.3
 Work commitments/contract obligations                                  18              10.1
 Financial                                                              24              13.5
 Family responsibilities                                                28              15.7
 Lifestyle                                                              17               9.6
 Always lived here                                                       5               2.8
 Work in the Moranbah region (n=193)
 Yes                                                                   166              86.0
 No                                                                     27              14.0




                                               24
Table 4.2.1   Demographic characteristics of participants cont.

                                                              Number           Percent
 Current employment status (n=202)
 Employed full-time                                                   144              71.3
 Employed part-time or casual                                          25              12.4
 Home duties or carer                                                  15               7.4
 Unemployed                                                             -                 -
 Full-time student                                                      7               3.5
 Part-time student                                                      3               1.5
 Retired                                                                8               3.9
 Unable to work                                                         -                 -
 Shift worker (n=201)
 Yes                                                                   35              17.4
 No                                                                   166              82.6
 Highest qualification completed (n=203)
 No formal qualifications                                               9               4.4
 Year 10                                                               33              16.3
 Year 12                                                               33              16.3
 Trade/apprenticeship                                                  31              15.3
 Certificate/diploma                                                   48              23.6
 University degree                                                     49              24.1
 Marital status (n=202)
 Married                                                              150              74.3
 De-Facto                                                              21              10.4
 Separated/Divorced                                                    14               6.9
 Widowed                                                                4               2.0
 Never married                                                         13               6.4
 Number of children living at home (n=190)
 None                                                                  62              32.6
 One or more                                                          128              67.4
 Cultural or ethnic group (n=200)
 None                                                                 174              87.0
 Aboriginal                                                             1               0.5
 Torres Strait Islander                                                 -                 -
 Other                                                                 25              12.5


4.2.2   Moranbah community perceptions

The common themes surrounding the participants‟ perceptions of the social issues relating to
the location of non-resident workers in the Moranbah mining community are summarised and
illustrated below. The themes are presented under the advantages and disadvantages of
non-resident mine workers living within the Moranbah township, and the advantages and
disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living outside of the Moranbah township. The
quotes are edited versions of the primary information, presented so as to reduce some of the
multiple repetitions and redundancies that characterise normal speech.

Advantages and disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living WITHIN the
Moranbah township

Local economic benefits

Benefits to the local economy were perceived as a positive outcome of having non-resident
workers (NRW) living with the Moranbah township. These benefits related largely to the


                                             25
support of local business with NRW having the opportunity to spend money locally and
contribute financially to the community. One participant explained this advantage as follows:

       Provides the chance and option for them [NRW] to spend money locally. If integrated
       into the community, they have a choice to use the community’s facilities, eat at
       restaurants, shop at our shops and those sorts of things.

Another participant stated:

       The advantages I see are that they would be utilising the existing facilities and local
       businesses a lot more. Obviously when you’re contained in a camp style situation and
       everything is provided for you, there is no reason to go down to the shop to buy a few
       things.

While there was strong recognition that NRW living within the township would contribute to
and support local business, some participants still perceived that these „transient‟ workers
would not make any significant contribution to the local economy, with the exception of pubs
and hotels. These participants were not convinced that NRW living within their community
would spend their money locally. As one participant stated:

       Most of them that come out here, whether they're in units or houses, they usually
       come out with their 4 slices of ham and their pieces of bread and basically they don't
       have to spend anything in the community. It’s all about saving as much money as
       possible so they can pay off their loans in Mackay, or wherever they come from and
       they have no connectivity with the town.

Population growth and development

A perceived positive of NRW living within Moranbah was the potential contribution that they
could have on population growth and development of the town, which for some, simply
meant “the more people, the more facilities”. For others, the sustainability of population
growth and development was intrinsically linked to the need to bring more families into the
community, which could only be possible with the availability of family-style accommodation.
As one participant stated:

       If the worker has the opportunity to live in a 2-bedroom apartment they would be
       more likely to bring their family out when he was working over-time or in school
       holidays. So I think it would bring more families to use the facilities in the community
       as well and possibly give the families the opportunity to experience a community of
       this nature. I think maybe there would definitely be a lot more families wanting to
       move out here.

Some participants felt that having a disproportionate number of NRW would “detract from the
community and family orientation of the town as NRW do not have the same vested interest
in supporting Moranbah‟s longevity.” As summarised by this participant:

       They use our resources, services and facilities, giving little, if anything, back to the
       community. We need workers and their families living in this town so that we have a
       balance within the population and the non-mine workers (wives or partners) would be
       available to contribute to our community.

The need to maintain a family friendly town and a sense of community in the face of
population growth and development was expressed by another participant:

       I believe very firmly that we need to have both. Obviously the community at the
       moment cannot support housing for everybody. But I do believe that we will lose the

                                              26
       social aspect of our town and the community family aspect of our town if we don't
       encourage people to live here. I can see that happening already.

Impact on infrastructure and services

A potential benefit associated with population growth and development was the perception
that it would improve the community‟s infrastructure (such as roads, schools, sports facilities)
and other services (such as medical facilities). Participants commented that:

       Having families here is most favourable - improve business, spend money, helps get
       better facilities and infrastructure, would get counted as living here on the Census,
       families can be together, facilities available for kids, good roads, get everything you
       need (for shopping) here.

       As a business owner, a more stable community allows everybody to enjoy the
       benefits of our mining town. In particular employment and social aspects of the
       community could only improve, and infrastructure growth with long-term residents.

The impact on infrastructure and services, particularly in light of NRW not being included in
local Census data, was also cited as one of the main disadvantages of NRW living within the
community. Increased traffic congestion and pressure on existing infrastructure such as
roads, sewerage and water were cited, as well as increased pressure on existing community
and social services such as emergency services, police, medical and dental services.
Participants stated such concerns as follows:

       When NRW are living in town, the town swells with a temporary population on top of
       its permanent population, it puts a strain on the resources, emergency services,
       health and all that sort of stuff because the funding is done on the Census of the
       permanent population. They don't care about how many transient workers come and
       go.

       We don't even have a 24-hour police station which is an issue in itself. They [NRW]
       will use our resources. They will use our food and doctors etc. If they were to live
       here, more services would have to be developed to cater for this (but who will work in
       these services if single men come without wives to help and work). They will take up
       room for permanent housing for families. … They are coming and using our facilities
       but not having any input into the good of the town. There would be more traffic on the
       roads. It is hard enough to go down Bacon Street as it is and find a park (all used by
       the workers living in the units). Imagine how awful it will be with more of them around.

