THE DA AND THE FREEDOM CHARTER

Document Sample
THE DA AND THE FREEDOM CHARTER Powered By Docstoc
					THE DA AND THE FREEDOM CHARTER
 •   The DA does not condemn or oppose the Freedom Charter.
 •   We acknowledge the scale and symbolic significance of the Congress of the
     People in Kliptown, where the Charter was adopted in 1955.
 •   We recognise the importance of the Freedom Charter in articulating a non-
     racial vision for South Africa – “South Africa belongs to all who live in it,
     black and white” – at a time when the apartheid state was entrenching racial
     discrimination on the statute books.
 •   With the exception of its economic sections, which espouse an outdated
     socialist vision, the DA supports many of the terms of the Charter which
     mirror the principles to be found in the Universal Declaration of Human
     Rights and other human rights conventions.
 •   We have two main objections: not to the Charter itself, but to the way in
     which the ANC has resuscitated the Charter for its own political ends.
 •   Firstly, the ANC is elevating the Freedom Charter above the Constitution.
     The Constitution of our country is the founding document of our democracy.
     It contains all of the worthwhile features of the Charter, most notably the
     Charter’s emphasis on equal rights, freedom and justice. But the Charter
     was not the compact upon which our nation was founded. It does not oblige
     the state to protect the people’s freedoms. It is therefore our Constitution
     that should be promoted and defended.
 •   Secondly, the government is spending state resources on promoting the
     Charter for the ruling party’s own political purposes. The ANC’s January 8th
     statement makes it clear that the party plans to fight the local government
     elections on the basis of the Charter. This constitutes a conflation of party
     and state.
 •   Later this month, Parliament plans to host a special sitting of “The People’s
     Assembly” in Kliptown to mark the anniversary of the Congress of the
     People.
 •   The People’s Assembly will last a day and a half and cost well over R5
     million. This figure does not take into account accommodation, car hire and
     airfares for MPs who are expected to be present in Kliptown. Nor does it
     include the costs in each of the 9 provinces where there will be link-ups with
     all 9 provincial legislatures.
 •   The event is designed to distract people’s attention away from the ANC’s
     failure to deliver on its promises to the electorate. Internally, the invocation
     of the Charter is designed to shore up the tripartite alliance as tensions
     mount over the fate of the Deputy President and the direction of the ANC’s
     economic policy. Externally, a focus on the Charter aims to deflect attention
     from the government’s poor record of service delivery in the run-up to the
     local government elections.
 •   The more the ANC moves away from the provisions of the Freedom Charter,
     the more it pays lip service to the Charter.




                                                                                   1
1. How the ANC is Politicising the Freedom Charter for Campaigning Purposes1

•   The National Executive Committee of the ANC has declared 2005 as “The
    Year of Popular Mobilisation to Advance the Vision of the Freedom Charter”.
•   The Charter will effectively be used as the ANC’s manifesto for the local
    government elections.
•   ANC structures will organise public meetings, seminars and political
    discussion groups in each quarter to discuss relevant clauses of the Charter,
    and the political and policy challenges of working to realise each of them.
    According to the ANC, this is “intended further to deepen the level of
    understanding and commitment to the tasks of the national democratic
    revolution not only within the democratic movement, but also in society
    more broadly”.

•   The first quarter (January - March 2005) was organized around the Charter’s
    demand that “There Shall Be Houses, Security and Comfort” and “The Doors
    of Learning & Culture Shall be Opened”. The ANC January 8th statement
    noted that:
           Programmes will focus on ensuring that effective schooling begins
           from the start of the school year; that all eligible learners are enrolled
           and in attendance; and that all schools have the necessary learning
           materials and other resource;
           Structures of the movement and the Alliance will mobilise
           communities to access government assistance in the form of housing
           subsidies, service provision - free basic water and electricity, in
           particular - health care, social grants and identity documents;
           Structures will undertake an audit of service provision, including the
           quality of service, and engage with local, provincial and national
           government to ensure backlogs and other problems are addressed;
           Structures will mobilise volunteers to assist in improving the general
           environment and functioning of schools, clinics and hospitals,
           community centres, and other places of public service.

