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					                                                  Lesson Plan

Title: America and the 1970’s-A Crisis of Confidence

Name:          Teresa Strickland                                     Grade Level: 10

School:        Mayfield High School
Lesson Essential Question: (A question that lies at the heart of a subject or a curriculum, and promotes
inquiry)

What Caused Americans to suffer a crisis of confidence during the 1970’s?

Academic Expectation and Standard:

2.20 - Students understand, analyze, and interpret historical events, conditions, trends, and issues to develop
        historical perspective.

SS-HS-5.1.2 -Students will analyze how history is a series of connected events shaped by multiple cause and
effect relationships, tying past to present.

SS-HS-5.1.1- Students will use a variety of tools (e.g., primary and secondary sources, data, artifacts) to analyze
perceptions and perspectives of people and historical events in the modern world (1500 A.D. to present) and
United States History (Reconstruction to present).


 What students will know:                          What students will be able to do:
  1. How to gather, interpret and make               1. Explain the Watergate incident and its
     hypothesis from a variety of sources.               consequences as a contributing factor
  2. The primary facts and events of                     to the crisis in confidence.
     Watergate and its consequences.                 2. Describe how the energy crisis added
  3. How the energy crisis had a profound                to the general crisis of confidence.
     effect on American confidence in the            3. Explain how the Iranian hostage crisis
     strength of the U.S. government and                 affected Americans view of the U.S. as
     the economy.                                        a world power and further eroded
  4. How the Iranian hostage crisis eroded               their confidence in the nation.
     Americans confidence in the United
     States as a world power.




Instructional Set/Bell Ringer: Show the following video – begin about 2 minutes in with “I want to speak
to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right
now about a fundamental threat to American democracy.”
 Teacher Tube: President Jimmy Carter Crisis of Confidence Speech

You Tube: President Jimmy Carter - "Crisis of Confidence" Speech
Note: If you do not have access to the video, the speech has been provided. You may distribute copies and
underline key passages to assist students with the transition activity.

Transition Activity: Place students in pairs or small groups and have them discuss and answer the following
questions:

           1. President Carter says Americans (in 1979) were losing confidence in the future. Of what
              attitudes did this confidence consist?
           2. To what traditional values does Carter exhort Americans to remember and rededicate
              themselves? What values have taken the place of these traditional ones?
           3. How does the crisis of confidence affect Americans' belief in their government?
           4. What events in our nation's history have helped to shake Americans' confidence in their
              country?
           5. Carter claims that Americans can choose one of two paths concerning their future and national
              character. What are these paths?

Learning Experience: Place students in groups of 3 – 4. Each group will be investigating one of the three
topics of this lesson; Watergate, energy crisis, or Iranian hostage crisis. Assign each student in the group one
image from the series of images chosen for their topic. Their task is to use the following prompts paired with
the images to gather evidence about the event, interpret what they see and make a hypothesis from the
evidence.

Gathering Evidence

What do you see in this image?

What key details, or pieces of evidence, do you see?

How would you describe the scene and the people? (If a cartoon – what might be the message?)

What do you hear or smell in this scene?

Interpreting Evidence

What do you think is the approximate date of this scene? Give one piece of evidence to support your answer.

Where might this scene have taken place? Give one piece of evidence to support your answer.

What do you think is happening in this scene? Be prepared to support your opinion with one piece of
evidence.

Making Hypothesis from the Evidence

How do you think these people were feeling at this time and place?

What is significant about this image to the larger story?

Note: You will likely need to prompt and cue groups as they investigate the images. It is important that you
circulate among the groups to ensure they understand the lesson expectations. You may also want to
“brief” a leader from each group, giving them the summary or some key points so that they may assist their
group members WITHOUT directing them to conclusion. This is a lesson of discovery and may be
challenging to the students at first, thus the importance of circulating among groups and providing support
for their investigation.

 Students will then read from their text to determine if their assumptions are correct. You may want to use
your U.S. History textbooks for the information; however, I have included short summaries of each event.
Students will then “create the story” to present to their peers. Each student should be responsible for writing
copy that pertains to their image and then present the story to the class. The images and copy should be
presented in an order that best tells the story to the class.

The group should include in the closing of their story how the event contributed to the Crisis of Confidence in
America.

Note: You should project the images for the students as each contributes their part of the story.

Lesson Wrap Up:

Have students answer the essential question: What Caused Americans to suffer a crisis of confidence during
the 1970’s?

