Puerto Rico 1AC by niusheng11


									8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                                Dartmouth 2K9

                                                        Puerto Rico 1AC
Observation 1: Inherency

Currently, Puerto Ricans aren’t eligible for the Earned Income Tax Credit—denying vital help to
persons living in poverty on the island.
Office of Pedro Pierluisi, 6/11 (―In the news.‖ 2009. http://pierluisi.house.gov/NEWS/06-11-09-CREDIT.html. Accessed 7/22)
―The EITC was established to reduce poverty and increase the incentive to work. The EITC has a proven track record of success.
Research has shown that the credit has helped reduce welfare caseloads and increase single mothers‘ employment rates in the 50
states. Puerto Rico would likely see similar social and economic benefits if its workers qualified for the credit. There is no principled
basis for excluding Puerto Rico from the EITC program on the ground that Island residents do not pay federal taxes on their local
income, since the EITC is available to residents of the states who do not earn enough to have a federal tax liability,‖ the Resident
Commissioner said.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                            Dartmouth 2K9

                                                      Puerto Rico 1AC
Observation 2: The Politics of Exclusion

Federal programs such as social services are a place where Puerto Ricans are subordinated and excluded
from rights garnered by other American citizens.
Roman, 01 (Ediberto, Professor of Law, St. Thomas University, ―THE FIRST ANNUAL LATCRIT SUMMER COLLOQUIUM:
PERSPECTIVE,‖ 2001, Lexis)
    Through the 1917 grant of U.S. citizenship to the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, n211 these people of "the empire forgotten"
    appeared to approach incorporation into the body politic, but in actuality were never afforded full or "equal" constitutional
    citizenship. n212 The people of Puerto Rico are not full citizens because they do not share the same rights held by other
    United States citizens: they are disenfranchised people with limited rights. n213 As inhabitants of a territory, their
    representation in Congress is limited to one non-voting member of the House of Representatives. n214 They cannot vote
    for President or Vice-President, and their laws and status come under the plenary authority of Congress. n215
    In addition to their inability to participate in the national political process, the people of Puerto Rico are not entitled to the
    full complement of civil rights available to those with constitutionally granted citizenship. The citizenship rights of the
    people of Puerto Rico come not from the constitutional authority under the Fourteenth Amendment, which is the traditional
    basis for citizenship for those born or naturalized in the United States, but from the Territorial Clause of the U.S.
    Constitution. n216 Under this clause, Congress had the authority to implement the Treaty of Paris, n217 which provided
    the United States with the power over the "civil [*104] rights" and "political status" of the inhabitants of Puerto Rico.
    n218 Consequently, the citizenship of the people of Puerto Rico is a legislated and colonial concession, not a
    constitutionally derived right, and it can be revoked altogether. n219 Unlike other United States citizens, who by virtue of
    the Fourteenth Amendment cannot be stripped of their full citizenship status, n220 the people of Puerto Rico are merely
    statutory citizens. n221 Unlike Fourteenth Amendment citizens, the people of Puerto Rico are similar to aliens because
    they are "partial members of the community with limited membership rights," subject to congressional revocation of their
    citizenship status. n222
    The Supreme Court has repeatedly acknowledged Congress' plenary power over the territories. n223 In the Insular Cases,
    the Supreme Court broadly construed the Territorial Clause and refused to limit Congress' legislative power over the
    territories. n224 Through the Insular Cases, the Supreme Court developed the "territorial incorporation doctrine." n225
    Under this doctrine, all of the Constitution's provisions apply to territories that are incorporated into the United States, or
    assured eventual statehood, and only "fundamental" constitutional rights are applied to protect the residents of
    unincorporated territories. n226 The question then became which constitutional provisions were considered fundamental
    and applicable to the unincorporated territories. n227
     [*105] The Puerto Rican people's disenfranchised status has not only caused inequality of political and civil rights, but has
    also manifested itself through unequal economic treatment. n228 As a result of their subordinated status, residents of Puerto
    Rico receive less favorable treatment than mainland citizens under a number of major federal benefit programs. For the
    residents of Puerto Rico, federal payments under Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), Medicaid, and food
    stamps are made at lower levels and are subject to an overall cap. n229 Similarly, the Supplemental Security Income
    Program (SSI) does not apply to Puerto Rico. n230 Benefits under a similar program are capped and are made at lower
    levels than SSI payments made to eligible persons residing in the states. n231 Benefits for needy children are likewise
    provided at appreciably lower levels. n232

