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Wednesday 19th July COMPOSITIONAL PROCESS AND TECHNIQUES IN 16TH by hjkuiw354

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									Wednesday 19th July

COMPOSITIONAL PROCESS AND TECHNIQUES IN 16TH-CENTURY
MASSES                                 Chair: Bruno Turner

Cathy Ann Elias             Crecquillon’s Missa Kain in der Welt so schön:
                            A New Look at Cantus Firmus Technique
We often draw a sharp distinction between cantus firmus and imitation or parody procedures in
16th-century masses, assuming that a polyphonic or monophonic model results in different stylistic
outcomes. In a previous article, I indicated that a change from successive to simultaneous
composition did not rule out the use of a cantus firmus. In the new style, the cantus firmus was
used to structure only a movement or small section within the mass, becoming one of the many
short-term techniques organizing a mass based on a polyphonic model. I also illustrated that the
style of the model did not determine the style of the mass. I will explore these ideas from another
perspective by studying Crecquillon’s cantus firmus mass.
           Although Crecquillon presented the melody in the tenor throughout this mass, the
structure of the work is not the result of successive but rather of simultaneous compositional
techniques. Crecquillon used the short phrases of the borrowed melody as a composer would use
motives for points of imitation. Thus the commonplace notion of a cantus firmus as a
‘precompositional’ device designed to structure an entire mass or movement does not apply here.
The result is a compositional process that blurs the lines between two techniques that are thought
to be antithetical.
           In this paper I analyze both the compositional process and the style of this cantus firmus
mass and compare it to the procedures and the style of Crecquillon’s chanson imitation masses.


Bernadette Nelson           Questions of Attribution and Reattribution:
                            the Gombert-Vinders Missa Fors seulement Revisited
Only two copies of a five-voice Missa Fors seulement – a double parody on chansons by Pipelare and
Févin – survive: one in RosU 49 copied in 1566 where it is attributed to Nicholas Gombert; the
other in ‘s HerAB 74, copied some twenty years earlier, where it is attributed to Jheronimus
Vinders. Before the early 1990s only the first source was known, and the work was entered without
question into Gombert’s opera omnia as a unicum and published in 1958 by Schmidt-Görg
(Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae, vol. VI). On the strength of his discovery of the important second
source for the Mass, Eric Jas in his article published in 1992 in Revue Belge de Musicologie (vol. 46),
provides reasons for an attribution to Vinders, and the work has been consequently erased from
the Gombert canon. However, at that time a third albeit fragmentary source for the Mass
(unattributed) in Bologna had not yet been recorded; and the fact that it offered a unique Agnus
Dei setting had thus far escaped proper musicological attention. Furthermore, the Mass was copied
adjacent to one of Gombert’s better known parody Masses.
       This paper re-examines the evidence and airs a few aspects about this work that may throw a
slightly different light on considerations of structural and stylistic relationships with works within
the oeuvre of both composers. It also draws attention to the composer’s evident intimate
knowledge not only of a complex of interrelated works by northern composers active in the early-
middle decades of the sixteenth century, but also of several by Gombert.


David Trendell            Simultaneous False Relations in 16th-Century Continental Polyphony
Two important articles published in the early 1990s by Stanley Boorman and Peter Urquhart raised
the question of the existence of simultaneous false relations at cadences in continental polyphony
of the post-Josquin period. The existence of these cadences has always been recognised in English
music of the Sheppard, Taliis generation, and, indeed, they form a powerful and meaningful
armoury in the recusant motets of Byrd. Examples also occur in certain works by Victoria. One of
which is in the Mass Gaudeamus, based on a motet by Morales, where the false relation, though
occurring in precisely the same formulation, is not indicated by an accidental. Could this be a
deliberate indication by Victoria to denote a practice going out of fashion? Zarlino's statements
seem to inveigh against such usage, but to what extent was he representative of a Willaert-inspired
reaction to this mode of writing? In Spain, composers such as Lobo and Vivanco, and Flemish
composers working in Philip II's chapel, such as Philippe Rogier, seem to have delighted in their
employ, and even in Palestrina we see such potential incidences.
       One further question is whether there is a convincing case that English composers might
have learned the technique (and its expressive potential) from composers of the post-Josquin
generation, such as Gombert, and Clemens, rather than being specifically English. This paper will
also examine the dichotomy between scholarship regarding the false relation as a problem (the
‘Satzfehler’ in Ostmann's memorable description) and the more positive reception by performers.


