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					AP World History
Readings 1: #20, 21 & 22 (Russia Under Catherine the
Great/Westernization)
50 points

Reading #20
1. How would you rate Catherine (C) as a primary source? Give reasons.
What is her POV or bias in this document? Give an example/s. Who was
her audience in this reading? When did these events take place?
2. Describe (summarize) the “code of laws” in the reading.
3. Answer question #2, page 85.
4. Describe the status of persons charged with crimes under these
proposals. How does it compare to our American system
5. What role should punishment play in the Russian legal system?
6. What role does the ruler play in this proposed legal system and why?

Reading #21
1. How would you rate Radishchev (R) as a primary source? Give
reasons. What is his POV or bias in this document? Give an example/s.
Who was his audience in this reading? When did these events take place?
2. Describe (summarize) the events that take place in the reading.
3. Answer questions 1, 2 & 3 #, page 88.

Reading #22
1. How would you rate Catherine (C) as a primary source? Give reasons.
What is her POV or bias in this document? Give an example/s. Who was
her audience in this reading? When did these events take place?
2. Describe (summarize) the events that take place in the reading.
3. Answer Questions #1 & 2, page 91.
AP World History
Readings 2: #23, 24 & 25 (China’s Sinocentric World)
50 points

Reading #23
   1. Identify the areas that were sending tribute to China (location &
      relation to China, etc.)
   2. Identify the objects being sent to China. Why did the document
      specify only things that are made in the area should be sent?
   3. Why did the document state that no direct communication with the
      court is to be allowed?
   4. How do the Chinese try to keep control of information (that is, to
      keep information about China from going outside the country)?

Reading #24
   1. Why did the authorities record the date the Emperor had sexual
      relations with the Empress?
   2. Give examples of how the Emperor had no “privacy”. Why?
   3. Give examples on how even the Emperor could not do everything
      they wanted to do?
   4. Why did the Empress have to approve the visit of the Emperor to a
      concubine?
   5. What were reasons why a person would become an eunuch?

Reading #25
   1. How would you rate Emperor Ch’ien-lung (C) as a primary
      source? Give reasons. What is his POV or bias in this document?
      Give an example/s. Who was his audience in this reading? More
      than likely, C did not write this document. Who do you think did
      and why?
   2. Describe (summarize) the arguments the Emperor makes not to
      accept an British envoy to be “in control of [British] trade with
      China.”
   3. Give examples from the reading which illustrate China’s policy of
      isolation from foreigners.
   4. Give examples of how China does allow trade with foreign
      countries. Why is only one city allowed to participate (Canton)?
   5. How would the British have reacted to this letter?
AP World History
Readings 3: #33, 34 & 35
50 points

Questions

Reading #33
1. How would you rate the “Parliamentary Reports” (PR) as a primary
source? Give reasons. What is the POV or bias in this document? Give an
example/s. Who was the audience in these two readings? When did these
events take place?
2. Describe (summarize) the events that take place in the two readings.
3. Answer questions 1 & 2, page 128.
4. What are some clues given as to gender relations with the mine workers.
Were these women “victims”? Explain

Reading #34
1. How would you rate Marx (M) as a primary source? Give reasons.
What is his POV or bias in this document? Give an example/s. Who was
his audience in this reading? When did these events take place?
2. Answer questions #1-5, page 132.
3. How is Marx’s philosophy a reaction to the IR? How appealing was it to
the working classes of Europe?

Reading #35:
AP World History
Reading 4: Bolivar & Sarmiento

From the "THE JAMAICAN LETTER" (1815)/Simon Bolivar

With what a feeling of gratitude I read that passage in your letter in which you say to me: “I hope
that the success which then followed Spanish arms may now turn in favor of their adversaries, the
badly oppressed people of South America.” I take this hope as a prediction, if it is justice that
determines man's contests. Success will crown our efforts, because the destiny of America has
been irrevocably decided; the tie that bound her to Spain has been severed. . . . At present . . . we
are threatened with the fear of death, dishonor, and every harm; there is nothing we have not
suffered at the hands of that unnatural stepmother—Spain. The veil has been torn asunder. We
have already seen the light, and it is not our desire to be thrust back into darkness. The chains have
been broken; we have been freed, and now our enemies seek to enslave us anew. For this reason
America fights desperately, and seldom has desperation failed to achieve victory...

It is even more difficult to foresee the future fate of the New World, to set down its political
principles, or to prophesy what manner of government it will adopt... . We are young in the ways
of almost all the arts and sciences, although, in a certain manner, we are old in the ways of
civilized society. I look upon the present state of America as similar to that of Rome after its fall.
Each part of Rome adopted a political system conforming to its interest and situation or was led by
the individual ambitions of certain chiefs, dynasties, or associations. But this important difference
exists: those dispersed parts later reestablished their ancient nations, subject to the changes im-
posed by circumstances or events. But we scarcely retain a vestige of what once was; we are,
moreover, neither Indian nor European, but a species midway between the legitimate proprietors of
this country and the Spanish usurpers. In short, though Americans by birth we derive our rights
from Europe, and we have to assert these rights against the rights of the natives, and at the same
time we must defend ourselves against the invaders. This places us in a most extraordinary and
involved situation. Notwithstanding that it is a type of divination to predict the result of the
political course which America is pursuing, I shall venture some conjectures which, of course, are
colored by my enthusiasm and dictated by rational desires rather than by reasoned calculations.

The role of the inhabitants of the American hemisphere has for centuries been purely passive.
Politically they were nonexistent. We are still in a position lower than slavery, and therefore it is
more difficult for us to rise to the enjoyment of freedom. Permit me these transgressions in order
to establish the issue. States are slaves because of either the nature or the misuse of their
constitutions; a people is therefore enslaved when the government, by its nature or its vices,
infringes on and usurps the rights of the citizen or subject. Applying these principles, we find that
America was denied not only its freedom but even an active and effective tyranny... .

We have been harassed by a conduct which has not only deprived us of our rights but has kept us
in a sort of permanent infancy with regard to public affairs. If we could at least have managed our
domestic affairs and our internal administration, we could have acquainted ourselves with the
processes and mechanics of public affairs. We should also have enjoyed a personal consideration,
thereby commanding a certain unconscious respect from the people, which is so necessary to
preserve amidst revolutions. That is why I say we have even been deprived of an active tyranny,
since we have not been permitted to exercise its functions... .

The Americans have risen rapidly without previous knowledge of, and, what is more regrettable,
without previous experience in public affairs, to enact upon the world stage the eminent roles of
legislator, magistrate, minister of the treasury, diplomat, general, and every position of authority,
supreme or subordinate, that comprises the hierarchy of a fully organized state... .

... Uncertain of our destiny, and facing anarchy for want of a legitimate, just, and liberal
government, we threw ourselves headlong into the chaos of revolution. Attention was first given to
obtaining domestic security against enemies within our midst, and then it was extended to the
procuring of external security. Authorities were set up to replace those we had deposed,
empowered to direct the course of our revolution and to take full advantage of the fortunate turn of
events; thus we were able to found a constitutional government worthy of our century and
adequate to our situation.
The first steps of all the new governments are marked by the establishment of juntas* of the
people. These juntas speedily draft rules for the calling of congresses, which produce great
changes. Venezuela erected a democratic and federal government, after declaring for the rights of
man. A system of checks and balances was established, and general laws were passed granting
civil liberties, such as freedom of the press and others. In short, an independent government was
created. New Granada uniformly followed the political institutions and reforms introduced by
Venezuela, taking as the fundamental basis of her constitution the most elaborate federal system
ever to be brought into existence. Recently the powers of the chief executive have been increased,
and he has been given all the powers that are properly his... .

