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					                                                         Olympism and Moral Values   1




                          Olympism and Moral Values

                                                         Hashem Koozehchian
                                                                 Behzad Izadi
           (Department of Physical Education, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran)



Abstract
  In competitive sport over the last few decades the ethos of fair play has declined as
greater and greater emphasis has been placed upon winning. As a result, fair play has
been all but pushed in to the background. The goal of the Olympic movement is to
contribute to building a peaceful and better world by education youth through sport
practiced without discrimination of any kind and in the Olympic spirit, which requires
mutual understanding with a spirit of friendship, solidarity and fair play. For olympism
is a social philosophy which emphasizes the role of sport in world development,
international understanding, peaceful co-existence, and social and moral education.
This is important, showing concern for the whole person; the relation between sport
and moral education; and the role of property designed physical activity in character
development. Researchers, leader and practioners in the field of physical education
should recognize the importance of sport in the building of personal ethics and that
sport leaders should place a greater emphasis upon the enculturation of sound ethical
behavior through sport.
Key words: ethical values, olympism, sport.


The History of the Olympics
   The Olympic Games began in Olympia in the region of Elis, Greece, and originated
from war games, e.g. boxing, wrestling, chariot racing, which was core elements of
Greek military training. The games were of such importance that tens of thousands of
people spectated and even when wars were occurring in the region there was a form of
pax olympica which allowed competitors to travel safely and without hindrance to
attend the Games. The Games were held every four years from 776 BC to at least 261
AD and then continued occasionally until 393 AD when they were banned, with other
pagan festivals, by the Christian Emperor Theodosius 1.
 2   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   In seventeen century England Robert Dover staged annual "Olympick"Games at
Whitsun which comprised of wrestling, cudgeling and dancing, in public opposition to
the puritan ethic which considered play as sinful. During the nineteen century
numerous countries held events which they titled "Olympics".
   The modern Olympic Games were reintroduced by Baron Pierre de Coubertin in
1896 in Athens. In 1894 he stated: why did I restore the Olympic Games? To ennoble
and strengthen sports, to ensure their independence and duration, andto enable them
better to fulfill the educational role incumbent upon them in the modern world. For the
glorification of the individual athlete, whose muscular activity in necessary for the
community, and whose prowess is necessary for the maintenance of the general spirit
of competition.
The Olympic movement, which consists of the IOC, the international sports
Federations, the National Olympic Committees and the organizing Committees of the
Olympic Games. Has a number of fundamental aims:
  To promote the development of those physical and moral qualities which are the basis of
sports;
  To educate young people through sport in a spirit of better understanding between each other,
and of friendship, thereby helping to build a better more peaceful world;
To spread the Olympic principles throughout the world, thereby creating international goodwill;
To bring together the athletes of the world in the great four-yearly sports festival, the Olympic
Games
  Although the Games represent the pinnacle of sporting competition it was also
recognized that they encouraged the development of other competitions. Avery
Brundage, President of the IOC 1952-72, maintained that: the Olympic Games must
not be an end in itself; that must be a means of creating a vast program of physical
education and sports competitions for all young people (5).


Sport and Ethics
   Argument about ethics is difficult, especially when to describe ethics as: to have
legal behavior in every condition and situation. Ethics is topic that had ranked in sport
from long time ago and to figure from exalt values of sport (1). In competitive sport
over the last few decades the ethos of fair play has declined as greater and greater
emphasis has been placed upon winning. As a result, fair play has been all but pushed
into the background. Part of the reason for this transformation is historical. Sport, both
professional and international, has become a source of subsistence for more and more
athletes and, as a result, performance results have taken on increased importance. Sport
has become a means of upward mobility for individual and even entire families. In the
                                                          Olympism and Moral Values    3



midst of this social transformation, there has been a transformation of values from
principles of fairness to principles of achievement. As a result, the values that children
are learning from sport are very different from those of fair play. This must be
recognized and changed because in sport "…under appropriate pedagogical conditions
there are lots of opportunities for shaping the norms and relations of behavior that
society approves and expects" (2).
   Ethic universally controls human behavior, it cannot be narrowed down to private
life/family, conjugal fidelity, etc. or certain spheres of public life. As a consequence,
ethic necessarily appears in sport activity and thus at the Olympic Games as well. It is
therefore justifiable to speak about a relatively independent sport ethic, as a branch of
ethics or as professional ethic (3). The ethical code of sport in various historical
periods were subordinating to other fundamental moral principles. In ancient Greece it
was constructed on a directive of bravely which should be implemented at all
moments- in contest, on the battlefield and in daily life. In the middle Ages it was
expressed by honor and similar concepts, while in Couperin‘s times it was the principle
of fair play.
   In attempting to describe the ethic content of the ancient Olympic Games we have to
start from the specific educational ideal of the ancient Greeks that is form kalokagathia.
The word itself is well-known, being the compound of the word kalos, beauty, and the
word agatos, good, with the connective kai. The word kalos could mean a kind of
cheering. The word agatos, on the other hand, - besides good- meant noble origin, or
we could say nobility or generosity.
   Now putting these together it is obvious that we are dealing with a problem deeply
rooted in ethics, as generosity and goodness in them belong to moral problems.
Although beauty is of aesthetic nature, the current ethic and aesthetic quality are
closely related in human action. The interesting thing is that kalokagathia combine‘s
beauty with goodness, morality with beauty, that is, the ethical with aesthetic quality.
The essence of the subject is, after all, that kalokagathia implied the perfection of body
and physique, the purity of ethic, and the knowledge of moral standards, since the
primary condition for acting according to the right standards is the knowledge of these
standards (3).
   For most people the world "Olympic"will conjure up images of the Olympic Games,
either ancient or modern. The focus of their interest will be a two-week festival of sport
held once in every four years between elite athletes representing their countries or city-
states in inters- communal competition.
   Most people, too, will have heard of an "Olympiad". Although it is sometimes
thought to refers in fact to a four-year period. Fever, however, will have heard of
 4   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



"Olympism", the philosophy developed by the founder of the modern Olympic
Movement, Baron Pierre de Coubertin (1863-1937), a French aristocrat. This
philosophy has as its focus of interest not just the elite athlete, but everyone; not just a
short truce period, but the whole of life; not just competition and winning, but also the
values of participation and cooperation; not just sport as an activity, but also as a
formative and developmental influence contributing to desirable characteristics of
individual personality and social life.
   For Olympism is a social philosophy which emphasizes to role of sport in world
development, international understanding, peaceful co-existence, and social and moral
education. A universal philosophy by definition applies to everyone, regardless of
nation, race, gender, social class, religion or ideology, and so the Olympic Movement
has worked for a coherent universal representation of itself. De Coubertin, being a
product of late nineteenth-century liberalism, emphasized the values of equality,
fairness, justice, respect for persons, rationality and understanding, autonomy, and
excellence. These are values which span nearly 3000 years of Olympic history,
although some of them may be differently interpreted ay different times (4).


Concepts of Olympism
   Olympism is a philosophy of life, exalting and combining in a balanced whole the
qualities of body, will and mind. Blending sport with culture and education, Olympism
seeks to create a way of life based on the joy founded in effort, the educational value of
good example and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles. The goal of the
Olympic Movement is to contribute to building a peaceful and better world by
educating youth through sport practiced without discrimination of any kind and in the
Olympic spirit, which requires mutual understanding with a spirit of friendship,
solidarity and fair play.
In referring to this goal, the president of the IOC, J-A Samaranche, appeals to six basic
elements of Olympic ethics: tolerance, generosity, solidarity, friendship, non-
discrimination, respect for others. Later, in the same editorial, he says that the
principles which inspire the Olympic Movement are based on: justice, democracy,
equality, tolerance.
   Hanes Lenk (1964) refers to over 30 Olympic aims and values dealt with in his book
of the same title as his essay, including: values or religious-cultural import; festival,
artistic and spiritual planning of the Games; creation of a sporting elite; ideas relating
to performance (competition, records, etc); equality of opportunity (the equal starting
position); reference to the Greek idea of agonistic activity; fair play; the ancient idea of
truce, and the Olympic Movements peaceful mission; making the Movement
                                                                 Olympism and Moral Values   5



international and independent; the desire to give the Games the character of the host
country the values of amateurism; sweeping aside all cultural, racial, national, religious
and social barriers; uniting all forms of sport on the equal footing at Olympia; relating
the ancient meaning of the Games to their modern forms; regulating sporting life by
looking towards the Olympic Games periodically; the beneficial effects of the example
of Olympic competitors; and, the incentive provided by the possibility of participating
in the Games.
   Ommo Grupe (1997) addresses de Coubertins pedagogical concept of Olympism
which, he says, was based on five points:

1- Unity of mind and body: however, de Coubertin has a more differentiated viewed: … there
  are not two parts to a man- body and soul: there are three- body, mind and character;
  character is not formed by the mind, but primarily by the body. The men of antiquity knew
  this, and we are painfully relearning it. This is important, showing concern for the whole
  person; the relation between sport and moral education; and the role of properly designed
  physical activity in character development. De Coubertin often made the point that Olympism
  seeks to promote moral sport and moral education through sport.
2- Self- improvement (developing ones ability)
3- Amateurism- with its connotations of nobility and chivalry.
4- Fairness and fair play.
5- Peace.


   Hans Lenk had pointed out that the Olympic motto "citius, altius, fortius"(swifter,
higher, stronger) may lead us astray, given the dangers for humaneness of the constant
striving for records and the attendant dangers of cheating, political exploitation and
commercialism. Grupe also warns of today‘s dangers, and asserts that we need a new
definition and a new legitimacy. On his account, Olympism today is about: education,
self- fulfillment, effort; fairness; peace, tolerance, anti-discrimination; sport for all.
   Now let us remind ourselves of the considered ideas of the founder of the modern
Olympic Movement, Pierre de Coubertin. His mature article "the philosophical
foundation of Modern Olympism" (1935) clarifies the idea of Olympism. It is:

1- A religion of sport (the religion athlete)
2- An aristocracy, an elite (but egalitarian and meritocratic)
3- Chivalry (comradeship and rivalry suspension of exclusively national sentiments)
4- Truce (the temporary cessation of quarrels, disputes and misunderstanding)
5- Rhythm (the Olympiad)
6- The young adult male individual.
7- Peace, promoted by mutual respect based on mutual understanding
 6   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



8- Let us also add: participant and competition (4).


   The basic principle of the modern Olympic Games, formulated by Coubertin,
contains the ethical principle which, similarly to kalokagathis. The Coubertin Olympic
ideal has two basic moral pillars. One of them can be derived from the Olympic motto
citius, altius, fortius. Coubertin developed the philosophy, or the pedagogical system,
of the modern Olympic Games on the basis of this. And this motto is more-or-less still
used at the Olympic Games. Coubertin had another basic moral principle as well,
namely that the essence of the Olympic Games was preparation and participation that
is mass sports (3).


Globalization and Ethics of Olympic
   Despite the overall economic benefits of globalization, the social impact of open
markets and increased competition has led to a widening of the gulf between rich and
poor nations. However, it soon became apparent that globalization was a two-edged
sword. The shock of the Asian meltdown, the relentless growth of the American
economy and the widening gap between rich and poor – even in the wealthiest
countries –triggered a backlash against globalization involving a diverse collection of
interest groups and protest movements. Apart from fundamental challenges to national
sovereignty, cultural tradition and human rights, globalization has unleashed a huge
range of complex and unprecedented ethical challenges in areas as diverse as foreign
investment, education, medicine, poverty, environmental sustainability, immigration,
marketing, intellectual property, the Internet and sport. And, because the Olympics are
a truly global phenomenon – in many ways a uniquely global event –they manifest all
of the ethical issues and dilemmas which have accompanied the process of
globalization in recent years. The backlash against the Olympic Games reflects the
failure of the major global institutions in dealing with the social and ethical
consequences of globalization in areas such as the environment, poverty, terrorism and
natural disasters.
   Disillusionment with the Olympic Games mirrors the disenchantment with the
perceived values of globalization, including winning at any price, commercial
exploitation, intense national rivalry, cronyism, cheating and corruption and the
competitive advantage of advanced nations.


Why Focus on the Games?
                                                             Olympism and Moral Values       7



  There are three main reasons for focusing on the Olympic Games as a case study in
global ethics. The first is that they are a unique global institution and are widely seen to
celebrate – or potentially celebrate – certain values and aspirations which have
universal currency and power. Second and a corollary of the first, failure to live up to
the so-called Olympic ideals have produced a number of major crises involving intense
public debate on ethical issues and dilemmas. These crises appear to mirror and
confirm the breakdown of fundamental values such as honesty, integrity, dependability,
and commitment in organizations and societies around the world. And, third, given the
increasing disparity between Olympic rhetoric and reality, the Games provide an
excellent opportunity to explore fundamental aspects of leadership, market positioning
and culture-building (6).


Conclusion
   Sport recognized long time ago as means for educate athletic values, fair play and
trust. Athletics are as symbols and patterns. To keep aloof sport, athlete and coaches
from results and goal of education attributed more emphasize to winning at any price.
Olympic international committee concern of about to abuse of ethical and education
and encourage experts for compare with these abuses. Although programs of physical
education and sport present opportunity of values education, but for the purpose of
optimum will be achieved must winning indicated lateral subject and accurate
designing situation that cause to optimum values development. Program of
professional preparing should be emphasis on ethics principles and to consider
importance of professional athletes as symbol of athletes and students. Researcher,
practitioners and managers in the field of physical education should recognize the
importance of sport in thebuilding of personal ethics and that sport leaders should place
a greater emphasis upon the enculturation of sound ethical behavior through sport.


References
[1] Kashef. M. 2002. "Ethics, Olympic Games and comparison with sport in ancient Iran".
    Pressof Olympic national committee of Iran.
[2] Papp, G., Prisztoka, G. 1995. "Sportsmanship as an Ethical value". International sociology
    of sport Association and SAGE Publication, P.375.
[3] Takacs, F. 1992. "Ethos and olympism, the ethic principles of olympism". International
    sociology of sport Association and SAGE Publication, P. 223.
[4] Parry, J. 1998. "Physical Education as Olympic Education". European Physical Education
     Review, pp. 153-167.
8   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



[5] Wilson, J.P. 2002. "Citius. Altius. Fortius. Peritius: The skill Olympics and skill
    competition". Industrial and Commercial Training, pp. 201-208.
[6] John Milton-Smith. 2002. "Ethics, the Olympics and the Search for Global values".
    Journal of Business Ethics, kluwer Academic Publisher, pp. 131-142.
[7] Krawczyk, Z. 1995. "Sport as Symbol". International sociology of sport Association and
     SAGE Publication, PP.429-436.
                                                          The Games We Speak of Society   9




                    The Games We Speak of Society

                                                                   Ezzeddine Bouzid
                                                        (Institut supérieur des sports
                               et de l‘éducation physique Kasar Said Tunis, Tunisia)


Abstract
   The purpose of this work, games and sports of children, adolescents and adults of two
periods of the history of Tunisia, namely: The period of the Roman Tunisia (between the
second and the sixth century Ap.J -C.) and the present time Kerkennah Islands. We have
chosen to work on the mosaics and the islands Kerkennah for two reasons: - Because
they represent two civilizations prior to the emergence of modern sport - Because the
figures represented in the mosaics seem to us an invaluable contribution. Indeed, we
believe that the work of mosaic of Tunisia as a true Roman ethnographers production.
The objective of this study is to describe the scenes fun, to highlight their internal logic
of the culture of the time. Specifically, our goalis to provide anthropological meanings
pipes ludomotrices of Tunisia ancient Roman times and those of contemporary Tunisia.
Key words: traditional game, ludomotor, roman tunisia


1 - Presentation of the object
   The sports of children, teenagers and adults of two periods of Tunisian history,
namely: The period of the Roman Tunisia (between the second and the sixth century
ApJ-C.) and the present time Kerkennah Islands. Doubtless the ludicrous practices To
exist since it sociologically recognized that not does each group produce its own social
"ludomotor games", but also within the same society, each social class designs the
techniques of the body, as Marcel Mauss put it.
   Games, music and the other means of entertainment are part of human life, cultural
heritage, and social identity is also manifested in the postures and gestures of the body
as well. Currently, we know that the practices "ludomotor games" represent a social
factor with strong economic and political implications.
 10   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



Despite this importance, given to the ludicrous universe either in Tunisia or elsewhere,
in the Arab world, on the scientific arena, the game, the sport and anything corporal are
alittle bit neglected.
   In our country, Tunisia, the traditional recreational activities, reduced to leisure time
and amusement activities (Lahu) or destructive activities with side effects ('Abeth), are
still marginalized by research in sociology-games and sports are, as Parlebas said "the
blind spot of the socio-historical research". Using the game as an object of research is
working on a funny expression witch characterizes the ways of behaviour. It‘s above all,
working on a set of rules that are actively involved in the regulation of driving
behaviour.


2 - Choice of sample
   We have chosen to work on the mosaics and the islands of Kerkennah for two
reasons: - Because they represent two civilizations prior to the emergence of modern
sport - Because the figures represented in the mosaics seem to us an invaluable
contribution. Indeed, we believe that the work of mosaic of Tunisiaas a true Roman
ethnographers production.


3 - Purpose of research
   The objective of this study is to describe the funny scenes, to highlight their internal
logic of the culture of the time.
Specifically, our goal is mainly to transmit some anthropological meanings from the
"ludomotor attitudes" of Roman ancient times and those of contemporary Tunisia.


4 - Hypothesis
   Our argument is Based on the correlation between the culture and the game saying
that: "The characteristics of the games are in correspondence with the characteristics of
the host society".In other words: The logic driving games partly reflects the main
features of society membership. In this context, can we identify the main characteristics
of both ludicrous cultures of children, adolescents and adults? And what do they reveal
from their state of membership? In what way are they different? What traits do these
cultures have in common?
   Is there a continuity of the features of the internal logic of games through the
centuries, relating to space, accessories, dress, participants of both sexes, driving
                                                          The Games We Speak of Society    11



interactions of opposition and cooperation, the types of games, the nature of violence ...?
Can we provide reasonable answers?


5 - Methodology
  Our methodological approach is, in a first step, observe, describe, analyze games
using a model sheet and interpret the results of investigations undertaken on the
specifics of the internal logic of ludicrous practices. In a second time, still in continuity,
the results are analyzed in relation to the cultural particularities of the time of belonging
putting to the test the model of the motor praxcéologie in a problematic interface:
ludomotor practices with the culture. In our case, such approximation requires the use,
by stage,of two types of analysis: the intracultural and intercultural which correspond to
the ethnocentric approach for the first and the differential one, to the second.


Following a field observation, we selected a reference of,:


6 - Data Collection
  480 sets of children, adolescents and adults games. 240 in Kerkennah islands are
considered as a no-exhaustive sample. Yet,it represents all the games of Kerkennah
population of modern Tunisia. Bisides 240 available in the mosaics of Roman Tunisia
are considered exhaustive sample figured in 170 pieces of mosaics of various origins.
However, we probably have a reference sample which represents two quite distant
periods and fairly represents the world of sports games practices of the two involved
populations.


7 - Survey Results
   Our approach in this part of the research is to compare the cultural traits which are
supposed to be the most significant of the two worlds of corporal entertainmentwhich
we work on. However, the "Ludomotor activities of both cultures (that of Roman
Tunisia and of Kerkennah archipelago), although distant if remote from time, they
represent an important number of common traits: no-specialized space for games and
accessories, even the type of equipment and fishing techniques, very little reference to
time, restricted coding, reduced original structures, supported brutality etc .... According
to the results of our investigation, it seems judicious to note the commitment of all
people to practice and games. However, we deduce that civilizations, people do not play
the same way. Admittedly, we observe that over a period of nearly twenty centuries of
 12   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



life, through some developments have emerged on the social scene and new requirement.
These are, therefore, breaks and differences in the specifics of the internal logic of
situations ludomotor between games of Tunisia and ancient games Kerkennah Islands of
Tunisia today. These differences actually arise at the level of universals: structures,
systems, conditions of accomplishments, specifically in relation to space, time, objects,
others motor inter brutality, driving interactions of opposition and cooperation ...
   However, the comparative study between the structures of the internal logic of the
game scenes in the mosaics of Roman Roman Tunisia and the Games of Archipelago
Kerkennah has identified a number of factors and related, first, to ruptures and, secondly,
to the surviving of cultural traits. To be an essential and unique contribution to the
efforts of socio-cultural changes on the birth of sports games, Pierre Parlebas rejects the
idea of the genesis "spontaneous" and "natural" sports games, as it was often made and
accepted in scientific and educational. In this regard he noted: "The sports games are [...]
productions of a society, a certain level of technology, imagination and a precise
symbolicuniverse.
   In our case, we have noted, from Kerkennah, some ludocrous practices ludomotor
relating the civilization of Roman Tunisia, and to the Arab-Muslim civilization, as well.
Based on this finding the socio-historical, is it possible to embrace few questions the
areas of convergence or divergence between two distinctive ludicrous cultures? Is it
possible to embrace few questions the areas of convergence or divergence between the
classical Roman and cultures Arab-Muslim? What traits of both cultures do they play
together? Is there a continuity of the features of the internal logic of games through the
centuries, relating to space, accessories, dress, participants of both sexes, interactions
drive the opposition and cooperation, the types of games, the nature of brutality ...? Can
we provide relevant answers? If the practice of ludomotor is a need that goes back to
ludo the civilization of Roman Tunisia we record, however, that the internal logic games
are similar neither in any place nor at any moment.
   That is what the results of our research reveal. The peculiarities of the internal logic
of games of the Roman Tunisia (between the first and sixth century. AD.) Differ from
the cultural traits the games of Kerkennah archipelago proper(late twentieth century).
Each culture is characterized by its proper entertainment. Thus, it should be noted that
the games studied in Africa by Gora Mbodj Mohammed Ould Salek and the games for
children, the European Renaissance, reviewed by Pierre Parlebas reveal an
"ethnomotrice" representation of different cultures.
                                                             The Games We Speak of Society      13



   Broadly speaking, our results allow us to identify four major differences related to the
respective data of our corpus of games:

A - Difference in historical time: an interval of 15 to 20 centuries between our two corpora.
B - Difference in the geographical area: the game scenes of Tunisia on Roman mosaics tables of
various origins.
C - Difference in the social strata: ludomotor activities of Kerkeniens: island farmers of modest
economical income, mainly of Arab-Muslim culture, opposed the game shows of the Romans in
Tunisia, where participants are notable Gods , grooms, lovers, athletes, professionals, slaves and
wild beasts, all rooted in a Tunisian-Roman culture.
D - Difference in the number of participants: 700 players participate in the corporal entertainment
of Roman Tunisia, against 1689 Kerkennah actors. These discrepancies do undoubtedly provoke
numerous cultural variations. Of course, as noted above, we find remarkable differences between
the characteristics of the internal logic of the situations of both ludomotrices cultures, figure 1
illustrates more precisely these differences:

References / Cul       Games of Tunisia Africo Roman             Games of the Kerkennah
   tural Traits                                                        archipelago
   Game type         Enchantement of sports games           Enchantement of sports games
Thursday sociom      Thursday sociomoteur most              Thursday sociomoteur most
oteur and psych       abundant                               abundant
     omotor
 Communication       A clear superiority of the original    A minimal gap between the coope
    structure        networks.                              rative games and the original netw
                                                            orks: self centrad-man, one against
                                                            all, a team against the other.
      driving      The opposition is more common th         The opposition is more requested
    Interaction    an cooperation. Games of oppositio       than cooperation.
                   n and cooperation through an objec       The games of cooperation and op
                   t are on the one hand, in equal nu       position, through an object are the
                   mbers and on the other hand muc           most abundant.
                   h more numerous.
 langagière Interr - Spectator player: seeking encoura      - Player-player:-on appointment
      elation      gement and disdain the forces of e        and harm.
                   vil.                                     - Spectator player: encouragement
                   - Spectator, political class personali   and disdain.
                   ty, generous.
 Abuse and viole A cultural trait remarkably          Importance of games without
        nce        « a social demand"                 brutality.
 Actors situations Massive presence: men, mythologic  The games are moments of gather
   ludomotrices    al characters and animals.         ings of the different categories of
                                                      characters who represent the popul
                                                      ation.
 Child and Adult Confirmation of a ludicrous corporal A ludicrous culture the representati
                 culture fitting adults.              on of children is very significant.
 14    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



                                                           In addition, children, teenagers an
                                                           d adults line up contracts on the s
                                                           ame play.
   Suitable to     Strict gender separation between th     Women exercised games like men
    players        e two sexes.                            with a reserved mixture.
  Consolidation    Regulation of games led to a decre      Consolidation led to the decrease
                   ase in the number of sets of mutua      of cooperative psychomotor games
                   l and psychomotor games, games f         to the benefit of combat games.
                   or the opposition.
       Dress       Nudity characterizes the psychomot      The games are particularly charact
                   or and sociomotor sports games.         erized by the daily dress.
   Arbitration     Presence of the referee in the          Autorégulation      :   either    by
                   psychomotor and sociomotor sports       individual initiative or by friendly
                   games. Self-refereeing                  agreement or player-player.
      Spectacle    The game shows played an import         The Game Shows play an entertai
                   ant role in the political life of the   ning role in the every day life of
                   time.                                   kerkenian people.
 Physical intensit the taste of funny practices of Ro  The taste fanny corporal     practic
        é          man Tunisia is focused on the ludo  es captivated and characterized by
                   motor situations an important physi an expenditure of energy with rem
                   cal intensity.                      arkable intensity.
      Space        Use of two sites of action: "savage use of domesticated traditional pla
                   " and "domestic" standard. The cir  ces, private and public. These are
                   cus is the place where the power p  ways to preserve heritage and pro
                   rovides people with pleasures in ex mote the fun of the survival of m
                   change for passivity.               otor behavior related to these plac
                                                       es.
   Accessories,    Many specific objects.              Accessories borrowed from the ec
 objects, material                                     ological and private daily, with al
         s.                                            most universal use of elements in
                                                       place.
    Accounting     Half of the games structure with a Importance of games achieved wit
 scores (performa ccounting issues and the other half h formal rules distinguishing betw
   nce-winners)     without quantification.            een the loser and the winner.
  Mutual aid and More important than antagonism.       Less important than the opposition
     solidarity                                        .
   Constraint of   Almost nonexistent.                 Very low.
      duration
Figure 1: Comparison of cultural traits between the game scenes through the mosaics of Ro
man Tunisia and those of Kerkennah Islands.