MUSIC THEORY (I)                                                   Chair: Sam Barrett

Jan Herlinger               Singing Exercises from a Bergamo Convent
The discourse of medieval music theory unfolded not only in major treatises but in small texts that serve
to complete a page or to fill several pages at the end of one of the quires of bifolios of which a book was
made; often evidently jotted down unvarnished by excessive thought, texts such as these—not all of them
verbal—shed light on practicing musicians' views of the conceptual tools of their trade. Among such texts
is a set of singing exercises that fill ten pages of Bergamo, Biblioteca Civica ‘Angelo Mai’, MAB 21 (olim
Σ.IV.37), copied in 1487 at the Carmelite monastery in Bergamo. The manuscript, long known as the
source of a draft of the first book of Gaffurius’ Practica musicae, has recently aroused increasing interest as a
source for the Ars contrapuncti ascribed to Johannes de Muris, the Marchettan digest Divina auxiliante gratia,
and Book 1 of the Berkeley Treatise.
           Medieval theorists (e.g., Guido, Prosdocimo) generally advise against placing B flat and B natural
in close proximity; the prohibition of direct melodic progression between them is almost universal. The
Bergamo exercises, however, show that singers of the time were expected to be able to place B flats and B
naturals in close proximity and even to negotiate direct progressions from one to the other. Accordingly,
the theorists' rules may have been too restrictive to reflect medieval practice accurately; modern scholars,
accordingly, may do well to take a more highly nuanced approach to reading medieval theoretical texts.


Linda Cummins              The Compendium of Nicolaus de Capua: A Window on Medieval Music Theory
The Compendium musicale (1415) of Nicolaus de Capua survives in two fragments now in Rome
(Vallicelliana B.83, Casanatense 1071), from which La Fage published his 1864 edition, and one longer and
more coherent version now in Venice (Marciana Lat. VIII.82). It remains inadequately edited and
untranslated—marginalized, in fact—surely, in part, because, like many other such compendia, it is a
patchwork of mostly unattributed, smaller texts dealing primarily with monophony rather than with the
topics present day scholars have valued more highly, e.g., polyphony, tuning, mensuration.
           This paper, based on the Venice version of Nicolaus’ Compendium, shows that the text seems to
have been intended for teaching, as it often presents its material in formats conducive to memorization
(formats described by Berger, Medieval Music and the Art of Memory, 2005); that solmization lay at the
heart of its doctrine of intervals and modes; and that its musica ficta rules and treatment of coniuncta
hexachords confirm Dumitrescu’s hypothesis that sharped ‘leading tones’ were a normal part of medieval
monophonic practice (‘Leading Tones in Cantus firmi and the Early L’Homme Armé Tradition’, Studi
musicali, 2002). Like so many texts of its sort, Nicolaus’ Compendium illuminates the ways in which
practicing musicians conceptualized the music they performed; documents the dissemination of various
musical doctrines, some radical and not otherwise known to have been so widespread; and confirms that
the study of monophony remained central despite composers’ increasing cultivation of polyphonic genres.
Giuliano Di Bacco           ‘Non agunt de musica’: Further Footnotes on the Circulation of Music Theory
                            in 14th- and 15th-Century Italy
The 2003 Addenda et Corrigenda volume, the last to be published in the series devoted to music theory in
RISM, represents a remarkable international scholarly achievement, identifying the music content of about
1,300 manuscripts scattered around the world. However, as a summary of the recent outcomes of music
scholarship in this field, it also reveals a still inadequate approach to the sources.
           What one may derive from accurate codicological analysis and broad investigation on origin and
provenance, as well as from other approaches commonly adopted by book historians, remains too often
virtually unrevealed. The fresh re-examination of some 14th- and15th-century Italian sources (including
Vatican, Pal. Lat. 1377) suggests their placement in a well determined and previously overlooked historical
context and calls for a review of previous scholarship on the circulation of the texts they contain.