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                         Dartmouth 2K9

                                                     Puerto Rico 1AC
Under this paradigm, Puerto Ricans are seen as ungrateful, foreign populations to be otherized in order
to further American interests.
Malavet, 00 (Pedro, Professor at the University of Florida Fredric G. Levin College of Law, ―Puerto Rico: Cultural Nation, American
Colony,‖ 2000, Lexis)
    Contrary to scholarly statements that Puerto Rico is a forgotten American colony, n186 la isla is in fact a colony that the
    United States has [*44] never forgotten. n187 The United States has designed a process of governance that hides Puerto
    Rico in plain view. Puerto Rico's carefully crafted legal regime is designed to obfuscate the true colonial status of Puerto
    Rico because it is both part of the United States legal structure but different and apart from it. To be sure, such a dichotomy
    was necessary for the United States to further its post-World War II movement for self-determination of peoples. n188
    Thus, externally, the United States needed to hide its own colonial empire from allies to whom it was preaching about de-
    colonization, and from the United Nations. n189
    As plainly explained in Balzac, while internally the Puerto Ricans are viewed as United States citizens, they are
    nonetheless viewed as social and legal "Others." The United States hides Puerto Rico from "mainland" "real
    estadounidenses" by socially constructing Puerto Ricans in the United States as greedy immigrants n190 and Puerto
    Ricans in Puerto Rico as ungrateful foreigners. n191 At the same time, the United States legally constructs Puerto
    Ricans as second-class citizens, by giving them statutory United States citizenship which - far from an act of democratic
    kindness - proves to be the ultimate weapon of the Empire. The United States imposes on the Puerto Ricans each and every
    burden of American [*45] citizenship, such as taxation, n192 military service, and subjection to the criminal laws of the
    United States. n193 Conversely, the United States gives to the United States citizens who live in Puerto Rico the lowest
    levels of benefits compared to any citizen living in the states. n194 Finally, the colonial power attempts to shift the burden
    for taking the initiative on status determination to the Puerto Rican people. n195 The next Part will discuss how Puerto
    Ricans culturally construct themselves, and how this conflicts with the legal and social construction of their citizenship
    imposed by the United States.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                             Dartmouth 2K9