•   The theme for the second quarter (April - June 2005) is provided by “The
    People Shall Share in the Country's Wealth”; “The Land Shall be Shared
    Among Those Who Work It”; and “There Shall be Work and Security”.
          Structures will make communities aware of learnership opportunities
          and employment and training opportunities under the Extended Public
          Works Programme;
          The ANC Youth League will be charged with ensuring that youth are
          able to access government programmes designed to ensure that they
          are equipped with skills, resources and support to enable them to
          participate effectively in the mainstream economy;
          Programmes will identify and challenge employers who continue to
          violate the basic rights of workers, including agricultural workers,
          encompassing the right to a minimum wage, basic conditions of
          employment, and health and safety matters.



                                                                                   2
           Programmes will include a significant focus on land reform and
           agricultural development, mobilising rural communities to participate
           in the land redistribution process, and to access finance, resources,
           training and other assistance provided by government and non-
           governmental institutions.

•   The theme for the third quarter (July - September 2005) is provided by “All
    Shall be Equal Before the Law”; “All Shall Enjoy Equal Human Rights”; “All
    National Groups Shall Have Equal Rights”; and “There Shall be Peace and
    Friendship”

           Local structures will conduct audits of the realisation of socio-
           economic rights within each community, and develop strategies for
           ensuring that these rights are progressively achieved.

•   The theme for the fourth quarter (October - December 2005) is provided by
    “The people Shall Govern”, and concentrates on victory in the local
    government elections.
          A major emphasis of this quarter will be activities that build People's
          power for local development. Structures will work to strengthen, and
          where necessary, establish, Ward Committees, Community Policing
          Forums (CPFs), Community Development Forums (CDFs), and other
          structures of local popular participation.
          The ANC’s January 8th statement says of the party’s plans for the
          fourth quarter:

    “Of particular importance, once more we will also have to engage the
    masses of our people to participate in the important process to elect our next
    municipal governments. Once again, we will have to mobilise the people to
    mandate our movement to lead them at the local level as we strive further to
    give full expression to the objective that The People shall Govern!

    We must crown our celebration of the 50th Anniversary of the Freedom
    Charter and the 93rd [sic] of our movement by organising the masses of our
    people to vote yet again for their movement, the ANC, to constitute the
    political leadership of our system of local government. Our mobilising call
    must be -all out for an ANC victory in the Local Government Elections!”




2. The ANC’s Betrayal of the Freedom Charter



                                                                                3
   •   In its January 8th statement, the ANC noted that “Our challenge remains to
       translate the ten clauses of the [Freedom] Charter into solid progress
       towards the realization of a better future”.
   •   The ruling party remains a long way from meeting that challenge. For in the
       last eleven years, it has consistently and repeatedly violated the Charter’s
       ten clauses in word, deed and letter.
   •   In particular, the Charter’s claim that “South Africa belongs to all who live in
       it, black and white”, is being undermined by the ANC’s project of racial
       nationalism which it tries to legitimize under the seemingly unobjectionable
       label of “transformation”.
   •   Other violations are discussed below (the ten principal clauses are in bold
       and their sub-clauses are italicized)

3.1 The People Shall Govern!

Underpinning the Freedom Charter’s injunction that “The People Shall Govern” is
the notion that governance should be transparent and representative. The ANC’s
January 8th statement on commemorating the Charter declares that: “Programmes
should be developed which place emphasis on good governance, representative
government and the advancement of the batho pele principle…across all spheres of
government”.

Under the ANC, transparent governance has suffered as a result of successive
corruption scandals involving senior government officials. These include Travelgate,
the controversy surrounding the Arms Deal and, most recently, Oilgate.

President Mbeki’s failure to take swift and decisive action in relieving the Deputy
President of his post in the wake of Justice Hilary Squires’s judgment in the Schabir
Shaik trial, is an indictment of the principles of good governance.

The call for the “The People [to] Govern” is also being undermined by the ANC’s
drive to centralize power. By extending the power of the ruling party and the
executive over every branch of government, every public institution, and every
structure of local government, the ANC is turning citizens into subjects.

A case in point is the system of ward committees. The ward committees, provided
for in the Municipal Structures Act, are meant to expand the involvement of local
citizens in the government of their community. Instead, the ANC is using them to
expand its control in areas where it cannot win in a free and fair election.

In February this year, the ANC bussed in hundreds of supporters from far-off voting
districts into a DA ward in Durban in a Zimbabwe-style attempt to rig a ward
committee election.

The ANC’s racial policies are also undermining the promise that “All people shall be
entitled to take part in the administration of the country”. There are 63 381
vacancies in the public service, many of which are not being filled because they will
upset racial quotas within the departments. Experienced, qualified and dedicated


                                                                                     4
public servants who happen to be from racial minority groups are being pushed
aside for new appointees. And these new appointees often lack the basic skills they
need to do the job.