POLYPHONIC REPERTORIES IN 16TH-CENTURY FRANCE
                                                                             Chair: Jennifer Bloxam

Marie-Alexis Colin         Some Musical Prophecies in Sixteenth-century France
Although the Prophetiae sibyllarum of Filippo Barbieri (Venice, 1505) set to music by Orlando di
Lassus have aroused great interest with musicologists, other musical prophecies remain little
known. Apart from a few pieces composed in Spain during the 15th and 16th centuries, mostly on
vernacular texts (notably by Bartolomé Carceres, Alonso de Cordoba, Juan de Triana and Cristobal
de Morales), other repertories appeared in Europe. In France, while the 12 sibylline texts presented
by Jean Dorat and Claude Binet (1586) seem to have had no musical resonance, other prophecies
were the subject of a collaboration between poets and musicians, as we may see for example in the
Genethliac noel musical et historial de la Conception, Nativité de nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ
(Lyon, Godefroy Beringen, 1559) of Barthélemy Aneau, with music by Didier Lupi, Claude
Goudimel (who sets the Aiglogue sibylline ‘Muses du bon Poete de Sicile’) and perhaps also
Etienne Du Tertre. This study investigates the roles of the music in the astrological, prophetic and
political discourse of the Renaissance.


Jennifer Thomas             Core Repertory Motets from Composers of the French Court
Four composers of the French royal court contributed six works to the international core
repertory of motets that circulated from 1480 to the end of the sixteenth century: Alexander
Agricola, Jean Mouton, Antoine de Févin, and Jean Richafort. The older style of Agricola’s Si
dedero faded from favour more quickly than the others, but not before it appeared in twenty-four
sources and acquired two si placet voices. Mouton’s core repertory motets, Tua est potentia and
Quaeramus cum pastoribus circulated at least from the 1520s through the 1590s, as did Richafort’s
Quem dicunt homines and Christus resurgens. Févin’s Sancta trinitas enjoyed the widest circulation of this
group, no doubt as a result of its modification by Arnold von Bruck, who added two voices and
raised its profile in central Europe.
           These prominent, influential works provided models for parody masses by composers
such as Divitis, Hellinck, Cellavenia, Charles d’Argentille, Morales, and Palestrina. Their source
histories illustrate dissemination patterns for French court music in the sparsely documented
periods from the time of Charles VIII to Louis XII. The works themselves offer a stylistic context
for motets of the most prominent composer of core repertory motets during the period of the
core repertory’s formation: Josquin Des Prez. Recently, scholars have recognized the need to turn
more attention to the composers that surrounded Josquin, not only to better understand his music
and influence, but also to heighten our awareness of the broader musical landscape.
Frank Dobbins       A Manual of Marital Infidelity or Songs from the Court of Louis XII
                    (British Library, MS Harley 5242)
The surviving sources copied and printed during the first two decades of the sixteenth century
indicate that the French chanson for three voices was the most popular kind of domestic music
practiced in the homes of the European aristocracy and bourgeoisie. The main creative centre for
this novel musical genre was to be found in Blois, Amboise, Tours and other châteaux in the Loire
Valley frequented by King Louis XII and his second wife, Anne of Brittany between 1499 and
1514. But, curiously, the written testimony to this genre comes mostly from Italy, where Louis
pursued various military adventures between 1500 and 1513, sharing his enthusiasm for this music
with Giovanni dei Medici (later Pope Leo X) and others, or from the Low Countries of the
Hapsburg dukes, Philippe le beau, his regent Marguerite of Austria and his treasurer, Jerome
Laurin (British Library MS Add 35087 - see AR Edition RRMR LXVIII), or even from England,
where Henry, Prince of Wales, or his sister Mary, received a collection now preserved in
Cambridge (Magdalen College MS Pepys 1760). The only surviving repository of this repertoire
which can with certainty be associated with the court of Louis and Anne is a little parchment
manuscript preserved at the British Library in London, in the collection donated by Robert Harley,
Duke of Oxford in 1753.The book contains thirty-one songs by Antoine de Févin, and others
unnamed composers including Mathieu Gascongne, Antoine Brumel, Hilaire (Bernonneau),
Alexander Agricola, Pierre de La Rue and possibly Josquin Desprez.