   A. List three events that contributed to the Crisis of Confidence in America during the 1970’s.

   B. Choose one event and explain the facts of the event, its consequences and how it contributed to the
      Crisis of Confidence in America.



          Student gives correct answers for parts A and B. All explanations are clear
   4
          and complete. There is evidence of clear understanding of the concept.

          Student gives correct answers for parts A and B. Explanations are correct,
   3
          but possibly unclear. There is less evidence of clear understanding.

          Student answers 1 (A or B) part of the question completely correct. There is
   2
          some evidence of understanding.

          Student gives only parts of correct answers. There is little evidence of
   1
          understanding.

          Response is totally incorrect or irrelevant (does not add any new
   0
          information to the question).

   B
          No response
Lesson Assessment: For Assessment of Student Presentations

                  Story Presentation Rubric
                              1                      2                       3                        4             Total
                    Audience cannot         Audience has                                  Student presents
                                                                   Student presents
                    understand              difficulty following                          information in logical,
                                                                   information in logical
Organization        presentation because    presentation                                  interesting sequence
                                                                   sequence which
                    there is no sequence    because student                               which audience can
                                                                   audience can follow.
                    of information.         jumps around.                                 follow.
                                            Student is
                                                                                          Student demonstrates
                  Student does not          uncomfortable
                                                                   Student is at ease and full knowledge (more
                  have grasp of             with information
                                                                   answers most           than required) by
                  information; student      and is able to
Subject Knowledge                                                  questions with         answering all class
                  cannot answer             answer only
                                                                   explanations and       questions with
                  questions about           rudimentary
                                                                   some elaboration.      explanations and
                  subject.                  questions, but fails
                                                                                          elaboration.
                                            to elaborate.



                                         Student
                                                                   Student maintains eye   Student maintains eye
                    Student makes no     occasionally uses
                                                                   contact most of the     contact with
Eye Contact         eye contact and only eye contact, but
                                                                   time but frequently     audience, seldom
                    reads from notes.    still reads mostly
                                                                   returns to notes.       returning to notes.
                                         from notes.
                                            Student's voice is
                  Student mumbles,                                 Student's voice is      Student uses a clear
                                            low. Student
                  incorrectly                                      clear. Student          voice and correct,
                                            incorrectly
                  pronounces terms,                                pronounces most         precise pronunciation
                                            pronounces terms.
Verbal Techniques and speaks too                                   words correctly. Most   of terms so that all
                                            Audience
                  quietly for audience                             audience members        audience members
                                            members have
                  in the back of class to                          can hear                can hear
                                            difficulty hearing
                  hear.                                            presentation.           presentation.
                                            presentation.
                    Cannot work with        Works with others,     Works well with         Works very well with
                    others in most          but has difficulty     others. Takes part in   others. Assumes a
Group Work          situations. Cannot      sharing decisions      most decisions and      clear role in decision
                    share decisions or      and                    shares in the           making and
                    responsibilities.       responsibilities.      responsibilities.       responsibilities.
                                                                                                Total Points:
  A= 26-28           B= 24-25                 C= 21-23              D= 19-20                 F= 0-18
Resources and materials needed:

   1. Access to Teacher Tube: President Jimmy Carter Crisis of Confidence Speech or

       You Tube: President Jimmy Carter - "Crisis of Confidence" Speech
       If no access to video, copy of Carter’s speech. (provided)

   2. Photocopies of Handouts: Response questions to Carter’s speech or you may choose to project on screen.
   3. Photocopies of images from the events; Watergate, energy crisis, Iranian Hostage crisis. (Samples have been
      provided or you may add/use your own.
   4. Photocopies of “investigating the evidence” questions to distribute to groups.
   5. Written text, information about the events, you may use your textbook or the short summaries
      provided.
   6. Open Response: Essential Question and Rubric (sample provided)
   7. Performance Rubric for presentation (sample provided)

Note: This lesson can be extended using additional TCI strategies such as role play where students act out the
event. For example, students play key characters; Nixon, Woodward and Bernstein, members of the Senate
Committee, an American Embassy hostage, an angry American waiting in line for gas etc. while images are
projected in the background.

Also, you may choose to incorporate more technology by having students research events on the web after
they have analyzed images and produce a photo story or movie maker presentation of the event. A rubric with
the additional categories mechanics and visual aids has been supplied.