[However] events in Costa Firme [Venezuela] have proved that institutions which are wholly
representative are not suited to our character, customs, and present knowledge. In Caracas
[Venezuela], party spirit arose in the societies, assemblies, and popular elections; these parties led
us back into slavery.+ Thus, while Venezuela has been the American republic with the most
advanced political institutions, she has also been the clearest example of the inefficacy of the
democratic and federal system for our new-born states. In New Granada, the large number of
excess powers held by the provincial governments and the lack of centralization in the general
government have reduced that fair country to her present state. For this reason her foes, though
weak, have been able to hold out against all odds. As long as our countrymen do not ac-quire the
abilities and political virtues-that distinguish our brothers of the north [the United States], wholly
popular systems, far from working to our advantage, will, I greatly fear, bring about our downfall.
Unfortunately, these traits, to the degree in which they are required, do not appear to be within our
reach. On the contrary, we are dominated by the vices that one learns under the rule of a nation
like Spain, which has only distinguished itself in ferocity, ambition, vindictiveness, and greed.

It is harder, Montesquieu [French Enlightenment Philosopher] has written, to release a nation from
servitude than to enslave a free nation. This truth is proven by the annals of all times, which reveal
that most free nations have been put under the yoke, but very few enslaved nations have re-
covered their liberty. Despite the convictions of history, South Americans have made efforts to
obtain liberal, even perfect, institutions, doubtless out of that instinct to aspire to the greatest
possible happiness, which, common to all men, is bound to follow in civil societies founded on the
principles of justice, liberty, and equality. But are we capable of maintaining in proper balance the
difficult charge of a republic? Is it conceivable that a newly emancipated people tan soar to the
heights of liberty, and, unlike Icarus, neither have its wings melt nor fall into an abyss? Such a
marvel is inconceivable and with-out precedent. There is no reasonable probability to bolster our
hopes... .

Among the popular and representative systems, I do not favor the federal system. It is over-perfect,
and it demands political virtues and talents far superior to our own. For the same reason I reject a
monarchy that is part aristocracy and part democracy, although with such a government England
has achieved much fortune and splendor.

Since it is not possible for us to select the most perfect and complete form of government,. let us
avoid falling into demagogic anarchy or monocratic tyranny. These opposite extremes would only
wreck us on similar reefs of misfortune and dishonor; hence, we must seek a mean between them. I
say: Do not adopt the best system of government, but the one that is most likely to succeed.

By the nature of their geographic location, wealth, population, and character, I expect that the
Mexicans, at the outset, intend to establish a representative republic in which the executive will
have great powers. These will be concentrated in one per-son, who, if he discharges his duties with
wisdom and justice, should almost certainly maintain his authority for life... .

New Granada will unite with Venezuela, if they can agree to the establishment of a central
republic. . . . The Indians living there can be civilized, and our territorial possessions could be
increased. . . . This nation should be called Colombia as a just and grateful tribute to the discoverer
of our hemisphere. Its government might follow the English pattern, except that in place of a king
there will be an executive who will be elected for life, but his office will never be hereditary, if a
republic is desired. There will be a hereditary legislative chamber or senate. This body can
interpose itself between the violent demands of the people and the great powers of the government
during periods of political unrest... .
Surely unity is what we need to complete our work of regeneration. The division among us,
nevertheless, is nothing extraordinary, for it is characteristic of civil wars to form two parties,
conservatives and reformers. The former are commonly the more numerous, because the weight of
habit induces obedience to established powers; the latter are always fewer in number although
more vocal and learned. Thus, the physical mass of the one is counterbalanced by the moral force
of the other; the contest is prolonged, and the results are uncertain. Fortunately, in our case, the
mass has followed the learned.

I shall tell you with what we must provide ourselves in order to expel the Spaniards and to found a
free government. It is union, obviously; but such union will come about through sensible planning
and well-directed actions rather than by divine magic. America stands together because it is
abandoned by all other nations. It is isolated in the center of the world. It has no diplomatic
relations, nor does it receive any military assistance; instead, America is attacked by Spain, which
has more military supplies than any we can possibly acquire through furtive means.

When success is not assured, when the state is weak, and when results are distantly seen, all men
hesitate; opinion is divided, passions rage, and the enemy fans these passions in order to win an
easy victory because of them. As soon as we are strong and under the guidance of a liberal nation
which will lend us her protection, we will achieve accord in cultivating the virtues and talents that
lead to glory. Then will we march majestically toward that great prosperity for which South
America is destined. Then will those sciences and arts which, born in the East, have enlightened
Europe, wing their way to a free Colombia, which will cordially bid them welcome.
From “ARGENTINA” by Domingo Sarmiento (1868)

Description of Lower Classes
In these long journeys, the lower classes of the Argentine population acquire the habit of living far from
society, of struggling single-handed with nature, of disregarding privation, and of depending for protection
against the dangers ever imminent upon no other resources than personal strength and skill.

The people who inhabit these extensive districts, belong to two different races, the Spanish and the native;
the combinations of which form a series of imperceptible gradations. The pure Spanish race predominates
in the rural districts of Cordova and San Luis, where it is common to meet young shepherdesses fair and
rosy, and as beautiful as the belles of a capital could wish to be. In Santiago del Estero, the bulk of the rural
population still speaks the Quichua dialect, which plainly shows its Indian origin. The country people of
Corrientes use a very pretty Spanish dialect. "Dame, general, una chiripa," said his soldiers to Lavalle. The
Andalusian soldier may still be recognized in the rural districts of Buenos Ayres; and in the city foreign
surnames are the most numerous. The negro race, by this time nearly extinct (except in Buenos Ayres), has
left, in its zambos and mulattoes, a link which connects civilized man with the denizen of the woods. This
race mostly inhabiting cities, has a tendency to become civilized, and possesses talent and the finest
instincts of progress.

With these reservations, a homogeneous whole has resulted from the fusion of the three above-named
families. It is characterized by love of idleness and incapacity for industry, except when education and the
exigencies of a social position succeed in spurring it out of its customary pace. To a great extent, this
unfortunate result is owing to the incorporation of the native tribes, effected by the process of colonization.
The American aborigines live in idleness, and show themselves incapable, even under compulsion, of hard
and protracted labor. This suggested the idea of introducing negroes into America, which has produced
such fatal results. But the Spanish race has not shown itself more energetic than the aborigines, when it has
been left to its own instincts in the wilds of America. Pity and shame are excited by the comparison of one
of the German or Scotch colonies in the southern part of Buenos Ayres and some towns of the interior of
the Argentine Republic; in the former the cottages are painted, the front-yards always neatly kept and
adorned with flowers and pretty shrubs; the furniture simple but complete; copper or tin utensils always
bright and clean; nicely curtained beds; and the occupants of the dwelling are always industriously at work.
Some such families have retired to enjoy the conveniences of city life, with great fortunes gained by their
previous labors in milking their cows, and making butter and cheese. The town inhabited by natives of the
country, presents a picture entirely the reverse. There, dirty and ragged children live, with a menagerie of
dogs; there, men lie about in utter idleness; neglect and poverty prevail everywhere; a table and some
baskets are the only furniture of wretched huts remarkable for their general aspect of barbarism and
carelessness.

On Buenos Aires
In 1777, Buenos Ayres had already become very conspicuous, so much so, indeed, that it was necessary to
remould the administrative geography of the colonies, and to make Buenos Ayres the chief section. A
viceroyal government was expressly created for it.

In 1806, the attention of English speculators was turned to South America, and especially attracted to
Buenos Ayres by its river, and its probable future. In 1810, Buenos Ayres was filled with partisans of the
revolution, bitterly hostile to anything originating in Spain or any part of Europe. A germ of progress, then,
was still alive west of the La Plata. The Spanish colonies cared nothing for commerce or navigation. The
Rio de la Plata was of small importance to them. The Spanish disdained it and its banks. As time went on,
the river proved to have deposited its sediment of wealth upon those banks, but very little of Spanish spirit
or Spanish modes of government. Commercial activity had brought thither the spirit and the general ideas
of Europe; the vessels which frequented the waters of the port brought books from all quarters, and news of
all the political events of the world. It is to be observed that Spain had no other commercial city upon the
Atlantic coast. The war with England hastened the emancipation of men's minds and awakened among
them a sense of their own importance as a state. Buenos Ayres was like a child, which, having conquered a
giant, fondly deems itself a hero, and is ready to under-take greater adventures. The Social Contract flew
from hand to hand. Mably and Raynal were the oracles of the press; Robespierre and the Convention the
approved models. Buenos Ayres thought itself a continuation of Europe, and if it did not frankly confess
that its spirit and tendencies were French and North American, it denied its Spanish origin on the ground
that the Spanish Government had patronized it only after it was full grown. The revolution brought with it
armies and glory, triumphs and reverses, revolts and seditions. But Buenos Ayres, amidst all these
fluctuations, displayed the revolutionary energy with which it is endowed... .