3.2 All National Groups Shall have Equal Rights!

By supporting a narrow ideology of racial nationalism, which is underpinned by the
need to assert “African hegemony”, the ANC has betrayed the Freedom Charter’s
promise of a society based on “equal rights and opportunities”.

ANC spokesperson Joel Netshitenzhe stated in the ANC publication Umrabulo in
1997 that “in building a new South African nation what is required is a continuing
battle to assert African hegemony” in the context of a multicultural and non-racial
society”.

The ANC seeks to achieve African hegemony through “transformation” of the state
and civil society. Netshitenzhe has defined transformation as “extending the power
of the ‘National Liberation Movement’ over all levers of power: the army, the police,
the bureaucracy, intelligence structures, the judiciary, parastatal, and agencies such
as regulatory bodies, the public broadcaster, the central bank and so on”.2

Transformation also involves applying the principle of “demographic representivity”,
by virtue of which the makeup of every state institution and every company, and
the ownership of the land and so on, is expected to reflect the racial makeup of the
population as a whole.

Transformation has been used by the ANC to legitimate a numbers-based approach
to affirmative action in employment legislation and an insistence on race-based
ownership and management percentages in empowerment codes under the Black
Economic Empowerment Act.

Although the Constitution provides that the racial and gender composition of the
population should be “broadly reflected” in the judiciary, the state institutions
supporting constitutional democracy and the public administration, the ANC has
willfully misinterpreted this to justify its policy of demographic representivity in
these bodies.

The ANC’s policy of “cadre deployment”, adopted by way of resolution at the
party’s Mafikeng conference in 1997, empowers the National Working Committee
to appoint party cadres to “key centres of power” in state bodies. This has led to a
violation of the sub-clause: “There shall be equal status in the bodies of state, in the
courts and in the schools for all national groups and races”.

The ANC has also launched an assault on the Freedom Charter’s promise of equal
language rights, described in the sub-clause “All people shall have equal right to use
their own languages, and to develop their own folk culture and customs”. The
government has directed an ongoing campaign against Afrikaans-medium schools,
such as the Mikro Primary School in Kuils River. The President’s own spokesperson


                                                                                      5
has described Afrikaans-medium schools as a form of “apartheid-style influx
control”.

In the Western Cape, the ANC government has insisted that police communicate to
each other in English, rather than Xhosa or Afrikaans. This contradicts the
province’s own language policy of equal treatment for all three languages.

The Freedom Charter’s guarantee that “All national groups shall be protected by law
against insults to their race and national pride” has been dishonoured by several
senior ANC office-bearers over the past eleven years. For example, in a debate in
the National Assembly on 28 February 1996, former ANC Chief Whip and MP Tony
Yengeni said, “The wealth that most white people have in this country, they got by
stealing”. An advertisement placed by the Western Cape ANC in the Cape Argus on
17 October 2001 stated that: “The coconuts are the Coloured DA members who
still jump to the DP master’s voice!” Last year in Parliament, the Deputy Minister of
Minerals and Energy, Lulu Xingwana, threw a racist tantrum when she attacked the
DA's Nigerian-born trade and industry spokesperson Enyinna Nkem-Abonta, telling
him to go home.

3.3 The People Shall Share in the Country's Wealth!

Although the ANC has commendably reneged on the socialist promises set out in
the Charter – such as the call to nationalize mines, banks and industry – it has thus
far failed to pursue with sufficient vigour a path of reform that would significantly
grow the economy, create jobs and reduce poverty levels.

With nearly 50% of our population living below the poverty line and 42%
unemployed, for most people the chance to share in the country’s wealth remains a
pipe dream.

However, the ruling party has recently put forward a series of proposals for
economic reform that are described in its discussion document, “Development and
Underdevelopment”. If implemented, these reforms will break the cycle of
unemployment and poverty that has trapped millions of South Africans for decades.

The implementation of these proposals will require some radical measures for the
ANC, such as making labour legislation more flexible and accelerating the
privatization of state-owned enterprises.

Thus far, however, the ANC’s approach to privatization has done little in assisting
the people to share in the country’s wealth. The contribution to the National Budget
of proceeds from restructuring of state assets slowed to R13.3 million last year
from the sale of Aventura.