You may supplement their presentations and your instruction with the following short videos:

You tube: Discovery Channel Iran Hostage crisis 1979

You tube: national archives-Hostage 1979

For a humorous take on the energy crisis: You tube
The Paul Hogan Show - National Fuel Crisis
McDonald's commercial "Gas Line" Classic 1970s
                    Photo story Presentation Rubric


                                   1                           2                           3                             4                Total


                      Audience cannot               Audience has difficulty   Student presents              Student presents
                      understand presentation       following presentation    information in logical        information in logical,
Organization
                      because there is no           because student jumps     sequence which audience       interesting sequence which
                      sequence of information.      around.                   can follow.                   audience can follow.


                                                    Student is                                              Student demonstrates full
                      Student does not have         uncomfortable with        Student is at ease and        knowledge (more than
                      grasp of information;         information and is able   answers most questions        required) by answering all
Subject Knowledge
                      student cannot answer         to answer only            with explanations and         class questions with
                      questions about subject.      rudimentary questions,    some elaboration.             explanations and
                                                    but fails to elaborate.                                 elaboration.


                                                    Student occasionally
                      Student uses superfluous                                                             Student's visual aids
                                                    uses visual aids that     Student's visual aids relate
Visual Aids           visual aids or no visual                                                             explain and reinforce the
                                                    rarely support the        to the presentation.
                      aids.                                                                                presentation.
                                                    presentation.


                      Student's presentation has
                                                 Presentation has three Presentation has no more Presentation has no
                      four or more spelling
Mechanics                                        misspellings and/or    than two misspellings      misspellings or
                      errors and/or grammatical
                                                 grammatical errors.    and/or grammatical errors. grammatical errors.
                      errors.


                                                    Student occasionally      Student maintains eye
                      Student makes no eye                                                                  Student maintains eye
                                                    uses eye contact, but     contact most of the time
Eye Contact           contact and only reads                                                                contact with audience,
                                                    still reads mostly from   but frequently returns to
                      from notes.                                                                           seldom returning to notes.
                                                    notes.                    notes.


                                                    Student's voice is low.
                      Student mumbles,                                        Student's voice is clear.     Student uses a clear voice
                                                    Student incorrectly
                      incorrectly pronounces                                  Student pronounces most       and correct, precise
                                                    pronounces terms.
Verbal Techniques     terms, and speaks too                                   words correctly. Most         pronunciation of terms so
                                                    Audience members
                      quietly for audience in the                             audience members can          that all audience members
                                                    have difficulty hearing
                      back of class to hear.                                  hear presentation.            can hear presentation.
                                                    presentation.


                      Cannot work with others       Works with others, but    Works well with others.       Works very well with
                      in most situations. Cannot    has difficulty sharing    Takes part in most            others. Assumes a clear
Group Work
                      share decisions or            decisions and             decisions and shares in the   role in decision making and
                      responsibilities.             responsibilities.         responsibilities.             responsibilities.


                                                                                                                   Total Points:


  A= 26-28              B= 24-25                      C= 21-23                 D= 19-20                       F= 0-18
President Jimmy Carters Crisis of Confidence Speech

Good evening.

This is a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party
to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who
feels your pain, and who shares your dreams and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.

During the past three years I've spoken to you on many occasions about national concerns, the energy crisis,
reorganizing the Government, our Nation's economy, and issues of war and especially peace. But over those
years the subjects of the speeches, the talks, and the press conferences have become increasingly narrow,
focused more and more on what the isolated world of Washington thinks is important. Gradually, you've heard
more and more about what the Government thinks or what the Government should be doing and less and less
about our Nation's hopes, our dreams, and our vision of the future.

Ten days ago I had planned to speak to you again about a very important subject – energy. For the fifth time I
would have described the urgency of the problem and laid out a series of legislative recommendations to the
Congress. But as I was preparing to speak, I began to ask myself the same question that I now know has been
troubling many of you. Why have we not been able to get together as a nation to resolve our serious energy
problem?

It's clear that the true problems of our Nation are much deeper – deeper than gasoline lines or energy shortages,
deeper even than inflation or recession. And I realize more than ever that as President I need your help. So, I
decided to reach out and listen to the voices of America.

I invited to Camp David people from almost every segment of our society – business and labor, teachers and
preachers, Governors, mayors, and private citizens. And then I left Camp David to listen to other Americans,
men and women like you. It has been an extraordinary 10 days, and I want to share with you what I've heard.