Communication with all the European nations was ever, even from the outset, more complete here than in
any other part of Spanish America; and now, in ten years' time (but only, be it understood, in Buenos
Ayres), there comes to pass a radical replacement of the Spanish by the European spirit. We have only to
take a list of the residents in and about Buenos Ayres to see how many natives of the country bear English,
French, German, or Italian surnames.

Difference between Bernadino Rivadavia, Liberal President of Argentina (1826–1827), and Juan Manuel
de Rosas, dictator of Buenos Aires Province (1829–1852)
Thus elevated, and hitherto flattered by fortune, Buenos Ayres set about making a constitution for itself and
the Republic, just as it had undertaken to liberate itself and all South America: that is, eagerly,
uncompromisingly, and without regard to obstacles. Rivadavia was the personification of this poetical,
utopian spirit which prevailed. He therefore continued the work of Las Heras upon the large scale necessary
for a great American State—a republic. He brought over from Europe men of learning or the press and for
the professor's chair, colonies for the deserts, ships for the rivers, freedom for all creeds, credit and the
national bank to encourage trade, and all the great social theories of the day for the formation of his
government. In a word, he brought a second Europe, which was to be established in America, and to
accomplish in ten years what elsewhere had required centuries. Nor was this project altogether chimerical;
all his administrative creations still exist, except those which the barbarism of Rosas found in its way.
Freedom of conscience, advocated by the chief clergy of Buenos Ayres, has not been repressed; the
European population is scattered on farms throughout the country, and takes antis of its own accord to re-
sist the only obstacle in the way of the wealth offered by the soil. The rivers only need to be freed from
governmental restrictions to become navigable, and the national bank, then firmly established, has saved
the people from the poverty to which the tyrant would have brought them. And, above all, however fanciful
and impracticable that great system of government may have been, it was at least easy and en-durable for
the people; and, notwithstanding the assertions of misinformed men, Rivadavia never shed a drop of blood,
nor destroyed the property of any one; but voluntarily descended from the Presidency to poverty and exile.
Rosas, by whom he was so calumniated, might easily have been drowned in the blood of his own victims;
and the forty millions of dollars from the national treasury, with the fifty millions from private fortunes
which were consumed in ten years of the long war provoked by his brutalities, would have been employed
by the "fool—the dreamer—Rivadavia," in building canals, cities, and useful public buildings. Then let this
man, who died for his country, have the glory of representing the highest aspirations of European
civilization, and leave to his adversaries that of displaying South American barbarism in its most odious
light. For Rosas and Rivadavia are the two extremes of the Argentine Republic, connecting it with savages
through the pampas, and with Europe through the River La Plata.

Description of Tyrant Facundo Quiroga
Facundo is now in possession of La Rioja, its umpire and absolute master; no other voice is heard there, no
other interest than his exists there. As there is no literature, there are no opposing opinions. La Rioja is a
military machine...

Facundo, ignorant, barbarous, for the greater part of his life an outlaw, and famous only for his acts of
desperation; brave to rashness, endowed with herculean strength, always upon his horse, which he managed
skillfully through terror and violence, knowing no other power than that of brute force, had no faith but in
his horse, and depended for success upon bravery, the lance, and the terrible charges of his cavalry. In all
the Argentine Republic there was not a more perfect specimen of the "gaucho malo."

"When the Ignorant Rule"
Obscure men who rise to power through the chances of social revolutions, never fail to persecute in others
the intelligence and knowledge which they have not themselves; when the ignorant rule, civilization is
brought down to their own level, and woe to those who rise above it, be it ever so little. In France, in 1793,
the sovereign people guillotined those who could read and write as aristocrats; in the Argentine Republic,
men of culture were called savages, and had their throats cut, and though the name seems mere irony, it is
something more when applied by the assassin, knife in hand. The Caudillos of the interior rid their
provinces of all lawyers, doctors, and men of letters; and Rosas pursued them even within the-Walls of the
university and private schools. Those who were allowed to remain were such per-sons as could be useful in
getting up a repetition of the government of Philip II of Spain, and of the Inquisition.

Questions: Bolivar Reading

1. According to Bolivar, what are the unique challenges of ethnicity and identity faced by the leaders
    of the revolution? How does this affect his political ideas? What role does he envision for
    indigenous Indians and imported black slaves in the new nations?
2. Bolivar laments the fact that Spanish America was denied "active and effective tyra nny." What
    does he mean by this? Why does he think it is significant?
3. According to Bolivar, what stands in the way of liberal and republican governments? Why can't
    South America follow the model of the United States? What kind of governmental system does
    Bolivar favor?
4. Some historians claim that Bolivar's political philosophy was based on liberal principles tempered by a
    realistic assessment of the current situation. Others claim that his authoritarianism stems from a deep
    distrust of the masses. In your view, which assessment is more correct?
5. How might future leaders in South America use Bolivar's letter to press for more liberal reforms? How
    might others use his writing to justify the curtailment of freedoms?

Questions: Sarimento
AP World History
Reading 5: Chinese Emperor Kangxi (K’ang Hsi) Rule Dates:1662-1722

“ON RULING”
Giving life to people and killing people—those are the powers that the emperor has. He knows that
administrative errors in government bureaus can be rectified, but that a criminal who has been executed
cannot be brought back to life any more than a chopped string can be joined together again. He knows, too,
that sometimes people have to be persuaded into morality by the example of an execution. . . . [T]he ruler
needs both clarity and care in punishing: his intent must be to punish in order to avoid the need for further
punishing. . . . I have been merciful where possible. For the ruler must always check carefully before
executions, and leave room for the hope that men will get better if they are given the time. In the hunt one
can kill all the animals caught inside the circle, but one can't always bear to shoot them as they stand there,
trapped and exhausted... .

It's a good principle to look for the good points in a person, and to ignore the bad. If you are always
suspicious of people they will suspect you too...

There are too many men who claim to be ju—pure scholars—and yet are stupid and arrogant; we'd be
better off with less talk of moral principle and more practice of it. Even in those who have been the best
officials in my reign there are obvious failings. . . . P'eng P'eng was always honest and courageous—when
robbers were in his district he simply put on his armor, rode out, and routed them—but when angry he was
wild and vulgar in his speech, and showed real disrespect. Zhao Shen-jiao was completely honest, traveled
with only thirteen servants and no personal secretaries at all, but was too fond of litigation and was
constantly getting the common people involved in complex cases. Shi Shi-lun was an official of complete
integrity, but he swung too much in favor of the poor—in any lawsuit when a commoner was involved with
a junior degree holder he'd favor the commoner, and when a junior degree holder was involved with a
member of the upper gentry he'd favor the junior degree holder. In the same way Yang Ming-shi kept
insisting on failing the rich examination candidates and passing the poor, even if they were really crude at
letters. And Zhang Peng-ge, whom I praised so often and kept in the highest offices, could write a me-
morial so stupid that I ordered it printed up and posted in major cities so that every-one could read it—for
he claimed that the drop in the river's level was due to a miracle performed by the spirit of the waters, when
the real reason was that no rain had fallen for six months in the upper reaches of the Yellow River... .

There is no way the emperor can know every official in the country, so he has to rely on the officials
themselves for evaluations.... But when they are in cliques, he has to make his own inquiries as well; . . . for
example, Governor Wen-pao, who re-ported that he was so virtuous that the people had begged to be
allowed to erect honorary tablets in his name. But I made inquiries and found that most of them were
murmuring in fury and would much rather have eaten him. Partly the trouble lies in failure of contact
between top and bottom—after I began to make regular tours ... ,
then things got better there.

The emperor can get extra information in audience, on tours, and in palace memorials. From the beginning
of my reign, I sought ways to guarantee that discussion among great officials be kept confidential.... A
court audience has the important function of reducing arrogance. Naturally one can't summon all military
governors for audiences at the same time, but regular audiences are crucial with military men, especially
when they have held power a long time. There might have been no rebellion if [the military governors] ...
had been summoned for regular audiences and
made properly fearful... .

