The Prosodic Foot in SENĆOŦEN Janet Leonard University of Victoria Previous literature proposes that Salish words have both an internal morphological structure and an internal phonological structure. It is within these domains that stress assignment is argued to apply. For example, Blake (1998), Czaykowska- Higgins (1998), (2004), Dyck (2004) and Watt (2001) argue that stress is assigned within the phonological stem. Shaw (to appear) argues that stress is assigned within the morphological stem. In contrast, rather than propose a phonological or morphological domain for stress assignment, Werle (2002) (Southern Wakashan) argues for the construction of a disyllabic prosodic foot at the left edge of the word. In this paper, I combine the idea of morphological domains (Shaw to appear) with the idea of prosodic foot construction (Werle, 2002) and argue for the presence of a morphologically sensitive process of prosodic foot construction in SENĆOŦEN (North Straits Salish). This prosodic foot is ideally constructed as far to the right edge of a word as possible given lexical-morphological factors. Evidence for this claim is provided by examining the stress properties of words involving reduplication and lexical suffixation. I focus on the CV- ‘actual’ reduplication and CV and Ci- ‘plural’ reduplication. Interestingly, in the ‘actual’ cases, stress seems to arbitrarily fall on either the reduplicant or the root. I argue that the placement of stress is related to the syllable size of the morphological root. If it is mono-syllabic it combines with the reduplicant to form a prosodic foot, as in (1) and (2). (1) s-qeN NOM-steal ‘It’s stolen’ (Qe-q$N) ACT-steal ‘stealing’. (2) kvin-t$F fight-RECPR ‘They fought’ (kvi-W$N)-t$F ACT-fight-RECPR ‘fighting each other’ (Montler, 1986:117). Note that even though the ‘actual’ in (2) has a disyllabic morphological stem it is the morphological root that stress assignment is targeting. Because this root is monosyllabic, stress surfaces on the reduplicant. I further argue that although foot construction has a tendency to occur at the right edge of a word, the close semantic relationship between the root and the reduplicant requires that a prosodic foot be constructed around these two morphemes. If, on the other hand, the morphological root itself consists of two syllables then this morpheme already constitutes a prosodic foot. Stress will fall on the first syllable of the morphological root, rather than on the reduplicant. (3) Tif$m ‘sing’ t$-(Tif$M) ACT-sing ‘singing’ (Montler, 1986:118) Leonard (2006), accounts for the stress assignment in the majority of words involving lexical suffixes by aligning trochaic feet to the right edge of a word. The proposal that semantic relationships between morphemes is playing a role in stress assignment accounts for the exceptional forms reported in Leonard (2006). For instance (5) was presented as an exceptional form because stress was predicted to be on the penultimate syllable. (5) xv-(se=nj)=qn LOC-?=(LS)bottom=(LS)throat ‘Saanich language’ (Montler, 1986: 84). However, under the new analysis (5) is accounted for by assuming that the tendency toward rightward alignment is overridden by the need to target a semantic unit (se=n$j). I argue that stress assignment in SENĆOŦEN is governed by a combination of prosodic, morphological and semantic factors. Further research in this area includes, (1) examining a wider variety of morphological forms and (2) formalizing the proposed tension between rightward alignment of prosodic feet and faithfulness to the semantic relationships between morphemes. Work Cited Blake, Susan J. 1998. The OCP and Root-Affix Faithfulness in St’át’imcets (Lillooet Salish). Paper presented at the 33rd International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages. Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa. 1998. The morphological and phonological constituent structure of words in Moses-Columbia Salish (Nxa’amxcín). In Czaykowska- Higgins, E. and M. D. Kinkade (eds.), Salish languages and linguistics, 153-195. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa. 2004. The morphological and phonological status of Nxa’amxcin lexical suffixes. In Donna Gerdts and Lisa Matthewson (eds). Studies in Salish linguistics in honour of M. Dale Kinkade. University of Montana Occasional Papers in Linguistics No. 17. Dyck, Ruth A. (2004). Morphological and prosodic factors in Squamish (Skwxwu7mesh) stress assignment. UVic. Ph. D. dissertation. Leonard, Janet. 2006. Formalising stress in SENĆOŦEN. UVic. MA Thesis. Montler, Timothy. 1986. An outline of the morphology and phonology of Saanich, North Straits Salish. University of Montana Occasional Papers in Linguistics No. 4. Shaw, Patricia A. (to appear), Inside access: the prosodic role of internal morphological constituency. In Hanson, Kristin and Sharon Inkelas (eds). Kiparsky Festshrift. MIT press. Werle, Adam. 2002. The Southern Wakashan one-foot word. UBCWPL, ICSNL 9: 382- 397. Watt, Linda Tamburri. 2001. Stress and strong suffixes in Squamish Salish. Ms., UBC.