TINCTORIS                                                           Chair: Leofranc Holford-Strevens

Marlène Britta              Johannes Tinctoris, a Reader of Saint Augustine and Thomas Aquinas
Starting from his treatise on the effects of music, the Complexus effectuum musices, which teems with
references to classical and medieval authors, we analyse the influence that Saint Augustine and
Thomas Aquinas may have exerted on the musical thinking of Johannes Tinctoris (ca 1435-1511).
These two thinkers have left authoritative writings on the role of music in religion, with Thomas
Aquinas partly taking over Saint Augustine’s ideas.
Tinctoris’s theoretical writings often refer to these theological authorities and offer stimulating
material to help determine how these medieval philosophers were read, understood and used at the
time of the Renaissance. Other musical treatises written by other fifteenth century theoreticians
(in particular Franchino Gaffurius), also have to be explored in order to find out whether this
theological knowledge contributed to the originality of Tinctoris’s writings. From extracts taken
from the Complexus effectuum musices and also from other treatises (De inventione et usu musicae, Liber de
arte contrapuncti), we study the frequency and relevance of quotations made by Tinctoris from Saint
Augustine and Thomas Aquinas and try to determine the theoretician’s thinking on the
relationship between theology and music.


Rob Wegman                  Tinctoris’s Magnum opus
The proposed paper is about the chronology and genesis of the theoretical corpus of Johannes
Tinctoris, in light of a new and surprising discovery I made last year: that the Complexus effectuum
musices started life with extensive (and unacknowledged) borrowings from a little-known 13th-c.
text, the Commentary on the Rule of St Augustine by Humbert of Romans. This discovery has
major ramifications, not only for the origins and dating of the Complexus itself, but for the
composition of Tinctoris's theoretical oeuvre altogether.


Alexis Luko                Tinctoris on Varietas
In Book III of the Liber de arte contrapuncti Tinctoris states, ‘variety must be most accurately sought
for in all counterpoint’. This rule of counterpoint refers to varietas – a term of classical origin
appropriated by humanists to describe one of the most fundamental fifteenth-century aesthetic
values. In modern-day musical discussions, varietas is often uncritically equated with ‘variety’ or
‘diversity’. I posit a new definition of varietas based on how the term was originally applied within
the context of classical rhetoric. I show that Book III of Tinctoris’s Liber emulates ancient treatises
such as the anonymous Rhetorica ad Herennium and Cicero’s De oratore in the way it systematically
translates the language of rhetorical style into a language of contrapuntal musical style. Though,
according to Tinctoris, repetition is to be avoided whenever possible, he concedes that in certain
instances, it is necessary and even desirable to disobey this rule. By presenting musical ‘figures’ of
varied repetition that correspond with ancient figures of speech, the Liber, in a manner that echoes
the ad Herennium and De oratore, attempts to negotiate a balance between two paradoxical concepts
– redictae (repetition) and varietas.
            Alberti’s humanist treatise, De pictura (1435), associates similar rhetorical concepts with
fifteenth-century painting practice. However, unlike the brief and enigmatic explanations of the
Liber, Alberti supplies extensive information on practical applications of varietas in art. By
positioning Tinctoris’s Liber de arte contrapuncti within classical and humanist contexts, I account for
three distinct types of varietas and suggest how they were applied in fifteenth-century musical
practice.


ROUND TABLE II: RECORDING VOCAL POLYPHONY
Sponsored by Early Music
A discussion of the techniques and strategies employed in—and the scholarly, aesthetic and
business criteria which influence—the recording and marketing of Medieval and Renaissance vocal
polyphony.

Enthusiastic debate has raged for over two decades over the historical validity of various
performance practices in polyphony - over issues such as the size of ensembles, the use of
instruments and the pitch standard adopted - but until recently, less recognition has been given in
this to the role of recording. By packaging an esoteric repertoire in order to market it to the CD-
buying public, by creating an evocative sound-world for the repertoire, and by defining the
character of an ensemble to listeners who may never encounter that ensemble in live performance,
recordings play an essential, perhaps even defining, role in issues of performance practice, our
understanding of the social andinstitutional history of choral music and of the canon.
           This round table will seek to address a number of questions about these relationships
amongst the most important of which are:

          To what extent does the choice of an acoustical space reflect performers’ understanding
          of the original performing environment for a repertory, the performers’ aesthetic
          priorities and marketing strategies?

          How do performers and recording companies come to decide upon repertoire and
          programming?

          How do performing styles and programming differ between recording and live concert
          projects?