On tours I learned about the common people's grievances by talking with them, or by accepting their
petitions. In northern China I asked peasants about their officials, looked at their houses, and discussed
their crops. In the South I heard pleas... . But if someone was attacked in an anonymous message, then I
refused to take action, for we should always confront a witness directly; and if someone exaggerated too
stupidly, then too I would not listen. A man swam toward my boat in Hangchow with a petition tied around
his neck, shouting out that he had a certain enemy who was the number-one man in the world for
committing evil acts—and I simply had my retainers ask him, "Who then is number two?"
I've tried to be impartial between Manchus and Chinese, and not to separate one from the other in
judgments: neither to have the ministers sit in silence like wooden puppets, nor to let them write out
enormous memorials on some subject like the granting of an honorary sage's title to a Sung scholar. There
are certainly differences in their characters: the Manchus are direct and open, whereas the Chinese think it
better not to let any joy or anger show in their faces. And the Manchus are often tougher and braver . . . ,
and treat both slaves and horses better. But the Manchus' scholarship is often in no ways inferior to that of
the Chinese... .

In river conservancy work also, though there are only two broad choices—should one speed the flow of
water to the sea, or should one heighten the dikes?—it's the constant attention to details that is of the
greatest importance... .

... Talent does not depend on geographical location. Even in the mountain wildernesses how can there be no
one with ability? Have the talented ever chosen where they were to be born? . . . When a person is truly
good, then one should use him and promote him . . . regardless of whether he has advanced degrees... .

"There's an old saying that if the civilian officials don't seek money and the military officials aren't afraid of
death, we need never fear that the country won't have Great Peace." How true that is!

The Doctrine of the Mean says: "The superior man does what is proper to the station in which he is; he
does not desire to go beyond this. In a high situation, he does not treat with contempt his inferiors. In a low
situation, he does not court the favor of his superiors. He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing from
others, so that he has no dissatisfactions. He does not murmur against Heaven nor grumble against man.
Thus it is that the superior man is quiet and calm, waiting for the appointments of Heaven, while the mean
man walks in dangerous paths, looking for lucky occurrences." These are truly wise words, clear as sun or
stars.

This is what we have to do: apply ourselves to human affairs to the utmost, while remaining responsive to
the dictates of Heaven... .

The superior man is firmly resolved.
He walks alone and is caught in the rain. He is bespattered,
And people murmur against him.
No blame.
And again:
In dealing with weeds,
Firm resolution is necessary.

Things may seem determined in our lives, but there are these and other ways in which man's power can
develop Heaven's work. . . . We must urge on Heaven in its work, not just rely upon it.... If you do not
perform your human part you cannot comprehend Heaven's way. If the fortuneteller says you will be
successful, can you then say, "I'm bound to do well and needn't study properly"? If he says you'll be rich,
can you sit still and let the wealth come? If he offers you a life without misfortune, can you be reckless
without fear? Or be debauched without harm because he says you'll live long without illness?

Once as a youth I was in the mountains, among deep woods, when suddenly there were crashes of thunder
and I fled. Moments later the trees among which I had been walking were struck. So we see that though it is
hard to fathom Heaven's signs, if you approach them openly you can attain a kind of foreknowledge... .

“VALEDICTORY” (1717)
When I was young, Heaven gave me great strength, and I didn't know what sickness was. This spring I
started to get serious attacks of dizziness and grew increasingly emaciated. Then I went hunting in the
autumn beyond the borders, and the fine climate of the Mongolian regions made my spirits stronger day by
day, and my face filled out again.... Since there are some things that I have wanted to say to you on a
normal day, I have specially summoned you today to hear my edict, face to face with me.
The rulers of the past all took reverence for Heaven's laws and reverence for their ancestors as the
fundamental way in ruling the country. To be sincere in reverence for Heaven and ancestors entails the
following: Be kind to men from afar and keep the able ones near, nourish the people, think of the profit of
all as being the real profit and the mind of the whole country as being the real mind, be considerate to
officials and act as a father to the people, protect the state before danger comes and govern well before
there is any disturbance, be always diligent and always careful, and maintain the balance between leniency
and strictness, between principle and expediency, so that long-range plans can be made for the country.
That's all there is to it.

No dynasty in history has been as just as ours in gaining the right to rule. The .. . roving bandit Li Zi-cheng
stormed the city of Peking, the Ming Emperor Zhong-zhen hanged himself, and the officials and people all
came out to welcome us. Then we ex-terminated the violent bandits and inherited the empire. . . . From this
we can tell that all the rebellious officials and bandits are finally pushed aside by truly legitimate rulers.

I am now close to seventy, and have been over fifty years on the throne—this is all due to the quiet
protection of Heaven and earth and the ancestral spirits; it was not my meager virtue that did it. Since I
began reading in my childhood, I have man-aged to get a rough understanding of the constant historical
principles. Every emperor and ruler has been subject to the Mandate of Heaven. Those fated to enjoy old
age cannot prevent themselves from enjoying that old age; those fated to enjoy ,a time of Great Peace
cannot prevent themselves from enjoying that Great Peace.

Over 4,350 years have passed from the first year of the Yellow Emperor to the present, and over 300
emperors are listed as having reigned.... In the 1,960 years from the first year of Qin Shi Huangdit to the
present, there have been 211 people who have been named emperor and have taken era names. What man
am I, that among all those who have reigned long since the Ch'in and Han Dynasties, it should be I who
have reigned the longest?

Among the Ancients, only those who were not boastful and knew not to go too far could attain a good end.
Since the Three Dynasties, those who ruled long did not leave a good name to posterity, while those who
did not live long did not know the world's griefs. I am already old, and have reigned long, and I cannot
foretell what posterity will think of me.

With me it is different. I am letting you know what my sincerest feelings are in advance.

When I had been twenty years on the throne I didn't dare conjecture that I might reign thirty. After thirty
years I didn't dare conjecture that I might reign forty. Now I have reigned fifty-seven years. The "Great
Plan" section of the Book of History says of the five joys:

The first is long life;
The second is riches;
The third is soundness of body and serenity of mind;
The fourth is the love of virtue;
The fifth is an end crowning the life.

The "end crowning the life" is placed last because it is so hard to attain. I am now approaching seventy, and
my sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons number over one hundred and fifty. The country is more or less at
peace and the world is at peace. Even if we haven't improved all manners and customs, and made all the
people prosperous and contented, yet I have worked with unceasing diligence and intense watchfulness,
never resting, never idle... .

In pacifying the Three Feudatories and clearing out the northern deserts, I made all the plans myself. Unless
it was for military matters or famine relief, I didn't take funds from the Board of Revenue treasury, and
spent nothing recklessly, for the reason that this was the people's wealth. . . .
I came to the throne at eight, fifty-seven years ago. I've never let people talk on about supernatural
influences of the kind that have been recorded in the Histories... . Those are all empty words, and I don't
presume so far. I just go on each day in an ordinary way, and concentrate on ruling properly... .

I wish all of you officials to remember that I have been the peace-bearing Son of Heaven for over fifty
years, and that what I have said to you over and over again is really sincere. Then that will complete the
fitting end to my life.

I've been preparing this edict for ten years. If a "valedictory edict" is issued, let it contain nothing but these
same words.

I've revealed my entrails and shown my guts, there's nothing left within me to reveal.

I will say no more.

