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					      Sequences of pronominal clitics in Mantauran Rukai: V-deletion and suppletion
                         Doris Ching-jung Yen & Loren Billings
                               National Chi Nan University

    This study investigates the fact that in Mantauran Rukai (an endangered Austronesian language
spoken in southern Taiwan) a vowel in some pronominal-clitic combinations can be deleted but not in
others. For each case, the attested combination results from interacting constraints on the
morphophonology of pronominal combinations within an Optimality-theoretic model.
    In Mantauran, Zeitoun (1997b) suggests, NOM, OBL, and GEN pronouns are bound; a pronoun changes
phonologically if it precedes an OBL pronoun. Hence, such clitic sequences form a morphological unit
with fixed ordering. All OBL pronouns are /i/-initial in Mantauran. If a V-final pronoun precedes an OBL
pronoun, then its final V is deleted (with one exception further below): =ʔo=inə ‘=GEN.2SG=OBL.VIS3SG’,
=mita =iðə ‘=NOM.INCL1PL =OBL.INV3SG’, =ða=ilinə ‘=GEN.INV3SG=OBL .VIS3PL’, and =nomi=inamə
‘=NOM/GEN.2PL=OBL .EXCL1PL’. In these examples, underlining indicates deleted underlying segments. If
the shape is /=...CV=i.../ (as exemplified above) or /=CVV=i.../ (i.e., =ɭao=inomə ‘=NOM.1SG=OBL.2PL’
or =nai=inə ‘=NOM/GEN.EXCL1PL=OBL.VIS3SG’), the pronoun-final V will be deleted: [=...C_=i...] and
[=...CV_=i...], respectively; however, if the shape is /=V=i.../ (namely, with the preceding pronoun
consisting of just a single V), then there is no deletion: =i=imitə ‘=GEN.VIS3SG=OBL.INCL1PL’. Our study
investigates three complications: (i) the lexical GEN.VIS 3SG allomorph /=i/, mentioned immediately above,
where the V is not deleted; (ii) pronouns ending in VV, /=ɭao/ and /=nai/ above, delete only the latter V
but not both; and (iii) suppletion in one (NOM.2SG) pronoun, with the C-final allomorph /=miʔ=/ only if it
precedes an OBL pronoun, and V-final /=moʔo/ elsewhere.
    First, the GEN.VIS3SG variants /=ni/ and /=i/ are in complementary distribution: /=i/ merges with hosts
ending in a velar stop (hereafter abbreviated as K) plus /a/; /=ni/ is used elsewhere. Two constraints
require faithfulness to this lexical subcategorization in these special hosts, */…Ka =ni/, and the use of
only the unmarked /=ni/ allomorph elsewhere, MKD/=i/. Two more constraints, in a markedness
subhierarchy, prohibit pronoun-final VV and V if an OBL pronoun follows (where *VV]cl[cl.OBL »
*V]cl[cl.OBL). We also propose a MAXX constraint prohibiting deletion of adjacent segments; it too is in a
subhierarchy, dominating MAX (prohibiting deletion of any single segment). Finally, we use Kurisu’s
R[EALIZE]M[ORPHEME] constraint, prohibiting the deletion of an entire morpheme.
    RM » *V]cl[cl.OBL (accounting for the nondeletion of a lone V in /=i/), and *V]cl[cl.OBL » MAX
(accounting for the deletion of the final V in other combinations). Next, deletion of only the latter V in a
VV-final pronoun is formalized by the ranking MAXX » *V]cl[cl.OBL » MAX. Finally, as for suppletion of
NOM.2SG   /=miʔ=/ and /=moʔo/, a MKD/=miʔ=/ constraint is proposed to select the right allomorph.
    The overall hierarchy is thus {RM, MAXX, *VV]cl[cl.OBL, */…Ka =ni/} » *V]cl[cl.OBL » MAX »
MKD/=miʔ=/; also */…Ka =ni/ » MKD/=i/. The two subhierarchies above support these rankings as well.
    Beyond strictly formal issues, this study also makes a methodological point. Careful field research on
a highly endangered language, resulting in quality documentation (by Li 1996/2004; Zeitoun 1997a,
1997b, 1997c, 2000, 2002, 2007; Zeitoun & Lin 2003—which our data come from), allows the wider
linguistic community to see this theoretically interesting phenomenon.

                                         SAMPLE TABLEAU
             NOM [+me, –you, –PL];
                                              MAXX         *VV]cl[cl.OBL   *V]cl[cl.OBL      MAX
             OBL [–me, +you, +PL].
            a.     =ɭao=inomə                          *              W *                          L
          ! b.     =ɭa_ =inomə                                          *               *
            c.     =ɭ__ =inomə            *        W                                  L **         W

The ranking of *V]cl[cl.OBL » MAX is established in a different tableau (not shown). In addition, deletion of
the nonfinal V here (i.e., *=ɭ_o=inomə) would violate undominated CONTIGUITY (Billings 2002:66–68).

Billings, Loren A. 2002. “Phrasal clitics.” Journal of Slavic Linguistics 10(1–2). 53–104.
Kurisu, Kazutaka. 2001. The phonology of morpheme realization. Santa Cruz: University of California
    PhD dissertation. [Available from the Rutgers Optimality Archive: ROA-490-0102].
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1996/2004. “The pronominal systems in Rukai.” In his Selected papers on Formosan
    languages (Language and Linguistics Monograph Series C–3.1). Taipei: Institute of Linguistics,
    Academia Sinica. 415–441.
Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 1997a. “Coding of Grammatical Relations in Mantauran (Rukai).” Bulletin of the
    Institute of History and Philology [Taipei: Academia Sinica] 68(1). 249–281.
Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 1997b. The pronominal system of Mantauran (Rukai). Oceanic Linguistics 36(2).
[Zeitoun, Elizabeth] !"#. 1997c. “$%&' [Mantauran dialect].” In ()* [Paul Jen-kuei Li]
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    A–4.2). Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.
Zeitoun, Elizabeth & Hui-chuan Lin. 2003. We should not forget the stories of the Mantauran: Memories
    of our past (Language and Linguistics Monograph Series A–4[.1]). Taipei: Institute of Linguistics,
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