While these questions will inevitably provide wide-ranging and sometimes irreconcilable answers, it
is hoped that they will also stimulate some vigorous and challenging observations.
SOURCE STUDIES / INTERTEXTUALITY AND BORROWING
                                                                     Chair: Fabrice Fitch
David Burn         A Manuscript of Mass-Propers from 16th-Century Florence
Only one substantial source of mass-proper cycles survives from 16th-century Italy prior to the
Council of Trent: Florence, Opera del Duomo ms. 46, which contains, alongside hymn and
Magnificat settings, 21 anonymous proper cycles for major feasts. Although important in the
history of the mass-proper, neither the manuscript nor its contents have received detailed
examination. In this paper, I locate the source and its music in the context of Florentine chant and
liturgy.
           An examination of scribal aspects of the source helps to date and attribute the music.
Moreover, the many revisions and additions record the source’s long life-span, and document the
implementation of Tridentine reforms in later 16th-century Florence.
           The music is in a distinctive style, related to choral improvisation: above a strict chant
cantus firmus in equal notes, without rests, three upper voices provide continual non-imitative
counterpoint. Although these basic principles remain consistent in all of the source’s mass-propers,
it is nonetheless possible to identify distinctive features that separate the main corpus of propers
from the additions. This style, particularly suitable to counter-Reformation views on music, was to
gain particular importance in mass-proper composition in the later 16th century. A comparison of
later 16th-century mass-proper collections with the Florence source suggests that the latter was an
important pre-cursor to this trend.


Bob Mitchell Barbingant’s Second Mass
The barely-documented mid-fifteenth-century composer Barbingant is known by a handful of
chansons and two three-voice Masses with D finals. The simpler of the latter pair is known to be
based on the chanson Terriblement suis fortunee, and is particularly straightforward in its
presentation of borrowed material. By contrast, the second Mass is anything but straightforward.
This paper reinforces my previous suggestion that it might draw on Caron's bergerette S'il est ainsi,
and illustrates the highly unusual ways in which the composer seems to draw on material from the
suggested model.


Vassiliki Koutsobina        Readings of Poetry—Readings of Music: Intertextuality in
                            Josquin’s Five- and Six-Voice Chansons
The concept of intertextuality, coined in literary criticism of the late 1960s, has proven particularly
useful for revealing the intricate network of relationships that characterize the repertories of the
late medieval period, providing an important analytical tool for their semiotic interpretation. The
proposed paper brings to light representative examples of poetic and musical relationships within
Josquin’s five- and six-voice chansons that have gone hitherto unnoticed. It further examines how
intertextual analysis can inform our understanding of chronological proximity and provenance of
compositions, especially when the proposed relationships are supported by shared compositional
strategies and poetic themes.
           To locate intertextual references, I explored a variety of textual and musical clues. First,
the practice of deriving a polyphonic voice from chant, a monophonic tune, or another polyphonic
work provided rich opportunities for intertextual play. For example, study of intertextual
connections between Je me complains and its borrowed popular melody not only sheds light to the
work’s compositional strategy but also reveals Josquin’s indebtedness to the social and cultural
overtones with which the popular tune resonates. Shared texts or fragments of texts can also point
to musical intertextual allusions. Anomalous or unusual musical features within a genre’s accepted
conventions or a particular composer’s style often mark a deliberate reference to another
discourse, be it a particular musical passage, a topos, or a compositional device in another work. By
locating both poetic and musical relationships and establishing their nature I demonstrate that
intertextuality features as a major element of Josquin’s musical rhetoric.
MUSIC THEORY (III)                                                Chair: Philippe Vendrix

Inga Mai Groote            On Glarean Editing Boethius
The University Library in Munich holds a considerable number of books formerly in the
possession of Heinrich Glarean, among which there are two editions of Boethius’ Opera, printed in
Venice (de Gregoriis) in 1497/99 and Basel (Petri) in 1546. (On this topic see I. Fenlon, ‘Heinrich
Glarean’s Books’, in Music in the German Renaissance, 1994). In the latter the texts of the Arithmetica
and the Musica were prepared for publication by Glarean himself. The earlier Venetian edition is
heavily annotated. Closer examination of the marginalia in the Musica volume and a comparison
with the 1546 edition allow conclusions to be drawn about how Glarean used his copy (these
observations are at least partly also valuable for the text of the Arithmetica). Obviously the Venice
edition served Glarean as a working copy with personal comments and demonstrations, but also
shows signs of his philological work. Three different layers of annotations can be distinguished:
structuring headwords, personal comments and textual corrections. Even the establishment of the
corrected text for Glarean’s own 1546 edition can be traced, as will be demonstrated. The
additions also show Glarean’s attempt to make the contents easier to comprehend by adding
explanatory figures. The question will be discussed if his copy could have been used as a printer’s
copy for the Basel edition or only represents a preliminary stage to it.