Additionally, participants were concerned about the shortage of workers that would be
available to work in the service industries to cater for the increased demand on the town‟s
infrastructure and services. This is summarised by one participant:

       The demands on our services, our housing, police, all those services that are
       provided from the Census data which is not a true reflection of the population that
       they're servicing. The greatest disadvantage is that they only come here to work but
       they still want to go to Coles and Red Rooster but without their families here we don't
       have the population that is going to provide the workers for those service industries.
       Everyone whinges in Moranbah, you're lined up at the checkout at Coles for a long
       time, but that's because they are struggling to get staff … There's not a big pool of
       people that are going to be available for us in those service industries.




                                               27
Social capital

An increase in social capital emerged as a positive impact of NRW living within the
Moranbah township. Participants recognised the social benefits of integrating NRW into their
community. They felt it was important for NRW to have social contact and to feel part of the
community, and for NRW to have a sense of community ownership and responsibility. As
one participant commented:

       Ownership in terms of looking after the place and facilities. Behaviour changes when
       you have a sense of ownership of where you live and become part of the community.
       This is more so when you’re based in the community.

For some participants, social integration of NRW also meant the possibility that they would
reciprocate and contribute to the community in some form, such as supporting local sporting
clubs. However for others, an increase in NRW living in the community was disadvantageous
to sporting and recreational clubs, as the following participant states:

       The other disadvantage is the community organisations, the sporting groups - people
       come in and still join the clubs to play a sport during the week but they’re not here to
       be part of the working bees and committees to run these clubs. So the social and
       recreational structure has got again the same amount of people to support having all
       these opportunities but the population isn't growing to share the load - the same
       people doing are it on a number of committees.

It was also perceived that NRW living within the Moranbah township would not make any
contribution to the social capital of the community, largely because of their lack of community
pride and ownership, as explained by the following participant:

       They [NRW] don't really contribute to the town at all. Their numbers aren't registered
       here as a resident so I really can't see much benefit. No ownership or pride in the
       town so there's no involvement by them, no money coming into the town for growth.
       Basically there's more people, they use our services and basically they have no
       responsibility. There's no involvement in sports, things like that. They are people who
       just come to town - take what they have and there's no giving back - all take and no
       give.

Others expressed a „no care factor‟ among NRW, because “they are just coming and going,
they are not going to care what anything looks like, what goes on around them. They are just
here to work, go home and go back to their families.”

The absence of community ownership and responsibility was recognised by some as
essentially the nature of being a „transient‟ worker, and the subsequent lack of permanency
and engagement with the community that this brings. One participant explains this
disengagement as follows:

       When you’re a transient worker doing shutdown work you don’t support the local
       economy. You’re never going to while you’re in that line of work. You’re never going
       to have the attitude of permanency of where you’re living, so therefore you’re never
       going to feel some connection or responsibility for the town you’re living in at all. … I’d
       imagine you’d feel quite dislocated from the community.

Another participant also highlighted the contradictory nature of non-permanent residency and
community connectivity:

       Having many years worked in construction camps, you will find that most contractors
       when they finish their 12-hour shift, basically they just want to eat, have a bit of a

                                               28
       sleep and go back out to work the next day. They’re looking forward to their time
       when they get back to Brisbane, Mackay or wherever. So they've got no affection for
       the town. The vast majority have no affection for the town, they've got no interest in
       the town.

Anti-social behaviours

The lack of community connectivity and sense of ownership was also intrinsically linked to
one of the main disadvantages of having NRW living within Moranbah, which was the
concern about anti-social behaviours. As stated by the following participants:

       A lot of young people come into the community, they have no connections so they
       don't necessarily behave the way they would at home. Its exaggerated negative
       behaviour, which does impact on people and families in town.

       As I have seen first hand and being a drinker myself, alcohol abuse is prolific where a
       large number of men are housed in an area they are not responsible for. Respect for
       community members is low as they are here for their own interest. A quiet meal or
       beer at the local can become difficult.

Anti-social behaviours were largely discussed by participants in terms of excessive use of
alcohol by large groups of males, and subsequent negative behaviours such as fighting at
the pub and the harassment of women. Participants stated:

       Straight away with NRW I think loud, possibly aggressive, drinking some nights,
       sitting outside their front rooms, staggering around, that type of thing. I lived in a Mac
       camp for 2 years. There were men, rowdy people - that seems to be a lot of what
       happens, especially with the single ones.

       All they do is, well some of them, just go to the pub and cause fights and go home.

       99% are men who live a different life away from home. They get drunk, get into fights
       and annoy women and girls for sex.

A further disadvantage of NRW living within Moranbah was the perception that there would
be an increase in crime rates. In addition to alcohol-related violence, incidences such as theft
and vandalism were mentioned, as well as crimes of a sexual nature. Again this negative
perception was intrinsically linked to the nature of being a „transient worker‟ with no
community connectivity, as illustrated by participants below:

       Crime rate increases because they are just so transient. They are left with little
       responsibility of their immediate surroundings – they don't care because it’s not where
       they're from.

       I guess there is a higher chance of violence in the town, again this can happen with
       permanent people as well, but when you've got people away from their families,
       whether its males or females but I guess we're talking more males, they're more of
       the transient population. Naturally everyone likes to have a beer after work and
       they're all entitled to that, but they are more inclined if they're not going home to the
       wife and kids, they're more inclined to have that couple of extra beers and then have
       a greater risk of being in a violent situation.

       There have been several sexual assault instances within Moranbah Camps. I believe
       this is because there is a level of anonymity that goes with this lifestyle. These people
       (mainly men) might only be in Moranbah for one or two nights - maybe a week, and


                                               29
       then they disappear. There is no such thing as consequence in a town like this for
       them.

The concept of having an excessive number of males in the community was intimidating for
some participants, who felt it would threaten their sense of safety and security, as this
participant stated:

       We have made the decision to make Moranbah our home, and we need to feel safe
       in our own town....by putting 2500 non-resident workers, mainly men, into our town I
       believe that our safety and security would be jeopardised. There are already a large
       number of non-resident workers in Moranbah, and it can be quite daunting to be met
       by a "sea of orange workwear" as you walk up the street.