   According to the results mentioned in figure 1, it seems that we are clearly deali
ng with two ―ludomotor cultures‖ that amount in some cases, with continuity and s
urvival, and in other cases with rupture, "total divorce". See by way of illustration,
what is the degree of divergence between the special fun of two cultures. The cultu
ral breakdown is of type "divorce total" or "survival dynamics?
                                                      The Games We Speak of Society   15



7. 1 - Difference in the participation of children
   There seems no doubt that children's participation in games, in the mosaics of th
e Roman Tunisia (17%) is higher in reality, is it reported in the mosaics. Indeed, th
e authors of the Graeco-Roman civilization, we inform that besides the "programmi
ng" and "zither", who taught literature and music, "pédotribe (coach children) forme
d in the "palestra" (instead of the fight), and music, the body of future soldiers. Aft
er the
invasion of Greece by the Romans (second century. BC.) And that the people has
passed without any transition of military discipline to the games of the circus, the
poet Martial tells us that Roman children continued to practice the Greek games,
while adolescents and men attending the fighting of the defeated and applauding
clashes slaves who are killing each others another.
   In the culture of the islands Kerkennah (Arabo-Muslim), the involvement of
children in games is highly desired (78% of games). Indeed, not only the geographi
cal and urban villages kerkeniens facilitates the involvement of children in games a
nd psychomotor sociomoteurs but parents encourage their children to attend, to hav
e
active roles.
  In public places, the educational motto ('allim El-atfel wa Houm yal'aboun)" teach
children through play" is often displayed on walls and doors of kindergartens, clubs
and schools base. This pedagogical approach is part of our cultural and social herit
age. Therefore, the parents are of ten and actively involved with their children in
Kerkennah. the establishment of conditions for some games and the realization of
their rules.
   Indeed, the function of games Kerkennah archipelagos is purely educational. It
aims to develop total body. Kerkeniens parents believe that the game helps to impro
ve muscle strength of children: "a child who does not is not doing well, it is not
healthy", confirm the older inhabitants. Thus, in the game the highlight of the physi
cal self and is well exploited. That is why many games Kerkennah show and especi
ally the excess heroism. Every game is approved punished by a code, the individual
low physically occupy the place of a player known as "replacement". If unsuccessfu
l the player will be punished either by imposing a number of blows on the hands o
r feet
or in tryin to imitate an animal. It should be noted that in early Islam, the games
were not for profit, nor ostentatious, nor does the pursuit of celebrity. Every game
should strive to acquire the strength to fight in the way of God. Indeed, Sheikh
Muslim Aboubaker Djabir El-Djazair confirms the function of the game to promote
certain values of the early Islamic period. He writes: "The goal of all the physical
play, known at the beginning of Islam under the name of the riding, is to the truth,
support and defend".
   By against, during the Tunisian-Roman civilization, the relationship of children to
the games is set by a social imaginary strongly rooted in the spirit of the formation
of a future warrior. From this point of view, we can learn that the games carry
Kerkeniens educational ideology.

7. 2 - Cultural Divergence in women
 16    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   According to historians of the Greco-Roman antiquity, the presence of women on
 the Olympic stage was first strictly prohibited. It was not until the time of Plato th
e intellectual milieu that calls for the sport among women. Indeed, Plato, influenced
 by Lacedaemon, was in "laws" make education compulsory sports for both sexes.
Aristotle wanted alternating with spiritual work. It seems that the reduced participati
on of women in games (4%) due to the brutal physical activity fun.
   By against, into the culture of the archipelago Kerkennah, we find that there is m
ore equality. It is characterized by the participation of women in 33% of games. It i
s important to emphasize that this "ideology" to Kerkennah, where both sexes durin
g the games, accept each other, converge with the Islamic law which prohibits the
mixing between members of the same family.



                                       33%

 30%


 25%


 20%
                                                  Participation des femmes
                                                 Aux jeux
 15%


 10%


  5%        4%


  0%
          MOSAÏQUE                   KERKENNAH


Figure 2: Participation of women in the games, during the Roman period (4%) is
significantly lower than Kerkennah islands in the late twentieth century.

   We have included in the brief comments above, as on islands Kerkennah, the hu
man, religious, "gives way to another value" ideological "and universal: that of equa
lity of opportunity between men and women.

7. 3 - Divergence in the animals
  In the arena of the lecture halls, alongside the struggles of gladiators, Africans
attended confrontations between big cats. The presence of other animals expressed b
etween the enchantments of Africans to hunt large wild animals. Indeed, the results,
 which reflect the relationship of people to animals, put it, as shown in Figure 4, a
significant difference between the two fields of study: the presence of higher animal
s (72%) in the Tunisian-Roman civilization, and only 1% for Kerkennah ..
   This cultural difference can probably be explained by the fact that in Arab-Musli
m culture, promiscuity with animals has maintained that when it came to the animal
, a means of locomotion, a working tool or a beast that the pupil and milk consum
ption. Indeed, in Islam,for humanitarian reasons, fighting evil animals were seen. Th
                                                        The Games We Speak of Society   17



e Prophet warned against the exciting animals against each other (tahrish). However,
 the fighting of camels, dogs and roosters were tolerated and accepted.

7. 4 - Cultural rupture in the use of dress
  The issue of nudity body mark, between the two cultures, a very significant diffe
rence. We register 49% of scenes from games throughout the mosaics in the Roman
Tunisia, which the players are represented without clothes, against o% games for th




e culture of the archipelago Kerkennah.
Figure 3: The presence of animals in Games Kerkennah is very low, 1% games. Against by
the Tunisian-Roman civilization saves 72% of scenes found in the mosaics of ancient Tunisi
a.

  Islam, modulator behavior Kerkeniens poses strict requirements on the clothing an
d the exposure of certain body parts, either in humans or in women. In contrast, the
image of the naked human body, the representation of sexual organs, through the m
osaics from the Roman era, seems - t - it does not reflect the social reality of the ti
me. It symbolizes an artistic and, perhaps, to the idea of Gilbert-Charles Picard, "W
as excellent for holding the preserver against the evil eye. "

7. 5 - Differences in energy expenditure
 In the Tunisian-Roman civilization, the energy is one of the most important criteria
for evaluating individuals. In fact, we save 87% of games that seek a commitment
characterzed by a very important physical energy expenditure.
  The African mosaic did not intend to illustrate scenes from games that include pl
ayers with low muscle of the body. Indeed, these artists illustrate only four games t
 18   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



o scenes of low physical effort. However, we conclude that in the culture of Tunisia
 Roman taste for situations ludomotrices is characterized by the total physical com
mitment. By against, at Kerkennah, 45% of games seek physical exertion very impo
rtant. We register between the two cultures, a significant difference of 42% in expe
nditure of energy. For games that take place with an expenditure of very little physi
cal effort, we note 14% for 2% Kerkeniens against the Romans in Tunisia (Figure 5
).



              49%




                                                                        Nudité du corps




                                                        0%
             MOSAïQUE                                KERKENNAH



Figure 4: In the culture of the people kerkenian, the exposure of the naked body during the
 games is socially unacceptable.

  Therefore, we find that, despite the survival of the games intense physical
nature, it exists, between two cultures, a gradual break with ludomotrices
activities which will require an expenditure of an amount of energy very
important. Figure No. 5 shows the differences between the two cultures play.

7. 6 - Difference in the structure of dual
   The observation and analysis of results of two bodies shows us that the structure duels
ludomoteurs is the least represented in the two cultures: 13% in Tunisia and 29% Roman
in Kerkennah archipelago. However, we saw a difference between the two cultures of
18% for the culture of Tunisia today.
  In addition, the frequency of the structure of the original game network in the Tunisian-
Roman civilization (60%) is significantly higher compared to that recorded in the
islands of Kerkennah (39%). However, we note a difference between the two contexts,
                                                          The Games We Speak of Society   19



21% of the original game networks, for the culture of ancient Tunisia. Table 1 and
Figure No. 6 illustrate the differences between the two cultures play.




Figure 5: Comparison of physical energy expenditure between the two ludicrous cultures

Characteristics of the dual structure   Corpus of mosaics         Corpus of Kerkennah
                                              n = 240                    n = 240
          Structures duels:                    13%                        29%
        - Duels of individuals                 10%                        16%
             - Team Duels                       3%                        13%
     - Team Duels (symmetric)                   0%                        10%
Table 1: Comparison of the structure duels between the two cultures play

  The era of the Roman Tunisia is characterized by a culture that does not play
dueling teams symmetric (0%). In conclusion, we note that the principle of equal o
pportunity in the entertainment culture of the Roman Tunisia, is completely denied.
 20    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



Figure 6: Comparison between the original and the dual structure in the two cultures in que
stion. We already note that the frequency of duels has almost tripled since the Roman era to
that of Kerkennah. As against the original structure was a decrease of 21%.

   Thus we record the following conclusion: if the use of the dual structure, in the
culture of Tunisia ludomotrice current increases relative to the Roman era, the use o
f the original network structure, in Islands Kerkennah decreases and vice versa. Fig
ure no. 6 can enter the dialectical relationship between inter-cultural structure of ind
ividual networks and originals.

7. 7 - Survival of the traditional measures
  We have noted in the games of Kerkennah Islands two games where the players, t
o measure the distance from the ground use the human body. This "body technical",
means of measurement, date from the era of Heracles. The latter, according to histo
rians, after killing Augias, King of Elis, which he cleaned the stables, organized a p
arty to thank Zeus and his four younger brothers, epidemics, Aionos, Idas and Lasio
s to compete among themselves. Heracles drew first Temenos or "sacred" in the cen
ter of which competitions should be celebrated. He put the right foot on the ground,
including juxtaposes the left foot and right foot and so forth six hundred times ... In
so doing, he created the distance of the "stage".


References

 [1] Bernard Michel - Le corps -, Editions Universitaires, Paris 1972.
      Beschaouc Ezzeddine - "La mosaïque de la chasse à l‘amphithéâtre découverte à Smirat en
      Tunisie" -, In : CRAI, pp. 13-54, Paris 1966..
 [2] Beschaouch Ezzeddine - "Une sodalité africaine méconnue : Les Perexii -, Académie des
     Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, pp. 410 –420, Paris 1980.
 [3] Boltanski Luc - "Les usages sociaux du corps" -, In : Les annales, n° 1, pp. 205-233
     Editions Colin, Paris 1971.
 [4] Bouhdiba Abdelwaheb - Quêtes sociologiques -, Editions C.E.R.E.S, Tunis 1995, (259 p.).
 [5] Bourdieu Pierre - "Pratiques sportives et pratiques sociales" -, In : VIIème Congrès
     International de L'H I S P A, pp. 17-37, Editions I N S E P, Paris 1978.
 [6] Bouzid Ezzeddine - Les jeux à travers la mémoire tunisienne -, Editions. S.O.G.I C, Sfax
     1995, en langue arabe, (98 p.).
 [7] Caillois Roger - Les jeux et les Hommes -, Editions Gallimard, Paris 1958, (378p.).
 [8] Calvet Louis-Jean - Les jeux de la société -, Editions Payot, Paris 1978, (227p.).
 [9] Duval Noël - "Couronnes agonistiques sur des mosaïques africaines" -, In : B.C.T.H.,
     nouvelle série, pp. 195-216, Paris 1976-78, fas. B. 1980
[10] El-Djazairi Aboubaker Djaber - La voie du musulman (Manhej El moslim) -, Editions
      ASLIM, traduction Moktar Chakroun, France 1986, (570 p.).
                                                              The Games We Speak of Society        21



[11] Grosseet Louis-André - "Les jeux de la rue à Mateur" -,In :IBLA, n° 27, pp. 303 –329,
     Tunis 1944,
[12] Gilbert Charles-Picard - La civilisation de l'Afrique romaine -, Editions PLON, Paris 1959.
[13] Mauss Marcel, - Manuel d‘ethnographie, petite bibliothèque Payot, France 1992.
[14] MbodjGora - Place des activités ludomotrices de tradition dans l'éducation des conduites
      motrices à l'école élémentaire sénégalaise -, Thèse pour le Doctorat de IIIème cycle,
      UniversitéToulouse Le Mirail, 1981, (340 p.).
[15] Ould Salex Mohammed - Interactions sociales et pratiques ludomotrices. Etude de quelques
     jeux sportifs Dogon et Songhay au Mali -, D E A de sociologie, Paris V, 1990, (327 p.).
[16] Parlebas Pierre - "Jeux d'enfants et culture ludique à la Renaissance" -, non publié, Paris
     1992.
 22   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




Archaeology of Stroke and Movements of Capoeira Fight
               from 16th to 20th Century


                                                                Paulo Coêlho de Araújo
                                                            Ana Rosa Fachardo Jaqueira
                                                          (Coimbra University Portugal)



Abstract
   The appearance of Capoeira is linked to Brazilian Colonization process and to
enslavement of African blacks trafficked to Brazil from third decade of 16 thcentury by
Portuguese discoverers, however, without stopping considering the several cultural
influences of different orders of people that populated this country over the times.
   These initial words don't conclude this fight expression as being a cultural expression
of African origin, but just affirm the importance of African cultural elements of corporal
look, as explicit contributions for the invention of this fight on Brazilian soil. In this way,
we find in bibliography pertinent to this subject many authors that identify it as a
cultural expression genuinely African, and others that identify it as a national element of
Indian origin, both without any consistent foundation that affirms it absolutely.
   As well as the origin of Brazilian fight, many elements that competed for the
constitution of its stroke and movements framework over the times are also obscure.
Despite the concrete inexistence of documents that clear the main influences of corporal
look up in this fight expression context, the consulted documental sources allow us to
take on the position that the stroke/movements of Capoeira fight suffered influences
from all body languages of African look of trafficked people over the times(dances of
any nature; fights; acrobatic competitions), apart from the fight origins of all the
otherhuman groups that populated Brazilian soil in its historical periods (colonial,
imperial, republican).
Key words: traditional game, capoeira, brazilian fights


Introduction
           Archaeology of Stroke and Movements of Capoeira Fight from 16th to 20th Century   23


   Taking into account the information of main studies about slave traffic to Brazil, we
identified as main transferred ethnic groups, those originating from Costa da Mina, Baía
do Benim, Guinea, Congo, Angola and at a later date from Mozambique, and therefore,
on which the consideration of influence of its corporal nature frameworks for context of
Capoeira could have relapse. On the other hand, it is unanswerable the no existence of
many studies, whether national or whether from countries that experienced colonial
adventure, that portray different activities of these groups in Portuguese slavocrat period,
allowing us to attribute the influence to an ethnic group in particular or even to a
specific corporal framework.
   Coming from this statement, and considering the study shortage of activities of
African groups directly associated with Portuguese colonization, we just could get closer
to corporal origins of many of the movements that nowadays we identify in Brazilian
fight, being excluded, this way, the exclusiveness nature already mentioned in well-
known studies about this fight expression.
   From the countless expressions of corporal appearance of any African people
trafficked to Brazil in colonial period, we noticed that fights, dances and acrobatics are
the most significant manifestations of referred people, without stop considering the
importance of musicality for their achievements in all of the moments of their everyday
life, and this musicality was very evident for Brazilian fight context from first decades
of 20thcentury. But it is in fight that a significant relevance by most of African ethnic
groups became evident, much more in the past than today, being common to happen
competitive events of fight among neighboring tribes after harvest period, when the
strongest and agilest athletes-fighters were chosen for these challenges, elected among
their pairs.
   The thing that stands out from these events as elements that are good for considering
similarities that influences in Capoeira context, forms itself when,


a) "under the sound of drum trio (...) forming a big circle (…) they show off through a
particular dance, rhythmic, (…) ";
b) "fighter exhibits amulets (...) for the tap, that points to him for his alias";
c) "Gesticulating back and forth, he does various pirouettes, and (...) dancing
rhythmically under the sound of drum";
d) "All stroke are allowed (…) knocking him over (...) one moment by means of strength
the next by means of expertise of stroke, (…) ";
e) "Body-to-body fight(...) going along part of its limits in somersaults" 3
 24   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



f) "the challenger and who is challenged pounces on each other spinning, (...) in subtle
study of advance or counterattack stroke (...) imposing violent offensive stroke or firm
breaks (...) "4.
   Analyzing the highlights of presented citations outstanding in bold, we noted a great
similarity of corporal and rhythmical/instrumental characteristics in body-to-body fights
of Portuguese Guinea people with those ones visualized in the element of iconographic
look and incitation of Rugendas about Capoeira fight, what allows us to put in doubt
many statements about influence of Bantu-Angolan ethnic exclusiveness on context of
stroke and movements matrix of the referred fight.
   Considering psychological, anthropometric characteristics and physical abilities of
ethnic groups of whole African area from where slave trade flowed, we established that
many of these allusions, whether in past or whether in present of Capoeira fight, were
found in context of many historical documents and of bibliographical references that
mentioned Brazilian fight, understanding that any study that is done about referred body
language and about any of its aspects, should take cultural elements of all orders of all
ethnic groups trafficked to Brazilian soil into consideration, excluding the consideration
of reductionist perspective of Bantu-Angolan exclusiveness for good.
   In this analysis of corporal influences that caused the appearance of Capoeira as fight,
we have to consider for beyond the African influences, all those ones emanated from
other human groups that populated Brazil in the most different historical periods, mainly
those ones that already showed corporal matrixes of fight in their cultural outlines
(English, French, Chinese, Japanese), which are visible in documents about history of
Brazilian fight.
   Even though recognizing that this initial preface portrays only one of the many
African areas involved in slave trade to Brazil, however,with a significant number of
ethnic groups, we just aimed to show some similarity characteristics among body
languages of different and distinct cultural elements of this people, so that new
reflections about influences that weigh up in the most varied aspects of Capoeira can be
allowed.


Movements and Stroke of Capoeira through the Ages
   Considering that the Capoeira fight derives from an invention occurred in Brazil, and
African roots of which are undeniable but not the only ones, and approaching in a
temporal way to same number of years of the slave trade to South American countries, it
is possible that we recognize that for the composition of movements and stroke of
           Archaeology of Stroke and Movements of Capoeira Fight from 16th to 20th Century    25


Brazilian fight in a first moment, were competitors the factors of social cohesion and the
acculturation processes among different human groups involved in those Brazilian
historical periods already referred.
   Referring to the number of more than three hundred years of existence of expression
in focus and, considering that composition of its movements and stroke were invented
over Brazilian social formation and it is derived from several factors and influences,
development of this approach were conditioned from periods of time established due to
intrinsic aspects to Brazilian history and, specifically, to Capoeira fight.
   Thinking that Capoeira is an urban phenomenon faced with profusion of documental
records during the distinct Brazilian historical periods, morebecause there aren‘t
allusions in distinct documental sources of 16th, 17th and 18thcenturies that describe or
identify the existence of this fight inrural context, and more concretely inside the
Brazilian quilombos or in any other type of organized groups in rural areas, some of
them, faithful reproductions of African tribal organizations.
   There are many uncertainties that hover around the urban/rural origin of Capoeira,
many of them are derived from the lack of record of official sources and of the countless
forbidding and coercive attitudes from juridical-police systems in colonial and imperial
periods, several manifestations of a religious, festive and playful nature originating from
marginal groups, regardless of skin color that distinguished them (black people, Indians,
whites), but of social stratum where they were inserted.
   This way, we composed the following phases and respective identifications, for a
better organization of analysis that we will do:

  Phases   Denomination                        Characteristic                     Period
  1st      Confluence        Confluence of movements of different matrixes:     1535 - 1762
  2nd      Transition        Documental evidence                                1763 - 1850
  3rd      Consolidation     Official recognition of the fight                  1851 - 1900
  4th      Affirmation       Confirmation of stroke and movements               1901 - 1992

   Before starting the identification of stroke/movements of Capoeira over its existence,
it‘s necessary to make clear an aspect of conceptual nature that will extend to whole
archaeological analysis to be done in four periods referred in this study, considering that
a relative confusion in which refers to conceptual identification of blow and/or
movementis present at specific literature about this fight. In spite of we consider stroke
to be a movement, we can‘t understand as true that every movement is exactly a blow.
 26   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   Blow is considered a "hit, injury, cut, cutting or bruising instrument wound (...); death
blow (...): hit or injury that kills immediately (...) ", and MOVEMENT, "act of moving
or of to be moved state in which body movesof place or position in relation to other one
move of position in physical space in a certain gap displacement evolution; activity
certain way of moving (...)8. " From these concepts, we can conclude that every blow is
a movement but not every movement is a blow.
   In context of all fights and in specific case of Capoeira, we found several body
languages that suit well this spectrum, where we mentioned as example of movements,
the ginga (basic movement of capoeira which through continuous motion allows an easy
entrance to either offensive or defensive action), the escape movements, the negatives,
the squatting movement, the headspin, the turning movements using hands with feet on
the ground among other ones, and as effective stroke, the blessing, the hammer, the
compass half moon, the navy, the attack with the head and so many other ones.


Confluence Phase - Confluence of movements (1535 -1762)
   This identification derives from the fact of considering the great diversity of cultural
matrixes of different origins of African, European and Asian continents in origins of
Brazilian colonization to be fundamental for the invention of Capoeira and for the
emergence of the most distinct stroke and movements, even though we recognized the
predominance of the first ones over all the other ones. So, we considered that all cultural
matrixes in this temporary interval, and through its body languages of different
characteristics (dances, fights, acrobatics…), somehow contributed to formation of a
new group of body languages called Capoeira, that is completely different from those
that formed cultural outline of their original practices.
   If we showed documental references about temporary period of 1535 - 1762, and
respective identifications of strokeand/or movements of Capoeira, we would be
thoughtless as for the true history of this body language, since there isn‘t any record of
this nature in the referred gap that identified movements of this fight, and even of
itsexpression.
   Despite considering this way, that doesn‘t mean we discount in this essay the attempt
to bring past closer present through analysis of cultural expressions of corporal nature of
different African matrixes that took slave trade to Brazil, coming from the idea that the
outline of movements found in Capoeira fight partly is derived from corporal influences
of other corporal matrixes of different human groups in distinct "brasis."


Transition period - Documental evidence (1763 -1850)
           Archaeology of Stroke and Movements of Capoeira Fight from 16th to 20th Century   27


   This phase, unlike previous one, demarcates evidence of nominal identification
whether of Capoeira fight or whether of first records of body languages associated with
it, as well as the production of a significant and distinct number of legal devices,
banning its practice and punishing who carried it out, being already patent its significant
evolution at corporal level and the consideration of its danger degree for social standards
of different periods in this gap.
   Even though this phase is considered the one of documental evidence of fight and its
movements, that‘s for sure, in analysis of historical documents of periods and in
consulted bibliographies that analyzed more carefully the emergence and dynamics of
Brazilian fight, there weren‘t many nominal records of stroke and movements of this
expression, some of them evidenced in judicial inquiry or records of juridical-police
nature, and considered as individual expressions of its apprentices identified socially
only for being "capoeiras"9.
   In this phase it is possible to us to identify in compared documentation a number not
much significant of stroke and/or movements, what can demonstrate well the
evolutionary stage of fight, and the consideration that it still wasin formation as for its
outline of fight corporal expressiveness. It is also obvious that many of these fight
movements were not identified in a nominal way, just if they were formed by expressive
ways evidenced and registered in juridical-police records faced with authorities
unknowingness, and maybe, still with their primary form of evolution that was showed
deprived of any formal organization.
   In a more detailed analysis about documents and bibliographies related to Capoeira
fight, we noticed to be present at documents of colonial period just the reference of
headbutt movement, when individuals that played it in Rio de Janeiro streets were
imprisoned, in spite of six movements/stroke more has been referred by Edmundo(1932)
10 besides this blow, while for bibliographies, Freyre 11 (s/d) among other ones,the
need to organize detailed studies on police judicial inquiries of this period is proved,
aiming to become "guidance over the set of exercises thatform "capoeiragem", but
equally showing the headbutt as "maybe the main" blow of this type of Brazilian fight.
   Despite not being referred by authors, presence of arm and leg movements is obvious
in their descriptions, as well as leaps or jumps, which would join better in list of
movements called ginga, escape movements or negaças respectively. On the other hand,
use of all parts of body in Capoeira fight is equally obvious in both descriptions,
allowing us to foresee all of expressiveness possibilities that were made for subsequent
years.


Consolidation Phase - Official fight recognition (1851-1900)
 28   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   In this period, identification of documents of any nature that referred to new names
for stroke/movements in Capoeira context wasn‘t productive, despite being obvious the
fight social projection inBrazilian society evidenced in different documents of juridical-
police appearance, what demonstrates well the official recognition of Brazilian fight by
imperial government, in spite of not being considered as criminal practice inspecific
criminal code of this gap.
   In this temporary interval, only work of Abreu (1894) stands out, who mentions in his
novel called "The Capoeiras" an amount of six stroke/movements different from those
referred by Edmundo (1932) for period of 1763/1850, evidencing this waythe dynamism
process in this fight scope, but we can‘t exclude the possibility of other
stroke/movements existence never referred in official documents or even in private ones,
since a series of small works that refers body languages of this fight identified as stroke
are very evident in the origins of 20th century, already in significant number. It is equally
worthy of prominence, in this work, the detailed description done by the author about
clichés and language used by people that played Brazilian fight in beverage and battle
environments amongmaltas of Capoeira, groups very portrayed during the course of the
whole second middle of the 19th century.
   Even though a set of movements/stroke of this fight wasn‘t evident, the right thing is
that its social projection and consideration that it is a dangerous practice by juridical-
police authorities of the period contributed to recognition of Capoeira by republican
government as a criminal practice when including itin Criminal Code of 1890 with
denomination of "Capoeiragem".

Acknowledgement Phase -
Confirmation of Stroke and Movements (1901-1992)
   After Capoeira has been recognized officially as dangerous practice through its
criminalization in 1890, surprisingly, it was when its expressive forms of fight were
more shown to Brazilian citizens, as a series of documents relating to outline of
movements of Brazilian fightwere published, standing out in gap from 1906 to 1928 the
works of Lima Campos14 (1906), Garçez Palha15 (1907), Aleixo16 (1921) and
Burlamaqui17 (1928) as the most significant ones.
   It is important to notice that the references done by mentioned authors bring guidance
to set of stroke and movements of Brazilian fight relating to the almost hundred-year
period of cultural dynamisms suffered by Capoeira, portraying all descriptions,
significant distinctions one another for most of the expressive forms (fight, dance,
exercise, folklore, game) that can indicate the thesis of presence of different ways of
fighting Capoeira in Rio de Janeiro. Despite all referred works have been published
from the moment in which their authors knew the Capoeira played in that period, we
can‘t exclude existence of other stroke and movements of Brazilian fight in different
           Archaeology of Stroke and Movements of Capoeira Fight from 16th to 20th Century   29


periods and in other Brazilian States where the fight oral tradition is recognized, more
specifically in the State of Bahia, identified by many people as the "birthplace of
Capoeira".
   In spite of strong oral tradition of Brazilian fight in the State of Bahia, we only found
specific literature portraying stroke and movements of Capoeira from the 30s of 20th
century, whether in specific literatures, where Carneiro and Vianna among other ones
stands out, or whether in novels, where Jorge Amado stands out as the greatest exponent
on things of Bahia, of customs, of people and of Capoeira in particular, which already
indicates the presence of corporal expressiveness of this fight for Regional and Angola
styles during the course of first decade of referred century.