Questions:
1. Identify the ways in which Kangxi fulfills his responsibilities as emperor in keeping with Chinese
practices such as Confucian values. List other ways that he might have made Manchu rule more acceptable
to the Chinese.
2. Describe acts or policies of Kangxi that seem to differ from accepted Chinese practices. In your opinion,
which way is better, his approach or the accepted practice and why?
3. Assess Kangxi's use of fear (force) and love (positive policies designed to win loyalty). How and when
does he employ different strategies? Would Machiavelli (“the ends justifies the means”) approve of
Kangxi's methods of ruling?
4. Characterize (describe) Kangxi's conception of leadership in the two sources, "On Ruling" and
"Valedictory." How does his understanding of and approach to leadership compare in the two sources?
How do you explain the differences?
5. What are the strong points of this sort of autobiographical source? What are its possible weaknesses?
(POV)
AP World History
Reading 6: Japan

“THE ANATOMY LESSON” by Gempaku Sugita (1733-1817)

Whenever I met Hiraga Gennai (1729- 1779), we talked to each other on this matter: "As we have learned,
the Dutch method of scholarly investigation through field work and surveys is truly amazing. If we can
directly understand the books written by them, we will benefit greatly. However, it is pitiful that there has
been no one who has set his hand on working in this field. Can we somehow blaze this trail? It is
impossible to do it in Edo. Perhaps it is best if we ask translators in Nagasaki to make some translations. If
one book can be completely translated, there will be an immeasurable benefit to the country." Every time
we spoke in this manner, we deplored the impossibility of implementing our desires. However, we did not
vainly lament the matter for long.

Somehow, miraculously I obtained a book on anatomy written in that country [Netherlands]. It may well be
that the Dutch studies in this country began when I thought of comparing the illustrations in the book with
real things. It was a strange and even miraculous happening that I was able to obtain that book in that
particular spring of 1771. Then at the night of the third day of the third month, I received a letter from a
man by the name of Tokuno Bambei, who was in the service of the then Town Commissioner, Magaribuchi
Kai-no-kami. Tokuno stated in his letter that "A post-mortem examination of the body of a condemned
criminal by a resident physician will be held tomorrow at Senjukotsugahara. You are welcome to "witness
it if you so desire." At one time my colleague by the name of Kosugi Genteki had an occasion to witness a
post-mortem dissection of a body when he studied under Dr. Yamawaki Toyo of Kyoto. After seeing the
dissection first-hand, Kosugi remarked that what was said by the people of old was false and simply could
not be trusted. "The people of old spoke of nine internal organs, and nowadays, people divide them into
five viscera and six internal organs. That [perpetuates] inaccuracy," Kosugi once said. Around that time
(1759) Dr. Toyo published a book entitled Zoshi (On Internal Organs). Having read that book, I had hoped
that some day I could witness a dissection. When I also acquired a Dutch book on anatomy, I wanted above
all to compare the two to find out which one accurately described the truth. I rejoiced at this unusually
fortunate circumstance and my mind could not entertain any other thought. However, a thought occurred to
me that I should not monopolize this good fortune, and decided to share it with those of my colleagues who
were diligent in the pursuit of their medicine.... Among those I invited was one Ryotaku....

The next day, when we arrived at the location ... Ryotaku reached under his kimono to produce a Dutch
book and showed it to us. "This is a Dutch book of anatomy called Tabulae Anatomicae. I bought this a few
years ago when I went to Nagasaki, and kept it." As I examined it, it was the same book I had and was of
the same edition. We held each other's hands and exclaimed: "What a coincidence!" Ryotaku continued by
saying: "When I went to Nagasaki, I learned and heard," and opened this book. "These are called long in
Dutch, they are lungs," he taught us. "This is hart, or the heart. When it says maag it is the stomach, and
when it says milt it is the spleen." However, they did not look like the heart given in the Chinese medical
books, and none of us were sure until we could actually see the dissection.

Thereafter we went together to the place which was especially set for us to observe the dissection in
Kotsugahara.... The regular man who performed the chore of dissection was ill, and his grandfather, who
was ninety years of age, came in his place. He was a healthy old man. He had experienced many
dissections since his youth, and boasted that he dissected a number of bodies. Those dissections were per-
formed in those days by men of the eta class.... That day, the old butcher pointed to this and that organ.
After the heart, liver, gall bladder, and stomach were identified, he pointed to other parts for which there
were no names. "I don't know their names. But I have dissected quite a few bodies from my youthful days.
Inside of everyone's abdomen there were these parts and those parts." Later, after consulting the anatomy
chart, it became clear to me that I saw an arterial tube, a vein, and the suprarenal gland. The old butcher
again said, "Every time I had a dissection, I pointed out to those physicians many of these parts, but not a
single one of them questioned `what was this?' or `what was that? ' We compared the body as dissected
against the charts both Ryotaku and I had, and could not find a single variance from the charts. The Chinese
Book of Medicine (I Ching) says that the lungs are like the eight petals of the lotus flower, with three petals
hanging in front, three in back, and two petals forming like two ears and that the liver has three petals to the
left and four petals to the right. There were no such divisions, and the positions and shapes of intestines and
gastric organs were all different from those taught by the old theories. The official physicians, Dr. Okada
Yosen and Dr. Fujimoto Rissen, had witnessed dissection seven or eight times. Whenever they witnessed
the dissection, they found that the old theories contradicted reality. Each time they were perplexed and
could not resolve their doubts. Every time they wrote down what they thought was strange. They wrote in
their books, "The more we think of it, there must be fundamental differences in the bodies of Chinese and
of the eastern barbarians [i.e., Japanese]." I could see why they wrote this way.

That day, after the dissection was over, we decided that we also should examine the shape of the skeletons
left exposed on the execution ground. We collected the bones, and examined a number of them. Again, we
were struck by the fact that they all differed from the old theories while conforming to the Dutch charts.
The three of us, Ryotaku, Junan, and I went home together. On the way home we spoke to each other and
felt the same way. "How marvelous was our actual experience today. It is a shame that we were ignorant of
these things until now. As physicians who serve their masters through medicine, we performed our duties
in complete ignorance of the true form of the human body. How disgraceful it is. Somehow, through this
experience, let us investigate further the truth about the human body. If we practice medicine with this
knowledge behind us, we can make contributions for people under heaven and on this earth." Ryotaku
spoke to us. "Indeed, I agree with you wholeheartedly." Then I spoke to my companion. "Somehow if we
can translate anew this book called Tabulae Anatomicae, we can get a clear notion of the human body
inside out. It will have great benefit in the treatment of our patients. Let us do our best to read it and
understand it without the help of translators." Ryotaku responded: "I have been wanting to read Dutch
books for some time, but there has been no friend who would share my ambitions. I have spent days
lamenting it. If both of you wish, I have been in Nagasaki before and have retained some Dutch. Let us use
it as a beginning to tackle the book together." After hearing it, I answered, "This is simply wonderful. If we
are to join our efforts, I shall also resolve to do my very best"....

The next day, we assembled at the house of Ryotaku and recalled the happenings of the previous day.
When we faced that Tabulae Anatomicae, we felt as if we were setting sail on a great ocean in a ship
without oars or a rudder. With the magnitude of the work before us, we were dumbfounded by our own
ignorance. However, Ryotaku had been thinking of this for some time, and he had been in Nagasaki. He
knew some Dutch through studying and hearing, and knew some sentence patterns and words. He was also
ten years older than I, and we decided to make him head of our group and our teacher. At that time I did not
know the twenty-five letters of the Dutch alphabet. I decided to study the language with firm determination,
but I had to acquaint myself with letters and words gradually.

Questions:
1. Although Sugita and his friend had only a rudimentary understanding of Dutch, how - were they able to
learn anything from Tabulae Anatomicae?
2. What inspired them to compare the European and Japanese works at the dissection?
3. How had other Japanese doctors explained the discrepancies between what they found in Japanese
cadavers and what they had learned from Chinese manuals?
4. Do you think the Japanese would have had the same reaction to Western medical books two centuries
earlier? What had changed in the interval?