                                                      Puerto Rico 1AC
The exclusion of Puerto Ricans in the arena of social services is a racist tool of the state used to create a
dichotomy between the “alien” and the “citizen.”
Harris, 00 (Angela, Professor of Law at University of California, Berkeley, School of Law, ―Equality Trouble: Sameness and
Difference in Twentieth-Century Race Law,‖ December 2000, Lexis)
     Plenary power over matters of immigration and naturalization permitted Congress to foster the white character of the
     American polity, while the distinction between alien and citizen provided a formally race-neutral basis for state and local
     discrimination with a similar aim. In the realm of Indian law, the doctrine of congressional plenary power served partially
     to protect Indians from incursions by the states eager to take control of Indian lands and resources; but the doctrine also left
     Indians with little judicial protection from federal disregard of treaties and federal attempts to "civilize" an inferior race. In
     each of these areas of law, race figured heavily in determining the scope of legal rights; yet this branch of race law was
     untouched by the norm of racial equality.
     Finally, as the twentieth century began, the Supreme Court found plenary power in Congress to control access to citizenship
     and the exercise of constitutional rights by nonwhite peoples in foreign countries where the United States enjoyed political
     control. For example, in a series of cases called the "Insular Cases," n100 decided at the turn of the century, the [*1953]
     Supreme Court confronted the question of how to shape a constitutional structure for the colonies that the United States had
     won in the Spanish-American War. n101 Its approach was to grant "plenary" power to Congress to decide whether and to
     what extent the Constitution would "follow the flag." n102 It was also an issue that was understood as involving basic
     questions of race as civilization.
     The peculiar legal status of Puerto Rico provides an example. The original bill on Puerto Rico's status described all its
     inhabitants except those who elected to retain their allegiance to Spain as "citizens of the United States," and provided that
     the Constitution, as well as "all the laws of the United States locally applicable," would have "the same force and effect in
     the island of Puerto Rico as elsewhere in the United States." n103 After several weeks of committee hearings, however, the
     revised bill identified Puerto Ricans not as U.S. citizens but as "citizens of Porto Rico [sic], and as such entitled to the
     protection of the United States." n104 The children of the current inhabitants would hold this status as well. Moreover, the
     new bill deleted all references to the Constitution as the legal framework for the island, providing instead that "the statutory
     laws of the United States not locally inapplicable" would apply. n105
     What accounted for the change? In crafting a legal status for Puerto Ricans, members of Congress were mindful of the
     possible precedent being set for the Philippines, and issues of race and civilization were central to this discussion. n106
     While the inhabitants of Puerto Rico were thought to be mostly "white," with a few "negroes" and "mulattos" mixed in, the
     racial character of the Philippines struck horror into the hearts of many congressmen. The Filipinos, like the Chinese before
     them, represented both a [*1954] cultural and an economic threat. For example, Representative Thomas Spight, after
     praising the natives of Puerto Rico, argued, "How different the case of the Philippine Islands, 10,000 miles away....The
     inhabitants are of wholly different races of people from ours - Asiatics, Malays, negroes and mixed blood. They have
     nothing in common with us and centuries cannot assimilate them." n107 Echoing the rhetoric of "coolie labor" that had
     previously been used to characterize the Chinese, Representative John Dalzell declared himself unwilling "to see the wage-
     earner of the United States, the farmer of the United States, put upon a level and brought into competition with the cheap
     half-slave labor, savage labor, of the Philippine Archipelago." n108 The result of Congress's racial concerns, both about
     Puerto Rico itself and the dangerous precedent that might be set for the Philippines, was an intermediate limbo-like status
     for Puerto Rico that was neither purely that of a colony nor fully that of a U.S. state.
     Puerto Rico's new, anomalous legal status soon came before the courts. In Downes v. Bidwell, n109 one of the most
     frequently cited of the Insular Cases, the primary issue was whether the Foraker Act, which singled out Puerto Rico for a
     fifteen percent duty on items "imported...from foreign countries," n110 was constitutional as applied to Puerto Rico in light
     of Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution, which requires uniformity of duties throughout the United States. n111 In a
     plurality opinion in which he spoke only for himself, Justice Brown announced the judgment of the Court that Congress
     could apply the Foraker Act to Puerto Rico despite the language of Article I. Justice Brown justified this decision in
     explicitly racial terms. In his view, the plenary power of Congress to determine the reach of the Constitution in territories
     acquired by purchase or "conquest" was necessary given America's "Manifest Destiny":

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                    Dartmouth 2K9

                                           Puerto Rico 1AC
Reject racism in every instance for the evil it is—complicity destroys the value to life and makes violence
and destruction inevitable.
Memmi, 00

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                                Dartmouth 2K9

                                                        Puerto Rico 1AC
Observation 3: Poverty

Nearly half of Puerto Rico’s inhabitants fall below the poverty line.
Zarcone-Pérez 2005 [Teresa Zarcone-Pérez. ―Working To Address Poverty In Puerto Rico.‖ Equal Justice. Volume 4. No. 1.
Spring 2005. http://ejm.lsc.gov/EJMIssue8/povertyinpuertorico.htm.]
     Yet amidst the vibrant colored picture of the island‘s most marketable attributes is a darker reality. Traveling inland into the
     modest communities where most natives reside reveals a more sobering picture: that of a people struggling with the day-to-
     day problems of poverty. Despite the rambunctious demeanor of a citizenry always ready for a festival (there are more than
     500 a year here), life on the island is no tropical paradise for many of Puerto Rico‘s 3.8 million inhabitants. Forty-five
     percent, or roughly 1.8 million people, live at or below the poverty line. The unemployment rate, which has not dipped
     below double digits in this millennium, currently hovers above 11 percent. By some estimates, as many as 100,000 Puerto
     Ricans are homeless, living on the streets and in the island‘s cramped shelters. The drastic change in scenery can be an eye-
     opener for tourists and the small, elite circle of island residents with the disposable income to buy expensive cars, high-end
     second homes, and water toys.

