SO GOES THE WAR PART 1 BY RAYNA GANGI For more than two years, many of us have been fighting battles on every front to try to save our Republic, our freedom. Those on the radical Left have defined us as Astroturf, fringe, whackos, birthers, Corporate-funded mercenaries, and thugs. The war began prior to the 2008 election, but we called a truce in November, 2008, hoping the 鈥渙 ther side 鈥?would be more than we suspected, and Americans always give people a chance. Within days of that truce, Obama signed a bailout for more than 700 billion dollars. We had called our elected officials, emailed, and called again to say, 鈥淣 o. There 鈥檚 something wrong here and we don 鈥檛 want our tax dollars to go to bailouts.鈥?TARP had been bad enough, but we knew Bush had written in ways for the banks to pay that money back. We also knew he was at the end of his term and had been maligned and slandered from day one of his presidency. aAnd we knew he was being used by a Progressive movement now in place to 鈥渇 undamentality transform America.鈥? You see, Bush wasn 鈥檛 supposed to win. Clinton had manipulated the markets to improve the economy and Americans were supposed to love that and vote Democratic from then on. The dot.com bubble engineered by many in California, propelled the Clinton budget to make him a hero. But Clinton also encouraged Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. He initiated NAFTA though most Americans didn 鈥檛 want it. His healthcare overhaul had been defeated and Congress moved more right of center, so he triangulated and appeared to move with them. Clinton continued the policies instituted under Carter 鈥 檚 Community Reinvestment Act, and supported radical groups trained by Obama, as they pressured banks and lenders to allow mortgages that targeted people couldn 鈥檛 afford. He ignored terrorist threats from every corner, and Americans suffered from attacks in Beirut and New York. His attempt to appease the right meant missles being fired at empty targets, and Osama Bin Laden being set free. So bored was he with his new agenda, he flirted and consummated affairs with interns within the sacred office of the most powerful man in the world. And then he lied. Congress was strong enough to impeach him, but not strong enough to remove him. How lucky he was to have a Progressive caucus and to be considered the 鈥淔 irst Black President,鈥?among Congressional members and constituents. How fortuitous that Bush One was considered a war-monger and that the rescue of Kuwait from Saddam Hussein 鈥檚 forces was proclaimed by the Left to be a power-grab for oil and another Republican war. When George W. Bush ran against Gore, leftists and radicals were sure they had laid the groundwork for another Democratic win, but the chads in Florida were not anticipated. Jeb Bush was a popular Governor, and the suspected fraud in the election had to be pursued. The courts decided in Bush 鈥檚 favor, and the Left decided that the next time the courts would be stuffed with the right judges and all bases would be covered by an organized army of supporters on the ground. The Left would prove that another Bush was just a war monger and a friend to oil companies and big business, but how? How could they show the American people that this Bush was no different from the first and that only Democrats and elites could take care of them? Was it another convenience that Clinton knew another attempt would be made to bomb the World Trade Center? Was it an inconvenient truth that Al Gore was a member of the Club of Rome and friends with those who believed America needed to fall to impose world order? Was it just chance that those who worked in both towers suddenly found exit doors locked and strange voices on the intercom when the towers were hit? How convenient would it be for the Left to regain power if they could blame the 9/11 attacks on Bush and his money-hungry Vice President, Cheney? Afterall, people were still angry about Kuwait, and Bush was initiating faith-based programs that angered radicals. So the planes hit the towers, and an America-loving President answered the call, as Progressives knew he would. Congress was behind the effort to get Al Queda, or so it seemed. Funding a war would increase the deficit, but they could use this crisis to further their own agendas. Bush would get his money, but only as supplemental, and only if progressives got their earmarks. Each time Bush went to Congress it was a battle. His advisors told him to use his executive powers to circumvent Congress, and so he did. The media, now being funded by various groups under George Soros, attacked every move the Bush administration made and the Left was 鈥渇 ired up.鈥?When the time was right, they could march against the war as they had done in the sixties, and this time they 鈥 檇 further their cause against Capitalism and begin the final defeat of America. Bush was a weakling in their eyes. He couldn 鈥檛 speak convincingly and he almost never defended himself or his policies. He was an easy pawn in a battle that had begun in the twenties with Woodrow Wilson, was furthered by FDR, Carter and Johnson. Of course, the Left had hoped John Kennedy would be 鈥渢 he one,鈥?but he refused to cover up the plans and conform. Bobby Kennedy was just as bad. He pursued Union boss Jimmy Hoffa and was obviously an enemy of the Progressive moment to kill America. Johnson would further the war in Viet Nam, but JFK needed to be out of the way. Kennedy had even stopped Russian missles from being delivered to Cuba, something the Left knew they needed as they surrounded the country and waited for popular insurrection. Get rid of the Kennedys, as the end justifies the means, and Progressives could move forward with programs that would make the American people more dependent on government and enable Democratic rule forever. Baby-boomers were fighting the war and would come home needing security for the future. Their parents were aging and the economy was in trouble. FDR enacted Social Security in 1935, 鈥渢 o calm fears about retirement income,鈥?and Lyndon Johnson, showing the 鈥渃 ompassion of the Democrats 鈥? enacted medicare in 1965.The Progressives now had two of the three programs they needed to harness the electorate. All they needed now was healthcare, and a charismatic leader of their movement to make it happen.