Jacomien Prins            A New Music of the Spheres in Marsilio Ficino’s Compendium in Timaeum
The central question of my paper is why Marsilio Ficino still based the music philosophy of his
Compendium in Timaeum on ideas about cosmic harmony of Plato’s Timaeus, a dialogue which was
considered as an incomplete and poetic account of the creation of the harmonic cosmos, while he
already knew that they were dated and not in line with the musical practice of his own time
anymore. The answer will be searched for in Ficino’s image of the ancient past. Ficino believed
that Plato’s Timaeus could be profitably studied by philosophers in order to formulate a definitive
philosophy about eternal spiritual truths about cosmic harmony that were revealed to wise men in
different cultures and ages. In order to demonstrate Ficino’s ambiguous attitude towards the
eternal truths he found in Plato’s Timaeus, the account for cosmic harmony in Ficino’s Timaeus-
commentary will be compared with the content of his letter De rationibus musicae, a more
progressive text that touches also on the themes of the metaphysical reasons for the power and
quality of consonances, and the relation of music to astronomy and astrology.

Ruth DeFord                Hermann Finck’s Examples of the Eight Modes in Polyphony
Hermann Finck’s Practica musica (Wittenberg, 1556) proposes a theory of mode that is radically
‘internal’ (in Franz Wiering’s terms); the entire structure of every polyphonic work is governed by
mode. Psalm-tone characteristics are the principal determinants of mode. Although Finck was
evidently aware of Glarean’s theory (since he borrows Glarean’s names for his eight modes), he
rejects not only the twelve-mode system, but also the species/ambitus approach on which it is
based. He makes a point of the difficulty of analyzing mode in polyphony. Modes cannot be
reduced to a set of rules; judgment and experience are required for understanding them.
           Finck names nine motets as examples of the modes. The examples demonstrate not only
the properties of the modes, but also the complexity modal analysis. Only two of the pieces would
be assigned to the same categories in Glarean’s system. The other seven display numerous
anomalies, including ambiguous finals, irregular endings, and problematic distinctions between
authentic and plagal types. Finck does not explain the basis for his judgments, but leaves the
reader to decipher his reasoning through the principles outlined in the text.
           The well known discrepancies among sixteenth-century modal systems have been
interpreted as evidence that modal theory was a speculative endeavour unrelated to compositional
practice. Finck proposes a different explanation: knowledge of the modes is vital to composers,
but modes are too complex to reduce to formulas. Rules are no substitute for experience and
familiarity with exemplary works. The goal of modal analysis is not to pin labels on pieces, but to
understand their inner workings and thereby develop fluency in the art of composition.
THURSDAY 20TH JULY
DRINKING SONGS AND OTHER LATE RENAISSANCE SECULAR MUSIC

Paul Schleuse ‘The slightest kind of music (if they deserve the name of music)’:
                   Vinate in Renaissance Theory and Practice
This paper will explore stylistic features of late-Renaissance drinking-songs by Orazio Vecchi,
Giovan Ferretti, and Adriano Banchieri, and their relationships to definitions of the term ‘vinata’
offered by Thomas Morley and Michael Prætorius. The musical works are varied depictions of a
drinking-game based on punning which may have come from an oral tradition from central Italy:
Ferretti labels his piece, from his fifth book of Canzone napolitane (1585) ‘brindisi all Marchiana’.
Vecchi, who was the first to use the term vinata as a genre-label, offers a more sophisticated
dramatization of a similar text in his Cicirlanda/Che commanda? from Selva di varia ricreatione (1590).
In Convito musicale (1597), Vecchi depicts the same game in a villotta titled O Giardiniero, and
Adriano Banchieri includes a Vinata di brindisi e ragioni in his Festina nella sera del giovedì grasso avanti
cena (1608). These pieces simultaneously present a pseudo-ethnographic record of popular practice
and a literate drinking-game to be sung with wine close at hand.
           Both Morley (Introduction, 1597) and Prætorius (Syntagma Musicum III, 1619) define
vinate as drinking songs, and in this connection both use almost identical phrases to comment on
the application of music to trivial things. This similarity strongly suggests either that Prætorius had
read Morley or—more likely—that both were quoting a third author, probably one who also
discussed drinking-songs. Neither theorist mentions any composers of vinate, but circumstantial
evidence suggests that Vecchi was their source for what they reported as a genre sung by peasants
and labourers.