We have a moral obligation to address Puerto Rico’s economy given the history of U.S. oppression and
BarackObama.com 2008[―Barack Obama: Strengthening Puerto Rico‘s Economy.‖ Barack Obama for
America. obama.3cdn.net/d565e987af990c2de8_hc4qmvog4.pdf]

Growing up in Hawaii, Barack Obama understands firsthand the unique concerns of an island economy like
Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico is a vitally important part of our country, and Puerto Ricans have made immeasurable
contributions to the United States. However, the island‘s nearly four million residents have been largely
neglected by the Bush administration. Puerto Rico has experienced large scale unemployment since the 1970s
and almost half of its residents live below the U.S. poverty line. The lack of job creation and labor participation
on the island has prevented Puerto Ricans from meeting basic needs and developing economically. The welfare
of all Puerto Ricans, including health care and educational needs, relies on a strong, robust economy. As
president, Barack Obama will make firm his commitment to the people of Puerto Rico. Obama‘s vision for the
island includes ensuring that Puerto Rico has the tools necessary for economic development at their disposal.
Obama believes that Congress must pay greater attention to job creation and economic development to sustain
economic growth in Puerto Rico.

Poverty is the ultimate form of dehumanization that strips individuals of their self-image
Sengendo 2008 [Ahmad Kawesa, Rector at University of Uganda] http://www.e astsym.org/documents/
     As Jack DeGioia of Georgetown University put it, ―The moral challenge of our times is to eliminate extreme poverty.‖
     Socio-economic transformation remains a mirage as long as the majority of our people continue to live in abject poverty.
     Poor people have no capacity to benefit from the great opportunities that advances in S&T as well as R&D may put on their
     door steps. Poverty is dehumanizing and cheats its victims of the minimum positive self-image and self-confidence
     necessary to face life‘s challenges.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                            Dartmouth 2K9

                                                      Puerto Rico 1AC
Poverty is a form of structural violence that outweighs global nuclear war.
James Gilligan, Department of Psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, 2000 edition, Violence:
Reflections on Our Deadliest Epidemic, p. 195-196
     The 14 to 18 million deaths a year caused by structural violence compare with about 100,000 deaths per year from armed
     conflict. Comparing this frequency of deaths from structural violence to the frequency of those caused by major military
     and political violence, such as World War II (an estimated 49 million military and civilian deaths, including those caused
     by genocide--or about eight million per year, 1935-1945), the Indonesian massacre of 1965-1966 (perhaps 575,000 deaths),
     the Vietnam war (possibly two million, 1954-1973), and even a hypothetical nuclear exchange between the U.S. and the
     U.S.S.R (232 million), it was clear that even war cannot begin to compare with structural violence, which continues year
     after year. In other word, every fifteen years, on the average, as many people die because of relative poverty as would be
     killed in a nuclear war that caused 232 million deaths; and every single year, two to three times as many people die from
     poverty throughout the world as were killed by the Nazi genocide of the Jews over a six-year period. This is, in effect, the
     equivalent of an ongoing, unending, in fact accelerating, thermonuclear war, or genocide, perpetrated on the weak and poor
     every year of every decade, throughout the world.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                            Dartmouth 2K9

                                                      Puerto Rico 1AC
Observation 4: The Caribbean

Puerto Rico’s economy is declining now- high unemployment
Velez 2009 [Phil. ―Puerto Rico's Economic Crisis.‖ http://philvelez.blogspot.com/2009/07/puerto-ricos-economic-crisis.html]
     The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico has seen its economy steadily decline prior to the global economic crisis and will likely
     continue to suffer after others see signs of recovery. Puerto Rico has a history of economic problems. The Puerto Rican
     government is much poorer than the poorest U.S. state and its economy has always relied heavily on U.S. federal aid. In
     March, Puerto Rico‘s unemployment rate jumped to 14.7 percent from 12 percent in January. It was listed as 14.3 percent
     last April. However the Government Development Bank (GDB) for Puerto Rico, an agency that protects the
     Commonwealth‘s fiscal stability, registered Puerto Rico‘s unemployment rate at 15.8 percent, the highest in 13 years.

Reducing unemployment would improve Puerto Rico’s economy
Collins 2006 [Susan. ―The Economy of Puerto Rico.‖ The Brookings Institution Center for the New Economy. P. 37]
     Labor Inputs. In this section, we provide an overview of trends in the quantity (employment rate) and quality (education) of
     the workforce. The low Puerto Rican employment-to-population rate, shown in table 2-1, is a major contributor to the
     depressed levels of family incomes on the island. If Puerto Ricans were employed at the same rate as on the mainland (with
     unchanged income per worker), per capita incomes would be raised by 50 percent. However, we also find that the Puerto
     Rican workforce has levels of educational attainment well above those of other countries with comparable incomes.