   When we established the existence of a significant number of documental references
of different orders since 19thcentury and, fundamentally, of those ones produced in first
years until the first middle of the 20th century, which portray development process of
Capoeira cultural outline, we considered detailed analysis to be nonexistent about
dynamics suffered in this aspect of Brazilian fight. That‘s why we considered essential
the procedure of a detailed study of the most different elements that are associated to
creation, change, adjustment and assimilation processes of the countless influences of
corporal appearance of different expressions that circulated in Brazil in its historical
periods.

Conclusions

   In this context of not much or hardly any study about movement dynamics of
Brazilian fight, it is important to go deeper into aspects of different orders, which are
obvious if we considered the distinctions of this manifestation beforehand according to
different national styles and to regional characteristics very outstanding in past and in
present days, as well as of movement assimilation of other contemporary manifestations
(Hip-hop, Break-dance, Samba). In studies that we develop now, we seek not only to
identify the amount of movements recorded in respective referred phases, but also the
record of its mechanical characteristics of movement, aiming this way to determine its
emergence to Capoeira context and its respective cultural influences. Besides this first
approach, linguistic analysis of denominations attributed to each movement will follow
over the times, since in investigative study we identified different denominations for a
same movement in its different phases, due to regional characteristics (Bahia, Rio de
Janeiro, other), to the multicultural influences (Black, Indian, European, Asian) and to
the expressiveness assimilations of manifestations of different nature (Samba, Frevo,
Hip-hop, Break-dance, Judo, Savate, Street Capoeira, Exercise, other) We believed
 30   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



that gradual progress for each approach typologies that we intend to pursue in this study,
can clarify the whole movement outline of Brazilian fight that at present is really
confusing due to vanities and egos of the each style/group representatives, what made us
record, in an initial collection moment ofmovements, a total of 272 corporal
expressiveness, an unreal number for the context in question, though being considered
by us, due to different denominations attributed to a same movement, as we can
highlight in Picture 1. We cannot stop highlighting that with autonomy process of
Capoeira in 1992, the Brazilian Confederation of Capoeira (CBC), the greatest body of
this fight event in Brazil, recorded officially a set of movements and stroke collected
from information gaveby its affiliated apprentices, but which doesn't reveal all the
diversity of movements present in groups nonaffiliated to this organization, and so, the
official nomenclature of CBC doesn't seem to collect unanimity from most of practicing
groups of national fight.


        Number of
Order                                      Name of Stroke/Movements/Variations
        Stroke/Movements
  A                13             Armada (6) Arpão (5) Arrastão (5)Aú (18) Outros (9)

  B                26             Banda (11) Benção (6) Bolacha (6) Outros (23)

                                  Chibata (2) Cabeçada (5) Chapa (14) Coice (2) Cutelo
  C                35
                                  (2) Outros (30)
  D                06             Outros (6)

  E                12             Escorão (3) Esporão (3) Outros (10)

  F                05             Outros (5)

  G                07             Gancho (2); Outros (6)

  J                04             Joelhada (4)

  L                03             Outros (3)

  M                07             Martelo (4); Meia Lua (4); Mortal (2); Outros (4)

  N                09             Negativa (9)

  P                23             Pião (2); Parada (2); Outros (21)

  Q                03             Queixada (2); Outros (2)

  R                09             Rasteira (3); Reversão (2); Outros (7)

  S                08             Sapinho (1); Suicídio (1); Outros (6)
           Archaeology of Stroke and Movements of Capoeira Fight from 16th to 20th Century   31



  T                 10              Tesoura (2);Tranco (1);Outros (8)

  X                 01              Xulipa (1)

Total              111                                          272
Picture 1 - List of movements and stroke of Capoeira and variations

Notes

1. Araújo, Paulo Coêlho de. Abordagens sócio-antropológicas da luta/jogo da Capoeira, Série
  Estudos e Monografias, Instituto Superior da Maia, Publismai - Maia, 1997, 365 pags.
2. Carvalho, Henrique Augusto Dias de (Gen). Guiné - Apontamentos Inéditos. "Na Guiné
  Portuguesa: sob o ponto de vista de civilização háquem distinga em primeiro lugar os
  Mandingas, e depois Fulas e Biafadas, considerando todos os outros povos em absoluto estado
  de selvageria: Manjacos, Papéis, Bijagós, Balantas, Beirames; e na última classe: Felupes,
   Baiotes, Banhuns, Cassangas e Nalus."
3. Carreira, António. Mandingas da Guiné Portuguesa, "Centro de Estudos da Guiné Portuguesa",
  nº 4,Caps – I(pp.3-&3); VII (pp 215-293).Publicação Comemorativa do Centenário da
  Descoberta da Guiné, 1947.
  Mandingas, Cadernos Ccoloniais, Lisboa, nº 13. Editorial Cosmos, s/d, pp 3-39.
  Costumes Mandingas. Caderrnos Coloniais, Lisboa, nº 29, Editorial Cosmos, 1936, 24 pags.
  (citações a,b,c,d,e)
4. Barbosa, Alexandre. Guineus. Contos – Narrativa –Crónicas, Agência Geral do Ultramar,
   Lisboa, 1967, pp 70-73.
5. Rugendas, João Maurício. Viagem Pitoresca através do Brasil, Biblioteca Histórica Brasileira,
   Livraria Martins, São Paulo, pp. 197.
6. Araújo, Paulo Coêlho; Jaqueira, Ana Rosa Fachardo (2008). Do jogo das imagens às imagens
  do jogo. Nuançes de interpretação iconográfica sobre a Capoeira. Centro de Estudos
  Biocinéticos/FCT, Coimbra.
7. a) Filho, Ivan Alves. Memorial de Palmares, Rio de Janeiro, Xenon Editora e Produtora
   Cultural Ltda, s/d, p. 15. "(…), mas nenhum documento permite afirmar, embora a tradição
  seja forte neste sentido, que ali se lutou a capoeira, ou que esta forma de combate foi
  empregada com sentido ritual ou lúdico". b) Carneiro, Edison. "Ladinos e crioulos". Rio de
  janeiro, 1964. p. 26. "Infelizmente, não dispomos de documentos fidedignos, minuciosos e
  circunstanciados a respeitos de muitos dos quilombos (...)".
8. Novo Aurelio Seculo XXI. O DICIONÁRIO DA LÍNGUA PORTUGUÊSA.{2000}.
  Dcionário Eletrônico. Rio de Janeiro: Lexikon Informática, Editôra Nova Fronteira. 1 CD -
  ROM
 32    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



9. Esta identificação nominal, não representava em exclusivo os praticantes da luta, mas sim, um
   diversidade de indivíduos colocados à margem da sociedade brasileira no período.
10. Edmundo, Luis. O Rio de Janeiro no tempo dos Vice-Reis. 1763-1808. Imprensa Nacional.
  Rio de Janeiro,1932. p. 53.


References
 [1] Abreu, Plácido (1886). Os Capoeiras. Tip. Seraphim Alves de Brito, Rio de Janeiro
 [2] Araujo, P. C. (1997). Abordagens sócio-antropológicas da luta/jogo da capoeira (365 p.).
     (Série Estudos Monográficos). Maia: Instituto Superior da Maia – Publismai.
 [3] Araujo, Paulo Coêlho; Jaqueira, Ana Rosa Fachardo (2008). Do jogo das imagens às
     imagens do jogo. Nuançes de interpretação iconográfica sobre a Capoeira. Centro de
     Estudos Biocinéticos/FCT, Coimbra.
 [4] Barbosa, Alexandre (1967). GUINÉUS - Contos. Narrativas. Crónicas. Agência Geral do
      Ultramar. Lisboa, p.71/73.
 [5] Burlamaqui, A. (1928). Gymnastica Nacional (capoeiragem) methodizada e regrada (54 p.).
     Rio de Janeiro.
 [6] Campos, L. (1906, março). A capoeira. Revista Kosmos, 3(3). Rio de Janeiro.
 [7] Carneiro, Edison (1964). Ladinos e crioulos: estudo sobre o negro no Brasil. (240 p) Ed.
     Civilização Brasileira. Rio de Janeiro,..
 [8] Carneiro, Edison (1937). Negros Bantus: notas de ethnografia religiosa e de folk-lore. (187
      p). Biblioteca de Divulgação Scientífica, 14. Editôra Civilização Brasileira. Rio de Janeiro.
 [9] Carreria, António (1947). Mandingas da Guiné Portuguesa. Centro de Estudos da Guiné
     Portuguesa, nº 4. Caps I (p.3/163); VII (p.215/293). Publicação Comemorativa do
     Centenário da Descoberta da Guiné.
[10] Carreira, António. Mandingas. Cadernos Coloniais, nº13. (p. 3-39). Editorial Cosmos.
     Lisboa. s/d.
[11] Carreira, António (1936). Costumes Mandingas. Cadernos Coloniais, nº 29. (24 p).
      Editorial Cosmos. Lisboa.
[12] Carvalho, Henrique Augusto Dias de (1944). Guiné - Apontamentos inéditos. (p. 7-89 e
     221-239). Divisão de Publicações e Biblioteca. Agência Geral das Colònias.
[13] Beasil (1890, Outubro) Decreto-Lei nº 487, de 11 de Outubro de 1890, Capítulo XIII, Artº
     399 a 404. Código Penal Brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro.
[14] Edmundo, L. (1932). O Rio de Janeiro no tempo dos Vice-Reis (1763-1808) (549 p).
     Imprensa Nacional. Rio de Janeiro.
[15] Filho, Ivan Alves (s/d.). Memorial dos Palmares. Xenon Editora e Produtora Cultural Ltda.
     Rio de Janeiro.
[16] Freyre, G. [19__]. Sobrados e Mucambos (371 p.). (Colecção Livros do Brasil.). Lisboa:
      Edição Livros do Brasil. Tomos 1 ( 59 ) e 2 ( 59 - A ). Lisboa, s/d.
            Archaeology of Stroke and Movements of Capoeira Fight from 16th to 20th Century   33


[17] Garçez Palha (1907). Guia do capoeira ou ginástica brasileira. Rio de Janeiro.
[18] Novo Aurelio Seculo XXI. O Diccionario Da Lingua Portuguesa.{2000}. Dcionário
     Eletrônico. Rio de Janeiro: Lexikon Informática, Editôra Nova Fronteira. 1 CD – ROM
[19] Revista da Semana, nº 25, (1921). A Arte da Defesa Pessoal. Entrevista com o Prof. Mário
     Aleixo
[20] Rugendas, João Maurício (1919). Viagem Pitoresca Através do Brasil. (205 p) 4ª Ed.
     Martins. Biblioteca Histórica do Brasil, 1. São Paulo.
[21] Vianna, Antonio (1950). Casos e coisas da Bahia. Museu do Estado, Secretário de
      Educação e Saúde, Bahia, nº 10.
 34   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




                           "Fit for Consumption"

       - about the societal production of the individual


                                                                       Henning Eichberg
                                                     (University of Southern Denmark)




Abstract
    The current wave of fitness activities, flushing not only over the body culture of
Western urban culture, but expanding also in metropolis world-wide, has some
important implications of sociological and philosophical character. It has sometimes
been used as picture for the thesis of ongoing ‗individualization‘, which is said to be the
new human condition under so-called ‗post-modernity‘. The human being gazes at the
mirror of the fitness club erupting proudly: "See, I can do with my body whatever I
want."
    A new study of the fitness milieu in America enables us to test this assumption. It is
written by the British sociologist Jennifer Smith Maguire. On the one hand, she holds a
critical distance to the hypothesis of individualization, but on the other, she also follows
it to some degree.
    The following review reconstructs, with Maguire, the historical process leading to the
current pattern of fitness culture. Industrial fitness and fitness industry developed
through two centuries, bringing finally forth the health club and its socially
differentiated typology, the fitness media as a means of dream production, and the
personal trainer as a new profession of body work. Together, they produced what
Maguire critically characterizes as individual solutions for social problems.
However, a methodological dilemma rises. For her sociological analysis, Maguire uses a
model where the fitness consumer as individual is set in the centre. She applies thus a
sort of epistemological individualization. This causes some philosophical-sociological
problem: Where is the ‗individual‘ of the fitness world – can we really find it
somewhere? Indeed, some elements – like the mirror – can be named as affirming the
impression of ‗individualization‘. And yet, at closer examination it is rather social
patterns that reveal. The world of fitness does not show the ‗individual‘, but the
relational human being at work, which is far from being ‗alone in the world‘.
    This study can use the method of configurational analysis, which has been developed
                          "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   35


in Scandinavian studies of body culture. Fitness is trained in the social space of clubs
and in the social timeof modern temporal organization, none of these being ‗just
individual‘. Fitness is related to specific emotions and atmospheres. It builds social
relations motivating the participation of fitness practitioners. And even the reification of
‗my own‘ achievement on the screen is a social construction. Above this basic body
culture – space, time, atmosphere, relations, objectivation –superstructures of
institutions and ideas develop. There is the fitness market with its offer, and there is the
public policy appealing to the ‗individual‘: "You are yourself responsible for your
body!"
   From this configurational analysis, some open questions may result. Is fitness a
popular movement (or just a market segment)?What does the fitness fashion tell about
the human condition under the new societal formation, which in Northern Europe is
called ‗the competitive state‘? And if we talk about ‗the individual‘ in a non-naïve way:
Which individualization are we talking about? The critical study of fitness, thus,
contributes to a differential phenomenology of individualizations in plural.
Key words: body culture, configurational analysis, phenomenology, individualization, health
club, fitness industry, personal trainer

   Fitness exercise in health clubs appears in the world of nowadays‘ sociology often as
icon for the ‗individualization‘, which is said to dominate the current society. The
individual exerciser represents literally the self-building personality, producing actively
his or her bodily self and identity and facing his or her own shape in the mirrors of the
club.

   "When I look in the mirror, I see somebody who‘s finding herself, who has said once and for
all it doesn‘t really matter what role society said I should play. I can do anything I want and feel
proud about doing it."Chris Shilling 1993: The Body and Social Theory. London: Sage, 7,
referring to Anthony Giddens.

   This quotation of a bodybuilder is declared to be typical for the ‗age of
individualization‘. But what is real, and what is fancy construction in this imagination?
This is what we can ask on the basis of Maguires study about health clubs in New York
– and at other places in the world.
   Some characteristic lines of contradiction have crossed the field of sociology,
concerning the tricky question of individualization. From the 1950s onward, one would
with David Riesman talk about the outer-directed personality in the "lonely crowd", and
later with Christopher Lasch about the culture of narcissism. This had undertones of
conservative cultural criticism.
   Since the 1980s, this discourse was replaced and re-interpreted by the ‗post-modern‘
or ‗late-modern‘ discourse of individualization and quest of self-identity. Cultural
 36   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



criticism turned to optimistic narratives in the style of Anthony Giddens and Ulrich
Beck, in body sociology applied by Mike Featherstone, Chris Shilling and others.
   The more or less affirmative story of the self-producing individual was, however,
challenged by some more critical philosophy. Michael Foucault reconstructed in a
skeptical way how power and its panoptical view produced the individual. And Pierre
Bourdieu described the social habitus as creator and mediator of individual patterns of
taste and behavior. Without falling into the trap of conservative cultural criticism, this
opened for a critical perspective of ‗the individual‘ as a social construction.

History of industrial fitness and fitness industry
   Referring to this framework of sociological approaches, Jennifer Smith Maguire,
lecturer in mass communications at the University of Leicester, UK, has approached the
field of fitness, with special focus on the United States. This resulted in a well-written,
clearly structured and empirically rich study, which may very well be regarded as the
standard work in its field. Anyhow, it is the first comprehensive socio-cultural and
historical analysis of current fitness culture, as the back-page text accurately promises.
The empirical material is presented in four parts: historical roots, the health club, fitness
media, and the personal trainer.
   The historical part reconstructs the long lines of fitness in modern societal mindscape.
All started in the early nineteenth century, when the older Puritan suspicion of athletics
as idle distraction from one‘s worldly and moral duties was replaced by a new-Puritan
instrumental relation to exercise as good for both one‘s individual development and the
perfection of the human race more generally. This social reform took the forms of
Muscular Christianity, as it influenced the YMCA, and of sporting nationalism, as it was
represented by Theodore Roosevelt. The public health strategies of this exercise culture
were directed against ‗degeneration‘and neurasthenia. It was strongly influenced by
alarming reports about the decrease of young men‘s military fitness, an anxiety which
was revitalized during the World Wars I and II and later again during the Cold War.
   Meanwhile, however, the mainstream had since the 1920s changed towards a new
culture of personality, which played on individual uncertainties of how one was looking
and how to become a self-made man. Charles Atlas and Jack La Lanne built their
enterprises around this image-work. At the end of the 1960s, the YMCA, formerly an
organization of youth care and spiritual awakening transformed itself into a chain of
fitness sites.
   The transition was, thus, from building a better society by fitness and health to better
adapting to society. The body became physical capital of the new professional and
managerial class. On the level of health, this happened parallel to an epochal change of
disease profile. Where so farinfective diseases like influenza, pneumonia and
tuberculosis had been main causes for death, now heart diseases and cancer became
central, the so-called lifestyle diseases (p. 42, 199). They created a new scenario of
                       "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   37


anxiety, during some years called ‗manager disease‘, and were followed up by the
current moral panic of obesity. Public policies played together with the market sector in
making the individual responsible and schooling the individual‘s risk management.
   However, health was one thing, appearance was another. A new world of service
work appeared in post-Fordist economy. In the transition from making things to creating
interactions and images, a promotional culture unfolded, which made larger sectors of
labor force dependent of their bodily appearance. This change had a gender dimension,
as women‘s labor was increasing on the market and the dual-income family rising to a
mainstream model. Gender roles were remodeled and the attention to looks and logos
became obsessive. Beauty became a form of capital. The American dream moved from
the meritocracy of hard work to the work of winning image. Appearance sold –but not
on any social level. The labor market became deeply split between low-income
groupsand high-income groups with different body-political strategies.
   Whether the periods of the US-American process can be generalized, requires some
more comparative historical studies. The three-step periodization from Puritan
opposition over social reform to muscular individualization may have a particular
American bias. In Germany for instance(Bernd Wedemeyer-Kolwe 2004, Königshausen
& Neumann. – Chad Ross 2005, Marion E. P. de Ras 2008), and to some degree also in
Denmark(Henning Eichberg & Ejgil Jespersen 1986, Kasper Lund Kirkegaard 2007,
Volkwein, Karin A. E. 1998), a relevant break can be registered in the years after 1900,
when new tendencies of ‗natural health‘, fitness and body-building unfolded in the
context of nudism, yoga, rhythmic gymnastics, and expressive dance. Furthermore there
was a relation to the wandering movement of the Wandervögel, to outdoor activities like
scouting and the life in nature (natur- og friluftsliv).
   This reform culture, being connected with a self-organized youth movement and a
new girl‘s culture, with workers‘culture and spiritual movements had a more
oppositional, counter-cultural and less commercial character than in the USA. It may be
open for future discussion whether this was another exceptionalism of America, on line
with what Werner Sombart in 1906 asked: Why is there no socialism in the United
States?

The health club – innovation and typology
   After all these historical ‗warming up‘, anew world of health-and-appearance fitness
can in Americabe dated with the rise of the health club since the 1970s. Historically, it
based on four types of forerunners.
   The executive club was –like the nineteenth century‘s elite athletic club – foremost a
club, i.e. a place of relaxation for the middle-aged business man. The increasing threat
of heart attack, tension and stress just for this social group made large corporations
launching fitness programs, and the fitness facilities of the clubs grew.
 38   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



The gymn had, in contrast, its origin among working-class men. The milieu of boxers,
weight-lifters and bodybuilders gained, however, respectability during the 1970s. And it
began to attract women, too.
   Exercise salons were so far predominantly feminine sites. Often run by former
dancers and gymnasts, the salons were directed towards the middle and upper classes.
However, they opened step by step towards business-women, house-wives, and
secretaries.
The YMCA, finally, was the longest-standing provider of exercise places in the US.
From its original religious and urban mission, it transformed during the 1970s into an
enterprise of fitness clubs, offering services especially to a lower-status public.
   From these roots, the lifestyle-fitness clubof the 1970 arose as a new model. It is
today stratified between high-cost luxury and lower-cost establishments and furthermore
differentiated after different ‗club personalities‘. A differentiation of economic and
psychological character is between the sale-driven and the retention-driven club. The
sale-driven club is focusing on signing up members, and is regarded as rather ‗poor‘
model, while the retention-driven club emphasizes service and tends to be higher
ranking. Maguire illustrates these types by user interviews and user fitness biographies
as well as by single clubs‘ profiles. The cases give a living picture of the world of clubs,
which in statistics can be read as being 57% female, predominantly middle-class and in
age profile more and more diverse.

Fitness media – dream production and ideal readers
   In a similar combination of statistical material and qualitative narratives, Maguire
describes the media market. Magazines like Men‘s Health, Shape and Self, and fitness
manuals have since the 1970s made up a market segment of its own. Readers are 63%
women and 34% professional or managerial class.
   The fitness media are a main instrument to promote an individualized user-image: do
it yourself – chose yourself –be yourself by consuming. Maguire tends here, punctually,
to take this image for granted as the ‗self-identity project of modernity‘. In this part of
the study, consequently, the intentional texts of the media producers and writers
dominate, while reader interviews – comparable to the users‘voices in the club chapter –
are absent. The question can, however, be raised how the reader relates the mythology
of the fitness-body to his or her own practice. The problem is known from different
genres of literature. The medieval hagiographies of saints with their admonitions to live
a pious life were not at allread by monks only – and did they really make people pious?
Fantasy novels are not only read by people simulating the knights and sorcerers in their
own practice, though role games are a side line of readers‘practice. Why do people buy
and read the fitness magazines and manuals, how do they read them (if they read them),
and how is the reader‘sreading connected with their fitness activity – or non-activity?
This chapter has to be written later on.
                         "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   39


   Indeed, Maguire is not at all uncritical against the mythology of the fitness media. She
asks, with Bourdieu, for the logic behind the individual choices and preferences, as they
are conjured in the media. But this question must remainwithout answer as long as only
the ideal reader is reconstructed, and the real reader remains hidden. The ‗real reader‘,
who is revoked in the magazines‘ sections called ‗reader‘s letters‘, and whom Maguire
refers to, is no ersatz for this social figure. The ‗reader‘ of the letters‘ sectionmay be as
selected or even simulated and stage-managed as the ‗real exercisers‘ of the success-
stories, which the magazines present in order to give themselves a certain realistic touch.
On the front-page of the fitness magazines, the real reader has no place –the view of
obese normality would hamper the sale.
   Fitness media are dream production and they express an educational-motivational
intention, this is what Maguire explicates in detail. There is no reason to take the
practical realization of manuals in the hand of the real reader for granted. Couldn‘t the
fitness magazines function as a sort of soft pornography, which appeals more to the
senses of the real reader – and to people‘s wishes, dreams and feelings of insufficiency –
than to his or her practice?

The personal trainer – relational body work
   Side by side with the health club market and the fitness media market, but few
decades later, a new labor market has developed around the social figure of the personal
trainer.Again, Maguire delivers useful data as well as good qualitative stuff from
educational texts and trainer interviews. The personal trainers appear as a new type of
producers who do not only advise the client on the basis of their professional,
biomechanical and physiological knowledge, but – on one hand – show off their own
bodies as model and – on the other hand – work on the motivation of the practitioner to
continue his or her membership and ‗torture‘ in the club: Do it yourself, do it again, and
do it again and again!
   The personal trainer has a special importance for the club, as the club as such is rather
limited in its power to hold fast in its practitioners. In the 1990s, it was stated that half of
the club members quitted within six or even two months (p. 124).
   The personal trainer does therefore not only a service for the client, he or she is also a
central figure of the retention of consumers. By sensible and nuanced description,
Maguire shows how the personal trainer‘s bodily capital (the impressing bodily shape),
intellectual capital (education and science of training) and social capital (networking)
play together. Especially the latter, the trainer‘s relational capabilities, contribute to
unfold the new social figure of a cultural intermediary. The formula of the personal
trainer is: Bodily beauty as capital plus emotional labor.
 40   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




Individual solutions for social problems –and a methodological
dilemma
   In a concluding chapter, Maguire does not only sum up, but sharpens her findings
politically. One of the sharp points concerns the paradox that in society as a whole sport,
exercise and leisure activities have expanded alongside with the increase of inactivity
and obesity. US obesity rates increased by two-thirds between 1960 and 1990, and
increased another two-thirds over the 1990‘s. At the same time that commercial health
clubs more than doubled and the number of fitness magazines tripled, consumption of
fast food tripled and the consumption of soft drinks increased by 131 per cent (pp. 200-
201).
   This is the fat-fit paradox, which has to be fundamental for sociological analysis of
this field. To some relevant parts, the paradox has its background in a deep split of class
habitus between middle-class and lower strata.
   From this observation, Maguire concludes that fitness is not just "good for us" –
because: Who is ‗us‘? Fitness is a useful practice only for certain habitus groups. Its
fundamental problem is that it is "addressing a social, structural problem with an
individualized solution".
On four levels, Maguire finally launches a critique of fitness as a solution for people‘s
health problems such as inactivity and obesity.