“ADVICE ABOUT THE POLICY OF ISOLATION” by Naosuke Ii (1853)

Ii Naosuke to Bakufu, 1 October 1853
Before the year 1635 there were nine government-licensed trading vessels belonging to Nagasaki, Sakai,
Kyoto, etc., but with the prohibition of Christianity in the time of the Shogun Iemitsu the bakufu put all end
to the voyages of these nine ships and laid down laws closing the country. Commerce was entirely limited
to the Dutch and Chinese, no others being allowed to participate in it. Careful consideration of conditions
as they are today, however, leads me to believe that despite the constant differences and debates into which
men of patriotism and foresight have been led in recent years by their perception of the danger of foreign
aggression, it is impossible in the crisis we now face to ensure the safety and tranquility of our country
merely by all insistence on the seclusion laws as we did in former times. Moreover, time is essential if we
are to complete our coast defenses. Since 1609, when warships of over 500 koku were forbidden, we have
had no warships capable of opposing foreign attack on our coasts with heavy guns. Thus I am much afraid
that were the foreigners now to seize as bases such outlying islands as Hachijo-jima and Oshima, it would
be impossible for us to remain inactive, though without warships we should have no effective means of
driving them off. There is a saying that when one is besieged in a castle, to raise the drawbridge is to
imprison oneself and make it impossible to hold out indefinitely; and again, that when opposing forces face
each other across a river, victory is obtained by those who cross the river and attack. It seems clear
throughout history that he who takes action is in a position to advance, while he who remains inactive must
retreat. Even though the shogun's ancestors set up seclusion laws, they left the Dutch and the Chinese to act
as a bridge to the outside world. (This bridge now is the advantage to us in handling foreign affairs,
providing us with the means whereby we may for a time avert the outbreak of hostilities and then, after
some time has elapsed, gain a complete victory?

I understand that the coal for which the Americans have expressed a desire is to be found in quantity in
Kyushu. We should first tell them, as a matter of expediency, that we also have need of coal, but that
should their need of it arise urgently and unexpectedly during a voyage, they may ask for coal at Nagasaki
and if we have any to spare we will provide it. Nor will we grudge them wood and water. As for foodstuffs,
the supply varies from province to province, but we can agree to provide food for the shipwrecked and
unfortunate. Again, we can tell them, of recent years we have treated kindly those wrecked on our coasts
and have sent them all home. There is no need for further discussion of this subject, and all requests
concerning it should be made through the Dutch. Then, too, there is the question of trade. Although there is
a national prohibition of it, conditions are not the same as they were. The exchange of goods is a universal
practice. This we should explain to the spirits of our ancestors. And we should then tell the foreigners that
we mean in the future to send trading vessels to the Dutch company's factory at Batavia to engage in trade;
that we will allocate some of our trading goods to America, some to Russia, and so on, using the Dutch to
trade for us as our agents; but that there will be a delay of one or two years because we must [first]
construct new ships for these voyages. By replying in this way we will take the Americans by surprise in
offering to treat them generally in the same way as the Dutch.

We must revive the licensed trading vessels that existed before the Kanei period (1624 -1644), ordering the
rich merchants of such places as Osaka, Hyogo, and Sakai to take shares in the enterprise. We must
construct new steamships, especially powerful warships, and these we will load with goods not needed in
Japan. For a time we will have to employ Dutchmen as masters and mariners, but we will put on board with
them Japanese of ability and integrity who must study the use of large guns, the handling of ships, and the
rules of navigation. Openly these will be called merchant vessels, but they will in fact have the secret
purpose of training a navy. As we increase the number of ships and our mastery of technique, Japanese will
be able to sail the oceans freely and gain direct knowledge of conditions abroad without relying on the
secret reports of the Dutch. Thus we will eventually complete the organization of a navy. Moreover, we
must shake off the panic and apprehensions that have beset us and abandon our habits of luxury and
wasteful spending. Our defenses thus strengthened, and all being arranged at home, we can act so as to
make our courage and prestige resound beyond the seas. By so doing, we will not in the future be
imprisoning ourselves; indeed, we will be able, I believe, so to accomplish matters at home and abroad as
to achieve national security. Forestalling the foreigners in this way, I believe, is the best method of ensuring
that the bakufu will at some future time find opportunity to reimpose its ban and forbid foreigners to come
to Japan, as was done in tile Kansei period. Moreover, it would make possible the strictest prohibition of
Christianity. And since I understand that the Americans and Russians themselves have only recently
become skilled in navigation, I do not see how the people of our country, who are clever and quick-witted,
should prove inferior to Westerners if we begin training at once.

The national situation being what it is, if the bakufu protects our coasts peacefully without bringing upon us
permanent foreign difficulties, then even if that entails complete or partial change in the laws of our
ancestors I do not believe such action could really be regarded as contrary to the wishes of those ancestors.
However, I think it is essential to win the sup-port of the country for bakufu policy on this occasion, so the
bakufu should first notify the [Imperial] Court and then arrange to send Imperial messengers to the Ise,
Iwashimizu, and Kashima shrines and a Tokugawa messenger to the Nikko shrine, announcing there its
resolve to secure tranquillity at home and security for the country. Trust in the will of the gods, after all, is
the ancient custom of our land; and I believe, moreover, that by so doing the bakufu may be able to unite
national opinion.

It is now no easy matter, by means of orders concerning the defense of Edo and the nearby coast, to ensure
that all will be fully prepared for any sudden emergency, so not a moment must be wasted. However many
firm walls we construct, they will certainly not be as effective as unity of mind if the unforeseen happens.
The urgent task of the moment, therefore, is for the bakufu to resolve on relieving the nation's anxieties and
issue the appropriate orders.

I am conscious of my temerity in putting forward views that conflict with the existing [seclusion] laws, but
I have so reported in accordance with your orders that I was to do so fully and without reserve.

Questions
1. Fear of what immediate danger lies behind Ii's advice?
2. Was Ii in favor of a complete or a partial relaxation of the ban on foreign contact?
3. Why, in li's letter on military strategy, diplomatic maneuvers, and economic development is he also
driven by religious concerns?
4. What is Naosuke Ii's opinion of Japan in 1853?

“WASHINGTON IN 1860” by Norimasa Muragaki (1860)

MAY 17, 1860.
Our audience with the President was scheduled for twelve o'clock. Each of us prepared himself befitting the
occasion. The principal ambassador wore his kariginu (formal court robe) and his samurai sword, and I did
likewise. The third ambassador attired similarly, and each of us also wore our ceremonial cap (eboshi)....
We rode in four open carriages, and the principal ambassador, myself, and the third ambassador (who
concurrently served as the censor) were each accompanied by a suite of three footmen, one spear-bearer,
and three samurai.
... The main avenue was congested by the coaches of curious onlookers. There were also a countless
number of pedestrians, both men and women. I thought that my formal attire was strange to the eyes of the
beholders, ... but felt that I was showing the glory of our imperial country by coming to this barbarian
country. So I forgot for a moment who I was and enjoyed the public display....
We arrived at the President's house.... Lewis Cass (the Secretary of State) greeted us and then withdrew....
We were then shown to the audience chamber.... As we approached the chamber (East Room), the double
doors to its entrance swung open. In the center of the room, there stood the President, whose name was
Buchanan. He was flanked by many civil and military officers. Behind them were ladies, and old and
young alike were all attired in beautiful dresses. Masaoki (the principal ambassador), I (the deputy
ambassador) and Tadamasa (the third ambassador and censor) entered the room. We made an obeisance
and advanced to the center of the room. We made another obeisance and approached where the President
stood. Masaoki then delivered an address conveying to him the wishes of the Shogun, in a distinct and
strong voice. It was translated by Namura Goyaro....
After the audience was over, the President held our hands and expressed his pleasure in having us sent as
Ambassadors to ratify the treaty of amity between the two countries for the first time since Japan's
seclusion. He also conveyed to us the boundless joy felt by the entire nation ... and gave us an oral
statement
written in English. Five or six high ranking officials also greeted us by shaking our hands. However, it
could become endless, so I bowed and took leave of them....
The President is an old man over seventy years old. He has silvery hair and is gentle and dignified.
However, today he was attired in drawers and a jacket [sic] made of black woolen which is no different
from what the merchants wear. He had neither decorations nor the two swords....
The United States is the largest or the second largest country in the world. However, the President is
essentially a governor general who must be elected by the people every four years. (I understand that such
an election is to be held October 1 this year. There is no way of knowing who is to become the next
President before such an election is held. It must be the karmic conditions of our past lives which led us
into meeting this President. In any event, I seriously doubt if this American system [of election] is going to
last for a long time.) The President was not a sovereign of a nation. However, we came to this country to
deliver a state paper from our sovereign, so we treated him with the courtesy due that of a king. It was
probably a useless gesture on our part to have worn our kariginu, when we discovered that the Americans
attach little significance to class distinction and that all manners of decorum cease to exist in this country.
However, the President was exceedingly pleased with this mission, and took pride in showing this occasion
to other nations. I also understand that the pictures of us in our kariginu appeared in many newspapers. This
is the first time that I have been an ambassador to a foreign land. There is no greater joy than to know that I
have accomplished our mission well. It was an achievement worthy of a man:

Arise all ye aliens,
Look up with awe
The light that shineth from the East,
The Land of the Rising Sun.