Puerto Rico’s Economy, as part of the larger Caribbean economy, is vital to the region’s security
Tulchin 2000 [Joseph. ―Security in the Caribbean Basin.‖ Ralph H. Espach: 2000.
     In keeping with our focus on nonstate actors, we can observe that improved social and economic conditions in the
     Caribbean, while not automatically lowering migration rates, would certainly be a disincentive to migration. Unfortunately,
     in the near future the likeihood of significant economic improvement in the region is not very great. Cuts in aid programs,
     the redirection of U.S. investment away from the Caribbean, and the dismantling of structures such as Law 936 in Puerto
     Rico will put even more economic pressure on Caribbean societies. That pressure will result in more tension within these
     societies and a sharpening distinction between the approaches to security of the state and its citizens. We can also anticipate
     increased friction between the states of the region as a result of the massive displacement of undocumented populations, for
     example, from Haiti to the Dominican Republic of from the latter country to Puerto Rico and the United States. These
     frictions are made worse due to the lack of clear migration policies and noncoercive institutional mechanism to deal with
     population movements. Conclusion. Migration should be one of the most important issues in a more inclusive discussion of
     regional security that focuses on human as well as strategic concerns. News summaries of a 1996 OAS meeting on
     Caribbean security, however, did not even mention the question of migration. In the current atmosphere, bringing migration
     to the center of debates about security would raise several basic questions for the countries of the region.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                                               Dartmouth 2K9

                                                                Puerto Rico 1AC
Caribbean security key to prevent bioterrorism and LNG tanker explosions
Bryan 1 Anthony T. Bryan, Director of the Caribbean Program – North/South Center, and Stephen E. Flynn, Senior Fellow – Council on Foreign Relations,
―Terrorism, Porous Borders, and Homeland Security: The Case for U.S.-Caribbean Cooperation‖, 10-21-2001,
http://www.cfr.org/publication/4844/terrorism_porous_borders_and _homeland_ security.html

Terrorist acts can take place anywhere. The Caribbean is no exception. Already the linkages between drug trafficking and terrorism are clear in
countries like Colombia and Peru, and such connections have similar potential in the Caribbean. The security of major industrial complexes in some
Caribbean countries is vital. Petroleum refineries and major industrial estates in Trinidad, which host more than 100 companies that produce the
majority of the world‘s methanol, ammonium sulphate, and 40 percent of U.S. imports of liquefied natural gas (LNG), are vulnerable targets.
Unfortunately, as experience has shown in Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, terrorists are likely to strike at U.S. and European interests in
Caribbean countries. Security issues become even more critical when one considers the possible use of Caribbean countries by terrorists as bases
from which to attack the United States. An airliner hijacked after departure from an airport in the northern Caribbean or the Bahamas can be flying
over South Florida in less than an hour. Terrorists can sabotage or seize control of a cruise ship after the vessel leaves a Caribbean port. Moreover,
terrorists with false passports and visas issued in the Caribbean may be able to move easily through passport controls in Canada or the United States.
(To help counter this possibility, some countries have suspended "economic citizenship" programs to ensure that known terrorists have not been
inadvertently granted such citizenship.) Again, Caribbean countries are as vulnerable as anywhere else to the clandestine manufacture and
deployment of biological weapons within national borders.

Bioterror risks extinction
Steinbrunner 97 John, Senior Fellow – Brookings, Foreign Policy, 12-22-1997, Lexis
Although human pathogens are often lumped with nuclear explosives and lethal chemicals as potential weapons of mass destruction,
there is an obvious, fundamentally important difference: Pathogens are alive, weapons are not. Nuclear and chemical weapons do not
reproduce themselves and do not independently engage in adaptive behavior; pathogens do both of these things. That deceptively
simple observation has immense implications. The use of a manufactured weapon is a singular event. Most of the damage occurs
immediately. The aftereffects, whatever they may be, decay rapidly over time and distance in a reasonably predictable manner. Even
before a nuclear warhead is detonated, for instance, it is possible to estimate the extent of the subsequent damage and the likely level
of radioactive fallout. Such predictability is an essential component for tactical military planning. The use of a pathogen, by contrast,
is an extended process whose scope and timing cannot be precisely con- trolled. For most potential biological agents, the predominant
drawback is that they would not act swiftly or decisively enough to be an effective weapon. But for a few pathogens---ones most
likely to have a decisive effect and therefore the ones most likely to be contemplated for deliberately hostile use--the risk runs in the
other direction. A lethal pathogen that could efficiently spread from one victim to another would be capable of initiating an
intensifying cascade of disease that might ultimately threaten the entire world population. The 1918 influenza epidemic demonstrated
the potential for a global contagion of this sort but not necessarily its outer limit.