(1.) Fitnesstreats socially produced problems like fatness, inactivity, boredom, and poor
time management as personal failings.
(2.) It lacks attention to environmentas an essential factor of health. The "obesogenic"
landscape needs a shift in urban land use. - For Denmark, this could be supplemented by
the significance of bicycle movement, neglected and turned down by Danish bourgeois
politics, but promoted and politically developed in the municipalities of Odense and
Copenhagen(Jens Troelsen 2004).
(3.) The commercial structure of the fitness market, addressing middle-class and adults,
excludes certain social strata and hides the fact that obesity stems in part from the
decline of Physical Education in childhood.
(4.) The fitness field reproduces the tension between indulgence and restraint, between
the car and the treadmill. What is encouraged is not healthy, but consuming behavior.
And it lacks the element of play. Play is replaced by a rationalization of movement, and
this requires a permanent motivational work – which finally rather fails than succeeds.
"For bodies that are fit for consumption, leisure is work, health is appearance, and
pleasure lies in discipline", this is how Maguire finishes her analysis (p. 208). The
political conclusion is logically derived from rich empirical evidence, and, thus,
convincing. So far,so good. However, the conclusion surprises when compared with
some of the theoretical premises of the study. On the theory level, the study joins here
                       "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   41


and there the Giddens-Beck-Featherstone discourse about "the age of individualization"
as a matter of fact and as "modernity‘s legacy" (pp. 18-19, 112-13). In other words, it
blurs the fundamental discrepancies and incompatibilities between the Giddens-Beck
approach and the Foucault-Bourdieucritique of the naïve notion of the ‗individual‘. Both
sides are – in theory – presented as obligatory authorities, though they in their logical
consequence exclude each other. There is and remains a contradiction between
‗choosing self‘, ‗self-identity‘, ‗do-it-yourself self‘, and ‗performing self‘ on the one
side and ‗habitus‘ and the production of subjectivity by ‗panoptical power‘ on the other.
The dilemma becomes especially apparent where the study tries to sum up the
connection between fitness site, fitness media, fitness goods, and fitness services in a
graphic picture. How to build all these social-commercial phenomena of market offer
and colonization into one comprehensive visual order? Maguire introduces here a fifth
phenomenon and puts itinto the centre of the picture: "the fitness consumer" (p. 9). The
‗individual‘ is suddenly – and without further discussion – exalted to be the centre of the
(fitness) world. In relation to the individual consumer, the sites, media, goods and
services are just the surrounding. The title of the book, "Fit for consumption", is by this
theoretical trick turned into a quite different direction: Fit for the consumer. Where "Fit
for consumption" describes the subordination of the fitness practitioner under the market,
the graphic picture heightens the practitioner –in accordance with the actor-perspective
of Giddens – to the sovereign centre of the field. In other words, a theoretical picture is
postulated, which is, with good arguments, contradicted by the empirical work of the
study. The ‗individual‘ is, thus, not only a commercial and societal product, as Maguire
criticizes it. The ‗individual‘ is also a methodological postulate, which Maguire applies
herself. ‗Individuality‘in this understanding is an assumption, which with Peter
Sloterdijk may be called ‗epistemological solipsism‘(Peter Sloterdijk 1998). The human
being is epistemologically treated as if it was alone in the world, and only secondarily
related to the societal world of sites, media, goods, and services. This dilemma requires
closer examination and critique.

Where is the „individual‟ of the fitness world?
   To get some order into this contradictory argumentation, it can be helpful to list up
some empirical arguments of ‗individualization‘ and to confront them more
systematically with contradicting evidence. Where is the ‗individual‘ in the fitness world,
as presented in the rich material of Maguire? In a first step, the configuration, which is
‗individualizing‘ the fitness practitioner, shall be taken seriously.
   On the ‗individual‘ side appears the single consumer of fitness, may it be the
individual visitor of a health club or the single reader of a fitness magazine. This is a
person who has a certain status of health and a certain shape, and indeed, both
dimensions can be related to individual qualities of life and appearance. ‗My health‘ is
mine, and not the others‘ – and ‗my shape‘ is mine, too. What is trained in the world of
 42   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



fitness is the single muscle or a set of muscles, i.e. what is inside the skin-bag of the
human being.
Whether one is participating in fitness activity, continuing or discontinuing the body
work, joining a certain club or changing to another, working at a certain machine or
joining a certain exercise class, all this is a question of choice. The individual is
permanently challenged to choose, just like when buying an athletic shoe.
   What is special in the choice of fitness is that the practitioner does not enter into
collective games as in sport, but in individual exercises. These exercises are trained by
single consumers alone, or side by side with each other, in the loneliness of unrelated
activity.
The place of the practitioner is at the machine. Maguire delivers some interesting
remarks about the spreading of Nautilus and other machines since the 1970s, which
could be detailed into a history of fitness technology. The treadmill determines the
individual space. This is reinforced by the screen as a medium of self-monitoring; what
is on the screen are ‗my own‘ data, not the others‘. And the earphone contributes
furthermore by the auditive isolation of the exerciser.
   The time of the fitness practitioner is the personal schedule. The practitioner enters
the club after individual decision, whether planned or spontaneously. The consumer
does not depend on a team, a peer group, a formal or informal group schedule.
   The larger time pattern of the fitness practitioner is the fitness biography, which is
normally imagined as an individual success history, as individual progress. The popular
magazine reports about people‘s shape ‗before and after‘ deliver a visual story for this
progression.
The practitioner continues in the club depending of his or her motivation. This driving
force is normally described in terms of personal energy, depending of the exerciser‘s
individual character.
   What is coming out of the exercise process are data, which are related to the
practitioner‘s individual name, shown on the screen, and reflected as part of the
individual‘s fitness biography.
   The practitioner is to some degree subjected to the control of the personal trainer, but
as a chosen service, also the trainer‘s control is an individual choice. In high degree,
however, the fitness relation is – or is imagined as – a relation to one-self, i.e. self-
control. Self-discipline is promoted as keeping an exercise log or diary and charting
one‘s own progress. Benjamin Franklin as a Puritan forerunner of the ‗self-made man‘
was known for his self-controlling accounting and book-keeping.
   The superstructure of these individualizing practices is made up by the abstract idea
of the ‗Self‘, the self of ideology.The manual individualizes by appealing to the single
human being: You should do this… – and you should do it for yourself! Self is the name
of a large US fitness magazine, launched in 1979 and billing itself as the first women‘s
fitness magazine. Self isnowadays the third largest fitness magazine on the market, as
                        "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   43


measured in paid circulation (pp. 108-9). Other magazine titles like Men‘s Health (the
largest on the market) and Shape (the second largest) play on the key-words, which were
named above as central for an individualizing understanding: individual health and
shape. The rhetoric of the fitness magazines and manuals is more generally built up
around notions like improved self-image, personal power, self-worth, and self-
actualization (p. 131). Some sociologists have taken this ideology for granted and
supplied the logo-words of the market with their own creations as:self-identity and
individualization (Giddens), performing self, individuality, self-expression and stylistic
self-consciousness (Featherstone), do-it-yourself self (Beck), and choosing self (Slater).
   The roots of this enlarged self can be found in the ideology of the self-made man,
who from the 1920s on was propagated as a model figure rising from dishwasher to
millionaire. It had its bodily correlate in the Muscular Individualism of Charles Atlas
and others, which as a dominant ideological creation had taken over after the nineteenth
century‘s zeitgeist of Muscular Christianity and sporting nationalism.
   The recent prolific word-production around the ‗self‘ and its manifestation in fitness
activity have in common that they literarily express the self-production of the human
being. This is usually regarded as indicating a fundamentally modern, post-modern, late-
modern, high-modern or reflexive modern identity –the notions are shifting, often
illustrating an imprecise and nebulous periodization. And this identityis said to have
resulted from industrialization, urbanization, migration, and globalization. Theall-
embracing rhetoric shows that the ideology of individualization has elements of religion
or religion-ersatz. It delivers a picture of ‗the whole world‘ and its inherent dynamics:
Where the human being comes from, where it goes, what it should believe, what it
should do etc.

Social patterns of „individual‟ fitness – the relational human
being
  All this seems in one way or other to affirm the hypothesis of the ‗age of
individualization‘. When testing the ideology of the Self on a deeper empirical and
theoretical level, however, the picture becomes less convincing. ‗Individualization‘
reveals social meanings and social relations, and it is just the world of fitness that
delivers typicalpictures of this relational dimension.
  We start by the basic elements of bodily movement: by social space and social time,
emotions and atmosphere, relations and reification of fitness activities(Henning
Eichberg 2001).

Social space and social time
   Fitness activity is dependent of certain spaces. The site of fitness is the club. The club
is, as Maguire has shown in detailed history, a new place of social character, which
 44   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



represents and favors a new type of sociality. The club expresses its peculiarity and
distinction by varying style and design, appealing to diverse status groups andstrata. The
new sociality of the site is placed on the market, but at the same time – as the name
‗club‘ reveals – related to civil society with its principle of associational self-
organization from below. Closer examination of Norwegian fitness clubs has shown
how these are creating social bonds, indeed, but relations of a new type. The Norwegian
researcher therefore created the paradoxical notion of "individualized
communities"(Kari Steen-Johnsen 2004).
   Maguire reports a lively case of "gym ladies" in one of New York‘s low-cost women-
only clubs. Their cohesion as an "intimate group" was evidently strong, though they
subjectively might not regard it as being an original driving force for joining the fitness
activity.

  "Julie: I didn‘t join a gym for the social dimension; it was just a wonderful, added
          fringe benefit. (…)
  Barbara: The girls from the gym! I always call us the girls from the gym. And Julie‘s
          about 30, and Isabelle 78 or 79. There‘s like a 50-year difference.
  Teri: Yeah, I love that. The social part is important because it gets me here and it gets
          me doing it, because when I wake up in the morning, I don‘t really feel
          working out. If there‘s nobody waiting for me here, I would just roll over. (…)
  Barbara: I come because Teri calls me every morning, at eight-twenty.
  Paulina: Or if she doesn‘t, I do! (Laughs)Especially at Strength & Beauty, we were
          very tight as a team, you know, and it was just something very ritualistic.
          We‘re still very, very close. We celebrate each other‘s birthday, we go out in
          the gym group. (…)
  Jennifer: You‘re a clique!
  Barbara: Yeah, we are! (Laughs)" (p. 77-78).

   The significance of the social space is furthermore affirmed by the relative
insignificance of home-exercising in the current picture of fitness practice. In the time
around 1905-30, home-exercising was a main appeal from the side of fitness manuals,
being for instance central in the bestsellers of the Danish fitness gurus I. P. Müllerand
Captain Jespersen(Hans Bonde 1991).
   Between the home and the club, the space of the jogger is placed. Individual jogging
is a widespread activity, indeed, but it is often linked to the phenomenon of folk
marathon. In these highly popular events, fitness is practiced and displayed as a
collective activity, often in festive or even carnival-like forms(Ronald Lutz 1989). In
and by the space of the jogger, new forms of sociality have been created.
   The time of fitness is to some part the recommended time: how much the single
citizen should spend for his or her health. Recommended time is authoritative time,
                        "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   45


having public-political character. The authorities of this time regulation are experts from
natural sciences, typically from biology and medicine, as well as public health agencies.
These authorities may create some confusion telling oncethat a moderate level of
activity during 30 minutes on at least five days of the week or alternatively vigorous
activity for 20 minutes on at least three days should be the standard. While other experts
tried to make physical exercise less daunting to overweight or inactive people and
proposed three ten-minute sessions of mild physical activity per day (p. 107). How
different ever these recommendations may be, none of them affirms the individuality of
time, they are all norms of non-individual, general-biological character.
   The real time of fitness is, however, not what people should do, but what they actually
do. This is not a question of individual choice either, but fundamentally depending of
folk‘s time budget and their subjective time evaluation, the imagined time budget. It
would be naïve to see these two as subjected to the individual‘s self-determination.
   Leisure time is, indeed, shrinking, mainly because of the rising of the dual-income
household. The dual-householdincome explains the paradox that the single person‘s
working time may be shrinking, but leisure time is shrinking, too. A growing amount of
time has to be invested into one‘s own self-administration. This causes stress. "We can
eliminate stress in your life," promises the fitness enterpriser (p. 83). This slogan
indirectly affirms the relevance of stress as a configurational element of work and
fitness leisure. Stress makes people exercise – and exercise creates new types of stress.
Anyway, stress is outside the grip of the individual, too.
   In surveys, the most often-cited reason why people do not participate in sport and
fitness is: "not enough time" (p. 83-86, 134). This well-known ‗individual‘answer to
questionnaires reveals at a closer examination a clear non-individual dimension:
Sociological studies have documented that those groups are over-represented among
sport participants who professionally ‗lack time‘. This seems also to be true for the
middle-class, which is dominating fitness activities. The time budget in terms of
‗objective‘ figures, the subjective time budget, the declaration of ‗no time‘ and the
practical management of time may not be identified with each other.

Emotion and atmosphere
  The individual motivation is at a closer examination a relational construction, too.
Motivation does to a very limited degree or not at all spring out from lonely reading a
manual or a magazine, which by its persuading force puts fitness idea into practice.
(And by the way, the imagination that the human being steps from reading to practice is
not at all ‗late-modern‘, but it pushed already the rich literature market of self-help
health, which spread since the late eighteenth century and was linked to names like
Christoph Wilhelm Hufeland.) The translation from fitness recommendations to
people‘s real doing, i.e. from literature to bodily practice, requires an intensive
 46   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



investment of emotional labor. The personification of this relational work is the personal
trainer.
   The emotional work of fitness industry is directed towards shaping a certain
atmosphere, which again is inter-personal. The personal trainer has – number one – "got
to have a sense of humor", this is what the owner of an elite health club postulates (p.
163). Humor is relational, from-people-to-people. But humor can be different things.
One is the smile, which characterizes the iconology of fitness industry – smile on
advertisements, smile on the front-page of fitness magazines, smiling personal in the
welcome section of the health club. The smile is an interpersonal mark of the selling
relation. As Dale Carnegie, the guru of self-improvement, salesmanship and corporate
training, underscored as early as in 1936 in his main work How to Win Friends and
Influenced People:
   "An insincere grin? No. That doesn‘t fool anybody. We know it is mechanical and we
resent it. I am talking about a real smile, a heart-warming smile, a smile that comes from
within, the kind of smile that will bring a good price in the market place" (p. 35).
   An expression of humor of quite another type is laughter. A woman remembered her
first entry into a fitness club, together with a friend, in the 1970s, when this milieu was
still a men‘s domain.
   "We were the only women, of course. And it was great (…) I was really strong. No
one ever thought a woman would ever want to lift weights. It was a feminist thing at the
beginning – my friend and I were the only women. We were laughing, and the guys
thought we were so weird, but you know, we got the goods! (Laughs). So you got to
conform and not to conform, which is always the best" (p. 67).
   Here, laughter had subversive qualities, changing the given situation and
relations(Henning Eichberg 2008).

Relations and reification
   The cases of smile, laughter, and emotional work show, to which degree fitness
activity is a question of relations. Fitness activity is to some extent linked to erotic
relations, where women meet men and impress men, while men impress women (pp. 98,
102). An archetype of this imagination is the advertisement, which Charles Atlas
launched in the 1930s: "The Insult
 That Made a Man Out of Mac". Skinny young Mac is bullied at the beach and loses his
girlfriend to a better-built aggressor. But Atlas‘training program helps him –
instantaneously, as it seems – to become a ‗new man‘. He returns to the beach, takes
revenge of the bully, and regains his girlfriend (p. 36). The advertisement is reproduced
in Kirkegaard 2007 (footnote 3), 52.
   Heterosexual relations are, however, only one side of the club world. The health club
may alsofunction as a gay milieu. Or it can offer a women-only milieu for females
shunning the erotic sociality of men.
                        "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   47


   The fitness practitioner is gendered. And also this means: Fitness activity is relational
work, not just individual. The practitioner is socially stratified, the whole fitness world
having a middle-class bias and being furthermore diversified inside according to social
groups and their habitus. Social status and symbolic capital matter.
   The fitness practitioner is ethnic. African Americans, Asian Americans and Hispanic
Americans are relatively absent in the health clubs (p. 93).
   And what about the individual data on the screen of the treadmill? These data give
only a meaning if they are related to some standard, which is over-individual. The
reification of fitness movement in the form of quantitative results is not done by an
‗individual‘, but requires a complex social translation between personal practice,
technology, trainers, and experts of the biological norm.
Market and public policy
   All these basic configurational dimensions – the space, time, atmosphere, relations,
and objectivations of fitness – show that the human being is not just what is inside
one‘sskin bag. Outside the skin, complex bodily relations of inter-human character
connect the practitioner with other people. And these others are not only an additional
environment (in Danish omverden, the world around), but the relations are inside the
body itself, a world inside.
   Above this basis of practice with its bodily-cultural differentiations, institutional
frameworks and abstract ideas characterize a given movement culture. On this level of
superstructure, we find the fitness market. The fitness practitioner would be no fitness
practitioner without the market. The organizational structure of clubs, club chains,
enterprises and their mutual market-relations deliver the necessary framework for fitness
activity. The fundamental social existence of the practitioner is determined by being
consumer and being the target of certain producers.
   It is in high degree the market that styles the consumer as ‗individual‘ by its
iconology of advertisements, its appeals in magazines etc. I am shopping, therefore I am
– I am training, therefore I am. But the consumer will just not function as an isolated
individual unit, which follows his or her own premises. The greedy consumer is
swallowing, the responsible consumer is training.
   Here, the state enters the scene. The social integration of personal fitness is enforced
by public strategies to make the human being as citizen ‗responsible‘ for his or her body
and health.
   "One of the things I talk a lot about is the need to really work on cultural change in
America to encourage a culture of personal responsibility, to encourage people to be
responsible for the decisions they make in life … By exercising every day, … no matter
how busy you may seem or how boring exercise may seem initially, it‘s a part of a
responsibility culture" (p. 46).
   This is how US President George W. Bush expressed the imperative of personal
responsibility in a speech in 2003, using fitness activity as icon. In Denmark, the policy
 48   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



of responsibility was copied by the right-wing government, which in 2007 established a
ministerial committee Det Personlige Ansvar (the personal responsibility), with the
minister of employment as chairman and the ministers of exterior, education and culture
as further members(http://www.mitansvar.dk/forside). The top-down strategy of
making-people-responsible arrives among ordinary people on a level of personal belief.
A woman in the 60s argued for her fitness practice:

  "It‘s … a sense of responsibility. That there‘s only me to look after me. And if I don‘t
do it, no one else will…" (p. 41).

   The responsible consumer reminds of the popular joke saying: ‗The world is bad,
everybody only cares for himself, nobody cares for me, only I care for me.‘
   Where the idea of the market is individual consumption and greediness, the idea of
the state is individual responsibility. And fitness is a ritual of both the one and the other.
In other words, as a norm filling personal responsibility with concrete contents, fitness
has to some extent moved towards the status of a religion. The self is expected ritually
to serve a larger and more solemn goal, even if this goal is baptized ‗the Self‘ itself.
How ever these norms may be defined, norms are not individual, they are collective.
Foucault talked about ‗governmentality‘, the government inside one‘s own mentality.
Self-management follows the rules of the panopticon. And Maguire describes health
promotion since the 1970s as "increasing both individual empowerment and social
control over individual behavior" (p. 46). In other words, the individual empowerment
cannot be regarded as independent of a new type of social control. Individualization is a
misleading notion as far as it is not defined as part of a specific social pattern. It is this
social pattern, which the sociologist has to describe, not an imagined nebulous ‗age of
individualization‘(Henning Eichberg 2007).

Fitness as popular movement?
  The market and its appeal of consumption is one thing, and public health with its
appeal of responsibility is another. But there is a third besides state and market, which
we call civil society. Here we find voluntary associations, social movements, networks
and not at least the existential identity work of human beings who enter into voluntary
connections with each other. Maguire writesconcerning the 1930/40s: "If beinga man
was wrought with uncertainty, then looking like a man became the solution" (p. 37). Or
for a woman: looking like a woman. In both cases, ‗looking like‘ means: the body for
the others. This linking of health and appearance is again not just ‗individual‘.
  One may very wellask whether the ‗individual‘ is a euphemism for the disappearance
of subjectivity, which Foucault once provocatively had predicted in Les mots et les
choses: The individual was produced by discourses of biology, language and economy,
by a new modern "order of things" around 1800; will it, like a face painted in the sand of
                       "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   49


the shore, disappear one day when a new wave wipes it out again? (Michel Foucault
1970) We may askwhat sort of wave this could be.
   Another question is whetherthe wave of fitness activity has the character of a popular
movement, a cultural movement.This is what some observers have suggested. Kasper
Lund Kierkegaard described the history of Danish fitness industry under the title "from
muscle mass to mass movement". See Kirkegaard 2007 (footnote 3).The notion of ‗mass
movement‘ is normally used to describe social movements or political movements.
Some configurational elements may affirm this interpretation. Fitness culture is a certain
market segment, but not restricted to the market, and it follows a public health strategy,
but cannot be reduced public policy. It has some features of the third, of civil self-
organization.
  However, some important elements of a cultural movement seem to lack. Especially,
one can hardly find an identity-building of the type of ‗we, the fitness people‘, though
group identities can be formed like ‗we, the girls from the gym‘, quoted above. An
identity of ‗fitness people‘ couldbe seen in some of the social reform movements, which
were active in this field during the period 1900-1914, among nudists, gymnasts, and life-
reformers. The social time and energy of fitness was at that time directed towards a
‗better world‘, but is nowadays rather transformed to the adjustment of the single
practitioner to the existing social world.
   We, thus indeed, find a third side of fitness culture side by side with the market
(fitness industry) and the state (public health), but whether this deserves the name of a
fitness movement,requires a more in-depth discussion(Knut Dietrich & Klaus
Heinemann 1989).

The human being under the competitive state
   Anyway, the production of the fit ‗individual‘raises questions about the new societal
situation, which makes this ‗individual‘ appear (and maybe, seen with Foucault, human
subjectivity disappear). How can one more exactly describethe societal formation, which
formerly was called industrial or capitalist society, for which words like ‗society of
information‘ or ‗society of knowledge‘ are rather euphemistic, and notions like post-
modern, late-modern, high-modern or reflexive-modern are unsubstantial or
meaningless logo-words rather than sociological descriptions?
   It may be enlightening to look back to the 1980s, when questions of this type rose. At
that time, Francis Fukuyama prophesized the end of history following the triumph of the
market over state policy. Future gave another answer.
The neo-liberalism of the 1980s – under the names of Ronald Reagan and Margaret
Thatcher – prognosticated the end of the national state, being outdated by the global
dynamics of the market. What would remain was ‗the minimal state‘.
 50   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   Jürgen Habermas had already in 1974 prophesized the end of national identity (and
class identity), which would be replaced by people meeting in
herrschaftsfreierKommunikation, by communication without supremacy.
The years around 1990, however, saw the genesis of a multiplicity of new (and the
reconstruction of older) national states and their worldwide recognition – Scotland, the
united Germany, Slovakia, Slovenia and the other ex-Yugoslav states, the Baltic states
and the other ex-Soviet republics in Eastern Europe, in the Caucasus and Central Asia...
   Prognostics, thus, failed, but what was the crux of the assumptions?The thesis had
been that the single citizen had won against state monopolism (in Eastern Europe), the
market had won against the state, and ‗the individual‘ had won against former forms of
identity. The surprise of the 1990s, however, was the success of a certain social model,
the Scandinavian welfare stateunder the conditions of international competition.
Worldwide, the system of Nordic welfare (Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark,
Canada…) was recognized as the most successful model to cope the challenge of the
global market. The competition on this market was now no longer only seen as
competition between multinational corporations, but between national states. And
welfare states with their flexible labor market and their solid democratic identity seemed
to have the best conditions.
   What, thus, could be discovered, was the "state of competition" (konkurrencestaten,
Ove Kaj Pedersen) (Ove Kaj Pedersen 2006, Pedersen 2006, John L. Campbell, John A.
Hall & Ove K. Pedersen 2006). as a new socio-political formation. Functioning as an
identitary unit inglobal economic competition, the welfare state transformed itself. What
was earlier in the focus, the protection of the weak groups in society, was turned
towards mobilizing ‗work society‘, a society of efficiency (arbejdssamfund,
effektiviseringssamfund). (Michael Hviid Jacobsen & Jens Tonboe 2004, Also Jens
Christian Tonboe 2006). State and market came closer to each other. And also states
standing traditionally far from Scandinavian welfare culture and having thetraditional
problems of joblessness unsolved, like the USA, entered under these new premises. The
East Asian ‗tiger economies‘ had developed into a similar direction from out their own
traditions.
   The new ‗human resource management‘ of the competitive state has, however, also
some particular costs. These become visible by people‘s stress and new types of health
problems(Jørgen Winkel et.al. 1990). Physical activation is a public answer.
My cautious hypothesis is that this societal framework may helpto understand the
genesis of the fitness-individual in the cross-road of
         -service industry, demanding the body-for-others and a certain appearance as
         self-presentation
-consumer society, where the fitness industry offers means for the production of the self
-public strategies of mobilization, making the whole population more efficient and
productive, but also creating some problems of health and stress, and therefore
                        "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   51


-public health state strategies, addressing the structural problem of stress with an
individual solution, called ‗your own responsibility‘.
   The result (or basis) of this new societal formation is a set of paradoxes: The single
human is blownup and at the same time weakened, both being included in the key-
notion of the individual. On the one hand, the individual is proclaimed to be the centre
of the world, and on the other it is treated as needy, needing especially moral
responsibility and training.
It appears what one with Maguire can call the fit-fat paradox. The more fitness activities
spread, the more overweight is registered. And vice versa.
   Dual anxieties are directed towards one‘s shape and health, as if these two were
connected with each other. Fitness is shape-health.
   Leisure becomes work, leisure-work. As Jane Fonda proclaimed already in 1981:

"It takes work and time. You are about to begin something that I hope will become a
permanent part of your life. It is important to understand that you will only get out of it
what you put into it. Toning and firming can begin to show within days, but for a deep,
total, lasting effect, you need to work hard and regularly" (p. 139).

  This could at the same time be the slogan of the state of competition: Work hard!
Even in your leisure time! And:something for something (Danish: noget for noget)!
  Beneath all this, one may suspect a deeper crisis of identity. The quest of recognition
and self-recognitiondrives the practices of shape-health and leisure-work.

Which individualization?
   Anyway, the ‗individual‘ is not a societal reality of self-building as such, but it is a
social construction, and it has a social-collective history. The individualization of the
medieval mystic – God and Me – was another than the individualization of hard work in
the Puritan universe of Benjamin Franklin. And the individual of sports and gymnastics
in the nineteenth century was another than the individual of nowadays‘fitness. At the
same time, these two modern figures are connected by certain common features going
across the history of modernity. Among these are:-Mobilization is what matters.
   -Measure your results!
   -Body work is work and not just the pleasure of the game.
   -Fitness is serious. Body work is not social festivity or carnival as the popular
competitions were in pre-modern cultures.
   So there is no reason to demarcate a particular ‗age of individualization‘. Instead, the
question is: Which individualization?! Which type of individualization can be registered
under the auspices of the current state of competition and its society of mobilization, in
contrast to other forms of individualization?
 52   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   The problem of the so-called ‗age of individualization‘is, thus, related to the more
general epistemological problem of notions in singular. The culture (instead of cultures),
the human being (instead of human beings), the nature, the state, the society, the science
… – all these terms may be suspected to hide something. Or even to lie. Sociological
precision demands to think the plural.
   This prepares the ground for a sharp confrontation between the pop-sociological
approach of Giddens and Beck on one side and the critical analysis of Foucault and
Bourdieu on the other. It is not possible to refer to both of them at the same time.
   To conclude in more general terms: Theory is not a way of pasting certain theoretical
label words (like self-identity, age of individualization, panopticon, habitus) on one‘s
empirical findings, thus giving these findings an authoritative touch.Theory is a way of
abstraction that makes us wiser in the end. This progression happens by working on
contradictions. Theory means to apply dialectical thinking on the material, which is
under study.
   Fitness culture is contradictory, this is what Maguire has demonstrated, and this
makes her book a standard work of high value. But the theory of the ‗individual‘ is full
of contradictions, too. And the study of fitness contributes in an iconological way to a
deeper understanding of the paradoxes of ‗individualization.