Participants‟ sense of safety was threatened by a „fear of the unknown‟. Some perceived that
there would be an increased level of anxiety, particularly for women and families, as they
would not know who they were living near.

Benefits for non-resident workers

An advantage of NRW living within Moranbah was the range of benefits for NRW
themselves, which included a sense of community and belonging, reduced travel and fatigue,
and a healthier home and family environment. These benefits for NRW are summarised by
participants:

       Being part of a community, the family can live here, have more family time, not driving
       back and forth – it’s safer.

       They would have a better lifestyle - won't be living, working and eating with the same
       people, more of a balanced life. They can become part of the cultural and sporting
       side of things without the travel factor. Further away from dust, noise, vibration of
       mine site (health effects).

Other advantages identified for NRW living within the Moranbah township included
employment opportunities through the growth and development of the town, and the
alleviation of a housing shortage with the construction of more accommodation.

Other disadvantages of NRW living within the Moranbah township included the gender
imbalance of more males and general concerns around housing affordability and land
availability.

Advantages and disadvantages of non-resident mine workers living OUTSIDE the
Moranbah township

Impact on infrastructure and services

Some participants felt that having NRW housed outside of town would “take the pressure off
the community in terms of its infrastructure and services”, as well as alleviate the existing
shortage of land and accommodation. Participants stated:

       Hopefully they will stay out of our town and not cause more chaos on the roads and
       other infrastructure that is being pushed over the limits.

       There is less social impact on the community. Non-resident workers will not care if
       they are housed inside or outside the town. All they want is their bed and food
       supplied til’ they get home again. Less traffic in town and leaves more land available
       for house blocks for family style living.

                                              30
However other participants recognised that an increase of NRW in the vicinity of Moranbah
would continue to put strain on the already pressured infrastructure and services of the town,
particularly emergency services, police and medical services. As stated by one participant:

       They are still going to draw on our resources - emergency services, health care
       workers and things like that because if anything happens out at the camps, it’s the
       Moranbah emergency services or resources that are going to have to sort these
       problems out or treat these people as they should be treated. It’s hard enough to get
       a dentist appointment here. These people are entitled to these services where they
       live, but in a small town we don't get the extra funding because we are just a small
       town. If you've got 2000 people in a camp out of town, it’s going to put way more
       pressure on resources that are stretched.

Some participants believed that mining companies should make some financial contribution
to the community so that infrastructure and essential services can be maintained for their
increasing workforces. As one participant suggested:

       If they are going to have camp people or FIFO, then the companies should be
       charged per head per person and contribute back to the community in some way. If
       they've got 500 people there outside of town they should be contributing back in
       someway to Council so at least they can maintain services. I'm sure the Council gets
       some funding from them, but perhaps it should be additional funding per person. As
       well, that might put more people in other accommodation if they know they are going
       to get hit in the pocket by having people in camp accommodation. It might be
       worthwhile building units and putting them in the town.

Lack of community contribution

One of the main disadvantages highlighted in relation to NRW living outside of Moranbah
was the lack of contribution to the community, which one participant highlighted as:

       No economic, family, social, cultural or sporting benefit from people who live
       elsewhere, who come here and work for 5 days and go home.

There was strong recognition that there is little support for local businesses from NRW living
outside of Moranbah, with some participants having a sense that NRW are “all take and no
give”. Such comments included:

       The money earned in our community is not being spent in our community.

       They come and dust us out without input into the town.

It was also recognised that having NRW living outside of town was disadvantageous to the
future growth and development of Moranbah. For some people, this was intrinsically linked to
the broader issue of an increasing proportion of transient workers in the mining industry
which affects Moranbah. As this participant illustrates:

       If the mining companies are going to adopt that attitude which they’re moving
       towards, ie having an increasing high proportion of transient workers, it doesn’t add to
       the growth of the community, it doesn’t support local business, it doesn’t support the
       local economy.




                                              31
A family town

As highlighted previously, the anti- „transient worker‟ sentiment expressed by participants
was linked to a fundamental need to maintain a family-friendly environment in the face of
population growth and development.

For this reason, some participants felt that it was advantageous having NRW accommodated
outside of town because it would maintain the aesthetic, family environment of Moranbah.
Participants stated:

       If they [NRW] are out of town altogether then our community can get on, you don't
       have to worry, the children are still safe. Not that I am saying people in those camps
       aren't safe but if you want a family environment, leave us the way we are and yes
       build camps out of town where they are bussed to the site, flown to the site, taken
       there and vice versa.

       It allows the companies to monitor behaviour easily. It is a self-contained
       environment. It allows the town to focus on its family friendly and community oriented
       activities without worrying about adding to the ever present parade of strangers
       through the town. It will encourage new residents who will feel that they are actually
       moving to a town and not a giant mining camp. There will be less traffic in and around
       the town and all the issues associated with that. There are real benefits to camps
       being ""out of sight out of mind".

The importance of having a sense of community, which for some meant more permanent
residents than temporary residents in town, was also perceived as an advantage for having
NRW live outside of Moranbah.

Some participants also expressed concern over the use of scarce land in Moranbah for high
density dwellings as opposed to larger housing blocks which would encourage family
settlement.

       If we look at the ULDA situation where they are going to use up all of our green space
       for accommodation and put them [NRW] into 3 or 4 story high-rise and 60 dwellings
       per hectare, basically we are going to be a second class society here in Moranbah. If
       we are going to use all our land, where are people that want to come and live here
       with their families with 2 or 3 children, where is the land for those guys, or are they
       going to have to move down to a 400 square block rather than a 800 square block?

Anti-social behaviours

One of the main advantages cited for housing NRW outside of town was the concept of “out
of sight, out of mind”. Having NRW „contained‟ within camps outside of town meant for some,
a reduced risk of anti-social behaviours in the community. As stated by these participants:

       It removes the possibility of anti-social behaviours impacting negatively on families.
       Less nuisance caused by noise of traffic and parties during the week when kids are
       trying to sleep.

       I guess there is the unsavoury character and unsavoury behaviour that is not going to
       be as prominent in the community because they're all going to be out of the
       community. That's the main benefit.

It also meant for some, a safer community with fewer alcohol-related incidences and less
intimidation by large groups of men.