First of all, I got a lot of personal advice. Let me quote a few of the typical comments that I wrote down.

This from a southern Governor: "Mr. President, you are not leading this Nation – you're just managing the
Government."

"You don't see the people enough any more."

"Some of your Cabinet members don't seem loyal. There is not enough discipline among your disciples."

"Don't talk to us about politics or the mechanics of government, but about an understanding of our common
good."

"Mr. President, we're in trouble. Talk to us about blood and sweat and tears."

"If you lead, Mr. President, we will follow."

Many people talked about themselves and about the condition of our Nation. This from a young woman in
Pennsylvania: "I feel so far from government. I feel like ordinary people are excluded from political power."
And this from a young Chicano: "Some of us have suffered from recession all our lives."

"Some people have wasted energy, but others haven't had anything to waste."

And this from a religious leader: "No material shortage can touch the important things like God's love for us or
our love for one another."

And I like this one particularly from a black woman who happens to be the mayor of a small Mississippi town:
"The big-shots are not the only ones who are important. Remember, you can't sell anything on Wall Street
unless someone digs it up somewhere else first."

This kind of summarized a lot of other statements: "Mr. President, we are confronted with a moral and a
spiritual crisis."

Several of our discussions were on energy, and I have a notebook full of comments and advice. I'll read just a
few.

"We can't go on consuming 40 percent more energy than we produce. When we import oil we are also
importing inflation plus unemployment."

"We've got to use what we have. The Middle East has only 5 percent of the world's energy, but the United
States has 24 percent."

And this is one of the most vivid statements: "Our neck is stretched over the fence and OPEC has a knife."

"There will be other cartels and other shortages. American wisdom and courage right now can set a path to
follow in the future."

This was a good one: "Be bold, Mr. President. We may make mistakes, but we are ready to experiment."

And this one from a labor leader got to the heart of it: "The real issue is freedom. We must deal with the energy
problem on a war footing."

And the last that I'll read: "When we enter the moral equivalent of war, Mr. President, don't issue us BB guns."

These 10 days confirmed my belief in the decency and the strength and the wisdom of the American people, but
it also bore out some of my longstanding concerns about our Nation's underlying problems.

I know, of course, being President, that government actions and legislation can be very important. That's why
I've worked hard to put my campaign promises into law – and I have to admit, with just mixed success. But
after listening to the American people I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can't fix
what's wrong with America. So, I want to speak to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than
energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy.

I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure. And I do not refer to the outward
strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic
power and military might.

The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the
very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the
meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our Nation.
The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of
America.

The confidence that we have always had as a people is not simply some romantic dream or a proverb in a
dusty book that we read just on the Fourth of July. It is the idea which founded our Nation and has
guided our development as a people. Confidence in the future has supported everything else – public
institutions and private enterprise, our own families, and the very Constitution of the United States.
Confidence has defined our course and has served as a link between generations. We've always believed
in something called progress. We've always had a faith that the days of our children would be better than
our own.

Our people are losing that faith, not only in government itself but in the ability as citizens to serve as the
ultimate rulers and shapers of our democracy. As a people we know our past and we are proud of it. Our
progress has been part of the living history of America, even the world. We always believed that we were
part of a great movement of humanity itself called democracy, involved in the search for freedom, and
that belief has always strengthened us in our purpose. But just as we are losing our confidence in the
future, we are also beginning to close the door on our past.

In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close-knit communities, and our faith in God,
too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption. Human identity is no longer
defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But we've discovered that owning things and consuming
things does not satisfy our longing for meaning. We've learned that piling up material goods cannot fill
the emptiness of lives which have no confidence or purpose.

The symptoms of this crisis of the American spirit are all around us. For the first time in the history of
our country a majority of our people believe that the next five years will be worse than the past five
years. Two-thirds of our people do not even vote. The productivity of American workers is actually
dropping, and the willingness of Americans to save for the future has fallen below that of all other people
in the Western world.

As you know, there is a growing disrespect for government and for churches and for schools, the news
media, and other institutions. This is not a message of happiness or reassurance, but it is the truth and it
is a warning.

These changes did not happen overnight. They've come upon us gradually over the last generation, years
that were filled with shocks and tragedy.

We were sure that ours was a nation of the ballot, not the bullet, until the murders of John Kennedy and
Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. We were taught that our armies were always invincible
and our causes were always just, only to suffer the agony of Vietnam. We respected the Presidency as a
place of honor until the shock of Watergate.