References
[1] Chris Shilling 1993: The Body and Social Theory. London: Sage, 7, referring to Anthony
    Giddens.
[2] Bernd Wedemeyer-Kolwe 2004: 'Der neue Mensch". Körperkultur im Kaiserreich und in
    der Weimarer Republik. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann. – ChadRoss 2005: Naked
    Germany. Health, Race and the Nation. Oxford/New York: Berg. – Marion E. P. de Ras
    2008: Body, Feminity and Nationalism. Girls in the German Youth Movement 1900-1934.
    New York, London: Routledge.
[3] Henning Eichberg & Ejgil Jespersen 1986: De grønne bølger. Træk af natur- og friluftsvets
    historie. Gerlev: Bav. New ed. Vejle: DGI 2001. –Kasper Lund Kirkegaard 2007: Fra
    muskelmasse til massebevægelse. Indblik i den kommercielle fitness-sektors historie.
    Copenhagen: Idrættens Analyseinstitut. – For further international comparison see
    Volkwein, Karin A. E. 1998 (ed.): Fitness as Cultural Phenomenon. (= German &
    American Studies in Sport. 4) Münster & New York: Waxmann.
[4] Jens Troelsen 2004: Mobil på cykel –en refleksiv analyse af kvaliteter og barrierer for
    cykling som transportform. Odense: Syddansk Universitet, dissertation.
[5] Peter Sloterdijk 1998: Sphären. Plurale Sphärologie. Vol.1. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp.
[6] More generally about the configurational analysis of body culture see Henning Eichberg
    2001: "Thinking contradictions. Towards a methodology of configurational analysis,
    or:How to reconstruct the societal signification of movement culture and sport." In: Knut
    Dietrich (ed.): How Societies Create Movement Culture and Sport. University of
    Copenhagen: Institute of Exercise and Sport Sciences, 10-32.
                         "Fit for Consumption"- about the societal production of the individual   53


 [7] Kari Steen-Johnsen 2004: Individualized communities. Keep-fit exercise organisations and
     the creation of social bonds. Oslo: Norges Idrettshøgskole.
 [8] Hans Bonde 1991: "I. P. Muller, Danish Apostle of Health." In: The International Journal
     of the History of Sport, 8, 3: 347-369. – Hans Bonde 1993/94: 'Kapitän Jespersen. Ein
     Erweckungsprediger der Lebensreform." In: Stadion, 19/20: 5-24.
 [9] Ronald Lutz 1989: Laufen und Läuferleben. Zum Verhältnis von Körper, Bewegung und
     Identität. Frankfurt/Main: Campus.
[10] About the societal differences between smiling and laughter see Henning Eichberg 2008:
     "Laughing in sports and popular games. Towards a phenomenology of laughter." In: Le rire
     européen. Perpignan: Presses Universitaires. In press.
[11] The advertisement is reproduced in Kirkegaard 2007 (footnote 3), 52.
[12] Henning Eichberg 2007: "Glem det ‘enkelte individ‘ –glem Giddens! Om en stor fortælling
     i effektiviseringssamfundet." In: Dansk Sociologi, 18, 3: 91-108.
[13] Michel Foucault 1970: The Order of Things. An Archeology of the Human Sciences. New
     York: Pantheon.
     See Kirkegaard 2007 (footnote 3).
     A certain nearness of cultural movements in the field of sport and body culture, and the
     body-cultural market of the 1980s was described by Knut Dietrich & Klaus Heinemann
     1989: Der nicht-sportliche Sport. Beiträge zum Wandel im Sport. Schorndorf: Hofmann.
     And Knut Dietrich, Klaus Heinemann & Manfred Schubert: Kommerzielle Sportanbieter.
     Schorndorf: Hofmann 1990.
[14] Ove Kaj Pedersen 2006: "Konkurrencestaten – velfærd på globale vilkår." In: Tidsskriftet
     SALT, 15, 6: 8-9. – Pedersen 2006: "Velfærdsrapporten som tidsbillede. Et essay om
     disciplinering og individualitet." In: Kritik, 38, 179: 87-99. –John L. Campbell, John A.
     Hall & Ove K. Pedersen 2006 (eds.): National Identity and Varieties of Capitalism: The
     Danish Experience. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press & København: Jurist- og
     Økonomforbundets Forlag.
[15] Michael Hviid Jacobsen & Jens Tonboe 2004: Arbejdssamfundet – den beslaglagte tid og
     den splittede identitet. København: Reitzel. – Also Jens Christian Tonboe 2006:
     "Dovenskab forbudt – arbejde er alt." In: Tidsskriftet SALT, 15, 6: 6-8.
     For an early evidence from the side of ergonomic research see Jørgen Winkel et.al. 1990:
     Kan belastningsproblem lösas lönsamt? Solna: Arbetsmiljöinstituttet.
 54   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




         Illusion and Provocation in Traditional Sports
      - Finding the educational sense of traditional popular sports.

                                                                     Gianfranco Staccioli
                                                            (University of Florence, Italy)


Abstract
   The educational success of traditional game-sports lies their ability to influence
change in pupils. This change is based on various aspects of the games. As we have seen,
they are aspects linked to the person, to the structure of the game and to the context in
which it is played. Our aim - not easy - is to offer ‗complete‘experiences, without
succumbing to the illusions which are part of playing. We must be aware that diversity
can provoke defensiveness and resistance. But provocation can be tempered through
dialogue, through confrontation grounded in one‘s own roots and values, and in the
‗perspective of meaning‘ which we have discussed in these pages. Traditional game-
sports may continue to be a minority in the broader field of sports, but not because of
this should they be considered ‗minor‘.
Key words: traditional game, education, cultural modality


Education and Sports
  Let us start with a simple consideration: a learning experience is effective when the
persons who are learning feel they have changed. When is it that one has changed?
When one perceives different ways of being, of feeling, of evaluating and of attributing
value to life.
  Only when an educational project – such as teaching traditional popular sports in
schools –has change as a prime objective, are its effects likely to be consolidated, wide-
spread and permanent. The strength of any educational action, of its incisive metabolic
The concept of ‗metabletic‘(La Nuova Italia, Firenze, 1990, Metabletica, Nijkerk,
Callenbach, 1967). quality, depends on numerous factors (personal, structural, social,
philosophical and so on) and each formative experience is complex. At first it might
seem simplistic to analyse the formative influence of traditional popular sports in terms
of various fundamental elements common to education and sports. However, this
analysis helps our initial question: in which circumstances do traditional sports lead to a
positive change in people?

To Dominate Illusions
                                        The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage     55


   The dimension of sports is a dimension of illusion. The ancient Romans used the term
in-ludereto mean various things: to tease, to pretend, to play a game. And, in fact, there
is some affinity between joining in a game and pretending (illudersi). Children‘s play
belongs to the realm of make-believe the games of adults seem to be a little less so (or
so adults often believe). Children at play are in a state between reality and the
imaginary: they use their playful actions as transitional time/space and as places of
internal/external mediations(Cfr. D. W. Winnicott, 1971). Adult players pretend to
themselves (in-ludent) that they are not ‗being played‘by their game and that they are
able to control the elements which come into play. They, pretend, for example, that the
sphere of playing is separate from everyday behaviour, from family, ethical and social
values. They believe that they put into their game only a part of themselves (the part
connected not only to moments of freedom from work but also to the more friendly,
positive traits of their personality). They believe that they will find physical well-being
(though physical effort does not always mean physical fitness/equilibrium); they believe
that they will find richer relationships (but the relationships created in sports are
principally those of competition); they believe they will better their relationship with
Nature (and often find a standardised environment, where even the grass on the field is
unnatural); they believe they will develop their own strategic and cognitive capacities
(while usually what is involved is a standardised rather than an original action).
   We do not here wish to carry out a critical analysis of institutional sports. If we have
mentioned some ‗illusions‘ regarding sports with mass following, it is because we wish
to understand if these same illusions, or others, are also present in traditional games.
Inevitably, every illusion hides unawareness(Cfr. G. Staccioli, 2004). which tends to
deviate the player from the educational metabolicmentioned above as the formative
point of reference. On the basis of these considerations, we shall be better able to
discern some ‗provocative behavioural patterns‘ connected to traditional games, to the
manner in which the games are still played and to their popularity. These ‗provocations‘
will then help us discern the didactic methods best suited to this type of proposal.
   Each game is a complex object. The complexity of the game is determined by the
interaction of three equally complex factors: the individual who is playing, the game in
itself and the context in which the game is being played. Each of these factors may or
may not bring about a formative action, that is, a change in the player (and, as a result,
in the context).

                                  Individual (person)




            Structure (text)                             Culture (context)
 56   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




The Individual who Plays
   When somebody starts a game (and he must decide to do so) he finds himself,
whether consciously or not, managing specific personal needs (emotional, transitional,
physical, concerning self-affirmation or escape, etc). As the saying goes: "It is the player
who determines the game". No one game is the same as another precisely because each
time there is diversitydue to the people who are playing. Even the same gamerepeated
by the same people will be different each time, for people change, have different
sensations, expectations or mental states. The strength of any game, and of playing in
general, lies in its unpredictability and uniqueness. The players do not finish a game.
On the contrary, for the player (and for the spectators) the game continues well after the
match. It is discussed, thought about, and examined from different points of view. The
player takes part in the game for more time than that of the mere playing. He maintains
an ‗infinite‘(Cfr. J. P, 1987). link with the match and with himself. The person who
plays experiences a dimension of infinite time with which he tries to keep in touch.
Yoruba youth (Nigeria) play a traditional game called The Lion of the Yoruba or Boma,
Boma(Cfr. AAVV, 1995).
   The game has various phases: at the beginning there is a rhythmic dialogue in which
the lion asks different pairs to carry out certain actions; then there is a sort of hide-and-
seek and, lastly, once the game has concluded as we would say, there is a discussion
amongst the players. In this last phase the group of players must establish which
‗mother‘ best-defendedher ‗cubs‘, and ‗she‘ will be the next lion. It is commonto think
that a game is over when someone has either won or lost. In this case, however, the rules
of the game force the players to stop, to make a collective evaluation and to take a
collective decision. In this game there is an interesting ‗personal‘ element: the
uncertainty of the outcome.
   In The Lion of the Yoruba the players do not know who the winner is until the final
decision has been taken. The game delays its conclusionin order to give the players the
possibility to reflect on events. Thus, the winner(s) might be he who saved himself by
reaching home ground first, or the player who lets himself be ‗eaten‘ by the lion so as to
save his young or even the most astute pair of players who find the best and most secret
hiding places. In this game nothing is obviousor certain, not even who wins or loses. On
the contrary, defining therules for winning is part of the game itself. Even in
institutionalised sports there is uncertainty (a match is interesting precisely because we
do not know how it will finish) but, in many traditional games, ‗winning‘ or ‗losing‘ is
not based on a measurable performance (speed in time/space, etc) but on a careful
evaluation carried out by the players themselves. It is as if at the end of a cycling race
the cyclists were to meet up, without worrying about the order of their arrival, and
decide who had achieved the highest merits.
   In a game like The Lion of the Yoruba the principle of the certainty of uncertainty
pervades every single moment of the game. Anything can happen, nothing is given for
                                         The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage     57


certain. From finite the game becomes infinite and it is the players who themselves
construct the game. In the final evaluation the individual is considered as a whole rather
than on the basis of some specific performance. The winner is not he who arrived first or
ran more; instead, the rules of the game imply a consideration of the motor action in its
wholeness, an organic unity of the mind, of feelings, of relationships and of social
behaviour. "The participants in a finite game play within well-defined boundaries; the
participants in an infinite game play with the boundaries"(J. P. Carse, op. cit. pag. 17).
These are rules which do not take into account the classic division between physical and
mental activity, between fitness and emotion, between final result and on-going play.
They are, in reality, game actions that refer to an idea of the unity of experience, an idea
only recently taken up in disciplines related to physical education. Maintaining an
infinite link between the players and their game means experiencing the game not only
as a race or a confrontation between people or groups but rather as a an awareness of
one‘s own global action. In brief, these are games which incorporate both mind and
body, a principle which our culture is still seeking.
    At the same time this kind of game means placing in the foreground the person who
plays rather than the game produced by that person. It means giving space to narration,
to the personalised tale, to the elaboration of sensations and emotions. The teaching of
traditional games also means going slowly (not running), giving adequate time and
space to the individual, to the groups and to the dynamics which permeate them (thus
rendering pertinent that fond Constructivist principle: "Attention must not be on the
product but on the process"). Competition and a slow pace can go hand in hand.
    The first important message we can deduct from these considerations is that we must
render traditional sports infinite. The more that game actions conform to the players by
rendering them participants, inventors, capable of reflecting on their own playing, on the
relative values of victory and defeat, on the complexity of their own physical acts, the
more traditional games offer a useful, new model, highly unlike the one put forward by
institutionalised sports. A re-appropriation of the game on the part of the players leads to
several consequences: the rules must be the players‘ instead of being dictated by clubs
and federations; the game is for the players themselves rather than for those who watch
it. In other words, in a popular sport the modality of playing does not have as its point of
reference a mass sport and does not try to model itself on the latter. Indeed, we are
dealing with another realm of play, at least for the player. It is an illusion to think that
the standardisation of rules, the drawing up of rigid norms and championships on a
national level are the strong points of traditional sports. On the contrary, they render the
game finite and adapt it to the ‗winning‘model in which sports clubs and associations
(and the spectators) are of greater importance than the players themselves.
 58   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




The Rules of the Game
   A game is not only ‗of‘ the player. One plays in order to be part of a regulated body
and to confront others within it. As a result the rules of the game have the power to
model the behaviour of an individual. The probable effects of competitive games are not
the same as those produced by co-operative games: playing ‗one against all‘ is not the
same as playing ‗group against group‘.
   The differing structures of games have been well analysed by Pierre Parlebas(Cfr. P.
P, 1999).
   The structures of interaction that are common in games influence the immediate
and/or successive behaviour of the player, they determine a transfer of
behaviourallearning. Numerous studies have shown, for example, how the regular use of
co-operative (new) games in schools weakens aggressive relationships within the class
group. In such situations it is not so much the individual who has imposed change on
himself as the games which have brought about a change in behaviour(Cfr. A. L‘Abate
(a cura di), 2001).
   Even space has a modelling effect. Playing in the streets is not like playing in a
stadium. Traditional sports still maintain non-standardised areas of play, close either to
Nature or to the surrounding environment. Many games are played outside the stadium.
Popular traditional games, on the whole, have many different and varied structural forms
in comparison to more widespread mass sports. For example, we may recall one of the
numerous Italian itinerant games, "Rouletta", which is played in Val d‘Aosta. In this
game each player throws his bowling ball in a different manner and his throw must be
imitated by the other players. Other popular traditional games still played in many
Italian regions are "Ruzzola" and "Ruzzolone".
   A player in action is permeated by numerous ‗as if‘ situations. Some are linked to a
role ("I am behaving as a defence"), others to the character in the game ("I throw the
object as a peasant in the past"). In mass sports the ‗as if‘ relating to characters has
become abstract, if not completely lost. It does, however, remain in some traditional
games, especially those tied to folklore or to shows as, for example, the historical
pageant of Florentine Medieval football or the human chess game in Marostica). In
many traditional adult games this was, however, not the case. We have to examine
traditional children‘s games in order to find, appreciate and recover the hidden make-
believe aspects of playing.
   The practical consequences of the influence of game structures on the players are
evident: he who plays must be able to experiment differentstructures, structures which
bring into play differing relational mechanisms, which evoke different emotions in the
player and which enable him to experiment diversified roles, making him feel like an
actor in many parts and like a character in many comedies. An enrichment, a
transformation, an educational metabolic action is possible when, in the game, one finds
                                          The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage       59


different characters who ‗excite‘ our personality, when one can personify different roles
and the various ‗egos‘ which are part of us.
   And, it is also necessary that the players try out different structures and
characters,each of which has its own specific link to space, time and to the role played in
the game.
   By offering pupils different forms/structures of games, we avoid the danger of local
ethnocentricity often found in traditional games. One is not playing ‗the‘ game but ‗a‘
game, one does not experience ‗the‘ best cultural modality but ‗a‘modality among many
possible. In other words, if there is a difference between traditional games and
‗official‘sports, this lies in the variety of the structures that they contain. It follows that
the greater the number of the game varieties with which a player can confront himself
and ‗de-centre‘himself, the greater the formative enrichment. This last consideration
seems to negate one of the main characteristics of traditional popular sports: its tie with
the context, with the history and with the culture of a specific place, i.e., re-proposing
the same game, which is part of a specific game tradition. But let us look more closely.

Bringing Culture into Play
   A game does not take place without a context. The emotions, the values, the
expectations that accompany the game depend on the group, the environment, the time,
the space, the historical period and the culture of a people. A modern football match
would not impress spectators of tachtli instead, they would probably note the banality of
a game that only allows the ball to be passed by foot or by head since tachtli players can
also pass it with their hips, thighs and back(Cfr. C. Duverger, 1978). Global sports
respond, as we know, to the needs of a global culture (we do not mean this statement to
be a judgement). These needs and this tendency cannot be stopped.
   No game lives in the abstract; it alwayslives in relation to the context in which it takes
place. There is a deep relationship between games and society, between the specific
forms of games and cultural values, which explains why certain games have prevailed in
given historical periods and not in others(Cfr. LUDICA, 1995/2002).
   All games are something more than a mere game. That is, all games refer, whether
consciously or not, to other dimensions, touch on layers which may or may not be
obvious and activate fantasies and emotions which are not necessarily manageable.
Every game is a deep game. The sport most representative of our culture today is
football (or soccer), complete with its related lotteries and market, and this phenomenon
has repeatedly been studied on psychological, social, economic and political levels(Cfr.
A. Roversi, 1992; Vinnai G, 1970). It is a game which "produces in the imagination a
dimension of Western experience that in our daily routine is usually hidden from
sight…Football as a ritual is not only a mirror of society or its escape valve, but also an
interpretation of society. The game of football is a ‗story‘ through which society narrates
itself, thus contributing to society‘s own recognition of itself."(F. Dei 1992).
 60   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   In this case the game interweaves playing and context, transforming into ritual the
models of the society in which it is played. Hence, the game becomes a deep game, a
game full of meaning(Cfr. C. Geertz, 1973). An activity of this type is transformed into
an important cultural moment because it enables those who participate in the ‗rite‘to
recognise themselves, to be with others and to participate in an identical model of
collective thought. Generally, a deep game implies a number of themes which are
present in daily experience (victory, defeat, revenge, strength, courage, hostility, etc.)
and "orders them in a sequential structure of actions with ahigh level of formal
elaboration, from which a particular concept of human life emerges. Thus, going to a
football match is for a young Westerner a kind of sentimental and moral education"(F.
Dei, ibidem).
   In the same way all traditional sports and games are linked to aspecific context and to
relational, economic and ethical models. These too were deep games.
If we wish to propose traditional sportive games to the youth of today, if we propose
that they learn and play them, then we must be aware of the depth of these games. Of
which models are they carriers? Which ethical, relational or social messages do they
express? It is not just a question of revisiting history, of helping youngpeople to learn
about lost traditions or of idealising the past. We believe that the ‗as if‘present in these
games allows one to experience events which today are improbable (cutting a tree with
an axe or crossing a stream with a board) and, more significantly, to experience the
deeper meaning of these events. And the deeper meaning of these events has repeatedly
been highlighted: localisation, the link with the neighbourhood, belonging to a group,
the right to maintain one‘s own specific characteristics and diversity, and so on. Today,
these aspects can be stated in more up-dated terms: welcoming different customs and
ideas, understanding that all values, even in sport, are cultural and relative, giving
citizenship to small groups and upholding the personal and group context in which the
game is carried out. A deep traditional sportive game is a game which renders
meaningful its origins and its social and cultural implications.

Trinnum est Perfectum
   So far we have discussed the three aspects of games - the person who plays, the rules
of the game and the cultural context – aspects which intersect and which determine a
game situation which is always difficult to understand and to manage. Yet, as we have
tried to say, in order to construct a triangular project of formative change it is necessary
to bear in mind the specific elements which characterise these three aspects. A
traditional game may offer a meaningful methodological and educational model if it
brings with it significant values, however different to those of mass sports.
   Since 1985 the Italian school curriculum has included an activity called gioco-sport
(game-sports). Originally, this new curriculum was an attempt to free juvenile sports
activities from mass sports and to separate it from ‗mini-sports‘ (a gateway to
                                          The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage      61


institutionalised sports). The educational value of ‗game-sports‘ did not lie in the
activities in themselves but in the values that they (as deep games) contain(Cfr. AA.VV,
1998). However, in reality, motor activities in Italy still pursue the ‗strong‘cultural
model linked to better known sports, even if recently there has been an increase of
interest in athletics. The ‗downfall‘of the ministerial proposal was caused by various
factors, last but not least, incomprehension concerning the educational objectives of that
proposal. The ministry was unable to ‗explain‘ the ‗reasons‘ behind the idea of ‗gioco-
sport‘which would have launched an enormous cultural challenge. With few exceptions,
the ‗gioco-sport‘project has been transformed and now adheres to the rules of official
sports, with their championships and trophies.
   One of the dangers to avoid when playing traditional popular sports in schools is
precisely that of adapting to the rules of institutionalised sports, which have a separate
statute and different formative objectives. (Although mass sports must be taken into
consideration, they should not become the only modelsof reference.) Traditional games
must not pretend to be like other sports. They are different and it is necessary to insist on
their difference. Guy Jaouen has more than once stressed the authenticity of traditional
games: "In order to play this role the Committees and Federations of Modern Sports
need know that they do not have to copy the other Federations of Modern Sports. In so
doing they would lose their soul, for their current attraction lies in their difference and if
the games lost this difference, they would risk no longer being of public interest."(G.
Jaouen, 2001).
   One of the other things missing in Italian game-sports has been a lack of conviction of
their differenceand, thus, an inability to communicate with awareness that theybear
strong, meaningful values. We know that it is not easy to implement a coherent project
in a school, a project which links practice to a specific idea of coexistence, to a different
relationship to time and space and to a model of personalised growth.Yet, such a project
would avoid an even more unwelcome outcome, that of transforming game-sports into
something else. Traditional, popular sports are neither preparatory nor parallel to mass
sports. They are a different way of playing, which is interlocutory and communicative
because it represents different values and thus offers it own perspective of cultural
meaning.
   Research into the sense of traditional games and coherency in practising them may
avoid their being side-lined and excluded. A recent study on the drop-out rate of young
people from mass sports(cfr. A. Bortolotti, 2002). shows that an even greater number
will stop when there is no motivation, that is, when youngsters no longer feel the
activity to be part of their self-fulfilment. Self-fulfilment is linked to strong ideas of
meaning, which young people identify in sports situations:
   -In which theymust feel that success is the purpose of the game, and not that the game
is based on the binary of victory/defeat (in other words, where the competitive spirit of
the game is secondary to the fact that the game must be played for its own sake).
 62    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



-In which there is the possibility of discussing the match (so-called ‗corridor learning‘).
-In which the instructor is a teacher and a friend (there is mutual respect).
-In which the game has a personal and social value which can change them and make
society better.
   In this need to belong expressed by young people (as in the case of mass sports) and,
at the same time, to experience a context which has personal and social value, we find
an affinity to those same values which we call ‗meaning in traditional games‘. The
following table lists some of these values:

               Towards a Meaningful Education in Traditional Popular Sports

                     Its helps the INDIVIDUAL (person) to manage
                              - uncertainty (of and in playing)
                         - infinity (not playing to win but to live)
                  - re-appropriation (of rules and personal presence)
               - narration (which makes each game unique and infinite)
                          - self-fulfilment (with mutual respect).




It offers various STRUCTURES (texts)                 CULTURE (context)

with    ―mise en scene‖ (the make-believe of play)   It renders the game ‗deep‘; it gives it
-      relative to space                             meaning and communicative value
-      relative to time                              grounded in:
-      relative to the rules                         -     the local environment
-      relative to roles                             -     daily life (the right to play outside
-      relative to evaluation and points.            official times and spaces)
                                                     -     polycentric practises
                                                     -     the awareness of being different
                                                     -     the ability to communicate.

  The educational success of traditional game-sports lies their ability to influence
change in pupils. This change is based on various aspects of the games. As we have seen,
they are aspects linked to the person, to the structure of the game and to the context in
which it is played. Our aim - not easy - is to offer ‗complete‘experiences, without
                                            The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage         63


succumbing to the illusions which are part of playing. We must be aware that diversity
can provoke defensiveness and resistance. But provocation can be tempered through
dialogue, through confrontation grounded in one‘s own roots and values, and in the
‗perspective of meaning‘ which we have discussed in these pages. Traditional game-
sports may continue to be a minority in the broader field of sports, but not because of
this should they be considered ‗minor‘. We are not, in fact, dealing with an ‗inferior‘
proposal which needs to be adapted to other models. If we wish to educate young people
towards a game culture, we must underline the ‗difference‟ of traditional games,
avoiding illusions and accentuating provocations, through dialogue: a dialogue based on
strong, clear models which aim towards more human and educational sports.