                                              32
       They [NRW] stay away from our clubs, shops and restaurants, it makes it a safer
       place for our kids rather than having all these cashed up single blokes roaming the
       streets and hanging out in the pubs causing trouble. More people would eat out if it
       wasn't for the harassment we get when going to the pubs and clubs.

Social disintegration

As illustrated previously, there were strong negative perceptions of the characteristics of
NRW by some community members, with the use of language such as “unsavoury
characters”, “strangers”, “riff-raff”.

This stigmatisation and segregation was recognised by other participants as a disadvantage
to NRW living outside of town, which many believed incited a “them and us” mentality,
causing social disintegration and division within the community.

       It’s segregating - makes it worst having them [NRW] living separate out on the
       outskirts. It encourages that ‘us and them’ mentality. It’s isolating, builds resentment,
       and creates locals vs 'out of towners'. There is less ownership over what they do in
       town. … I think too the social impact, the locals vs others, when they're at the pub or
       wherever, it sets up that group mentality again.

Others also felt that having NRW living outside of town was socially ostracising, isolating and
discriminatory, as this participant highlights:

       It isolates people – makes them feel like they're not part of a community. They’re not
       integrated into the community. It’s discrimination against contract workers - creates
       an ‘us and them’ mentality.

For others, the lack of community ownership and responsibility was a key factor in the
segregation of NRW. Participants stated:

       They have no ownership within our community, no responsibility for our community
       and no respect for our towns’ values as they most likely will feel like outsiders and
       aliens. For sure, there will be many times when some of these people will come to
       town and cause trouble within the community, probably because they may feel they
       are outsiders.

       They don't have access to Moranbah facilities. There is no pride or ownership … No
       humanity or diversity, no opportunity to mix with other people outside mining. They
       are isolated. It’s not good for workers’ physical and mental health. It segregates
       Moranbah into different groups. It can create a 'pack mentality' when they come into
       town - no social norms. They struggle to integrate and there’s an increase in violence
       with no accountability.

Impacts on non-resident workers

In addition to the stigmatisation and segregation of NRW (discussed above), participants
highlighted other negative impacts for NRW housed outside of town. These included the
absence of a sense of community and belonging for NRW; isolation from their family; an
unhealthy lifestyle (associated with alcohol and food intake); and risks of accidents from
fatigue and driving long distances. As one participant highlighted:

       Health wise, it doesn't exactly encourage a healthy lifestyle. In construction camps
       you put on weight, probably drink double what you would anywhere else.
       Unfortunately the social environment revolves around a wet mess. You’re still
       removed from your family, and have issues being isolated from your family.

                                               33
Other participants perceived that there were advantages for NRW living outside of
Moranbah, including less travel time to their work site; subsidised accommodation; and
„hassle-free‟ living with everything provided for them. Some of these benefits are summarised
by this participant:

       They walk back up to their rooms, probably within a 10min walk, they haven't got a
       1/2 hr travel, they get in that extra stubbie and they can also have a bit more of a
       sleep at night time. They don't have to be out on the road - the only time is when they
       are travelling backwards and forwards to Mackay or Rockhampton, or wherever
       they're going.

Other advantages less commonly identified for NRW living outside of Moranbah included a
reduced impact on land and housing availability; and a less negative impact on gender
balance.

5      Conclusions

Community members who participated in our study highlighted a range of social impacts
relating to non-resident workers living either within or outside of their community. The main
advantages of NRW living within Moranbah included economic benefits to local business;
potential population growth and development of the town (including improved infrastructure,
services and facilities); an increase in social capital for the community; and benefits for the
NRW themselves.

Some of these positive social impacts were also perceived to be disadvantageous, with
beliefs that accommodating NRW within the township would create more pressure on
existing infrastructure and services (as NRW are not included in the Census); and have a
negative impact on the development of a „family friendly‟ town. The perceived increase in
anti-social behaviour and crime among NRW was the salient negative impact which
threatened this family orientation and the community‟s sense of safety and social cohesion.

This negative social impact was also perceived to be one of the most important advantages
for NRW living outside of Moranbah, with perceptions that anti-social behaviour and crime
would be lessened – an „out of sight, out of mind‟ mentality. Other advantages of NRW being
accommodated outside of Moranbah included less strain on the town‟s existing infrastructure
and services; preserving the aesthetic and family nature of the town; and positive lifestyle
benefits for NRW themselves. The disadvantages of NRW living outside of the Moranbah
township included the loss of economic benefits to local businesses; the continued strain on
infrastructure and services; the persistence of anti-social behaviour; social disintegration
between the community and NRW; and other negative impacts for NRW.

In considering the accommodation of additional NRW in the Moranbah region, the community
members in this study highlighted, and gave a voice to, many of the social impacts
evidenced in our literature review. This included the impacts on local businesses and
services, on economic and population growth, on the community‟s social capital and social
integration; and the consequences of an imbalanced gender and non-permanent workforce.
Issues specifically relating to these social impacts which were highlighted by participants in
this study will be discussed as follows, with recommendations to addressing the community‟s
concerns and perceptions.

Impacts on local business, infrastructure and services

While the location of NRW within the community may provide some local economic benefits,
the extent to which this would occur was questioned. For instance, should food and other
essential living items be provided to NRW as part of their accommodation package, the

                                               34
economic benefits to the community may be lessened. Furthermore if the community‟s
perceptions are true that NRW don‟t want to spend their money locally and just want to „eat,
sleep and go back to work‟, then again the economic benefits may not be fully realised.

For community members to fully embrace more NRW living in their community, there needs
to be greater clarity around these practical and logistical accommodation issues, and a
greater understanding of the true economic benefits and opportunities for the community and
local business.

Additionally, the realisation that NRW are not included in Census data and therefore do not
bring about improved infrastructure, facilities and services to the community also needs to be
addressed. Irrespective of where NRW are accommodated (ie either within or outside of the
community), there was a strong perception that any increase in a non-permanent workforce
would place additional pressure on already strained infrastructure and services. In the 2006
Census „usual residence‟ data was based on where „people usually live‟ at the time of the
Census. Additional Census data needs to be collected that will enable an accurate analysis
of the temporary populations working and utilising the infrastructure, services and resources
of mining communities such as Moranbah. Collective lobbying with other local governments
and communities who also have large temporary populations needs to be undertaken to
change the current Census data collection measure, so that a fairer distribution of regional
funding can be gained for these communities. The recent Bowen Basin Population Report
2010, which provides population measures for both the resident and non-resident population
may assist in this process.