Katelijne Schiltz           Antonio Molino, Andrea Gabrieli, and Burlesque Elements in a Lament
for Adrian Willaert: Towards a Contextual Reading of Music Collections
In 1564 the collection Di Manoli Blessi il primo libro delle greghesche was printed by Antonio Gardano.
This book contains music by famous composers such as Adrian Willaert, Cipriano de Rore,
Giaches de Wert, and Andrea Gabrieli. The texts are all written by Antonio Molino (alias Manoli
Blessi) in the so-called lingua greghesca, an artificial language consisting of a bizarre mixture of
Venetian and Greek dialects. Apart from dialogues, erotic songs, panegyrics for female singers and
parodies of poems by Petrarch and Bembo, the book also contains two laments on the death of
Willaert.
           In this paper I will focus on Gabrieli’s Sassi, palae and argue that, although it carries the
heading ‘sopra la morte d’Adriano’, its content should not be taken too seriously. It will indeed be
shown that the work is full of burlesque elements. In addition, external evidence will be taken into
account to support this idea. First of all, one should consider the context and structural
organisation of the music collection: Gabrieli’s work is placed immediately after two greghesche
written by Daniele Grisonio and Adrian Willaert himself (Vu hà ben casun and Dulce padrun), in
which the death of a little pet dog is lamented. Furthermore, Molino’s reputation as one of the key
figures in the history of the commedia dell’arte must not be neglected.
           The fact that Antonio Molino used a lingua burlesca to commemorate the death of such a
well-known music teacher and composer as Adrian Willaert, forces us to rethink the role of humor
in relation to death in some Cinquecento Venetian literary and musical circles.

Catherine Deutsch            Recurrent Harmonic Processes in Giovanni de Macque’s
                             Madrigaletti et Napolitane a Sei Voci
In 1581 and 1582, the Venetian printer Gardano published two books of Giovanni de Macque’s
Madrigaletti et Napolitane a Sei Voci. The dedication in the first book clearly indicates that these
pieces were created as a leisurely diversion for Ventura Maffetti and the more illustrious Camillio
Caetano (Cardinal Caetano’s nephew), whom this music was dedicated. Macque was striving for a
less ‘artificioso’ style, with a mainly homophonic texture and harmonic clarity for the sake of easy
reading and listening. This style characterizes the fusion of madrigal and canzone napolitana that took
place in the 1570’s and provides an interesting window through which to investigate 16th-century
harmonic language, a rather tricky subject that is still difficult to grasp.
        My paper will attempt to highlight some of the harmonic features that Macque employs in
the forty pieces of the two volumes. I shall focus on the following aspects:
1: use of recurrent harmonic sequences;
2: use of transposition for textual repetitions;
3: overall structure based on specific poles.
My aim is to examine the harmonic structure of Madrigaletti et Napolitane as a means for predicting
harmonic patterns within the same genre.


LITURGICAL CHANT                                                     Chair: Susan Boynton