The central plank in the ANC’s policy to de-racialise ownership of the economy –
BEE – has serially enriched only a small band of well-connected ANC cronies.
Without substantive reforms – such as a new rule providing that an individual
investor or company cannot be a beneficiary of a BEE transaction more than once –


                                                                                   6
BEE in its current form will have a limited impact on wealth creation and
distribution.

Sectoral BEE charters, rigid labour legislation and a numbers-based approach to
affirmative action have negated the promise that All people shall have equal rights
to trade where they choose, to manufacture and to enter all trades, crafts and
professions.

3.4 The Land Shall be Shared Among Those Who Work It!

This section of the Freedom Charter promises that “Restrictions of land ownership
on a racial basis shall be ended, and all the land re-divided amongst those who work
it to banish famine and land hunger”.

However, land reform has proceeded at a snail’s pace on the ANC’s watch.
Although government has undertaken to redistribute 30% of agricultural land to
black South Africans by 2014, as at December 2004 only 4.3% of agricultural land
had been transferred – or 3.4% excluding state land.3 According to Tozi Gwanya,
South Africa's chief land claims commissioner, black ownership of land has only
increased from 13% in 1994 to 16% in 2005.4

Although racial restrictions on land ownership have not been legally entrenched,
earlier this year the Minister of Land Affairs, Thoko Didiza, confirmed that racial
classification of land ownership would be written into the Deeds Registries Act.

3.5 All Shall be Equal Before the Law!

Although the principle of equality before the law is enshrined in the Constitution,
there is a growing perception that the government believes there is one law for the
ANC elite and another law for everyone else. Newspaper reports earlier this year
suggested that senior government officials met in secret to try to broker a
“gentlemen’s” agreement for disgraced former ANC Chief Whip, Tony Yengeni.

This section of the Freedom Charter also promises that “The police force and army
shall be open to all on an equal basis and shall be the helpers and protectors of the
people”. Yet scores of senior white officers face retrenchment from the South
African National Defence Force (SANDF) simply because of their race.

The SANDF’s flawed affirmative action policy resulted in a recommendation that
“the recruitment and promotion of Africans in the ranks of Pte to Sgt must be
stopped” so that the numbers of Whites and Coloureds in those ranks would
increase.

Resolution seven of the South African Police Service’s (SAPS) Human Resource
Strategy requires provinces and individual police stations to reflect the national
demographic profile. The implementation of this resolution has affected over 5 000
police officers and their families causing resignations, many work days to be lost
due to sick leave caused by stress, various disputes to be declared, and even


                                                                                   7
suicides. This has had a devastating effect on both the morale of the force and
service delivery. Police officials are being transferred far from their homes and often
do not even speak the language of the community whom they are meant to serve.

The application of racial profiling in the police force and army contravenes the spirit
of the sub-clause of the Freedom Charter which states that “All laws which
discriminate on grounds of race, colour or belief shall be repealed”.

The cornerstone of apartheid was racial classification. Now, in terms of an
instruction by the Education Department, teachers in classrooms have to classify
their pupils by race. Ironically, many of the children who have to fill out the required
documentation were born after apartheid.


3.6 All Shall Enjoy Equal Human Rights!

Earlier this year, Human Rights Watch released its annual review of human and civil
rights around the world. Its World Report 2005 noted that while the “institutional
and policy framework” had laid the foundation for the promotion and protection of
human rights in South Africa, “human rights concerns remain”.

Among these areas of concern was the slow realization of social and economic
rights. The report stated:

       South Africa's economic disparities contribute to human rights concerns. It is
       estimated that twenty-two million people—roughly half the population, the
       great majority of them Africans—live in extreme poverty. About a fifth of the
       South African population receives government financial assistance.

       People living in rural areas…have particular difficulty in accessing their rights
       to health care and social services. Regarding education, although access to
       public schooling for children is widely available and enrollment has increased
       since 1994, there are wide disparities in schools' resources: about 40
       percent of state-run schools—mostly those in rural areas—have no electricity
       and approximately 30 percent no clean water. Physical access to education
       in rural areas is of particular concern. Some learners must walk up to thirty
       kilometers each day to and from school, exposing them to dangers such as
       sexual violence and contributing to high drop-out rates.

Part of the Freedom Charter’s promise that “All Shall Enjoy Equal Human Rights”
includes an assurance that “The law shall guarantee to all their right to speak, to
organise, to meet together, to publish, to preach, to worship and to educate their
children”.