Furthermore, an analysis of local data from existing community, social and health services
could provide an assessment of the actual use of these services by both permanent and non-
permanent residents. This would present a „real‟ rather than perceived representation of
usage of these services by NRW.

Population growth and development

Community members perceived that there would be little economic and social benefits for the
community from an increase in a „temporary‟ population, unless there was the possibility that
NRW would become permanent residents of Moranbah. Sustainable population growth for
this community simply meant a need for more permanent workers and their partners and
families. Without this, there would be an increasing shortage of people available to work in
the service industries required to cater to the demands of mining growth, as well as an
increasing shortage of people available to contribute to the community‟s social capital. As
highlighted in the literature review, attracting and retaining staff in industries other than
mining is a serious issue for these communities, together with the declining pool of
volunteers that support social and community services and social infrastructure such as sport
and recreation clubs.

The community‟s need to encourage more permanent workers and families into their
community could be assisted through a „family exchange‟ program, where a local Moranbah
family hosts a NRW for a family meal and/or hosts a NRW and his/her family for the
weekend. This could be in conjunction with a „family fun day‟, celebrating and showcasing
Moranbah as a liveable community. This would enable positive social interactions to take
place, where Moranbah residents are given the opportunity to promote the positive benefits
of living in their community, and NRW are provided the opportunity to consider this as an
option.

Social capital and social disintegration

While some community members recognised the social benefits of integrating NRW into their
community, those in opposition had strong negative sentiments towards NRW. This was

                                              35
largely based on the perceptions of increased anti-social behaviour and crime among NRW,
and a mind-set that immediately associates NRW with work camps and large groups of
males. From this qualitative study, it appears that there is already an existence of social
disintegration between non-permanent and permanent residents, and a level of
stigmatisation and fear of NRW. As stated in the literature review, a „lack of integration
creates a strong sense of „us versus them‟ and mine-workers are blamed for a
disproportionate share of the crime and anti-social behaviour.‟ This was certainly apparent in
our community perceptions study. However, there has been some evidence of increasing
crime and anti-social behaviour in the Isaac region, especially for sexual assault (Petkova et
al, 2009). The community‟s concerns are „real‟ and such increases in crime in their Council
region need to be better understood. Whether these increases have occurred within
Moranbah, or whether they are relative to other towns or mining camps within the region
needs further clarification. Such information may help to address the social fears that already
exist in this community and provide the information required to address this critical social
issue.

While the over-masculinisation of the workforce and over-consumption of alcohol is seen to
cause higher levels of anti-social behaviour, increases in anti-social behaviour in mining
communities have been linked to the exponential growth of temporary residents and
declining acquaintanceships (Lockie, 2009). Community members in this study did attribute a
lack of community connectivity and sense of community ownership and responsibility to
increased anti-social behaviour among NRW.

Local government and mining companies may need to work together to develop strategies to
create greater social cohesion in this mining town. Community capacity building efforts to
increase social and communal responsibility among both non-permanent and permanent
residents could be considered. For example, community events that are inclusive of NRW
which celebrate the community‟s diversity and what it means to be a mining town; organised
community sporting events for non-permanent and permanent residents; and other strategies
which invite NRW to contribute to, or be a part of this community.

Non-resident workers

While community members in this study also stated the advantages and disadvantages of
residing either within or outside of Moranbah for NRW themselves, the voice of NRW is
obviously missing in this study. Non-resident workers, who are central to this discussion,
need the opportunity to speak for themselves. While NRW had the opportunity to participate
in this social research, they were not specifically targeted. It is therefore recommended that
further research and/or consultations are undertaken that specifically target NRW to gain an
understanding of their opinions and views on these accommodation choices that affect them,
as well as their perceptions and experiences of being a non-permanent, „transient‟ worker.



6      Recommendations

The following are key recommendations for addressing some of these social impacts.

     For community members to fully embrace an increase in NRW living within their
     community, there needs to be a greater understanding of the true economic benefits
     and opportunities for the community and local business.

     The realisation that NRW are not included in Census data and therefore do not bring
     about improved infrastructure, facilities and services to the community also needs to be
     addressed. Collective lobbying with other local governments and communities who also
     have large temporary populations needs to be undertaken to change the current

                                              36
Census data collection measure, so that a fairer distribution of regional funding can be
gained for these communities. The recent Bowen Basin Population Report 2010, which
provides population measures for both the resident and non-resident population may
assist in this process.

An analysis of local data from existing community, social and health services could
provide an assessment of the actual use of these services by both permanent and non-
permanent residents. This would present a „real‟ rather than perceived representation
of usage of these services by NRW.

The community‟s expressed need to encourage more permanent workers and families
into their community could be assisted through a „family exchange‟ program, where a
local Moranbah family hosts a NRW for a family meal and/or hosts a NRW and his/her
family for the weekend. This could be in conjunction with a „family fun day‟, celebrating
and showcasing Moranbah as a liveable community. This would enable positive social
interactions to take place, where Moranbah residents are given the opportunity to
promote the positive benefits of living in their community, and NRW are provided the
opportunity to consider this as an option.

The community‟s concerns about the increases in crime and anti-social behaviour
among NRW need to be better understood. Whether these increases have occurred
within Moranbah, or whether they are relative to other towns or mining camps within the
region needs further clarification. Such information may help to address the social fears
that already exist in this community and provide the information required to address this
critical social issue.

Local government and mining companies may need to work together to develop
strategies to create greater social cohesion in this mining town. Community capacity
building efforts to increase social and communal responsibility among both non-
permanent and permanent residents could be considered. For example, community
events that are inclusive of NRW which celebrate the community‟s diversity and what it
means to be a mining town; organised community sporting events for non-permanent
and permanent residents; and other strategies which invite NRW to contribute to, or be
a part of this community.

While NRW had the opportunity to participate in this social research, they were not
specifically targeted. It is therefore recommended that further research and/or
consultations are undertaken specifically target NRW to gain an understanding of their
opinions and views on these accommodation choices that affect them, as well as their
perceptions and experiences of being a non-permanent, „transient‟ worker.