MAY 23.
Clear sky. Our schedule called for a visit to Congress in the morning. Our usual guide came and took us by
carriage for seven or eight blocks eastward to the Capitol building. It was about two city blocks in length
and one block in width and three stories high. Everything was made of white marble. Over the roof was to
be erected a dome which was only half completed and still under construction.... We were led into a
chamber where people deliberated.... On the raised platform in the center sat the Vice President. Slightly
below him also on the plat-form were two clerks. There were desks and chairs forming semi-circles on the
floor. Many books were placed on the desks. There were forty or fifty people sitting on their chairs. One
person stood up and shouted very loudly. His wild gesticulation was more like that of a crazy man. After he
finished saying something, another one stood up and behaved exactly in the same manner. I was told that
the affairs of state were to be deliberated by the people, and everyone would have to say what he thought
without any reservation. After hearing the debates, the Vice President would render his decision.
We were asked to ascend to the second floor (to the visitors' gallery) to get a better view of the chamber.
We sat on the bench to observe the proceedings. Obviously they were discussing some matters of state. But
as we saw that they were clad in their regular drawers and jackets with tight sleeves, we could not help but
compare them to our fish market in Nihonbashi. We talked to each other privately of the similarities as we
observed how they shouted loudly to each other, and how the Vice President sat on the raised platform.... I
under-stand that all matters of state were handled within the confines of this building. There were many
officials. The President as a custom does not come to Congress. He hears from the Vice President after the
matters have been decided....

Questions
1. Why was Muragaki so unimpressed by the American President?
2. What did he think about the stability and longevity of the United States?
3. Do you think Muragaki accurately described the standard scene on the floor of the U.S. Senate?
4. What do you suppose Consul Harris reported back to Washington about the Japanese government?
Would it have been as unflattering?

“GOING INTO BUSINESS” by Shibizawa Eiichi (1873)

Ito had brought back a mass of materials from America relating to government rules and organization. We
had these translated, and with a general picture of our goals in mind, we submitted a memorial
recommending a thorough restructuring of government offices. We were told to start with our own
ministry. I was given the task of drafting a plan, and in the privacy of my home, I worked for three days
and three nights straight without sleeping. My recommendations were forwarded to the Council and
eventually adopted. It was also at my suggestion that the American system of bookkeeping-the one still in
use today—was adopted.

My next assignment was to study banking regulations, but this, I had to admit, was more than I could
immediately grasp.
Some time earlier I had gone with Okuma, Ito, and Yoshida Kiyonari to Osaka to inspect the Mint, and
spent the trip back thinking about the country's economic future. The government could cudgel its brains
and expend all its energies on reforming the currency, revising the tax system, setting up corporate forms of
business, and fostering new industries, but as long as the merchants remained in their present state, I
doubted that commerce and industry in Japan would ever improve or develop. I wondered whether I should
leave government service and devote myself to private business, taking the lead in reviving the spirit of
enter-prise and developing the country's commerce. When I spoke to Okuma and Ito about this, they said
they admired my foresight and ambition but felt my decision premature. My departure, they said, would
greatly inconvenience the ministry.

My low opinion of merchants in Japan had been formed to a large extent by my experience at the
Tsushoshi, a trading office whose affairs I had been asked to handle since the previous year. I should
mention that I was by then assistant deputy vice-minister and charged with general ministerial duties. The
Tsushoshi, which had been formed under government directives by influential Tokyo and Osaka merchants
in 1868 [1869], was made up of money-exchange houses and firms that dealt in trade and land
development. But what had been envisioned as a forerunner of a joint-stock company had turned into an
enterprise that consistently lost money, mainly due to inexperience and the inability of the managers to
grasp the basic principles and objectives. When I was called in to attend to the Tsushoshi's final dissolution,
the merchants I met there were no better than those I remembered from the past. They bowed and scraped
the moment they saw a government official, they were uneducated, devoid of initiative, and utterly
uninterested in new ideas or innovation.' Saddened and exasperated, I had then considered retiring from
government and devoting myself to the development of commerce and industry.

Thoroughly discouraged, I went to see Inoue at his home in Kaiunbashi (he was then living in a house
owned by Mitsui) and told him I had decided to quit. "To put it bluntly, I see little hope that the
government will change its policies. I have no real interest in working at the ministry much longer. I don't
like to speak to you like this when I see you working your-self to exhaustion, but if we continue to function
in this fashion, I doubt we'll ever be able to put finances in order. I've mentioned this before, but I would
rather be in the business world, where I have better hopes for the future. Today, people with any education,
ambition, brains, or skills all enter government service and no one goes into private business. That
imbalance will prevent us from building a strong country.

The business world around 1873, the year when I resigned my post from the Ministry of Finance, was one
filled with inertia. That condition is hard to imagine from the standards we hold for the business world
today. There was a tradition of respecting officials and despising common people. All talented men looked
to government service as the ultimate goal in their lives, and ordinary students followed their examples.
There was practically no one who was interested in business. When people met, they discussed only
matters relating to the affairs of the nation and of the world. There was no such thing as practical business
education.

It was said that the Meiji Restoration was to bring about equality among the four classes of people.
However, in practice, those who engaged in commerce and industry were regarded as plain townspeople as
before, and were despised and had to remain subservient to government officials. I knew that conditions
such as this would not be allowed to persist. A rigid class structure should not be tolerated. We should be
able to treat each other with respect, and make no differentiation between government officials and
townspeople. This was essential to our national welfare, as we looked forward to strengthening the country
which required wealth to back it up. We needed commerce and industry to attain the goal of becoming a
rich nation. Unworthy as I was I thought of engaging in commerce and industry to help promote the
prosperity of our nation. I might not have talent to become a good politician, but I was confident that I
could make a contribution in the fields of commerce and industry....

As to the question of development of commerce and industry, I felt that to engage in an individually
managed shop would be going against the tide of the times, and it was necessary for small business firms to
be incorporated into larger ones. In other words, it was necessary to incorporate them, and I decided to
devote my energy in this endeavor. As to the laws governing incorporation, I thought about them while
studying in France. After my return from France and before my entering into government service, I
organized a chamber of commerce in Shizuoka to serve as a model for incorporation in this country. Since
that time, I have consistently advocated the advantages of incorporation. In organizing a company, the most
important factor one ought to consider is to obtain the right person to oversee its operation. In the early
years of Meiji, the government also encouraged incorporation of companies and organized exchange
companies and development companies. The government actively participated in these companies' affairs
and saw to it that their various needs were met. However, most of these companies failed because their
management was poor. To state it simply, the government failed to have the right men as their managers. I
had no experience in commerce and industry, but I also prided myself in the fact that I had greater potential
for success in these fields than most of the nongovernmental people at that time.

I also felt that it was necessary to raise the social standing of those who engaged in commerce and industry,
and by way of setting an example, I began studying and practicing the teachings of the Analects of
Confucius. It contains teachings first given more than 2,400 years ago. Yet it supplies the ultimate in practi-
cal ethics for all of us to follow in our daily life, and has many golden rules for businessmen to follow. For
example there is a saying: "Wealth and respect are what men desire, but unless there be the right way, they
are not to be obtained; poverty and lowly position are what men despise, but unless there be the right way,
once they are obtained they cannot be abandoned." It shows very clearly how a business-man must act in
this world. Thus when I entered the business world, I engaged in commerce and industry in the way
consistent with the teachings of the Analects, and practiced the doctrine of unity of knowledge and action
[as taught by Wang Yang-ming].

Questions
1. Why did Eiichi feel compelled to abandon a promising career in government service?
2. What did he find so unsettling about the Japanese businessman in the 1860s?
3. Discuss Eiichi's efforts to blend Western business practices and Japanese culture.
4. How do you think the story of Eiichi's early entry into business differed from that of his American
contemporaries like John D. Rockefeller or Henry Ford?