LNG explosions outweigh nuclear war
Lovin and Lovin 1 Amory B. Lovin, Chief Scientist of the Rocky Mountain Institute, and L. Hunter Lovin, President – National
Capitalism and Co-Founder – Rocky Mountain Institute, ―Brittle Power: Energy Strategy for National Security‖, 2001,

About nine percent of such a tankerload of LNG will probably, if spilled onto water, boil to gas in about five minutes. It does not
matter how cold the water is; it will be at least two hundred twenty-eight Fahrenheit degrees hotter than the LNG, which it will
therefore cause to boil violently.) The resulting gas, however, will be so cold that it will still be denser than air. It will therefore flow
in a cloud or plume along the surface until it reaches an ignition source. Such a plume might extend at least three miles downwind
from a large tanker spill within ten to twenty minutes.4 It might ultimately reach much farther—perhaps six to twelve miles.5 If not
ignited, the gas is asphyxiating. If ignited, it will burn to completion with a turbulent diffusion flame reminiscent of the 1937
Hindenberg disaster but about a hundred times as big. Such a fireball would burn everything within it, and by its radiant heat would
cause third-degree burns and start fires a mile or two away.6 An LNG fireball can blow through a city, creating ―a very large number
of ignitions and explosions across a wide area. No present or foreseeable equipment can put out a very large [LNG]... fire.‖7 The
energy content of a single standard LNG tanker (one hundred twenty-five thousand cubic meters) is equivalent to seven-tenths of a
megaton of TNT, or about fifty-five Hiroshima bombs.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                    Dartmouth 2K9

                                           Puerto Rico 1AC
Thus the plan: The United States federal government should pass the Puerto Rico Work and
Empowerment Act.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                          Dartmouth 2K9

                                                     Puerto Rico 1AC
Observation 5: Solvency

The Puerto Rican Work and Empowerment Act reduces poverty, increases employment, and improves
local economies while reversing the exclusion facing Puerto Ricans.
US House of Representatives Documents, 6/12 ( ―Pascrell Introduces Puerto Rico Work and Empowerment Act,‖ 12 June 2009,
      WASHINGTON—U.S. Rep. Bill Pascrell, Jr. (D-NJ-08), a member of the House Ways and Means Committee, today
      introduced a bipartisan measure in the House of Representatives that would extend the earned income tax credit (EITC)
      provision of the federal tax code to United States residents of Puerto Rico.
      ―The earned income tax credit has proven its worth in the United States by helping to reduce the welfare caseload, increase
      employment for single mothers and ultimately lift working families and individuals,‖ stated Pascrell. ‗It is a powerful
      incentive in encouraging workers to come out from the underground economy and contribute to the formal economy. With
      15 percent unemployment in Puerto Rico, the earned income tax credit will encourage workers to come out from the
      shadows and join the Commonwealth‘s economy.‖
      ―I want to thank Rep. Pascrell for his leadership on this issue, as well as to thank Reps Crowley, Towns, Maloney, Sires
      and Mica. These members are good friends to the people of Puerto Rico, and I am deeply grateful for their support,‖ stated
      the Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico, Pedro Pierluisi.
      The legislation, called the Puerto Rico Work and Empowerment Act, would extend the EITC to help reduce poverty,
      increase employment and improve local economies in Puerto Rico just as it has done in the United States. In order to
      control the cost of the benefit, the legislation limits the amount of the credit by the amount contributed by the taxpayer and
      his or her employer in payroll taxes.
      The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC or EIC) began in 1975 as a temporary program to return a portion of the Social
      Security tax paid by lower income taxpayers, and was made permanent in 1978. In the 1990s, the program became a major
      component of federal efforts to reduce poverty, and is now one of the largest federal anti-poverty programs.
      Childless adults in 2006 (the latest year for which data are available) received an average EITC of $237, families with one
      child received an average EITC of $1,838, and families with two or more children received an average EITC of $2,864.
      ―With United States residents of Puerto Rico contributing so heavily to America, I firmly believe that the earned income tax
      credit should be extended to the Island,‖ stated Pascrell. ―EITC is a proven tool and valuable resource in combating
      poverty and unemployment and boosting local economies. As long as U.S. residents of Puerto Rico serve honorably in our
      military, contribute to the tax base and make our country better, I see no reason to exclude them from this proven anti-
      poverty program.”
      Residents of Puerto Rico have fought with valor and distinction in every war since World War I, and the island‘s level of
      service in Iraq/Afghanistan exceeds that of all but one state in the United States.