The ruling party has undermined several of these guarantees. For example, it has,
on occasion, jeopardised the right to freedom of speech by stifling open debate and
warning critics of possible legal recrimination. The recent threat to create new
Zimbabwe-style media laws aimed at clamping down on journalists, non-


                                                                                      8
governmental organisations (NGOs) and whistleblowers in the public service is a
case in point.

The threats came after newspapers carried reports by an NGO, Earthlife Africa,
which documented reports about medical problems among workers at the Pelindaba
nuclear facility. President Mbeki called the allegations “reckless” and “regrettable”,
and Minister of Minerals and Energy Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka warned that the
government was considering “strengthening the law so if people make such
allegations there is a sanction”. Minerals and Energy department spokeswoman
Yvonne Mfolo said that “Anybody who could act irresponsibly, making utterances
that seek to incite and get people to rise up in arms, causing panic, will be
targeted”.

The right to organize without fear has been undermined by the government’s heavy-
handed response to recent nationwide protests against the slow pace of service
delivery – which has included involving the National Intelligence Agency. At one
stage the government moved to lay charges of sedition against demonstrators from
Harrismith, but they were later withdrawn.


3.7 There Shall be Work and Security!

The ANC’s failure to curb spiralling unemployment and to foster the economic
conditions conducive to job creation is a significant breach of the Freedom Charter’s
promise of work for all.

According to Statistics South Africa, the unemployment rate in September 2004
was 26.2%. When discouraged job-seekers are included in the definition, the rate is
likely to be closer to over 40%.

If South Africa is to create jobs, then small businesses - the only net job creators
over the next decade - must be freed up from the current overwhelming labour
burden that they carry.

Last year, the President promised to increase the capacity of the "First Economy" to
create jobs. But his government has done nothing to stop thousands of jobs from
disappearing in the textile industry and agriculture.

Reports suggest that half of South Africa’s 117 000 clothing sector jobs could be
lost because applications from small and medium manufacturers for exemption from
bargaining council wage agreements are routinely blocked by unions. Bargaining
councils, in their current form, are biased against small, labour-intensive
manufacturers. This situation is unsustainable and will continue to cost jobs until it
is reviewed and reformed.

The Freedom Charter promises to ensure the health and safety of workers, abolish
child labour and guarantee full unemployment benefits. Some recent examples
contradict this.


                                                                                    9
The Health Minister has allowed the finances of the Occupational Diseases in Mines
and Works Fund to descend into chaos. Recent reports reveal that at present there
are at least 27 000 gravely ill miners still waiting for their claims to be processed by
the Fund.

The affairs of the Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF) are likewise in a parlous
state. The UIF Annual Report for 2003/2004 revealed that benefits of R44.7 million
paid out in error were written off without the approval of the Director-General, as
required by the Unemployment Insurance Act.

In 2003, research commissioned by the Department of Labour found that 36% of
South African children were involved in child labour as defined by the International
Labour Organization.


3.8 The Doors of Learning and Culture Shall be Opened!

Under ANC rule, the doors of learning have all too often been opened up to decline,
an increase in the number of dysfunctional schools in the public education system,
excessive state interference in schools that are working well and an exodus of
teachers with scarce skills from the profession.

A series of misguided policy choices has exacerbated this tendency. For example,
the Education Laws Amendment Bill, which will be debated in Parliament later this
year, undermines the right of governing bodies to recommend teachers for posts,
giving that power to the provincial head of department, on criteria that have nothing
to do with teaching excellence.

In effect, this constitutes an infringement of the sub-clause stating that Teachers
shall have all the rights of other citizens.

Other promises in this section which have been reneged upon include the pledge
that “Adult illiteracy shall be ended by a mass state education plan”. According to a
paper published last year by University of KwaZulu-Natal academics Professor John
Aitchison and Anne Harley, the Department of Education is guilty of making
“misleading claims” about its adult education and literacy programmes.5

According to DRI-WEFA, only 72% of all South Africans aged 20 and older were
functionally literate in 2002.6

This section also promises that “The colour bar in cultural life, in sport and in
education shall be abolished”. But in 1997 the late Steve Tshwete said, “There is
going to be interference by government in every sphere of life in South Africa,
including sport.” Such interference has meant prioritizing racial representivity, by
means of quotas, ahead of any other criteria in the selection of national and
provincial sports teams.



                                                                                     10
Earlier this year, Butana Komphela, the ANC chairperson of Parliament’s portfolio
committee on sport, announced that his party would seek to pass legislation forcing
teams to achieve demographic “representivity”, right down to schools level.