“THE MEIJI CONSTITUTION” (1889)

Chapter 1: The Emperor
ARTICLE I
The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed by a line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal.
ARTICLE II
The Imperial Throne shall be succeeded to by Imperial male descendants, according to the provisions of the
Imperial House Law.
ARTICLE III
The Emperor is sacred and inviolable.
ARTICLE W
The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, and exercises
them, according to the provisions of the present Constitution.
ARTICLE V
The Emperor exercises the legislative power with the consent of the Imperial Diet.
ARTICLE VI
The Emperor gives sanction to laws and orders them to be promulgated and executed.
ARTICLE VII
The Emperor convokes the Imperial Diet, opens, closes, and prorogues it, and dissolves the House of
Representatives.
ARTICLE VIII
The Emperor, in consequence of an urgent necessity to maintain public safety or to avert public calamities,
issues, when the Imperial Diet is not sitting, Imperial Ordinances in the place of law.
Such Imperial Ordinances are to be laid before the Imperial Diet at its next session, and when the Diet does
not approve the said Ordinances, the Government shall declare them to be invalid for the future.
ARTICLE X
The Emperor determines the organization of the different branches of the administration, and salaries of all
civil and military officers, and appoints and dismisses the same. Exceptions especially provided for in the
present Constitution or in other laws, shall be in accordance with the respective provisions (bearing
thereon).
ARTICLE XI
The Emperor has the supreme command of the Army and Navy.
ARTICLE XII
The Emperor determines the organization and peace standing of the Army and Navy.
ARTICLE XIII
The Emperor declares war, makes peace, and concludes treaties.
ARTICLE XIV
The Emperor declares a state of siege. The conditions and effects of a state of siege shall be determined by
law.
ARTICLE XV
The Emperor confers titles of nobility, rank, orders and other marks of honor.
ARTICLE XVI
The Emperor orders amnesty, pardon, commutation of punishments and rehabilitation.

Chapter II: Rights and Duties of Subjects
ARTICLE XVIII
The conditions necessary for being a Japanese subject shall be determined by law.
ARTICLE XIX
Japanese subjects may, according to qualifications determined in laws or Ordinances, be appointed to civil
or military or any other public offices equally.
ARTICLE XX
Japanese subjects are amenable to service in the Army or Navy, according to the provisions of law.
ARTICLE XXI
Japanese subjects are amenable to the duty of paying taxes, according to the provisions of law.
ARTICLE XXII
Japanese subjects shall have the liberty of abode and of changing the same within the limits of the law.
ARTICLE XXIII
No Japanese subject shall be arrested, detained, tried or punished, unless according to law.
ARTICLE XXIV
No Japanese subject shall be deprived of his right of being tried by the judges determined by law.
ARTICLE XXV
Except in the cases provided for in the law, the house of no Japanese subject shall be entered or searched
without his consent.
ARTICLE XXVI
Except in the cases mentioned in the law, the secrecy of the letters of every Japanese subject shall remain
inviolate.
ARTICLE XXVII
The right of property of every Japanese subject shall remain inviolate.
Measures necessary to be taken for the public benefit shall be provided for by law.
ARTICLE XXVIII
Japanese subjects shall, within limits not prejudicial to peace and order, and not antagonistic to their duties
as subjects, enjoy freedom of religious belief.
ARTICLE XXIX
Japanese subjects shall, within the limits of law, enjoy the liberty of speech, writing, publication, public
meetings and associations.
ARTICLE XXX
Japanese subjects may present petitions, by observing the proper forms of respect, and by complying with
the rules specially provided for the same.
ARTICLE XXXI
The provisions contained in the present Chapter shall not affect the exercises of the powers appertaining to
the Emperor, in times of war or in cases of a national emergency.

Chapter III: The Imperial Diet
ARTICLE XXXIII
The Imperial Diet shall consist of two Houses, a House of Peers and a House of Representatives.
ARTICLE XXXIV
The House of Peers shall, in accordance with the Ordinance concerning the House of Peers, be composed
of the members of the Imperial Family, of the orders of nobility, and of those who have been nominated
thereto by the Emperor.
ARTICLE XXXV
The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members elected by the people, according to the
provisions of the Law of by Imperial Order to be newly elected, and the Election.
ARTICLE XXXVI
No one can at one and the same time be a Member of both Houses.
ARTICLE XXXVII
Every law requires the consent of the Imperial Diet.
ARTICLE XXXVIII
Both Houses shall vote upon projects of law submitted to it by the Government, and may respectively
initiate projects of law.
ARTICLE XL
Both Houses can make representations to the Government, as to laws or upon any other subject. When,
however, such representations are not accepted, they cannot be made a second time during the same
session.
ARTICLE XLI
The Imperial Diet shall be convoked every year.
ARTICLE XL11
A session of the Imperial Diet shall last during three months. In case of necessity, the duration of a session
may be prolonged by the Imperial Order.
ARTICLE XLIII
When urgent necessity arises, an extraordinary session may be convoked in addition to the ordinary one.
The duration of an extraordinary session shall be determined by Imperial Order.
ARTICLE XLV
When the House of Representatives has been ordered to dissolve, Members shall be caused new House
shall be convoked within five months from the day of dissolution.
ARTICLE XLVII
Votes shall be taken in both Houses by absolute majority. In the case of a tie vote, the President shall have
the casting vote.
ARTICLE XLVIII
The deliberations of both Houses shall be held in public. The deliberations may, how-ever, upon demand of
the Government or by resolution of the House, be held in secret sitting.
ARTICLE XLIX
Both Houses of the Imperial Diet may respectively present addresses to the Emperor.
ARTICLE LII
No Member of either House shall be held responsible outside the respective Houses, for any opinion uttered
or for any vote given in the House. When, however, a Member himself has given publicity to his opinions
by public speech, by documents in print or in writing, or by any other similar means, he shall, in the mat-
ter, be amenable to the general law.
ARTICLE LIII
The Members of both Houses shall, during the session, be free from arrest, unless with the consent of the
House, except in cases of flagrant delicts, or of offenses connected with a state of internal commotion or
with a foreign trouble.
ARTICLE LIV
The Ministers of State and the Delegates of the Government may, at any time, take seats and speak in either
House.

Chapter VI: Finance
ARTICLE LXII
The imposition of a new tax or the modification of the rates (of an existing one) shall be determined by law.
However, all such administrative fees or other revenue having the nature of compensation shall not fall
within the category of the above clause.
The raising of national loans and the contracting of other liabilities to the charge of the National Treasury,
except those that are provided in the Budget, shall require the consent of the Imperial Diet.
ARTICLE LXIII
The taxes levied at present shall, in so far as they are not remodelled by a new law, be collected according
to the old system.
ARTICLE LXIV
The expenditure and revenue of the State require the consent of the Imperial Diet by means of an annual
Budget.
Any and all expenditures overpassing the appropriations set forth in the Titles and Paragraphs of the
Budget, or that are not provided for in the Budget, shall subsequently require the approbation of the
Imperial Diet.
ARTICLE LXV
The Budget shall be first laid before the House of Representatives.
ARTICLE LXVI
The expenditures of the Imperial House shall be defrayed every year out of the National Treasury,
according to the present fixed amount for the same, and shall not require the consent thereto of the Imperial
Diet, except in case an increase thereof is found necessary.
ARTICLE LXVII
Those already fixed expenditures based by the Constitution upon the powers appertaining to the Emperor,
and such expenditures as may have arisen by the effect of law, or that appertain to the legal obligations of
the Government, shall be neither rejected nor reduced by the Imperial Diet, without the concurrence of the
Government.
ARTICLE LXXI
When the Imperial Diet has not voted on the Budget, or when the Budget has not been brought into actual
existence, the Government shall carry out the Budget of the preceding year.

Questions
1. Characterize the power of the emperor under the Constitution.
2. What is the role of the Diet? How much power does it have?
3. Why is it significant that the expenditures of the imperial house do not require the con-sent of the Diet?
4. What would it have been like to be a subject under the Meiji Constitution?

				
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