                                         37
7      References

ACIL Tasman (2009) Fly-in Fly-out and Regional Impact Assessments. Final Report for
Regional Development Council.
http://rdl.wa.gov.au/OpenFile.ashx?Mode=446E37686749376A356D684D2B6E6D6D4D6E5
55273773D3D&ContentID=4154794156765533346D633D

AHURI 2009 Housing Affordability & shortages in resource boom towns in Research and
Policy Bulletin Issue 120 September

Bofinger, C., E Mahon, D Cliff, K Heiler 2001 Fitness for duty the findings of the ACARP
scoping study. Paper for Queensland Mining Industry Health and Safety Conference.
http://www.qrc.org.au/conference/_dbase_upl/2001_spk005_Bofinger_Mahon.pdf

Brereton, D., & Venables, M. (2002). The work-home interface: implications for workplace
health and safety. Paper presented to Queensland Mining Industry Health and Safety
Conference, Townsville, Queensland.

Carrington, K., A McIntosh and J Scott 2010 Globalisation, frontier masculinities and
violence: booze, blokes and brawls. British Journal of Criminology. 50. Pp. 393-413.

CFMEU Mining & Energy Division QLD (2010) Social Impact in Review. Mining and
Community Review Forum. Conference Paper. Available at
http://www.bowenbasin.cqu.edu.au/events/Mackay%20Mining%20and%20Community%20R
esearch%20Forum%202010/Session%203/P3_3%20Vaccaneo%20SIA%20Critique.pdf

Chamber of Minerals & Energy Western Australia 2005 Fly in Fly Out: A Sustainability
perspective. Perth WA.

Clifford, S 2009 The impacts of Fly-in/ Fly out commuting on employee‟s stress, lifestyle,
relationships and health http://ahuriwa.curtin.edu.au/local/docs/SusanClifford.pdf

Collinson, D.L. (1998). Shifting lives: work-home pressures in the north sea oil industry.
Canadian review of sociology and anthropology, 35, 301-324.

Di Milia, L. 2006 Shift work, sleepiness and long distance driving. Transportation Research
Part F 9. Pp. 278–285

Economic Associates 2010 Galilee Basin economic and social impact study. Final report for
Department of Employment, Economic Development and Innovation –Rockhampton Centre.
http://www.deedi.qld.gov.au/information-about/181.htm

Franks, DM., D Brereton and CJ Moran 2010 Managing the cumulative impacts of coal
mining on regional communities and environments in Australia Impact Assessment and
Project Appraisal, 28(4), December, Pp 299–312.

Freeleagus, P. 2006 Coal & Community. Paper given at Social and Economic Impacts of
Mining Forum. Emerald.
http://www.bowenbasin.cqu.edu.au/events/Social%20and%20Economic%20Impacts%20of%
20Mining%20Forum%20May06.html

Gillies, ADS, GD Just & HW WU 1991 The success of fly-in fly out Australian Mining
operations. Proceedings; Second Gold Forum on Technology & Practice. The AusIMM.
Melbourne. April. Pp. 391-97. http://gwmt.com.au/Papers/1991/1991%20-%20April%20-
%20FIFO%20operations.pdf


                                              38
Glesne, C. and Peshkin, A. (1992) Becoming qualitative researchers. White Plains NY:
Longman.

Goodman, J. and D Worth 2008 The minerals boom and Australia‟s resource curse. Journal
of Australian Political Economy. No 61. Pp. 201-219

Heiler, K., Pickersgill, R. & Briggs, C. ( 2000). Working time arrangements in the Australian
mining industry. Trends and interest with particular reference to occupational health and
safety. The University of Sydney, Australian Centre for Industrial Relations Research and
Training.

Hogan L & P Berry 2000 Mining & Regional Australia: some implications of long distance
community. Australian Commodities. Vol 7. No. 4. Pp. 648-59.

Lockie, S. M Franettovich, S Sharma, & J Rolfe 2008 Democratisation versus engagement?
Social and economic impact assessment and community participation in the coal mining
industry of the Bowen Basin, Australia. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 26 (3)
Sept. Pp. 177-87.

Lockie, S. M Franettovich, V Petkova-Timmer, J Rolfe & G Ivanova 2009 Coal Mining and
the Resource Community Cycle: a longitudinal assessment of the social impacts of the
Coppabella Coal Mine. Environmental Impact Assessment Review 29. Pp. 330-38

Mann, J., D Akbar & L Greer 2010 Accessibility of family services in a Central Queensland
Mining town. Conference Paper SEGRA October

Minerals Council of Australia 2005. Enduring Value: the Australian Minerals Industry
Framework for Sustainable Development.
http://www.minerals.org.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/19833/EV_SummaryBooklet_June20
05.pdf

Nancarrow, H., S Lockie & S Sharma 2008 Intimate partner abuse of women in the Bowen
Basin and Mackay region of Central Queensland. Report to Criminological Research Council.
Australian Institute of Criminology. Australia.

OESR (2011) Bowen Basin Population Report 2010. The State of Queensland (Queensland
Treasury).

Petkova, V., S Lockie, J Rolfe & G Ivanova 2009 Mining Development and Social Impacts on
Communities: Bowen Basin Case Studies. Rural Society. 19: 3 211-228

Rolfe, J., S Lockie & M Franettovich. 2003 Economic and Social Impacts of the Coppabella
Mine on Nebo Shire & the Mackay Region, April. Report for Australian Premium Coals.

Rolfe, J. and G Ivanova 2006 Survey of Moranbah Households. Impacts of the Coal Mining
Expansion on Moranbah and Associated Community. Research Report No.27.
Rockhampton, QLD. CQ University

Rolfe, J., B Miles, S Lockie & G Ivanova 2007a Lessons from the social and economic
impacts of the mining boom in the Bowen Basin 2004-2006. Australian Journal of Regional
Studies. 13 (2), Pp. 134-53.

Rolfe, J., V Petkova, S Lockie and G Ivanova 2007b Mining Impacts on the Development of
the Moranbah Township. Impacts of the Coal Mining Expansion on Moranbah and
Associated Community. Research Report No. 7. Rockhampton, QLD. CQ University


                                              39
Rolfe, J. D Akbar, G Ivanova, L Greer, P Donaghy, V Timmer & B Yabsley 2009 Social and
Economic Impact Assessment of the Codrilla Coal Mine Project. Centre for Environmental
Management.