Alicia M. Doyle            Issues of Transmission of Tenth-Century Southern French Liturgical Music:
                           Examining the Role of Northern Spain
This study examines aspects of the extensive chant repertory compiled in a peculiar manuscript from the
last quarter of the tenth century, Paris Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds Latin 1118. The encyclopedic
manuscript, copied mostly in chronological order, contains a troper, a tonary, a prosulary, a proser and
sequentiary. Found in the twelfth-century catalogue of the abbey of Saint-Martial de Limoges, the work is
of an unknown origin, but in general reflects an Aquitanian tradition.
          The contents indicate that a single scribe was working from a multitude of sources. The variety
of regional practices contained serves to obscure the origin of Paris 1118, but in many instances hints of
various origins of the exemplars exist, including some subtle suggestions of Spanish influence. Given that
even now, some one thousand years since the copying of the manuscript, no clear picture of transmission
of chant in the era has been developed, or how involved Spanish institutions were, this particular source is
of interest in terms of determining how music moved across southwestern Europe.
          Passing mention has been made of Spanish characteristics in the text and illuminations by art
and music historians alike. Of particular interest in this respect are the festal cycles in the troper and the
illuminations in the tonary. The various celebrated patrons in the tonary indicate regional practices of
Auch, Apt, Aurillac, Limoges and Toulouse, to name a few, including a significant amount of music for St.
Saturnin. The tonary has been of due to the very unusual illuminations which (based on colou and
subject) reflect a moorish rathern than Aquitanian artistic tradition.
          Using paleographic, repertorial and pictorial evidence this study examines the aspects of the
manuscript that indicate a possible Spanish involvement and seeks to create the beginnings of a model for
transmission of music in the region of the Pyrennees.


Olivier Cullin                 The birth of a tradition: remarks on the case of the Premonstratensians and the
                               Gradual of Bellelay (12th century)
When Placide Lefèvre wrote his magnificent essay on the Premonstratensian liturgy (La liturgie de Prémontré:
Histoire, formulaire, chant et ceremonial, 1957), he pointed out the specificities of the Premonstratensian liturgy
and music and he gave a list of the first XII Premonstratensian liturgical books, but left out the Gradual of
Bellelay. However, this source had been in this abbey since the middle of the twelfth century. It was been
also listed in the critical edition of the Roman Gradual (Solesmes, 1966), but as a marginal and original
source. The full study of this Gradual shows a repertory not well inscribed in the later ordo (thirteenth
century). It reveals in a very meaningful way how a new tradition can be established by an acculturation of
local repertories in a geographical area where the order was born and grew.
Pieter Mannaerts             ‘In divino officio est a novitatibus omnimode abstinendum’ – Radulph de Rivo
                             and Saints’ Historiae from Tongeren
In recent publications, David Hiley, Andrew Hughes, and others have successfully analyzed saints’ offices
(historiae), using a set of parameters (metrical or rhymed poetry, modal order, standard responsory verse-
tones, ‘Gallican’ cadences, modal ambitus and the concentration on specific melodic goals) as a means to
distinguish compositions from the earliest layer (up to 1150) from later ones. Surprisingly, to date, the
repertory from the southern Low Countries has not been subjected to systematic analysis in terms of these
parameters. However, the ‘Gallican church’, as described by Radulph de Rivo, was particularly prolific in
producing ‘new’ saints’ offices, in contrast to other churches, the one in Rome in particular (De canonum
observantia, prop. xii). This paper focuses on the saint’s offices in sources from Radulph’s ‘own’ church,
Tongeren’s collegiate church of Our Lady, where Radulph was dean of the chapter (1383-1403). The
liturgical calendars of Tongeren, an ancient bishop’s see, mention a remarkably large number of ‘holy
bishops’ (Maternus, Florentius, Martinus of Tongeren, Servatius, Amandus, Remaclus), including saints
commonly associated with Liège (Monulphus, Gondulphus, Theodardus, Lambertus, Hubertus). An
analysis of historiae surviving in sources contemporary with Radulph (c.1390) will shed light on their degree
of ‘novelty’ and thus reveal the extent to which Radulph’s recommendation ‘in divino officio est a
novitatibus omnimode abstinendum’ (De canonum, prop. vi) rang true for the liturgy in ‘his’ church.
        Also the various ‘textual situations’ where theoretical writings are to be found still demand thorough
reconsideration. ‘Non agit/agunt de musica’, the standard label under which, in the past, influential
scholarly publications have hidden from manuscripts’ descriptions the non-musical content circulating
along with the musical, appears no longer; however, at least one major example (Milan, Biblioteca
Ambrosiana, C.241 inf.) shows that sources examined in their entirety often reveal information relevant to
their origin and scope.
        This paper claims the need of a methodological adjustment in these directions, and proposes a
systematic revision of previous inventories and studies, starting with a limited portion of the sources at
hand.

								
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