We remember when the phrase "sound as a dollar" was an expression of absolute dependability, until 10
years of inflation began to shrink our dollar and our savings. We believed that our Nation's resources
were limitless until 1973, when we had to face a growing dependence on foreign oil.

These wounds are still very deep. They have never been healed.

Looking for a way out of this crisis, our people have turned to the Federal Government and found it
isolated from the mainstream of our Nation's life. Washington, D.C., has become an island. The gap
between our citizens and our Government has never been so wide. The people are looking for honest
answers, not easy answers; clear leadership, not false claims and evasiveness and politics as usual.
What you see too often in Washington and elsewhere around the country is a system of government that
seems incapable of action. You see a Congress twisted and pulled in every direction by hundreds of well-
financed and powerful special interests. You see every extreme position defended to the last vote, almost
to the last breath by one unyielding group or another. You often see a balanced and a fair approach that
demands sacrifice, a little sacrifice from everyone, abandoned like an orphan without support and
without friends.

Often you see paralysis and stagnation and drift. You don't like it, and neither do I. What can we do?

First of all, we must face the truth, and then we can change our course. We simply must have faith in
each other, faith in our ability to govern ourselves, and faith in the future of this Nation. Restoring that
faith and that confidence to America is now the most important task we face. It is a true challenge of this
generation of Americans.

One of the visitors to Camp David last week put it this way: "We've got to stop crying and start sweating,
stop talking and start walking, stop cursing and start praying. The strength we need will not come from
the White House, but from every house in America."

We know the strength of America. We are strong. We can regain our unity. We can regain our
confidence. We are the heirs of generations who survived threats much more powerful and awesome than
those that challenge us now. Our fathers and mothers were strong men and women who shaped a new
society during the Great Depression, who fought world wars, and who carved out a new charter of peace
for the world.

We ourselves are the same Americans who just 10 years ago put a man on the Moon. We are the
generation that dedicated our society to the pursuit of human rights and equality. And we are the
generation that will win the war on the energy problem and in that process rebuild the unity and
confidence of America.

We are at a turning point in our history. There are two paths to choose. One is a path I've warned about
tonight, the path that leads to fragmentation and self-interest. Down that road lies a mistaken idea of
freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant
conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility. It is a certain route to failure.

All the traditions of our past, all the lessons of our heritage, all the promises of our future point to
another path, the path of common purpose and the restoration of American values. That path leads to
true freedom for our Nation and ourselves. We can take the first steps down that path as we begin to
solve our energy problem.

Energy will be the immediate test of our ability to unite this Nation, and it can also be the standard
around which we rally. On the battlefield of energy we can win for our Nation a new confidence, and we
can seize control again of our common destiny.

In little more than two decades we've gone from a position of energy independence to one in which almost
half the oil we use comes from foreign countries, at prices that are going through the roof. Our excessive
dependence on OPEC has already taken a tremendous toll on our economy and our people. This is the
direct cause of the long lines which have made millions of you spend aggravating hours waiting for
gasoline. It's a cause of the increased inflation and unemployment that we now face. This intolerable
dependence on foreign oil threatens our economic independence and the very security of our Nation.

The energy crisis is real. It is worldwide. It is a clear and present danger to our Nation. These are facts
and we simply must face them:

What I have to say to you now about energy is simple and vitally important.

Point one: I am tonight setting a clear goal for the energy policy of the United States. Beginning this
moment, this Nation will never use more foreign oil than we did in 1977 – never. From now on, every new
addition to our demand for energy will be met from our own production and our own conservation. The
generation-long growth in our dependence on foreign oil will be stopped dead in its tracks right now and
then reversed as we move through the 1980's, for I am tonight setting the further goal of cutting our
dependence on foreign oil by one-half by the end of the next decade – a saving of over 4 1/2 million
barrels of imported oil per day.

Point two: To ensure that we meet these targets, I will use my Presidential authority to set import quotas.
I'm announcing tonight that for 1979 and 1980, I will forbid the entry into this country of one drop of
foreign oil more than these goals allow. These quotas will ensure a reduction in imports even below the
ambitious levels we set at the recent Tokyo summit.

Point three: To give us energy security, I am asking for the most massive peacetime commitment of funds
and resources in our Nation's history to develop America's own alternative sources of fuel – from coal,
from oil shale, from plant products for gasohol, from unconventional gas, from the Sun.