Sharma, S (2010) The impact of mining on women: lessons from the coal mining Bowen
Basin of Queensland, Australia. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal, 28(3), September
2010, pages 201–215

Shrimpton, M., & Storey, K. (1991). Fly-in mining: pluses and minuses of long-distance
commuting. The Mining Review, 15 (6), 27-35.

Solomon, F., E Katz and Roy Lovel 2007 Social Dimensions of mining in Australia-
understanding the minerals industry as a social landscape. CSIRO Minerals.
Storey, K. 2010 Fly-in/Fly-out: Implications for Community Sustainability Sustainability, 2, Pp.
1161-118

Torkington, A., S Larkins & TS Gupta (2009) Flying High, feeling low? The mental health
impacts of fly-in/fly-out mining on mining employees. Conference Presentation.
http://www.phcris.org.au/phplib/filedownload.php?file=/elib/lib/downloaded_files/conference/p
resentations/6476_conf_abstract_amandator.pdf

Yabsley, E, J. Rolfe and L.Greer 2008 Smoothing the peaks and troughs: modelling housing
and infrastructure for informed policy development and sustainable management of mining
communities. ISRD Report for Department of Tourism, Regional Development and Industry.
Research Report No 6. Rockhampton, QLD. CQ University




                                              40
8   Appendix




               41
                                                                         Appendix 6.1 – Individual Interview schedule



                                            Moranbah Community
                                              Perceptions Study

     We are assisting Isaac Regional Council to gather the community‟s opinions and advice about the various
              accommodation choices to house workers associated with the current mining growth.

 In particular, we would like to ask you a few questions about how you think these different housing choices may
                                      affect you, your family or your community.

Please be assured that anything you write is completely confidential. No participants will be identified in this study.




1.    What do you think are the advantages of non-resident workers living within the Moranbah
      township?




2.    What do you think are the disadvantages of non-resident workers living within the Moranbah
      township?



3.    What do you think are the advantages of non-resident workers living outside the Moranbah
      township?



4.    What do you think are the disadvantages of non-resident workers living outside the Moranbah
      township?




5.    Is there anything else you would like to say about this topic?



                       Please help us to give other community members the
                            opportunity to ‘have a say’ about this topic
If you know of someone else who would be happy to be contacted by phone to participate in an interview
or to participate in one of our case studies, please write their name and number below. Please be
assured that this information will be kept strictly confidential and only be used by members of the
research team.

Name of other person:                    ________________________________

Phone No. of other person:               Home: ________________               Mobile: ____________________

Relationship to you: _________________________________________________________


                                                          42
                                                                          Appendix 6.1 – Individual Interview schedule
To help us to ensure that we reach a wide range of community members, could you please
answer a few quick questions about yourself …
6.   Please indicate which age group you are in.         □15-25 □26-45 □46-55                 □56-65        □65+
7.   Please indicate your gender.       □ Male               □ Female
8.   Are you a resident of Moranbah?    □ Yes → If yes, go to Q9
                                        □ No → If no, go to Q11
9.   How long have you lived in the Moranbah community?    □Less than 1 year
                                                           □1-2 yrs
                                                           □More than 2yrs
10. What is your main purpose for living in this community? (Mark one only)

     □ Employment opportunities                     □ Family responsibilities
     □ Work commitments/contract obligations        □ Lifestyle
     □ Financial                                    □ Always lived here
11. Do you work in the Moranbah region?       □ Yes        □ No
12. What is your present marital status? □ Married         □ De Facto                       □ Separated/Divorced
                                         □ Widowed         □ Never married
13. How many children do you have living at home?           _________

14. What cultural or ethnic group do you identify with?

     □ None         □ Aboriginal           □ Torres Strait Islander         □ Other ____________________
15. What is the highest qualification you have completed? (Mark one only)

     □ No formal qualifications
     □ Year 10 (eg School Certificate)
     □ Year 12 (eg Higher School Certificate)
     □ Trade/Apprenticeship (eg hairdresser, chef)
     □ Certificate/diploma (eg child care, technician)
     □ University degree
16. Which one best describes your current employment status? (Mark one only)

     □ Employed full-time                           □ Full-time student
     □ Employed part-time or casual                 □ Part-time student
     □ Home duties or carer                         □ Retired
     □ Unemployed                                   □ Unable to work
17. Are you a shift worker?

                                                           43
                    Appendix 6.1 – Individual Interview schedule

□ Yes   □ No




               44
                                                                      Appendix 6.2 – Focus Group Discussion


                                  Moranbah Community
                                    Perceptions Study


Focus Group Interview Schedule
Introduction

1. Introduce RSDC and its role as a community development organisation

2. Explain Adaptive Communities and the social research component

      We are assisting Isaac Regional Council to gather the community‟s opinions and advice about
      the various accommodation choices to house workers associated with the current mining growth.

      We are part of the Adaptive Communities team that is seeking the community‟s input into the
      challenge of accommodating and integrating the 2,500 additional workers who will come into the
      Moranbah region in upcoming months.

      The community is being asked to vote on accommodation choices to house non-resident mining
      workers. There are a variety of ways to vote, including voting at information booths at the
      Community Centre and the Moranbah Shopping Fair; voting via a telephone hotline and voting
      through the Adaptive Communities website.

      Our role, as social researchers, is to find out what the community thinks about the social impacts
      of where non-resident mining workers live. For example, what impact do you think it might have
      on employment, community and social services, business, housing etc.

      So today, we would like to have an informal discussion about how you think these different
      housing choices may affect you or your family or your community. There are no right or wrong
      answers, just your opinions and beliefs. Remember everyone is entitled to their own opinion and
      we must be respectful of that whether we agree with it or not. We are very interested in a range
      of opinions and differing viewpoints.

      So before we go any further, does everyone know each other here [IF NOT ALLOW
      INTRODUCTIONS TO TAKE PLACE].

      As part of our research, we need to record this group discussion. However, please be assured
      that anything you say is completely confidential. No participants will be identified in this study in
      any way. The only people who will have access to this recording are the researchers employed
      by the Regional and Social Development Centre in Mackay.

      If you agree to be a part of this group discussion, could you please complete the Consent Form
      and the short survey. The survey will help us to ensure that we reach a wide range of community
      members.