References
 [1] AA.VV., 24 jeux sans frontières - Jeux sportifs, CEMEA, Paris 1999.
 [2] AA.VV., Gioco e dopogioco, primo manuale di debriefing del gioco, Edizioni La
     Meridiana, Bari 1995.
 [3] AA.VV., Jeux, sports et divertissement au Moyen Age et à l‘age classique, Ed. du CTHS,
     Paris
 [4] AA.VV., L‘activité ludique dans le développement psychomoteur et social des enfants,
     numéro hors série "Vers l‘éducation nouvelle", CEMEA, Paris 1974.
 [5] Acheng, Il re degli scacchi, Bompiani, Milano1992 (1989).
 [6] Bertocci C., Tra terra e cielo. Tanti modi per saltare la corda, LudoCemea, Firenze 2003.
 [7] Daudry P., Tra golf ed hockey… La ‗truye‘, il passatempo europeo degli antichi pastori, in
     "Lo joà e les omo, rivista di studi e testimonianze sui giochi sport e cultura dei popoli",
     Musumeci Editore, Quart, n. 5 1988 .
 [8] Di Pietro A., Ludografie.Riflessioni e pratiche per lasciare tracce con il gioco, La
     Meridiana, Bari 2003.
 [9] Fitta M., Giochi e giocattoli nell‘antichità, Leonardo ArteMilano 1997.
[10] Fonzia A., Cooperare e competere tra i bambini, Giunti, Firenze 2001.
[11] L‘abate A. (a cura di), Giovani e pace. Ricerche e formazione per un futuro meno violento,
     Pangea, Torino 2001.
[12] Loos S., Novantanove giochi cooperativi, Edizioni Gruppo Abele, Torino 1989.
[13] Marchal J.C., Jeux traditionnels et jeux sportifs, bases symboliques et traitement didactique,
     Vigot, Paris 1990.
[14] Ministere De L‘education Nazionale, Les jeux du patrimoine tradition et culture, Ed. Revue
     E.P.S., Paris, 1989.
[15] Orlick T., The Cooperative Sports & Games Book, Pantheon Books, New York 1978.
[16] Parlebas P., Jeux, sports et société, lexique de praxéologie motrice, INSEP, Paris, 1999.
[17] Roberti G., I giochi a Roma di strada e d‘osteria, Newton Compton Editori, Roma 1995.
[18] Staccioli G. Il gioco e il giocare, Carocci, Roma 2004.
[19] Staccioli G. Culture in gioco, Carocci, Roma 2004.
[20] Stella J., Les jeux et plaisir de l‘enfance, Editions Slatkine, Ginevra 1981 (1657).
 64    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



[21] The concept of ‗metabletic‘ (from metabolé, change) has been developed in education by D.
      Demetrio (Educatori di professione, La Nuova Italia, Firenze, 1990) on the basis of work in
      the field of social psychology and the psychology of work by J.H. Van Den Berg
      (Metabletica, Nijkerk, Callenbach, 1967).
[22] Cfr. D. W. Winnicott, Playing and Reality , Tavistock Publications, Londres,1971.
[23] Cfr. G. Staccioli, Il gioco e il giocare, Carocci, Rome, 2004.
[24] Cfr. J. P. Carse, Finite and Infinite Games, trad. it. Giochi finiti e infiniti, Mondadori,
      Milan,1987.
[25] Cfr. AAVV, Fichier de jeux sportifs, 24 jeux sans frontière, CEMEA, Paris, 1995.
     J. P. Carse, op. cit. pag. 17.
[26] Cfr. P. Parlebas, Jeux, sports et sociétés. Lexique de Praxéologie Motrice, INSEP, Paris,
      1999.
[27] Cfr. A. L‘Abate (a cura di), Giovani e pace, Ricerche e formazione per un futuro meno
      violento, Pancea Edizioni, Turin, 2001.
[28] Cfr. C. Duverger, L‘esprit du jeu chez les Aztèques, Mouton, Paris 1978.
[29] Cfr. LUDICA, annali di storia e civiltà del gioco (1995/2002), Viella, Treviso, direttore
      Gherardo Ortalli.
[30] Cfr. A. Roversi, Calcio, tifo e violenza. Il teppismo calcistico in Italia, Bologne, Il Mulino,
      1992; Vinnai G., Il calcio come ideologia, sport e alienazione nel mondo capitalista,
      Bologne, Guaraldi, 1970.
[31] F. Dei, Il calcio: una prospettiva antropologica (le football, une perspective
      anthropologique), in Ossimori, Anno 1, n.1, automne1992, pag.11.
[32] Cfr. C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures, New York, Basic Books, Inc., 1973.
     F. Dei, ibidem
[33] Cfr. AA.VV., Progetto gioco sport (Federazione Italiana Nuoto –Comune de Certaldo),
      Florence, 1998.
[34] G. Jaouen, Développement d‘un sport traditionnel au niveau international, in Les jeux
      populaires. Eclipse et renaissance, FALSAB, Karaez, 2001, pag.182.
[35] Cfr. A. Bortolotti, Sport addio. Perché i giovani abbandonano la pratica sportiva, Editions
      La Meridiana, Molfetta, 2002.
                                         The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage     65


           The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage

                                                                 Pierre Parlebas
                Faculty of Human and Social Sciences-Sorbonne (Paris-Descartes)
                              Dr. Honoris Causa of the Lleida University (Spain)
                                           -Translated by G. Jaouen and S. Egan


Abstract
   Written works play an important role in the passing on of games and sports, whereas
for centuries oral and sign language were the predominant tools of transmission. The
adoption of games was done by imitation and by cultural immersion during everyday
life, feast and leisure time.
How is it then, that games found in locations far apart, in time and space, are identical?
There are many answers, to this question and they are always linked to migration: the
games were carried in the baggage of merchants, shepherds, colonizers and pilgrims.
When people migrate they always take with them their utensils, their values and their
games: they bring about a geographic spread which establishes ‗ludocultural‘
playgrounds where certain games dominate and sometimes brings about some
astonishing crossbreeding of games. A game that passes from one group to another
group, always experiences modifications that are linked to its new milieu.
According to the diffusionnist‘s ideas, it is the nomadic movement that is the basis of
the increase in the spread of games on this planet; as for the universalists ideas it is the
profound communal tendencies found in all human species, that brings about this great
uniformity of games for all societies.
Key words: ethnomotricity, games, ethnology of motor movement

   Two centuries ago, in 1807, in the Dictionary of "Childhood and Youth games" by the
famous author, Jean Adry, affirmed in the preface: "the games of children and especially
of people, are the same in Paris, in London, in Petersburg, in Cario, in Constantinople,
in Ispahan and in Perking" (1). This is an exceptional statement: games are identical
throughout the planet. Our author adds: "what is more astonishing, these games are
absolutely the same as those that amused the children in the streets of Cusco in the time
of the Incas, in Baghdad, in Caliphis‘s time, in Rome, in Memphis, in Athens and in
Persepolis." To the identity of games in space, one adds their identity in time. One is
therefore in the presence of a double identity in that of synchrony and that of diachrony
in other words a universal identity.
   This idea flows from the pen of many authors. More recently, in 1964, for example,
the Conservatory of the "Museum of history and education"Madame Rabecq-Maillard,
 66   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   was pleased to announce "the University of Games". Echoing the subject of our
previous author, Jean Adry, she remarks the fact that in Shanghai as in Paris, children
play hide and go seek, the little packs and cat and mouse thisshould bring people to
realise the senselessness of borders while at the same time showing them that there
exists in all areas of the world profound tendencies that are common to all humans.
What suitable credit should we give to this eventual universality of the games? Is it true
that play activities are the same in Chili, in Mali, in China and in Holland?
   What do anthropologists think of this universal concept?
   Marcel Mauss announces, in his 1934 precursory text, that "every society has its own
habits" (8). "Body techniques"he notes, correspond to non natural but learned
behaviours and "symbolic creations" that create a "habitus" that are closely linked to the
norms and values of that society. The habitus, according to Mauss are established by "a
series of individual acts originating not simply in the individual but are also influenced
by his education and the society in which he lives and the role he plays within that
society". Walking, marching, digging and playing are not spontaneous but learned motor
skills, skills that vary from one society to the next and even from one social class to the
next.
   Social groups and people in general distinguish themselves as much by their games as
they do by their languages: the Scottish Caber toss, American baseball, English cricket,
Basque pelote, African dug out races or the Afghan Bozkashi are practices that are as
distinctive as their house or the structure of their genetic heritage. We have been led to
perceive an ethnology of motor movement, which one could collectively call an
"ethnomotricity". By "ethnomotricity" we mean the nature and scope of motor
movements as they are linked to the culture and social milieu in which they are
developed.
   The physical game does not appear to be just a frivolous common behaviour. It
originates in the cultural identity of each community, which brings to life original play
scenarios, linked to their lifestyle, their beliefs and their passions. The origin seems to
be understood: gamesare a mirror of society and the reflections they send out are as
diversified and varied as the societies from which they emerge.
   If games are a reflection of the society from which they come and some games are
very different (from each other), how can these games be similar and at the same time
take on a universal character? How can we explain such similarities? Games are often
presented as a heritage, which is passed on from numerous generations. They remain the
same throughout this transition over time? When the same game appears in a far away
region, is it due to a particularly penetrating diffusion or is it a coincidence linked to
independent creations?
   Games are a complex social phenomena that posses multiple facets; numerous authors
worry only about one facet while ignoring the others thus leading them to unbalanced
and sometimes debatable interpretations. The study of playing games led to the writing
                                             The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage   67


of many literary or philosophical dissertations and to on the spot field researches.
Condemned by the church, distrusted by the authorities, sheltered by the poor classes
and frequently abandoned to (the) children for many years, traditional games
experienced many insults. Games were also considered not a noble topic of study:
University researchers abandoned it. The part attributed to belief, passion and the
ideology of games were considered very important.Few authors studied games in vivo,
in action or in their original characteristics. There was a risk of presenting only an
alchemy of the games while at the same time avoiding a rigorous study of the real
chemistry of play.
   Today, we are somewhat resourceless. We must recognisethat the domain of
traditional games is lacking in the area of research. We even have difficulty with the
basic wording we use in the study of games: itis of little help to say that the terms play,
traditional games and sport have multiple roots. This causes, based on evidence, a
cascade of confusion in all our discussions. As for the mythology used in the games, this
seems to be still in limbo. However, in the last few years, new researchers have taken up
the torch and have resolutely studied the nature and the role of traditional games in their
culture. One can think that this promising current is going to renovate the understanding
of physical and play activities.
   It is important to clarify this exciting field and to bring to light some important
direction for reflectionand research. Rather than rush to examples that try to prove
beyond doubt such or such a concept, it would appear more fundamental to follow the
main trend of the general problems related to the origin of the games, their links and
their spread. We are going to address, one after the other, five points that will attempt to
profile major themes and at the same time suggest some answers.
   In the first place, we will address a theme, that seems crucial: the identification of the
games which seems to be at the heart of the problem and then we will bring out the
origin of each game. Thirdly we will examine the relationships of the games to each
other, which will provide the reconstructed heritage of the games, their transmission and
their spread; then we will address the evolution of the games and the significance they
take on. These different themes are often linked to one another and also influence each
other. However, for clarity reasons we will present them separately.

I. Identification of the Games
  The first obstacle that the researcher in play encounters is: to be able to recognise
every play situation and to name it. To give it a name means that one is able to identify
and to characterise the game. Sometimes this is fake; it is an illusion. The assignment of
a name to a game, is one way to discard and to avoid identifying the true precise
character of the game while hiding behind false information provided by the name of the
game. This is what typically happens, when an author lists the 216 games mentioned by
Rabelais in the 22ndchapter of Gargantua (14). This list, apparently consistent, contains
 68   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



many mysteries and while courageously attempting to clarify them in his 1904 article,
Michel Psichari finally recognisednumerous errors and misunderstandings (12). Can we
be satisfied that what we observe in game surveys is a game of nine pins, a bowling
game, a game of quoits or a game of marbles? Does not each one of these names remind
us of a varied multitude of activities that are totally different?
   The same name can cover many different games and different names can mean the
same game. Thus, the game of Quinet, which is a game played with long sticks used to
propel a shorter stick as far away as possible, poses an infinite number of names, some
of which have been called, by         Arnold Van Gennep: "la Guise, la Bille, la Beuille, la
Bertole, la Tené, le Quéné, le Billebocq, le Billebocquet, le Court-baton, la Bisquinette
and la Basculoote, among many others, accordingto the region of origin (17). As was
accurately observed by Van Gennep, relating to the games, the same variations,
derivations and innovations exist for languages. (17). From region to region, from city to
city and from village to village, the same phenomenon undergoes different changes
based on the adoptions proposed by the local people. The influential variables in play
and in languages are similar. The multiplicity of names, for the same game, can lead to
serious confusion. Conversely, when we speak about Indian chess in the first
millennium, medieval chess or modern chess, are we not putting together, under the
same name, play situations that are extremely different? Has this game not evolved in
such as to become an other game?
   An important problem, of a different nature, exists for those who wish to analyseand
describe a playful situation? We have underlined the fact that a game is a product of a
society that follows a set of rules approved by a community. Accordingly, it is a
function of cultural expectations and attitudes; it benefits from historic and economic
conditions that are favourable to its emergence and its development. It is also tempting
to valorise the cultural elements and to reduce the origin of the game to the
characteristics and context that welcomed and cherished it. In the same stream of
thought, some authors emphasisethe lifestyle of the players, their style of play, their
manner in interpreting the play situation, their adherence and their practice strategy. All
these facts are important and we intend to use them in our study. However, in our view,
they can be taken into account only as a secondary source of information, in their links
to the actual characteristics of the games itself.
   The game has an intrinsic reality. It cannot be mixed up with the aspirations and
mental structures of the participants, nor with the material context. In the precise case of
traditional games, one is determined to proceed to the discovery of their "internal logic",
that is to say to bring to light the configurations generated by their motor movements. A
complete body movement is specific to physical play. This takes shape in motor
movements, which are manifested, in observable motor behaviours in the field of play.
In the first place, these motor behaviourscan be distinguished by the kind of relationship
they stimulate between the actor and the environment: the relationship they have with
                                              The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage   69


space, other objects, time and other actors. In this kind of analysis, the acting individual
is concerned with actions, because it is a relationship, that is to say an interaction which
is brought about by the motor behaviourof the player. It also involves his attitudes, his
expectations, his affection and his representation‘s.
   However, a game cannot be adequately identified based on a collection of
characteristics. It is an interaction system put in display, based on a collection of rules
from the "motor-play" contract, which defines the game. It is a body of rules that puts
into play the rules of the body. And this series of rules stimulates a final organisationof
the motor actions from which the internal coherence can be represented, by revealing
configurations of motor play functioning. These configurations are operational models
that represent the basicstructures for the playing of the game (10). Among these models,
called the "universals" of traditional games, one will recognise, for example, the
network of motor communications, the structure of scoring interactions, the system of
scores, the network of sociomotor roles or the system of "gestèmes". For every
traditional game, one proposes to establish universal principles that constitute the true
"identification card". This nucleus and these constellations of motor movement traits are
based on the playsystem properties itself and not on external biological, psychological,
sociological, or historic facts. Let us also mention the "internal logic", as opposed to
"external logic"elements which characterise the context (the stakes, the public,
particularities of the players and the groups..). These internal logic traits are "distinctive"
traits that correctly definethe motor movement by which the varied configurations allow
us to make a sustained and objective comparison of traditional games. If necessary one
can refine the analysis and one can enrich it with complimentary precision‘s while
deepening the basic properties, thus obtained.
   It is well understood, in the identification of every game completed, that it will be
fundamental to connect the "motor-play"structures, thus revealed, with the
characteristics of the players and their social heritage. The historian, the sociologist and
the educator will all have an important role to play. Without such an identification based
on the precise ‗ludomotor‘ traits, the studies on heritage, transmission and play
(affiliation) would run the risk of too much emphasis on the external phenomenon of the
actual game and thus they would run the risk of being built on quick sand. How do you
evaluate heritage and diffusion when one does not know what is inherited and what is
passed on?
   The failure to take into account the internal logic could lead to regrettable confusion
while putting faith in partial resemblance‘s for example Charles Beart assimilates the
game of "la Coquille" (shell) with the game of "Barnes"(2). The first game is merely a
simple juxtaposition of individuals duellingand the second one is a complex team duel
with sophisticated interactions. Other authors consider the leapfrog to be identical to the
Hunch Cunddie Hunch (melted horse): the confusion here is caused by body postures
that are almost the same and movements that are apparently similar. However, these two
 70   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



games are different: The first one is a game of agility where it is everyone for himself
and the second one is a team duel stimulating collective brutality. To establish a
distinction between games that resemble each other, it is imperative to compare their
"identity praxis cards" (from praxiology) in which each one tells the respective
configuration of its pertinent motor traits. In a recent publication (11), while studying
the present transcultural games in several distant cultures, we thoroughly addressed the
list of internal logic traits of the game "the bear and his guard". In this same goal, we
identified the stable traits of this game, the variable but acceptable traits and finally the
challenge traits, which are incompatible with the play situation. We were then able to
affirm how different it was from the five other games that Jacques-Olivier Grandjouan
became absorbed in: "la chèvre" (the goat), " la marmite"(the pot), "le jeu du mouton"
(the sheep game), " la guignolle" and "le Camelot". Inversely we were able to show their
fundamental similarities with the games of "le Clou, le Pivot, la Poire or the Diable
enchainé" (enchained devil), games that were collected twenty centuries apart and in
different countries and usually judged to be not similar. We considered them to be
variations of the same game.
   This identification of the stableand permanent traits and the inconsistent but
compatible traits allow us to talk about variants of the same game. Thus, in the painting
dated 1560 and entitled "children‘s games"by Peter Bruegel, the game "Diable
enchainé" (chained devil), today called "l‘ours et son gardien" (the bear and his guard),
the bear is sitting on a chair; in the games of "Pivot" or "la poire"(the pear) he is
standing up and in the present version, he is squatting on the ground. Here, one is
talking about a simple modality thatdoes not interfere with the internal logic of the game
even though one is talking about variations of the same game. On the other hand, if one
replaces the "player-bear" with a peg as in the game of "the Goat" or by a stone as in the
game of "Guignolle" the rational play structure of the game is disrupted and thus we fall
into an other game.
   The identification of games sometimes creates theory problems. In the Bruegel
picture, just mentioned, a researcher called Meyere recognise ninety one games, while
Marie Cegarra retains only sixty of the eighty six games described by Jean-Pierre
Vanden Branden. From our point of view, we isolated seventy-seven games. These are
considerable differences thus weakening the interpretation of the games. In the same
picture, for example, in the game of the Top, we have, in our view, identified not one
game but two games: the "Clog", a psychomotor game played with the help of a whip
and a spinning top which is a sociomotor game in which each player spins their top at
the opponents top in order to push it out of a circle. On the other hand, in the Brugelian
swimming sequence where de Meyere identifies four different games, we identify only
one: astrange quasi swim team game. The identification procedure is clear: the arbitrator
of the differentiation and identification of each game is its internal logic and the
configuration of its distinctive and practical traits.
                                            The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage   71


II. The First Appearance of Games
   The quest for the origin of games is a painful request. From which distant ancestry did
our actual play heritage originate? In this perspective, Marc De Smedt and his
collaborators declare without hesitation: "La Soule is the origin of all our ball games."
We doubt this statement; it seems to be too simple an answer. For many authors, it is
fundamental to discover an ancestry which is prestigious and if possible, at the
beginning of the lineage. Thus, wrote Jean Michel Mehl "we seek at any price the origin
of this or that game and in so doing we try hard to find some Greco-Roman or German
ancestry." (9). We already agree that Charles Beart subscribed to this approach when he
stated that the game of "Barres" (bars) originated in the game of "la Coquille"(the shell)
an imitation of Ostrakynda which is a set of formalities practised in the city of Athens
(2). This hypothesis seems somewhat audacious in that the likeness of the playful
structures put forward by the author are obviously invention.
   Hélène Tremaud recalls with some scepticism that "authors have no fear in asserting
that the game of skittles was known in ancient Egypt five thousands years before our
era" (16).
   The underlying hypotheses of these assertions supposes that today‘s games have
crossed centuries and have changed very little while retaining the characteristics that
give them their identity. They could be the outcome of a (lineage) line of "original-
games". This ancestrywould have generated by filiation, step by step, a chain of games
closely related one to the other.
   For the game of chess, many historians believe that it originated from the game of
Chaturanga, a table game in which four players confront each other with the help of a
dice. The geographic and logical journey of this cognitive game has been somewhat
long and rocky as it passed from a chance game to a game of reason. In such a lineage,
the ancestor seems to be well distanced from its descendants. In some cases, this birth
may be expressed with certainty, such as for basketball that was invented by James
Naismith in 1891 at Springfield, Massachusetts or in the case of Volleyball, which was
due to the creativity of William Morgan who invented la Mintonette, the fore-runner of
Volleyball, in 1895, also in Massachusetts. On the other hand rugby is a typical myth
with regards to its origin: the improper but famous move of William Ellis who during a
game of soccer, in 1823, caught the ball with his hands, according to the legend, and
carried it behind his opponents line thus inventing the game of rugby.
   This search, highly symbolic, in many cases, seems to be of secondary interest.
Except for the established cases, the origin of games is rooted in a somewhat obscure
and confused past. This research, pertaining to the first apparitions, frequently depends
on so called similarities in vocabulary, in putting together content that is doubtful and in
relationships that are uncertain. It is up to historians, helped by archaeologists and
linguists to find out the answers pertaining to the origin of games. One can imagine that
a close examination of the sources will be necessary. This first apparition of each game
 72   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



is the most spectacular part of the search that goes from one end to the other on the
reflectionson play: the lineage of the games.

III. The Lineage of the Games
   Avalanches of games, in all societies, are part of one‘s heritage. Each generation
passes on to its children a list of playful activities, whichwill be accepted by them and
will often be adjusted to the new contexts. This is what is exactly meant by the word
"traditional": the game is the outcome of past uses and customs which were part of the
practices and identity of the community. This intrusion of tradition is found at the
intersection of a desire to preserve (uses) practices, anchored in ancestral customs, and a
wish to modernise them to the level of the present time.
   It is not always the case that tradition puts forward a process of play lineage which is
written with continuity, for contemporary situations. Games are perceived as part of a
hand down from more ancient original practices. One conceives the passing-on of games
as a chain transmission with some breaks in the chain, thus pushing the researchers to
look for the missing link(s). It is abundantly stated, that the philosophy on the study of
games is based on an underlying biological concept which seems very close to the
Darwinian concept, that is related to the evolution of the species. This leads Jean
Chateau to state that this study is precise in that it permits one to establish a "genealogy
of the games" (4). The words frequently used to describe games are: ancestor, heritage,
genealogy, lineage, relationship, family and descendant evoke this concept of
‗ludomotor‘ lineage. In this perspective, one can consider a phylogenic conception of
games which places them in a huge network of lineage‘s.
   One would have however, to provide proof that would attest to the fact that one is in
the presence of descendants or ascendants. This hypothesis is interesting but it seems
that it is frequently based on look alikes and illusions as we previously noted. It is not
enough to have likenesses in the names, in the objects used, in the postures or the
gestures, in order for the relationship to be valid.
   Some cases underline the difficulty to subscribe to this lineage hypothesis. Take for
example the well-known game of "Tablier"played in Franceunder the name of "petits
chevaux" (little horses). It was also found among the Aztecs under the name of "Patolli"
and likewise in Indiaunder the name Parcheesi. This astonishing coincidence brought
Christian Duverger to ask himself the question: "The enormous problem that then arises,
he wrote, is to know if the Parcheelsi and the Patolli were "invented"separately, one in
ancient times, the other in modern times, or in is there an historic link between them?"
(5).
   The meaning of descendant(progeny) must be clearly defined. In a plausible way, one
can also conceive that similar games, with the same internal logic, may have been
independently invented in different cultures. One can also make the same case for sports
(games), knowing that the biological and physiological constraints are almost identical
                                                 The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage     73


for all humans; the probabilities that action and interaction rules may have been adopted
by different societies in a natural environment with natural objects, cannot be neglected.
Such an analysis imposes three distinct types of relationships that structure the game
systems:

   -Alineage relationship: based on a process of procreation of games based on continuous chains
that are eventually transformed (by simple modifications or by more abrupt mutations). In this
case we must precisely identify each game and we must do an historic study on each, that is
validated with the maximum of documentary and valid evidence.
   -Aproximity relationship: which puts in evidence the similarities, the closeness or the
remoteness of the games to each other. In this case, one would not stick with the lineage
hypothesis: the proximity relationship, based on the situations studied, could be interpreted, or
not, as a "kinship link". The closenessin relationship of the games would be established by the
analysis of their internal logic and their pertinent traits. Such a study could provide a comparative
state of the places, an objective panorama of the games based on their indisputable motor
movement content. One could also locate games that are closely related, or on the contrary far
apart in geographical space and varied cultures. This "interplay"distance would certainly offer
controllable elements leading to interesting interpretations (while at the same time making no
reference to lineage).
   -An antecedent relationship: this is based on simple dating of the first recognisedappearance of
games. We believe that there is a problem in that one may confuse the three relationships. The
antecedent and proximity relationships may suggest a lineage relationship but they do not
necessarily justify it.


IV. The Passing on and the Spread of Games
   Today, written works play an important role in the passing on of games and sports,
whereas for centuries oral and sign language were the predominant tools of transmission.
The adoption of games was done by imitation and by cultural immersion during
everyday life, feast and leisure time.
   How is it then, that games found in locations far apart, in time and space, are
identical? There are many answers, to this question and they are always linked to
migration: the games were carried in the baggage of merchants, shepherds, colonisers
and pilgrims. When people migrate they always take with them their utensils, their
values and their games: they bring about a geographic spread which establishes
‗ludocultural‘ playgroundswhere certain games dominate and sometimes brings about
some astonishing crossbreeding of games. A game that passes from one group to an
other group, always experiences modifications that are linked to its new milieu.
   According to the diffusionnist‘s ideas, it is the nomadic movement that is the basis of
the increase in the spread of games on this planet; as for the universalists ideas it is the
profound communal tendencies found in all human species, that brings about this great
uniformity of games for all societies.
 74   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   From a research angle, it would be interesting to set up an atlas of games pertaining to
the maximum number of regions but also to identify the spread of each game in different
countries. Some researchers, such as Van Gennep and authors from other countries have
started this type of work. We have begun this type of research with our team CEMEA at
the Sorbonne. It is a colossal job that will take a lot of time to accomplish.
   In rapidly presenting a field example, we will recall the fundamental role played by
the spread of play at the level of everyday life. One author, L.Lavigne described with
much skill, in the 1920‘s, the games of his childhood which he played in the village of
Meuse (7).
   Describing the game of "la Trouille – La truie" (the sow), which is a variation of the
game of the "gouret"he describes the spread of this game among the young shepherds
(who were called the "pâtureux"): "when we could allow our cows to go anywhere, he
wrote… we approached the shepherdsof Chattancourt or those of Marre, or those of
Regneville and we taught them our game. The next day going in an other direction, they
showed the game "la Trouille" to the children of an other village; it was like this that the
game spread throughout the Valley". It was thus states Lavigne, thanks to this wonderful
propagation, in two weeks, the game of "La Trouille"was known throughout all of
Argonne. This testimony, rich in local colour, is a recalling of the everyday life facts
which are at the root of the spreading of games and the transmission of socialised play, a
fact that academia rarely takes into account.