I propose the creation of an energy security corporation to lead this effort to replace 2 1/2 million barrels
of imported oil per day by 1990. The corporation will issue up to $5 billion in energy bonds, and I
especially want them to be in small denominations so that average Americans can invest directly in
America's energy security.

Just as a similar synthetic rubber corporation helped us win World War II, so will we mobilize American
determination and ability to win the energy war. Moreover, I will soon submit legislation to Congress
calling for the creation of this Nation's first solar bank, which will help us achieve the crucial goal of 20
percent of our energy coming from solar power by the year 2000.

These efforts will cost money, a lot of money, and that is why Congress must enact the windfall profits tax
without delay. It will be money well spent. Unlike the billions of dollars that we ship to foreign countries
to pay for foreign oil, these funds will be paid by Americans to Americans. These funds will go to fight,
not to increase, inflation and unemployment.

Point four: I'm asking Congress to mandate, to require as a matter of law, that our Nation's utility
companies cut their massive use of oil by 50 percent within the next decade and switch to other fuels,
especially coal, our most abundant energy source.

Point five: To make absolutely certain that nothing stands in the way of achieving these goals, I will urge
Congress to create an energy mobilization board which, like the War Production Board in World War II,
will have the responsibility and authority to cut through the redtape, the delays, and the endless
roadblocks to completing key energy projects.

We will protect our environment. But when this Nation critically needs a refinery or a pipeline, we will
build it.

Point six: I'm proposing a bold conservation program to involve every State, county, and city and every
average American in our energy battle. This effort will permit you to build conservation into your homes
and your lives at a cost you can afford.
I ask Congress to give me authority for mandatory conservation and for standby gasoline rationing. To
further conserve energy, I'm proposing tonight an extra $10 billion over the next decade to strengthen
our public transportation systems. And I'm asking you for your good and for your Nation's security to
take no unnecessary trips, to use carpools or public transportation whenever you can, to park your car
one extra day per week, to obey the speed limit, and to set your thermostats to save fuel. Every act of
energy conservation like this is more than just common sense – I tell you it is an act of patriotism.

Our Nation must be fair to the poorest among us, so we will increase aid to needy Americans to cope with
rising energy prices. We often think of conservation only in terms of sacrifice. In fact, it is the most
painless and immediate way of rebuilding our Nation's strength. Every gallon of oil each one of us saves
is a new form of production. It gives us more freedom, more confidence, that much more control over our
own lives.

So, the solution of our energy crisis can also help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country. It
can rekindle our sense of unity, our confidence in the future, and give our Nation and all of us
individually a new sense of purpose.

You know we can do it. We have the natural resources. We have more oil in our shale alone than several
Saudi Arabias. We have more coal than any nation on Earth. We have the world's highest level of
technology. We have the most skilled work force, with innovative genius, and I firmly believe that we
have the national will to win this war.

I do not promise you that this struggle for freedom will be easy. I do not promise a quick way out of our
Nation's problems, when the truth is that the only way out is an all-out effort. What I do promise you is
that I will lead our fight, and I will enforce fairness in our struggle, and I will ensure honesty. And above
all, I will act.

We can manage the short-term shortages more effectively and we will, but there are no short-term
solutions to our long-range problems. There is simply no way to avoid sacrifice.

Twelve hours from now I will speak again in Kansas City, to expand and to explain further our energy
program. Just as the search for solutions to our energy shortages has now led us to a new awareness of
our Nation's deeper problems, so our willingness to work for those solutions in energy can strengthen us
to attack those deeper problems.

I will continue to travel this country, to hear the people of America. You can help me to develop a
national agenda for the 1980s. I will listen and I will act. We will act together. These were the promises I
made three years ago, and I intend to keep them.

Little by little we can and we must rebuild our confidence. We can spend until we empty our treasuries,
and we may summon all the wonders of science. But we can succeed only if we tap our greatest resources
– America's people, America's values, and America's confidence.

I have seen the strength of America in the inexhaustible resources of our people. In the days to come, let
us renew that strength in the struggle for an energy secure nation.

In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever
you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God's help and for the sake of our
Nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the
American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.

Thank you and good night.
President Jimmy Carter - July 15, 1979




Summary of the Watergate Scandal

On June 16, 1972, a security guard at the Watergate Hotel in Washington , D.C. , discovered a piece of tape on the lock
of the door that led to the National Democratic Headquarters.