   FACILITATOR ….

   ALLOW PARTICIPANTS TIME TO COMPLETE THESE FORMS AND THEN COLLECT
   PROCEED TO QUESTIONS
   ENSURE THE TAPE RECORDER IS SET TO RECORD
   TAKE NOTES
                                                    45
                                                                   Appendix 6.2 – Focus Group Discussion




Questions

1.   What sorts of things come to your mind when you think about non-resident mining workers?



2.   What do you think about non-resident workers living within the Moranbah township?

            Are there any advantages?       What are they?

            What about any disadvantages?



3.   What do you think about non-resident workers living outside the Moranbah township?

            Are there any advantages?       What are they?

            What about any disadvantages?



4.   Are there any specific concerns about this issue for the community?



5.   What about any specific concerns at a personal level?



Other prompts

     Why do you think people feel this way?
     How do you think it affects local employment?
     How do you think it affects local business?
     How do you think it affects the local housing industry?
     How do you think it affects community and social services?
     How do you think it affects health-related services?
     How do you think it affects crime and anti-social behaviour in the community?




THANK EVERYONE FOR THEIR PARTICIPATION AND CONTRIBUTION


REMIND THEM TO VOTE FOR THEIR CHOICE ON ACCOMMODATING NON-RESIDENT
WORKERS



                                                   46
                                                                                   Appendix 6.2 – Focus Group Discussion

                                            Moranbah Community
                                              Perceptions Study

                      To help us to ensure that we reach a diverse range of community members,
                      could you please answer a few quick questions about yourself …


1. Please indicate which age group you are in.         □15-25           □26-45 □46-55                □56-65          □65+
2. Please indicate your gender.□ Male                 □ Female
3. Are you a resident of Moranbah?  □ Yes →                 If yes, go to Q4              □ No → If no, go to Q6
4. How long have you lived in the Moranbah community?              □Less than 1 year       □1-2 yrs □More than 2yrs
5. What is your main purpose for living in this community? (Mark one only)

   □ Employment opportunities                □ Family responsibilities     □ Always lived here
   □ Work commitments/contract obligations □ Lifestyle                     □ Financial
6. Do you work in the Moranbah region?       □ Yes         □ No
7. What is your present marital status? □ Married          □ De Facto           □ Separated/Divorced
                                        □ Widowed          □ Never married
8. How many children do you have living at home?               _________

9. What cultural or ethnic group do you identify with?

   □ None           □ Aboriginal             □ Torres Strait Islander            □ Other ____________________
10. What is the highest qualification you have completed? (Mark one only)

    □ No formal qualifications                        □ Trade/Apprenticeship (eg hairdresser, chef)
    □ Year 10 (eg School Certificate)                 □ Certificate/diploma (eg child care, technician)
    □ Year 12 (eg Higher School Certificate)          □ University degree
11. Which one best describes your current employment status? (Mark one only)

    □ Employed full-time              □ Full-time student
    □ Employed part-time or casual    □ Part-time student
    □ Home duties or carer            □ Retired
    □ Unemployed                      □ Unable to work
12. Are you a shift worker?   □ Yes □ No
                                Please help us to give other community members the
                                     opportunity to ‘have a say’ about this topic
If you know of someone else who would be happy to be contacted by phone to participate in an interview or to participate in one
of our case studies, please write their name and number below. Please be assured that this information will be kept strictly
confidential and only be used by members of the research team.

Name of other person:               ________________________________
Phone No. of other person:                   Home: ________________                Mobile: ____________________

                                                              47
                                                                Appendix 6.2 – Focus Group Discussion
Relationship to you: ________________________________________________________




                                                 48
                                                                                        Appendix 6.3 – Online Survey


                                              Moranbah Community
                                                Perceptions Study
       We are assisting Isaac Regional Council to gather the community‟s opinions and advice about the various
                accommodation choices to house workers associated with the current mining growth.

     In particular, we would like to ask you a few questions about how you think these different housing choices may
                                          affect you, your family or your community.

Please be assured that anything you write is completely confidential. No participants will be identified in this study.

1.       What do you think are the advantages of non-resident workers living within the Moranbah
         township?

2.       What do you think are the disadvantages of non-resident workers living within the Moranbah
         township?

3.       What do you think are the advantages of non-resident workers living outside the Moranbah
         township?

4.       What do you think are the disadvantages of non-resident workers living outside the Moranbah
         township?

5.       Is there anything else you would like to say about this topic?

To help us to ensure that we reach a wide range of community members, could you please
answer a few quick questions about yourself …
6.     Please indicate which age group you are in.    □15-25  □26-45 □46-55 □56-65 □65+
7.     Please indicate your gender.                  □ Male   □ Female
8.     Are you a resident of Moranbah?    □ Yes → If yes, go to Q9 □ No → If no, go to Q11
9.     How long have you lived in the Moranbah community? □Less than 1 year □1-2 yrs □More than 2yrs
10. What is your main purpose for living in this community? (Mark one only)

    □ Employment opportunities                □ Family responsibilities     □ Always lived here
    □ Work commitments/contract obligations □ Lifestyle                     □ Financial
11. Do you work in the Moranbah region?       □ Yes         □ No
12. What is your present marital status? □ Married          □ De Facto           □ Separated/Divorced
                                         □ Widowed          □ Never married
13. How many children do you have living at home?          _________

14. What cultural or ethnic group do you identify with?

       □ None        □ Aboriginal          □ Torres Strait Islander         □ Other ____________________
                                                                               Appendix 6.3 – Online Survey


15. What is the highest qualification you have completed? (Mark one only)

    □ No formal qualifications
    □ Year 10 (eg School Certificate)
    □ Year 12 (eg Higher School Certificate)
    □ Trade/Apprenticeship (eg hairdresser, chef)
    □ Certificate/diploma (eg child care, technician)
    □ University degree
16. Which one best describes your current employment status? (Mark one only)

   □ Employed full-time                            □ Full-time student
   □ Employed part-time or casual                  □ Part-time student
   □ Home duties or carer                          □ Retired
   □ Unemployed                                    □ Unable to work
17. Are you a shift worker?

   □ Yes        □ No
  If you would like to talk to us further about this research, please contact Deb Rae or Christine
       Stevens at the Regional Social Development Centre, Mackay on telephone 4957 3088.

								
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