V. The Evolution of Games
   Games are passed on; games are transformed; games are renewed. Can one attribute a
significance to this evolution? Are these changes oriented in a precise direction? Finally
what is the destiny of games?
   One of the frequent answers consists of putting the games into a hierarchy. Just like
biology has achieved a ladder of beings, going from fish to mammals in an order of
increasing complexity; some authors envisage a kind of hierarchy of games. Even
though he surrounds himself with precautions, Jean Chateau does not make much
progress in this direction, he states: "one finds series of games, which are part of
elementary moves but lead to higher activities of adults, such as art, sport and work" (4).
Hopscotch, he states, prepares one for the game of chess. Likewise, he proposes a
gradual series consisting of "walking, running, chasing, the game of the flea, the
sparrow, the hawk and the game of the wolf". This author considers an evolution
through successive steps: "one passes from one game to a superior game, by adding a
new factor or a new rule." The image of the genealogical tree with play species strongly
imposes itself here. Let us note that the repeated use of the term "superior" indicates a
value judgement which underlines, in the eyes of the author, the sense of evolution.
Withouta doubt, Jean Chateau wished to indicate the successive steps of games adapted
                                             The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage   75


to the development of the child, rather than the description of the global history of the
games?
   A general orientation is drawn: many authors such as Stanley Hall, have affirmed that
in the domain of games, individual development (ontogenesis) reproduces the evolution
of the species (phylogenesis).
   While examining the lineage concept, we have observed that the presence of the
phylogenic classification of games was implicitly at the foundation of many concepts. It
is true that it is tempting to apply to the Diaspora of games Charles Darwin‘s theory of
evolution. Just like the animal species, play species are also gradually changed. They
compete, they fight for survival and a selection is made between them. The games that
survive are those games that have the most adaptable variables to the changing
conditions of their environment. Competition between games would appear to bring
about an innovative selection associated with the survival of the fittest. This selection
would be cultural rather than natural. Inevitably in this perspective, emerges the idea of
progress: theevolution would thus provoke, by cultural selection, the domination of the
richer and more complex games, in one word the domination of games deemed
"superior".
   In an implicit and more real fashion, this concept underlies many didactic currents. It
is typical of certain sport partisans who affirm that sports represent social practices, with
reference to their superior qualities, and that traditional games are just minor games of
inferior quality, that are nothing more than a mere contribution to the preparation for
sports. The evolution of games would then register itself in a direction which brings the
traditional games, considered as elementary, towards the institutionalisedgames, that is
to say sports which are considered as the real outcome of excellence. We here find the
same type of prejudice in which the evolution of societies would lead man from the
savage orwild state of primitive societies to the civilised and superior state of our
western societies.
   It is without a doubt that sport(s) represent(s) a remarkable social and economic
success. They benefit from a widespread attraction from both the young and the adult
populations. As well, the motor skill situations emanating from these games are often
positively engaged in, for educational purposes. However, sports (games) use only a
restricted part of their potential ludomotorresources. They praise performance and
adjusted competition rather than seeking the imperative spectacle. The triumphs of sport
is not due to an educational richness or a high complexity, as we often pretend but to an
internal logic whose modalities are remarkably adapted to the media requirements of our
time.
   To consider the evolution of games to the image of the Darwintheory appears a
stimulating hypothesis, but it is too metaphoric and is not very compatible with the real
content of the games. The analysis of the evolution remains still to be done; it is
 76    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



indispensable that this analysis focuses on the original content of the motor movement,
which takes shape in the configurations of the internal logic.
   The traditional games find themselves today at a delicate crossroads. They run the
risk of appearing nostalgic, conservative and out of date practices. "These games are
fossils" proclaims ethnologist Juliette Grange (6). There is a strong temptation to react
by transforming traditional games into institutional games. Transforming traditional
games into what is now known as sports will inevitably lead to practices that value
competition and domination. By so doing, sport will not gain much and traditional
games will loose their identity. The educational aspects of traditional games, as a
consequence, will be greatly restricted. The "sportification"of traditional games is
somewhat of a Faustian happening. While accepting to melt into the vast domain of
sport in order to get more social visibility, traditional games will have to align
themselves with the homogenising constraints of the sport world: by so doing they will
abandon their soul for a hypothetical profit. The peculiarities of regional play will be
abolished in the universalism of globalised sport. Without a doubt there are other ways
of examining the question. It is up to the young generation to find them and to exploit
them. The destiny of traditional games, from now on, is in part in their hands.

References
 [1] Adry Jean – «Dictionnaire des jeux de l‘enfance et de la jeunesse chez tous les peuples» -
     Paris, 1807.
 [2] Beart Charles – «Histoire des jeux», dans «Jeux et sports» - Encyclopédie de la Pléiade –
     pp.181-286 - sous la direction de Roger Caillois – Ed. Gallimard – 1967.
 [3] Cegarra Marie – «Le peuple d‘enfants d‘après «Jeux d‘enfants» de Bruegel» dans «Sociétés
     et cultures enfantines», textes réunis par Djamila Saadi-Mokrane – Actes du Colloque
     Cersates et Sef – Collection UL3 – 1997.
 [4] Chateau Jean – «Le jeu de l‘enfant» - Partis – Ed. J. Vrin, 1967.
 [5] Duverger Christian – «L‘esprit du jeu chez les Aztèques» - Paris - La Haye - New-York,
     Mouton Editeur – EHESS, 1978.
 [6] Grange Juliette – «Histoire du jouet et d‘une industrie» dans «Jeux et jouets», textes réunis
     par Robert Jaulin– pp.224-276 – Paris – Ed. Aubier Montaigne, 1973.
 [7] Lavigne Louis – «Les jeux d‘autrefois – La trouille» dans «Le pays lorrain», 1927.
 [8] Mauss Marcel – «Les techniques du corps» dans «Sociologie et anthropologie», pp.363-386
     – Paris- Ed. PUF, 1966.
 [9] Mehal Jean-Michel – «Jeux, sports et divertissements au Moyen Age et àla
     Renaissancerapport introductif» - Paris – Ed. du CTHS, 1993.
[10] Parlebas Pierre – «Jeux, sports et sociétés» - Lexique de praxéologie motrice - Paris –
     INSEP Publication, 1999.
[11] Parlebas Pierre – «Les jeux transculturels» dans «Vers l‘éducation nouvelle» n°494 –
     Dossier «Jeux et sports» I, Avril 2000.
[12] Psichari Michel – «Les jeux de Gargantua» dans «Revue des études rabelaisiennes», Tome
     VI (1908) – Tome VII (1909).
                                             The Destiny of Games - Heritage and Lineage   77


[13] Rabeco-Maillard Marie-Madeleine – Préface au «Dictionnaire des jeux» - Paris – Tchou
     Editeur, 1964.
[14] Rabelais François – «Gargantua» - chapitre 22: «Les jeux de Gargantua» dans «Œuvres
     complètes» - Paris – Ed. Gallimard, 1967.
[15] de Smedt Marc, Varenne Jean-Michel, Bianu Zeno – «L‘esprit des jeux» - Paris – Ed.
     Seghers, 1980.
[16] Tremaud Hélène – «Les jeux de quilles» dans «Jeux et sports» - Encyclopédie de la Pléiade
     –pp.867-885 - sous la direction de Roger CAILLOIS – Paris - Ed. Gallimard – 1967.
[17] Van Gennep Arnold – «Le folklore de la Flandre et du Hainaut français» - Tome II –
      Brionne – Ed. Gérard Montfort, 1935.
 78   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




             Biological and Social Context of Physical
                                Culture and Sport

                                                                   Jerzy Kosiewicz
                  (Josef Pilsudski University of the Physical Education in Warsaw)



Abstract
   Sport and biology of effort would highlight the autonomy of the notions and a
possible narrow range of their overlapping cognitive inquiries, which would be
connected solely with biological analysis, description and explanation of specific kinds
of movement –that is, those forms of movement which are characteristic for particular
sports. The proposed title would not refer, on the other hand, to sport on the whole –that
is, sport according to its holistic cultural interpretation. By the way, "sport as such" is
only a notion, it is an abstract being. There exist only particular sports, particular forms
of sports activity. All biological sciences dealing with issues connected with the human
organism (such as anatomy, biophysics, biochemistry or biomechanics) are, in the
methodological and the content-related sense, in a similar situation to the discussed
physiology of effort –they do not consider the human being in the abovementioned
categories of values, from the viewpoint of axiology.
Because of the fact that biological sciences are placed outside culture studies, they are
not and they cannot be characteristic, typical representatives of those studies. This also
applies to their place in physical culture sciences. They perform in those sciences only
an auxiliary, supporting function –in a similar way (although not in the same sense) as,
for example, a team of technical workers of various trades in their relation to artists of a
theatre.
Key words: physical culture, human body, etymological way

   The terms "physical culture" and "sport" are interpreted in multiple ways. Sometimes
– in a particular context of justification –they are understood as synonyms, whereas on
other occasions they are presented as terms of different, sometimes even considerably
different, content.
   Using an association referring to philosophy and – even more – to the sociology of
culture, one can proclaim that the term "physical culture" is associated, first of all
(referring to the etymology of the word "culture"), with colo ere of the human body –
that is, with cultivation and taking care of human physis –obviously in the context of
social and natural environment.
                                 Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   79


    This refers, according to this interpretation, to actions concerning the body, activities
of autotelic character (constituting aims in themselves) focused mainly on culturally
determined physical fitness (of non-professional character, which means in that case that
it is not connected with material benefits), on aesthetics of the body and somatic health,
also taking into account relations with the mind and social influences. Sport can be
treated as a cultural phenomenon making use of outstanding and sublimated qualities of
the human subject in order to achieve aims of pragmatic, measurable and discretionary
character, which are inspired by and rooted in the context of social expectations. This
refers to projected tasks, aspirations – that is, to the process aimed at their realization
and to results achieved for that reason. They result, however, not so much from
pragmatic needs, but rather from cultural ones11 Qualities of sport are discussed more
extensively in Kosiewicz, J. (2004b) The Universals of Sport – from Realism to
Nominalism, in: Philosophy of Sport and Other Essays (eds. Macura D., Hosta M.),
Ljubljana, Faculty of Sport, University of Ljubljana.
    What is important in that respect – as well as in the other forms of physical culture –is
the cultural context of the linked influence of social expectations and of aspirations
which are mediated by accepted and historically, geographically, ethnically, politically,
religiously or ideologically determined conventions which regulate and consolidate
existing patterns of behaviour. The aim of those conventions is also the stimulation of
creative activity, as well as popularization, nurturing and sublimation of the existing
tradition, which is more or less spectacular and more or less mature in its identity.
    Sport according to that interpretation – unlike other forms of physical culture – is
associated solely with highly competitive, professional, spectacular or Olympic sport 22
In the main text the notion of sport is discussed in an abbreviated way in order to adjust
it to the central thought, to the content of the argument. In literature on the subject there
are many more interpretations. For example, I can quote a description characteristic for
sport social sciences, which is presented by D. Malcolm (2008, pp. 238 –239) referring
to A. Guttmann (2004), B.D. McPherson (1989) and N. Elias and E. Dunning (1986).
He proclaims that it is common practice for the term "sport" to be used interchangeably
with the terms play and game, whereas he is of the opinion that these are different
notions, in spite of the fact that attempts at defining sport usually refer it qualities to the
abovementioned terms. Malcolm writes – referring to Guttmann – that the most general
from among the non-utilitarian forms of activity of physical and mental character is the
category of play. It has strictly autotelic – and not instrumental –qualities. It refers
neither to health-oriented aims, nor to personal development, nor to physical or mental
fitness, nor to earning for a living. It results from that, for example, that school and
extra-school physical education or professional sport are not forms of play.
    Play – as Malcolm proclaims after Guttmann – can come into existence in a
spontaneous or an organized way. If play has organized character, we are dealing with a
game. A game can be based on competition (competitive game) or take place without it
 80   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



(non-competitive game). The term refers to various activities –competition (like popular
pole-vault competitions), fight, contest, strictly physical rivalry (like in contact- and
non-contact sports) and intellectual rivalry (I would like to add that it can also have
mixed character).
   However Malcolm, who presents Guttmann‘s views, is of the opinion that, in spite of
the fact that indubitably there is an intellectual component in sport, its character is
determined by physical effort, which is immanently integrated into its structure (except
of chess and bridge as a sport) and which is based on specific bodily fitness and
developed skills. However, the abovementioned rivalry – in contrast to real fight or war
–is based on playful game. It takes place in a joyful way. It has also qualities which are
characteristic for play – autotelic values.
Guttmann creates a very general and, simultaneously, one-sided definition of sport,
which passes over traits of highly qualified, highly competitive, professional, Olympic
or spectacular sport. He proclaims that sport can be defined as an activity including
competition, fight or contest of organized character, rivalry including elements of joyful
game and play of non-utilitarian character, where physical competences (conditions)
took precedence over intellectual ones ("sports can be defined as organized contests of a
playful, non-utilitarian character in which the physical demands outweigh the
intellectual components" (Malcolm 2008, p. 238).
   That definition comes from 1978, from the first edition of Guttmann‘s book. It is
probably the reason why sport was saturated there with autotelic qualities characteristic
for the then and earlier times, for Coubertin and his followers. They negated
professional sport treated in a utilitarian, instrumental way –that is, as a means for other
non-sport aims.
   Malcolm presents also McPherson and his co-authors‘interpretation of sport. They
distinguish the four most important qualities in it. A significant criterion enabling the
evaluation of how advanced a given sport is and what its level of competences and its
level of structuration are. A proper structure (formal assumptions) is significant for sport
even in its informal forms. It is necessary, for example, for children‘s street or backyard
football, or for playing baseball in a park. In those and in other cases the course ofthe
game is determined by some rules which are known and accepted by its participants.
That type of sport has a low level of formal structure. A higher level of structuration is
characteristic, for example, for the Football World Cup. Its preparation and course are
strictly controlled by great bureaucratic sport and non-sporting institutions, which are
established, among other thingss, to do that on the basis of rigorous rules which have
been accepted earlier.
   The second significant quality of sport is the fact that it is goal-oriented on variously
understood success. It depends on criteria which –similarly to the criteria for failure –
are usually clearly defined.
                                  Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   81


   The third characteristic feature of sport is rivalry between particular athletes or teams,
whereas the fourth quality is, in their opinion, its ludic character. They maintain that
sport is ludic, which implies – according to them –that sport includes also qualities
characteristic for play and game. They justify it in an etymological way, because the
term "ludic"comes from the Latin "ludus", which means play or game. Summing up, it
can be proclaimed that sport, according to McPherson and his co-authors, is a structured,
competitive form of game, which is teleologically oriented on success.
   In the abovementioned definitions it is possible to notice cultural messages which are
implicitly rooted in them. It is confirmed by N. Elias and E. Dunning (1986), who point
out that contemporary sport refers to patterns of competitive physical activities, which
appeared in Britain and Ireland in the 17thand the 18thcenturies. It is also possible to
point to different understanding of similarities and differences between play, game and
sport. For example, G. Tomc discusses these notions referring to B. Suits and K.V.
Meier‘s viewpoint and presenting – in opposition to them – his own understanding of
these terms. He proclaims that "For Bernard Suits, sport may or may not be play (if it is
involuntary or extrinsically motivated, it is in his opinion not play) may or may not be
game (he distinguishes sport games in which rules are the crux of the matter, like soccer;
from sport performances, in which ideals are essential and to be approximated, like
gymnastics). For Klaus V. Meier sports may or may not be play (as in Suits) but are
necessarily games (they require physical skill by participants pursuing the goal of the
game), although all games are not sports (for example chess or poker)" (Tomc 2008, p.
9).
   Then Tomc – considering qualities of play, game andsport, and then relations between
them, taking into account performances, rituals and experimentaion, comes to the
conclusion that there are:

"– games (in which parallel world of pretence is created by players trying to approximate an ideal
skill, for example a physical skill in sport),
–performances (in which a parallel word of pretence is created by players trying to approximate
an ideal representation of life, for example an aesthetical production),
– rituals (in which a parallel world of pretence is created by players trying to approximate ideal
behavior for example an aesthetical production) and
– experimentation (in which a parallel world of pretence is created by players trying to
approximate ideal classification of the world, for example scientific research.
It follows from our theoretical perspective that
                  -all sports are either games or performances,
                  -all games and performances are not sport,
                  -but all games and performances are forms of playing." (Tomc 2008, p. 9).

 I present two quotations – and not their discussion – because Tomc presents Suits and
Meier‘s viewpoints – as well as his own – in a highly essential way. Hence their
 82   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



synthetic interpretation could deform their content. What is significant in that case are
also original expressions. By the way, such a type of formal solution is permissible also
in notes or stage directions constituting marginal currents of considerations in their
relation towards the central statement.
   Treating Tomc‘s considerations as the context for an analysis of S.R. Kretchmar‘s
views included in the paper presented during the conference of the International
Assotiation for the Philosophy of Sport in Seattle (August 2009), entitled "Do Games
Require Artificial Problems That are Neither Too Hard Nor Too Easy?", it is possible to
notice that reservations about Suits‘ conception presented by the outstanding Slovenian
sociologist can be referred – to some degree – to the paper of the American philosopher
of sport..
   By the way, currently the term "sport" is understood only in such a way in the United
States. It does not refer to any other form of practical activity (Pfister 2007). On the
other hand, the term "physical culture"is not well-known there nowadays (sic!) and it
generally is not used there, unlike in Canada, Great Britain, France, Germany, Norway
and other Scandinavian states, countries of Central and Eastern Europe and in the former
Soviet Union and today's Russia.

Ⅰ.MacFadden –Physical Culture and Scientism
   The term "physical culture" was used as early as the end of the 19th and the beginning
of the 20th century, but mainly in the USA. It is assumed that it was introduced in the
United Statesby Bernard MacFadden, who was a body-builder by vocation, an expert in
principles of healthy nutrition and a proponent of natural methods of healing. This is
proved by "Physical Culture", which he published since 1899 (Piątkowska 2006, p. 83.).
Popularization of the term in the USA and other English-speaking countries was
especially contributed to by the extensive - and often reissued – 5-volume
"MacFadden‘s Encyclopedia of Physical Culture (by MacFadden assisted by Specialist
in the Application of Natural Methods of Healing)", which had naturalist, biological and
medical character. I refer here to its seventh issue, which was published in New York by
Hammond Press W.B. Conkey Company Chicago in 1926 (the first issue comes from
1911). The presentation of problems connected – according to MacFadden – with
physical culture which is included in the "Encyclopedia"influenced many issues which
later on and traditionally were associated with that term, because MacFadden, over 2915
pages of his "Encyclopedia", included in the field of reflection on manifestations and
qualities of physical culture (today we would say: in the field of physical culture
sciences) everything which the popular and the medical viewpoint associated with that
term then. This refers to issues connected with maintaining health, causes of illnesses
and anatomy (vol. 1), with nutrition, diet, individual and team training as such, and with
women‘s training. MacFadden characterized also dance (vol. 2) as an art and a form of
exercise and fitness, vocal culture, beauty and activities aimed at highlighting and
                                Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   83


maintaining it, medical tests on an empty stomach, biomechanical medical tests,
hydrotherapy, medical qualities of fasting, principles of first aid in danger and after
accidents, painkillers and medicines for chronic ailments (vol. 3), illnesses and their
general traits and symptoms (vol. 4), reproduction and development of the human being,
physiological foundations of sexuality and marriage, the female reproductive system,
women‘s illnesses, pregnancy and childhood, the baby‘s health and proper birth, the
male reproductive organs, the male reproductive system disorders, masculinity and
fatherhood (vol. 5, MacFadden 1926).        MacFadden, the initiator and the editor of that
great encyclopedic undertaking, dedicated to physical culture – understood as a
manifestation of activity constituting an aim in itself, of aims, aspirations and results of
strictly cultural qualities –not much place as a matter of fact.
   He focused his attention mainly on creating a medical, physiological, biological and,
more widely, a natural scientific context of justification connected with physical activity
of the human organism, as well as on the then innovative considerations in the field of
theory of sport. Admittedly McFadden paid some attention to dance, vocalism and care
for beauty, but he did not consider those issues – as well as others – in the context of
culture studies, as the term "physical culture" requires.
   Issues, views, hypotheses and theories which were attributed to the notion of physical
culture reflected a scientific character of the then scholars –and especially of the
viewpoint of the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. Natural
sciences – as the only manifestation and guarantor of scientific rationality and valuable
cognition –and their supposed almost unlimited possibilities were apotheosized then,
and the significance of the humanities and of social sciences (including philosophy and
newly appeared psychology and sociology) was diminished on the basis of materialism,
and also treated as anti-philosophy (Kołakowski 2000, p. 19), evolutionism, naturalism,
positivism and, especially, scientism (Pearson 2004, Cameron 1979), which was an
extreme current of positivism. The humanities and social sciences were treated as non-
scientific and metaphysical, and it was proclaimed that they could only have some
significance for scientific knowledge if they become similar to natural sciences (By the
way, mathematics – according to scientism – had only an auxiliary value in its relation
to natural sciences). That highly simplified view was promoted by, among others, A.
Bain, K. Pearson and F. Engels. It was also proclaimed on these grounds – too
optimistically –that with the help of specialized sciences of empirical orientation, and
especially of natural ones, the basic cognitive problems will be completely solved
(Kołakowski 2000, p. 18).
   Proponents of the scientific world view created – similarly to MacFadden and his
followers –contexts of justification of physical activity from the area of widely
understood sport on the basis of medicine and sciences constituting its foundations –
especially those connected with human biology. Physicians and natural scientists were
those who justified positive influence of physical activity of autotelic qualities on the
 84   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



individual‘s development and health, on stimulation and proper course of physiological
processes, on basal metabolism, development of the bone, joint and muscular structure
(in other words: the motor, biomechanical system), the vascular system, the lymphatic
system, the neural system, the hormonal system, the sexual system, etc. It was attempted,
in a way which was innovative then, to make people participate in sport – that is,
physical education, physical recreation and amateur,highly competitive and even
professional sport. The innovative character of those attempts consisted of referring to
the newest achievements of medicine, human biology and related sciences, as well as to
principles of nutrition, dietetics and, especially, to natural ways of healing and
supporting the human organism while explaining that autotelic movement activity from
the field of physical culture (understood in the present-day way). Into the field of
interest were also introduced those issues which have strictly cultural – that is, non-
biological –character: dance, something which would today be called vocalism,
cosmetology and other activities aimed at maintenance and enrichment of bodily beauty.
   The abovementioned scientific interpretation lacked a general methodological
perspective concerning classification of types of sciences. Hence there was no
awareness of qualities of disciplines constituting physical culture sciences and
definitions of their content-related and formal ranges. This led to chaos in the field of
interest of science studies and to confusion between various types of sciences which –
from the viewpoint of general methodology and specialized methodologies – have
different foundations; disciplines which in the content-related and methodological sense
are included in the present day physical culture sciences.
This initiated a cognitive dissonance concerning the following questions: a) does culture
studies contain natural sciences with the included biological sciences?, b) or are they
disciplines subordinated to natural science and biology?, c) or are culture studies and
natural sciences – including biological sciences (which also concern medicine: illness
and health) –autonomous towards each other? It was – and still is – a problem which is
difficult to solve, although not for methodological and content-related reasons, but
because the problem seems to be easy in that respect: it is easy to prove that culture
studies are not natural sciences and that physical culture sciences deal with those non-
artistic, cultural forms of movement which have autotelic, axiological and symbolic
character.
   Medical – and, more generally, biological sciences; and even more generally, natural
sciences – constitute, shortly speaking, foundations for research connected with
functions of the organism and its physical effort, with its changes, development,
temporary and lasting dysfunctions.
   The difficulty consists of the fact that MacDaffen‘s conception of physical culture –
and, especially, of connected specialized disciplines – has become established in
research and teaching institutions dealing with education of PE teachers, coaches,
physiotherapists, specialists in the fields of tourism and recreation and physical culture
                                Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   85


managers of various ranks. It has become established among university graduates who
are active in the fields they have been educated in and who are often employed in
autonomous research institutions and tertiary education. What is especially important in
that respect is quantitative growth and qualitative development of teaching and research
personnel in units, departments or institutes of natural scientific provenance. The
abovementioned workers are those who especially contribute to consolidation of the
myth about superiority of natural sciences in perception of phenomena from the field of
physical culture – what is understandable taking into account MacDaffen‘s tradition.
That myth is also supported by persons connected with the theory of sport (theory and
practice of particular sports), who are predominately interested in biotechnological
research effects supporting the human (and not only human) organism in its striving for
sports success.
   Admittedly MacFadden – and his followers – called autotelic physical activity
physical culture, but he referred almost the whole context of justification to natural
sciences, human biology and medicine (this happened – as I have already partly
mentioned above –because of the tistic research fashion which was obligatory then
because of the third positivism (in other words: neopositivism, the Vienna Circle,
scientific empiricism, logical empiricism) coming into being into the 1920s. It avoided
humane, social – and hence cultural –theoretical background. Admittedly the term
"physical culture" includes a cultural element, but in spite of that the notion was treated
in a scientistic way. There were attempts to make cognitive reflection concerning it
similar to natural science.
   For example movement rehabilitation – in other words, physiotherapy – could be
easily placed in such (that is, understood in MacFadden‘s way) physical culture,
whereas some "orthodox"representatives of sports sciences refrained from placing it in
the field of sciences which are connected with it. They did so because they were
(andperhaps still are) of the opinion that the discussed rehabilitation, similarly to
tourism and movement recreation, goes beyond the identity of sports sciences and has
no connection with highly competitive sport. Sport-for-all is not sport for them but
movement recreation, while tourism is a manifestation of economical activity which –
according to the abovementioned orthodox researchers –should be placed in the area of
interest of universities and disciplines dealing with the discussed activities.
   Extending that digression, it can be added that physiotherapy (movement
rehabilitation), although it belongs to MacFadden‘s conception of physical culture,
cannot be included – from the viewpoint of culture studies, of traditional and
contemporary reflection on culture –in the realm of culture as understood in a
symbolical, axiological and autotelic way. It belongs neither to the humanities, nor to
social sciences, because it is rooted in medicine, biological sciences, natural sciences. It
can be placed as a major element in those research/teaching institutions where, in
accordance with their tradition, there are departments considering movement, physical
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effort, its physiological symptoms in the light of biology, medicine or natural sciences.
Moreover physiotherapy as a major, content-related and formal basis of a university
institute or department, strengthens considerably the status of a given university within
the tertiary education system regarding teaching, research and structural issues, or in the
field of competition between universities.
   Coming back to the main current of considerations, it is worth emphasizing that the
cognitive aim of scientism had a too reductionist character and scientism quickly
became marginalized in the realm of philosophy. In the case of neopositivism, the
rejection of that current was contributed to by the very founders of the Vienna Circle,
with R. Carnap as the leader. They came to the conclusion that limitation of the
conception of science and of the connected research to natural sciences, physicalism,
mathematics and logic (Reinchenbach 1936) was an obvious mistake.
   MacFadden‘s fundamentalism supported by scientism and the third positivism – in
spite of their spectacular philosophical (that is, strictly cognitive) failure – exerted, and
(in spite of lack of content-related justification) still does exert considerable influence on
reception of phenomena and the vision of physical culture sciences, especially among
representatives of biological sciences.