This foiled break-in attempt at the Watergate scandal was part of a larger campaign by Nixon supporters to tarnish the
reputation of Democratic candidates and the Democratic Party. Democratic candidates were harassed, subject to
negative campaign ads, and on two separate occasions the National Democratic Headquarters were broken into.

As soon as the attempted break-in at Watergate Hotel scandal became know, president Richard Nixon ordered the
entire affair covered up. It became clear that the Nixon presidency had been involved in serious manipulation and
abuses of power for years. Millions of dollars coming from Nixon supporters were used to pay for the cover-up in an
attempt to hide the truth from Congress and the American people.

The investigation would introduce the American people to such people as John Ehrlichman and Bob Haldeman.
Ehrlichman was the President and Chief of the Domestic Council and Haldeman was the Chief of Staff. Both would be
fired in a desperate attempt to save the presidency.

The investigation would ask two questions which would forever live in political infamy. The questions were, "What did
the president know?" and "When did he know it?"

The investigation into Watergate scandal Summary revealed that Nixon knew about the break-in from the beginning
and that he was involved in the cover-up as it progressed.

In the early stages of the Watergate scandal almost of the media reported the break-in as a minor story with little
national significance. This was until two young reporters, Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward who were working for the
Washington Post began to dig deeper into the mystery.

Aided by an informant identified as Deep Throat, Woodward and Bernstein uncovered one of the significant stories of
the twentieth century. They became the catalyst in forcing the first presidential resignation in American history.

As the Watergate scandal Summary investigation began testimony revealed that there was a taping system which was
installed to record conversations in the Oval Office, Camp David , the Cabinet rooms, and Nixon's hideaway office.

Nixon argued that the tapes contained only private conversations between the president and his advisors. The Supreme
Court did not agree. The court ordered the president to release the tapes.

The Nixon tapes were released in the 1970s and contained 18 minutes of silence that have never been explained.

In mid-1974, the House of Representatives approved the articles of impeachment against President Nixon.

They were: Article I: Obstruction of justice; Article II: Abuse of power; and Article III: Defiance of committee subpoena.
On August 8, 1974, Richard Nixon announced to the American people that he no longer had a political base strong
enough to support his remaining time in office and resigned the presidency.

In 1996, 200 new hours of tape were released in the lawsuit of historian Stanley I. Kutler. The new tapes revealed that
Nixon was intimately involved both before and after Watergate in abuses of power. A taped conversation on June 23,
1972, proved that Nixon and Haldeman talked about using the CIA to thwart the FBI investigation into the Watergate
scandal cover-up.




Summary of the Energy Crisis

 Several events combined to bring about the energy crisis of the '70s. The first was a dramatic rise in American
energy consumption, with the United States consuming a huge percentage of the world's energy in proportion
to its population. Domestic oil production declined at the same time, leading the United States to lean heavily
on foreign oil, and in 1973, the United States was placed under an OPEC embargo for political reasons. Middle
Eastern members of OPEC wished to protest American involvement in an ongoing conflict with Israel, and
these nations struck the United States where it hurt, depriving them of oil in 1973 and again in 1977.

One of the most immediate effects of the embargo was a skyrocketing of energy prices, as a result of limited
supply and heavy demand. Rationing went into effect, with supplies of petroleum products being carefully
doled out with ration cards and flag systems in which people could take turns buying gas and other fuels on
the basis of license plate numbers. At the same time, the stock market contracted radically, an event which
foreshadowed future stock market instabilities linked to the price of oil.

The 1970s was also an era in which environmentalism was becoming mainstream. Environmentalists went
from what many considered the "lunatic fringe" to the heart of social consciousness as they argued that high
energy consumption was damaging the environment and crippling the United States. The energy crisis
combined with more interest in environmentalism brought about a rise in interest in alternative sources of
energy and fuel efficiency.

Politically, the government struggled to deal with the energy crisis. The Watergate scandal erupted at about
the same time that the energy crisis did, making it difficult for the Nixon Administration to make productive
policy decisions. Once Ford and later Carter took over, they struggled to make sense of the energy crisis. A
number of government agencies including the Department of Energy were founded during this period in an
attempt to formulate policy and shift the way in which Americans used energy.