The Ministry of Sport effectively endorsed this effort, stating that while such
legislation would be a “last resort”, the “voluntary route” has not worked.

3.9 There Shall be Houses, Security and Comfort!

The ANC’s failure to timeously deliver “houses, security and comfort” has recently
led to a series of nationwide protests.

The Freedom Charter promises that “All people shall have the right to live where
they choose, be decently housed, and to bring up their families in comfort and
security”. However, the provision of state housing has been particularly slow. In
2002/03 there were 203 588 houses completed or under construction. The
following year, 2003/04, the budget increased by 11% and the number of houses
completed declined by 5% to 193 615. Last year the budget increased by 6%, and
the number of houses completed or under construction, according to the
Department’s website, is only 129 552 – a decrease of 33% compared to the
previous year.

Nor has the ANC succeeded in providing adequate security and comfort. Each year,
an estimated ten million South Africans report that they have been victims of crime.

Some 203 out of 284 municipalities are unable to provide sanitation to 40% of their
residents. This means that in 71% of municipal areas, most people do not have
flush toilets. 40% of people are without refuse removal in 64% of municipalities
and without piped water in 54% of municipalities.7

The Freedom Charter promises “A preventive health scheme shall be run by the
state”. But the ruling party has shown itself to be incapable of running any kind of
health scheme. It has been unable to stem the flow of doctors and nurses out of the
public sector. It has failed to help prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS in particular, as
well as the increase in infant mortality rates and preventable diseases.

As of January 2005, 6 million South Africans were HIV-positive, but 80% of them
didn’t know that they were HIV-positive. The Department of Health has also
repeatedly failed to meet its own antiretroviral rollout (ARV) treatment targets. By
January 2005 it had only reached 32 385 patients out of a promised 54 000.

Another sub-clause of the Charter states that “The aged, the orphans, the disabled
and the sick shall be cared for by the state”. According to the Actuarial Society of
South Africa, the number of children orphaned by HIV/AIDS (maternal orphans)
reached 279 102 in 2002.

The Department of Social Development estimates that there are 83 000 child-
headed households in South Africa. The Medical Research Council estimates that


                                                                                  11
unless there are significant interventions, by 2015 about 15% of all children under
the age of 15 will be orphaned and 30% of all children between the ages of 15 and
17 will have lost their mothers.

But there is no comprehensive national strategy in place to ensure that orphans are
cared for and provided with a nurturing environment. The Department of Social
Development’s Strategic Plan for 2003/2004-2005/2006 makes only two brief
references to the problem, and sets a target that by 2004/2005 there will be
community structures in place to care for 25% of orphans.8

3.10    There Shall be Peace and Friendship!

This clause was meant to provide the basis for South Africa’s foreign policy.

While the ruling party has made several great strides towards securing peace and
friendship on the African continent through vehicles such as PAP and NEPAD, and
through successful attempts at conflict resolution in the Great Lakes and the Ivory
Coast for example, its choice of foreign friends sometimes gives cause for alarm.

Unquestioning fraternalism has underpinned the government’s policy of quiet
diplomacy towards the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe, and in the process the
government has turned a blind eye to violations of personal freedom, rights and
justice in that country – the very noble ideals which the Freedom Charter seeks to
promote.

In 2003 South Africa twice played host to Robert Mugabe, and once to then Iraqi
deputy-president Tariq Aziz – who addressed an ANC caucus meeting while in the
country. There were also accusations that South Africa had supplied Iraq with
uranium. South African Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz Pahad visited Saddam Hussein
on two occasions, one of which was to deliver a letter from President Mbeki. In the
same year the South African government met with Hizbollah.

Cultivating friendships like these makes a mockery of the Freedom Charter.


1
  The material in this section is taken from “Statement of the National Executive Committee of the African
National Congress on the Occasion of Year 93 of the ANC”, Umtata, 8 January 2005.
2
  Umrabulo 1998.
3
  Financial Mail, 3 June 2005
4
  Mail and Guardian 14 April 2005
5
  ‘False claims on adult literacy’, Mail and Guardian 1 April 2005
6
  South African Institute of Race Relations, South Africa Survey 2003/2004, p230.
7
  Financial Mail, 3 June 2005
8
  See Saving the Lost Generation: The DA’s plan to ensure that no orphaned child is left uncared for, April
2005.




                                                                                                        12

				
DOCUMENT INFO