The Earned Income Tax Credit is the most effective federal aid program for the poor.
United Way, 07 (―2-1-1 RSS Feeds,‖ 28 April 2007, http://dir.unitedway.org/rss/211.cfm)
     The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) is the largest and most effective federal aid program for the working poor. Enacted
     by Congress in 1975 to offset the burden of social security taxes on low-wage workers, the credit has been widely praised
     for its success in supporting work and reducing poverty. Five million people, half of whom are children, escape poverty
     each year as a result of the EITC. In 2004 alone, more than 21 million people claimed the EITC, returning $39 billion in
     income to low-wage workers.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                       Dartmouth 2K9

                                                    Puerto Rico 1AC
The EITC alleviates poverty and ensures economic growth.
The Brookings Institute, 08 (―Metro Raise: Boosting the Earned Income Tax Credit to Help Metropolitan Workers and Families,‖ 5
June 2008, http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2008/05_metro_raise_berube.aspx)
     To alleviate poverty, make work pay, and help low-wage workers and lower-income families meet rising costs of living, the
     federal government should expand the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC).
     Targeted expansions to the credit, and new options for workers to receive the EITC‘s proceeds throughout the year (rather
     than in a lump sum), would ensure more economically inclusive growth, especially in the major metropolitan areas where
     the bulk of America‘s working poor resides.
     America‘s Challenge
     Even as the U.S. economy was growing strongly in recent years, median household incomes and average hourly wages
     stagnated. Today, about onequarter of the nation‘s workforce is employed in low-wage jobs, and low-wage occupations are
     projected to account for 30 percent of U.S. job growth in the coming years. Meanwhile, prices for necessities such as
     housing, transportation, and child care have continued to rise for lower-income workers and families. Slowing economic
     growth, and a potential recession, place additional, immediate pressures on the nation‘s less-skilled, lower-wage workforce.
     Limitations of Existing Federal Policy
     Because it reduces poverty and inequality while promoting work, the EITC is widely acknowledged as one of the singular
     successes of American social policy in recent decades. Yet the EITC could do more for certain workers and families to help
     make work pay and to close the growing gap between stagnant wages and rising prices. Moreover the annual lump sum in
     which nearly all EITC is delivered is not well-timed to help low-income families meet their year-round needs.

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8280eaf5-a8f7-4279-878d-12e592b0da95.doc                                                                            Dartmouth 2K9

                                                          LOL Nicole
The term “Hispanic” lumps entire populations together and ignores differences within ethnicities.
Baker, 02 (Susan, Assistant Practical Theology Coordinator and Instructor at Westminster Theological Seminary, ―Mainland Puerto
Rican Poverty,‖ October 2002, http://www.temple.edu/tempress/chapters_1400/1423_ch1.pdf)
In doing any type of sociological study, we need to look at how the area of interest has been studied in the past. Major historical
methods for studying an issue can guide us as we approach mounds of data. I·Iow- ever, they can also trap us into thinking a particular
Way and thus blind us to alternative explanations. I believe that three particular trends have hindered researchers from understanding
the nature of Puerto Rican poverty. The first trend is that all Hispanics often are lumped together for research. This means that the
experiences of immigrants/migrants from as many as twenty-three different countries, including Mexicans, Cubans, Puerto Ricans,
Ecuadorians, Peruvians, Dominicans, and even Spaniards, are all averaged together. Their different histories and back- grounds are
overlooked. Many researchers (e.g., Bean and Tienda 1987; Portes and Truelove [1987] 1991; Aponte 1991; Aponte 1993) have been

Last printed 4/16/2011 8:31:00 PM

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