A national 55 mile per hour (90 kilometers per hour) speed limit was imposed to increase fuel efficiency, and
daylight saving time was moved to reduce demand for fuel. These imposed austerity measures fed into a more
general examination of American energy policy, with some Americans protesting such measures under the
argument that they infringed on the rights of the people or posed undue hardship.

One of the most far-reaching effects of the energy crisis was a growing awareness of the need to secure
energy supplies. Concerns about energy led the United States to become heavily involved in Middle Eastern
politics, since it feared a repeat of the 1970s embargoes, and the United States also started more aggressive
oil and gas exploration within its boundaries in an attempt to increase domestic production. This period in
American history highlighted the fact that energy was a critical political issue, and that the United States could
not afford to be caught unaware in the future.
Summary of Iranian Hostage Crisis

On November 4, 1979, an angry mob of some 300 to 500 "students" who called themselves "Imam's Disciples," laid siege
to the American Embassy in Teheran, Iran, to capture and hold hostage 66 U.S. citizens and diplomats. Although women
and African-Americans were released a short time later, 51 hostages remained imprisoned for 444 days with another
individual released because of illness midway through the ordeal.

President Jimmy Carter immediately imposed economic sanctions and applied diplomatic pressure to expedite
negotiations for the release of the hostages. First, Carter cancelled oil imports from Iran, then he expelled a number of
Iranians from the U.S., followed by freezing about $8 billion of Iranian assets in the U.S.

At first, the Iranian government denied responsibility for the incident, but its failure to take action against the hostage-
takers belied the denial. The Carter administration could do little other at that point than be patient and persistent.

In February 1980, Iran issued a list of demands for the hostages' release. They included the Shah's return to Iran, a
demand for an apology for American involvement in Iran, including the coup in 1953, and a promise to steer clear of
Iranian affairs in the future. From the president's perspective, those demands could not be met.

In late April, Carter decided upon an ultra-secret mission to rescue the hostages. The operation, dubbed "Eagle Claw,"
seemed hastily thrown together by some, doomed to failure by others. Teheran was surrounded by 700 miles of desert
on all sides; the city itself was crammed with four million people, and the embassy was huge and well guarded. It was to
have been a two-night process requiring a minimum of six helicopters and a handful of C-130 cargo aircraft. To be on the
safe side, eight copters were prepared for the mission.

Once inside Iranian borders and advancing under cloak of night to a predetermined staging area 50 miles outside
Teheran in the Great Salt Desert, one "helo" had to turn back with operating problems. Another helo and then another
succumbed to a swirling dust storm, known in that area as a "haboob." The mission was aborted.

Upon attempting their retreat, a miscommunication gave one helo the okay to lift off. The storm slammed the helo into
a C-130, causing a gigantic fireball, killing three in the chopper and five in the airplane.

The aftermath, as Iranians eventually found and mockingly paraded the wreckage on worldwide television, was total
humiliation for the United States, and spurred an onslaught of investigations and congressional hearings. Cyrus Vance,
the secretary of state who had objected to the plan, resigned in protest. Back to square one.

"October Surprise"

Upon the death of the shah in July (which neutralized one demand) and the Iraqi invasion of Iran in September
(necessitating weapons acquisition), Iran became more amenable to reopening negotiations for the hostages' release.
In the late stages of the presidential race with Ronald Reagan, Carter, given those new parameters, might have been
able to bargain with the Iranians, which might have clinched the election for him. The 11th-hour heroics were dubbed an
"October Surprise"* by the Reagan camp — something they did not want to see happen.

Allegations surfaced that William Casey, director of the Reagan campaign, and some CIA operatives, secretly met with
Iranian officials in Europe to arrange for the hostages' release, but not until after the election. If true, some observers
aver, dealing with a hostile foreign government to achieve a domestic administration's defeat would have been grounds
for charges of treason.

Reagan won the election, partly because of the failure of the Carter administration to bring the hostages home. Within
minutes of Reagan's inauguration, the hostages were released. Under Reagan, the Iran-Contra Affair completes this
story.

Watergate Images




Woodward and Bernstein – Washington Post reporters
On April 30, 1973, with the Watergate scandal growing, Carl Bernstein, second from left, and Bob Woodward discussed the next
day's coverage with Katharine Graham, publisher of The Washington Post; Benjamin C. Bradlee, executive editor, right; and Howard
Simons, managing editor.




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President Richard Nixon
Energy Crisis Images
Iranian Hostage Crisis Images

				
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