Ⅱ.Scientism and Scepticism Concerning Natural Sciences
    Rejection of scientism and the discussed form of positivism as a source of theoretical
inspiration of statements about qualities of physical culture and the connected sciences
was mainly contributed to by development of gnoseological scepticism, especially that
referring to natural sciences, which took place in the 20th century. After a mass
scientistic, materialistic and positivistic (especially in the form of scientific empiricism)
attack on cognitive values of the humanities (in other words: of social sciences; By the
way, I treat economy as a social science, but as a science which is not included in the
humanities), there appeared a strong current which was firmly rooted in the philosophy
of science, general methodology and science studies, and which negated necessity and
universality (as Kant would call it) – that is, indisputability –of research achievements of
natural sciences. The humanities were attributed with metaphysical qualities – that is,
qualities abstracting from sensations, and hence supposedly "unworthy" of knowledge
on reality – that is, of nature –although some of them (or some their significant areas)
had no intention of referring to nature. Natural sciences were, on the other hand, accused
– and that accusation have not been withdrawn –of unreliability and impossibility of
giving an account of nature and, consequentially, of explaining and understanding what
it is, cognition of its real organic and non-organic properties. It however turned out that
anti-inductionist criticism of cognition based on empirical sensations (which makes
them different from introspective experiences) aroused not only humility towards
potentials of research aposteriorism, but also highlighted the fact that its result is, as a
matter of fact, pure metaphysics –that is, such statements about physical beings which
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admittedly refer to them, but which do not really present (describe, explain) their real
state. Hence it is difficult to settle when we get to know something real about nature –
that is, when we get to know the so-called truth about the being. Nowadays natural
sciences are in a sense like symptomatic medicine. Some manifestations of some
reasons are perceived, sensually experienced by us, but after all there is nothing sure to
be told about the source and qualities of those reasons. What is proclaimed by us is
solely pure metaphysics. Hence making natural sciences the main content-related and
methodological foundation of statements about cultural phenomena, including those
about physical culture, seems also to be a misunderstanding.
   At the beginning of the 20th century a reference to assumptions of the forgotten 18th
century anti-inductionism took place. Once it was proclaimed by D. Hume (1947, 1963,
1974), who – on the grounds of his radical empiricism –challenged sensual experience
as a method leading to certain knowledge. He supported in that respect, among others,
ancient sceptics, including representatives of the Platonic Academy who were criticized
by Aurelius Augustine.
Hume maintained that there is nothing certain to be told about the natural world on the
basis of senses. Empirical research is not sufficient in that respect. Neither statements
about particular cause and effect relations, nor about substance in general and particular
substances, nor about forces influencing them are empirical statements. According to
Hume, they are only a prioristatements (that is, such which are independent of
experience), which only seemingly refer to empirical knowledge (Hume 1947, pp. 67-
77). There is nothing certain to be told about empirical reception of matter, because
sensual cognition takes place within the human subject. It does not go beyond the
subject. The human being refers only to sensual data which come into being in his
receptors. Hence there is nothing sure he can ascertain about stimuli or material sources
of those stimuli. He takes a stance only on his own sensations –not on the external world,
because subjective sensations are something different than objective qualities of the
external material world, of nature. Moreover –as a matter of fact – the subject, according
to Hume, does not proclaim his opinions on the basis of sensual data, but only on the
basis of ideas which come into being in his mind and which are only abstract copies of
those data (so they are not the same thing as sensations). They are associated on the
basis of inborn associative skills which are typical for the human mind and have cause
and effect, spatial and temporal character. This is the basis on which the human being
creates his images, views, opinions, representations concerning the material world on.
However he can never find out to what a degree those internal subjective representations
are in accordance with the perceived reality or if they are in accordance with it at all.
There are no criteria for this. Moreover, the subjective image of the external world, of
nature, is something different than material nature.
   At the beginning of the 20thcentury L. Nelson – the founder of the Goettingen School
–which, besides the Badenian School and the Marburg School, was the third neo-
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Kantian current (Nelson 1994, Leonard Nelson in der diskussion 1994, Kosiewicz 1995,
pp. 301-303) –aroused justified pessimism referring also to empirical natural sciences
(called – after I. Kant {1971,1984, 1986}–aposterioric sciences, as well as inductive
science – that is, those based on empirical knowledge).
   Thus Nelson‘s criticism of the theory of cognition follows a beaten agnostic track
marked out by ancient skeptics and he somehow confirms on his way the sensibility of
Hume‘s criticism concerning truthfulness of cognition and possibility of building a
theory of cognition – that is, sensibility of criticism based, among others, on anti-
inductionism. The Berlin philosopher, by referring to traditional gnoseological
scepticism, creates – by consolidating negation of or scepticism about possibility of any
sensible method and theory of cognition – solid foundations for various forms of
contemporary methodological and epistemological anarchism. If cognition (as episteme)
is impossible to be justified with a theory of cognition (epistemology), you should agree
with Feyerabend‘s anything goes –with his total anarchism presented in "Against the
Method" (Feyerabend 1970) and in other works.
   What is, however, important, is not so much the abovementioned conclusion from
Nelson‘s epistemological research, but the way leading to it, arguments, the context of
justification. His thought is original and innovative taking into account the age of his
activity, whereas beyond the historical perspective, from the present day viewpoint,
afterL. Fleck (who expressed doubt in epistemological value of the notion of objective
reality which is to be independent from experience, and of the empirically defined
scientific fact, which is treated as an objective event or objective state of affairs), after K.
Popper, T. Kuhn, I. Lakatos, P. Feyerabend, it is not significant for philosophy anymore.
Too late it was rescued from oblivion. Nevertheless, it is impossible to question its
greatness.
   Nelson points out that epistemology proclaiming necessity of building a theory of
cognition is impossible for three basic reasons: 1. It cannot justify objective validity and
truthfulness of cognitionanyhow, 2. It is a mistake to assume a necessity of justification
of cognition in general and of any particular cognition; 3. An assumption concerning
necessity of justification is logically contradictory and contrary to psychological facts
(Nelson 1994, pp. 143-145).
   Thus Nelson assumes in his theory of cognition – in an preemptive and a priori way –
an assumption negating a possibility of its creation. He introduces into the theory of
cognition a new level of agnosticism – including agnosticism concerning natural
sciences. He does not negate, however, cognition as such, because possibility of
cognition is the basic and irreducible fact (and what is a problem is not the possibility of
cognition but rather the possibility of a mistake – of false cognition), but he questions
the validity of its justification. If no justification of cognition is valid and objective, the
very cognition is neither valid, nor objective, because it is impossible to create any
proper and reliable criteria of cognition – like, among others, criteria of absolute and
                                 Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   89


non-relative truthfulness –or any sensible conventionalism which would resist
falsification for some time, which means time significant from the viewpoint of building
and functioning of a smaller or a greater cognitive paradigm. For that reason all
cognition is doubtful.
   Nelson widens Hume‘s agnosticism – which points to the inadequacy of cognition
(because of subjective immanentism) in its relation to the perceived external world –
with the impossibility of building a proper justifying theory. Hence he not only widens
that agnosticism, he also strengthens it. He does not attack objectivity of the very
cognition directly, but he negates its validity and thus challenges not so much the sense
but rather the possibility of building proper research procedures, assumptions,
methodological criteria which would allow the assumption that cognition is certain.
Thus he constructs a negation of cognition in a different way than traditional skeptics –
he does not refer to the very episteme (he does not question its cognitive qualities at
once), but he only points out that it is impossible to justify its validity. If it is impossible
to create any certain foundations for epistemology, this means that very cognition as the
certain, basic, irreducible fact (for example in the form of Descartes‘s cogito) cannot
take place. Hence such a standpoint leads to radical and universal agnosticism
challenging the possibility of cognition (including cognition based on sensual, empirical
perception).
   Gnoseological doubt about empiricism of natural sciences is characteristic also for P.
Duhem (1904, 1906) and H. Poincare‘s (1908, 1911) conventionalism. The latter
became the most famous in the field of conventionalism. He assumed – shortly speaking
– that while considering material reality (this refers also to formal sciences and the
humanities) we work on theoretical and methodological assumptions which were made
earlier or we introduce new assumptions based on the principle of a social agreement –
in other words: of a convention – characteristic for scientists‘milieu. Effects of that
research also have qualities of a convention, if they are in conformity with the
established conventions. Those conventions are sometimes utterly transformed, they are
subject to a scientific revolution and they are replaced by new ones. Conceptions and
theories describing and explaining the sensual world are – from the viewpoint of
conventionalism –so far from and, simultaneously, so close to empirical reality, as
opinions about nature in Hume‘s anti-inductionism.
   T. Kuhn (1968) maintains in his paradigmatic or anti-accumulativist theory of
scientific revolutions that science – including natural sciences –develop within assumed,
smaller or greater paradigms, which have asmaller or a greater historical range (like, for
example, the whole age or of a revivalist crisis), a smaller or a greater content-related
range of research (like, for example, characteristic for all Renaissance sciences or
focusing only on the Copernicanrevolution). The paradigm includes hypotheses, laws,
theories and sciences, and the connected methodological assumptions from the fields of
specialized methodologies and general methodology. Kuhn is of the opinion that the
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whole scientific knowledge – including all natural sciences (or solely natural sciences,
or only their part) –sometimes undergoes complete breakdown and rejection. After that,
building and development of knowledge on sensual reality begins until the moment of
exhaustion of intellectual resources and of developmental potential of a given paradigm.
Cognitive value of natural sciences is strictly connected with theoretical and
methodological conventions characteristic for a given paradigm. Its basic property is
changeability and relativity of findings of empirical natural sciences. From the
viewpoint of anti-accumulativism, natural sciences never lead to certain and final
knowledge.
    I. Lakatos (1990, 1995) admittedly confirms Kuhn‘s cognitive conclusions, but he
says that scientific revolutions rarely take place. Changeability concerning contents and
methods takes place in a gradual way. A radical and complete break with previous
opinions seldom takes place. There is a correspondence in the field of selected research
problems and issues, categories and notions. Admittedly there appear new solutions, but
the previous ones are defended against radical rejection by a hard core and a protective
zone composed of hypotheses which can be changed while maintaining primary
assumptions included in thehard core of a theory which is an element of a given natural
science. This does not mean, however, that values included in hard cores of scientific
theories are lasting and final. Introducing a conception of a hard core of a theory and of
a protective zone made of hypotheses is to warn against creation of a science without
reliable content-related and methodological foundations, against creation of ad
hochypotheses as well as registering laws and theories referring to them. Just such (too
often) manifestations of activity on the grounds of natural sciences must be falsified as
quickly as possible. This does not mean, however, that the rest of manifestations of
activity in the field of natural sciences must provide with certain knowledge. By the way,
it is possible to see that Lakatos modifies Poppers and Kuhn‘s views in his works in the
field of the philosophy of natural sciences to a considerable degree.
    Methodological anarchism, according to P. Feyerabend‘s interpretation (1970, 1979),
also challenges cognitive abilities of both past and present natural sciences. This refers
to specialized methodologies of all sciences. Feyerabend proclaims utter chaos and
anarchism in that respect. It is the reason why statements characteristic for art, literature,
religion or from the field of common sense knowledge have the same cognitive value.
Hence natural sciences –similarly to the whole science and sources of knowledge of
other kinds – are unreliable.
Feyerabend‘s views should be taken note of as one of the possible standpoints, but they
should also be rejected as too radical, because, against Feyerabend, I am of the opinion
that methodologies based on assumptions of formal sciences (logic and mathematics)
are not a proof of complete cognitive anarchism and nihilism. I think, however, that – in
spite of reliable formal foundations –they can lead to deepening of ignorance about real
qualities of nature around us and of the cosmos. They can do it mainly because of
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continuous changeability of assumptions, principles,instruments characteristic for
methodologies of various specialized sciences (Kosiewicz 1996). Results achieved
thanks to their application can be temporarily recognised, they can generate and increase
social prestige. However, they do not lead to (and probably will never lead to) final
research findings, scientific laws and theories. Those results are changeable, relative and
ostensible in the cognitive sense because of theoretical and methodological conventions
which are approved here and now and which are the starting point for empirical research.
Regarding that issue, I am of the opinion that specialized methodologies – their
application –do not bring us closer to a reliable view of reality, to cognizing it such as it
is. Taking that into account, it can be assumed that specialized methodologies of natural
sciences, similarly to general methodology (which is referred to by them) are both a
form and a manifestation of agnosticism. They contribute to ostensible creation of
certain knowledge, of apparently reliable ideography and nomotetism; they camouflage
ignorance. They are engaged in covering and apparent uncovering of that which anyway
will never be cognized –explained and understood – by natural sciences.
   Retreat from scientism was strengthened by self-negation of the Vienna Circle‘s
physicalist assumptions, and with anti-inductionism, hypothetism, fallibilism, anti-
accumulativism, methodological anarchism and agnosticism. Natural sciences became a
proof of deepening scepticism –that is, of a crisis concerning cognition and the theory of
cognition (the distinction inspired by Kant‘s distinction between epistemeand
epistemology. The conception supporting the need of looking for a theoretical and
methodological background for physical culture sciences on the basis of the humanities
and social sciences had been challenged for decades. Finally, a qualitative jump, which
K. Lorenz calls fulguration, happened, since it turned out that – contrary to earlier
assumptions – the main theoretical foundation of physical culture sciences are culture
studies and their axiological background.
   The fact that the term "physical culture", including the world "culture", has been
adopted had numerous implications when the fashion for scientism and positivism – and,
especially, scientific empiricism – had passed. A reorientation – that is, retreat from
MacFadden‘s conception of physical culture, which was indirectly based on Carnap‘s
naturalistic-empiricist reductionism, took place on the grounds of physical culture
sciences. There was a turn towards many-sidedness and multidimensionality of research,
which treated cognitive values of inquiries from the field of the humanities, social
sciences and culture studies –that is, those which were described by scienticism and neo-
positivism as metaphysically-based research –with special attention. It was universally
concluded that no assumption from the field of methodology and of axiology as a
philosophical discipline could legitimize any evaluation of science on the groundsof
science studies, any creation of any hierarchy of scientific disciplines. Specialised
methodologies cannot be reduced to any common gnoseological denominator which
would include universal categories constituting a basis for objective claims concerning a
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higher or a lower position of particular sciences in their possible hierarchy. Such a
denominator – that is, such a basis –cannot be created even by general methodology,
because it is autonomous in its relation towards specialized methodologies, which are
partly mediated by it.

Ⅲ The Notion of Physical Culture in Poland and other European
 .
   Countries

 1. Polish understanding of physical culture in the context of Eastern
    European systemic transformation
   A considerable role in shaping physical culture was played in Poland by J. Piłsudski –
a leader of the national liberation movement and the most outstanding figure of pre-war
Poland. In 1914 – to emphasise specific qualities of methods of shaping soldiers‘ fitness
– he introduced the term "physical culture", which he used also later (Hądzelek,
Rotkiewicz, Chełmecki, Dorcz, Dudek 1998, p. 16; 2009, pp. 5-6). He wanted "the issue
of physical culture and strength of the young generation to be solved by general
educational work" (ibid., Wieroński 1937, p. 91).
   It seems to me that Piłsudski used the discussed term rather rarely (Marszałek Józef
Piłsudski … 1998, Piłsudski 1999, Józef Piłsudski protektor... 2005). This is proved by
his numerous written statements. The greatest attention is paid by him to physical
education and sport there. They all have an occasional, trite, official, not very deep and
demanding character. The term "physical culture"appeared there only in a common-
sense context and without a definition which could explain its meaning. Neither was it
synonymous with the term "physical education". It results from the abovementioned
quotation that then Piłsudski and others could understand physical culture as an effect of
some unspecified "educational work" as such –that is, of physical education in the
context of other forms of school and extra-school education. The name was not
considered from the viewpoint of culture studies. Nevertheless, it was popularized in
pre-war Poland.
   Probably Piłsudski became acquainted with the term "physical culture" as early as in
London, where at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century the
abovementioned magazine of MacFadden‘s, "Physical Culture", was accessible.
Application of that term was surely contributed by "MacFadden‘s Encyclopedia…",
which was popular in English-speaking countries.
   In 1929 Piłsudski created the Central Institute of Physical Education in Warsaw – an
institution of military character –which in 1936, after the death of the founder, was
named after him. In 1929, just after the institute was opened, it started to be called the
Polish university of physical culture ("Przegląd Sportowy" 1929, p. 3).
                               Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   93


   Since 1937 the magazine "Wychowanie Fizyczne" /"Physical Education"/ – deriving
its origin from "Ruch" /"Movement"/ magazine – had the subtitle "A Monthly Magazine
Dedicated to Physical Culture Issues". "Ruch" emphasized the need to develop the body
and "Wychowanie Fizyczne"started to emphasise the notion of physical culture in the
theoretical and practical sense (Demel 2006, pp. 1- 3). In the period between the World
Wars there was also founded the "Kultura Fizyczna" /"Physical Culture"/ publishing
house, which published 3 magazines: "Sport Polski" /"Polish Sport"/, "Sport Szkolny"
/"School Sport" and "Wychowanie Fizyczne" /"Physical Education"/. Since 1937 until
the outbreak of World War II it was led by W. Humen (Hądzelek 2006, p. 9).
   The notion of physical culture became popular in the area of the abovementioned
Western European Countries. After the 1917 October Revolution it was popularized in
Germany by Arbeiter Turn und Sportbewegung – that is, by the Workers‘ Gymnastic-
Sports Movement (Piątkowska 2006). The term "physical culture" was also assimilated
by Russia and the Soviet Union in the form of the term fizkultura (fizitcheskaya kultura).
This is proved by the first handbook in the field of physical culture published in the
Soviet Unionin 1925 (Dupperon 1925). After World War II the term was accepted by
the Soviet Union‘s satellite countries33 Establishment of theories of physical culture in
the countries of Eastern Europe was especially strongly influenced by conceptions born
in the Soviet Union. L.P. Matvyeyeff distinguished three stages of establishment of that
field. The first stage took place – in his opinion – in the period between the 1920s and
the 1940s, the second between the 1940s and the 1960s and the third in the 1970s and
the 1980s. The discussed author described that theory in a laconic way as a unification
of the theory of physical education and the theory of sport. Simultaneously he
understood it, being less or more aware of it, in pedagogical and praxeological terms. It
refers to education and teaching people and improving athletes‘qualifications.
   Matvyeyeff (as well as other Soviet theoreticians), while discussing phenomena from
the field of physical culture, treats sports issues separately, because he writes about
"physical culture and sport" and treats sport as an autonomous phenomenon. On the
other hand, when he discusses the notion of the theory of physical culture, he includes
the theory of sport – as a phenomenon which is integrally connected with physical
culture and which is associated by him with physical education –into its field of interest.
He proclaimed also that the theory of physical culture "is an integrated system of
knowledge about the essence of physical culture (...) and, first of all, of knowledge
about development and social formation of personality, as well as concerning the
optimal development of human vital forces in the system of educational
factors"(Matvyeyeff 1984, p. 22). The issues of the theory of sport, which concern
formation of personality, human vital forces, improvement of health, are also included
into the field of interest of the theory of physical culture in the discussed Matvyeyeff‘s
definition (although he does not declare it openly).
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   Matvyeyeff, by emphasising the significance and need of development of the human
individual‘s various traits and qualities, of his/her self-realisation and self-affirmation in
the socialist system, tried to draw attention to autotelic character of physical culture. He
treated neither it, nor the human being as a means for ideological aims (Matvyeyeff
1980, 1983).
Another viewpoint on the role and function of physical culture was presented by J.
Merhautowa and P. Joachimstaler from Czechoslovakia. They treated physical culture
and its theory mainly in an instrumental way, as a means to class and political ends
connected with the political system of the state. This is a significant difference, because
it points out that development of the theory of physical education in Czechoslovakiadid
not take place according to the abovementioned authors‘ declaration. They highlighted
the pioneering character and the leading role of Soviet ideology – as well as the
considerably analogical character of the process of formation and development of the
theory of physical education in the Soviet Union and in Czechoslovakia. Differently to
in the case of the prototype, they put special stress on the necessity of consolidation of
ideological and political functions of physical culture as a realm influencing systemic
foundations of the state. Matvyeyeff, on the other hand, wrote about autotelic qualities
of physical culture, about the need for the individual‘s development and improvement
by the means of physical culture – which was to be systemically connected with
socialism –and of a theory which refers to it. However, a demand of that kind could not
be realized in a totalitarian state (Kosiewicz 1986, p. 109).
   The Czechoslovakian authors described the discussed discipline as "a synthetic,
scientific theory of physical culture", created on the basis of theoretical and
methodological principles of scientific materialism. They treated physical culture as an
overall social system characterised by a unity of ideological, scientific and
methodological, programme-related, normative and organizational foundations of
physical culture and sports activity of the population of the whole country (Merhautowa,
Joachimstaler 1984, Kosiewicz 1986, p. 109).
   In a similar way the discussed field was presented also by theoreticians from the
German Democratic Republic. They described the theory of physical culture as "the
Marxist-Leninist theory of socialist physical culture". They proclaimed that it had
developed in the GDR on the basis of "collected philosophical and theoretical, historical
and sociological materials and making significant use of scientific achievements of the
Soviet Union and other socialist countries" (Sieger, Neidhard 1984, Kosiewicz 1986, pp.
109-110).
   W. Sieger and H. Neidhard understood the discussed theory as, for example, "a
complex system of knowledge about the essence of physical culture as such, and about
the essence of more important factors and regularitiesin development of socialist
physical culture, which is organically connected with the socialist vision of life".
                                Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   95


   By the way, Czechoslovakian authors – J. Merhautowa, F. Joachimstaler, W. Cechak
– also perceived the influence of Western European philosophical and sociological
conceptions on the theory of physical culture. They were of the opinion that –because of
the abovementioned influence – it is possible to distinguish at least three groups of
conceptions of the discussed theory.
   The first group was to be constituted by existentialist and phenomenological
interpretations, which treat physical culture as "flippant"activity aimed mainly at play. It
especially refers – in their opinion – to such authors as C. Lenkaj, A. Jughen and J. Loy
(Kosiewicz 1986, p.113).
The second group of conceptions was to be connected with the so-called "compensation
theory". Their authors – according to the Czechoslovakian theoreticians – treated
development of physical culture as development of a specific substitute mechanism
which facilitates adjustment to demands of contemporary civilization and technology –
that is, to phenomena which clearly outdistance slow evolution of natural environment
and the human organism. There appeared in those conceptions views of a naturalistic
character which especially emphasise the human being‘s biological nature and his
connection with environment, which were proclaimed by K. Lorenz and H. Plessner.
   Another set of conceptions refers to assumptions of the Frankfurt School, whose
founders paid attention to "technocratic" and "manipulative"functions of the state in the
process of development of society. For example, S. Güldenpfenning highlighted
ideological and political aspects of physical culture and maintained that they should be
treated as manifestations of a specific realm of politics and researched by means of
appropriate theoretical and methodological instruments characteristic for political
science (J. Merhautowa, F. Joachimstaler, W. Cechak 1984,Kosiewicz 1986, p.114).
   The viewsof the Czechoslovakian theoreticians of physical culture prove the existence
of a particular cognitive duality and of a strong dependence on the internal totalitarian
system and the connected state ideology. On the one hand, they glorified – as a result of
political compulsion –non-scientific Marxist ideological assumptions on the grounds of
the theory of physical education, which mainly supported maintaining power by the
communist government. On the other hand, they perceived free development of
philosophy and sociology in the West, and their influence on various manifestations of
culture –including physical culture. They had, however, to criticize it as a phenomenon
proving real political entanglement (in contrast to that what they allegedly experienced
in their own country), arguing untruthfully that Western scientific achievements are a
proof of false consciousness.
   It was saturated with ideological traits aimed at consolidation of the socialist system.
In that role of a propaganda instrument it, unfortunately, also appeared in science
(Godlewski P. 2005). However, after political transformations it became a purely
cognitive and practical category in Poland and it meant something different than in its
Soviet interpretation. Namely, the term "physical culture", aside from many other
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elements, included also highly competitive (professional, Olympic, spectacular) sport,
while in the Soviet interpretation the abovementioned notion of sport had been placed
outside physical culture, because sport was treated as a special phenomenon which was
made different from other forms of physical activity by its spectacular character. Sport
was treated as a special phenomenon which is made different from other forms of
physical activity by its popularity, interest from the mass media and the electronic media
(Kosiewicz 2005).
   In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe – and especially in Poland –
ideological traits of the notion of physical culture have been neutralized, rejected. The
stress – similarly to earlier and later elsewhere –has been placed on its essential
foundation, the factual context of justification of its qualities. The fact that terms such as
culture, theatre, cinema, religion, society, politics or sport and physical culture were
used by propaganda in the Soviet Union, and that during its existence they were
saturated with negative qualities –which meant that my colleagues from Central and
Eastern Europe associate them with ideological compulsion and political oppression –
does not mean that they have lost objective values attributed to them and that they
should be removed from the cognitive discourse – as is demanded in the case of the term
"physical culture".
   In Polish literature, apart from the behavioural44Z. Krawczyk formulated an
evaluating definition of physical culture, which presents – after Antonina Kłoskowska –
and anthropological and cultural, sociocentric and behavioural viewpoint.
   Namely, he maintains that "Physical culture is a relatively integrated and established
system of behaviours in the field of care of physical development, movement fitness,
health, bodily beauty, human physical perfection and expression, which take place
according to patterns which are obligatory in a given community, as well as results of
those behaviours". The author, in the commentary about the content of the
abovementioned expression, also draws attention to aesthetic values, "supernormal"
fitness and expression of the human body which is released and developed by highly
competitive sport, and mainly by spectacular sports. The abovementioned definition of
culture is close to assumptions of sociobehaviourism which – referring a priori to inborn
inclinations and interests of the educated –pay little attention to their analysis and treat
success of acculturation, socialization and education as dependent mainly on
introduction of the individual into a definite socio-cultural environment.
   That definition is, however – in my opinion – too reductionist. It does not take into
account – because of the source of inspiration and the assumed viewpoint –spiritual
values cooperating in creation of manifestations of physical (not only bodily, but also
material) culture. Neither does it take into account its influence as a factor giving a
chance of versatile personnel development, unlike the currently dominating model,
which focused mainly on intellectual improvement. , relational-subjective55 The
psychobehavioural character of Krawczyk‘s definition neutralizes in a sense A. Wohl‘s
                                Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   97


statement of relational-personalistic, secular and, simulataneously, Marxist character. He
proclaims that physical culture cooperates in creation ofspiritual values, that it
interweaves both with spiritual culture and with material (bodily) culture in the closest
way, and that the development of physical culture is aimed at versatile formation of the
human personality in the existing conditions of social life, which have been created by
the entirety of social relations. In the final fragment of the last sentence Wohl refers to
one of the theses on Feuerbach by K. Marx. He turns attention to social relations, which
play a significant role in formation of the personality and of culture (including physical
culture). Their significance during formation of mental health and the personality is
especially emphasised by culturalists from the fields of neo-psychoanalysis and
humanistic psychiatry – and especially E. Fromm, who came from the Frankfurt School
and was one of its co-founders. He emphasised their significance in an orthodox Marxist
way., axiological66 According to Maciej Demel – a pedagogue, a physician, outstanding
theoretician of physical education, the author of the Polish version of health-oriented
education and the pedagogy of health "Physical culture includes all those values which
are connected with the human physical form and physical functioning, both according to
his own subjective experience and according to the socially objectivised perception.
Those values – to say it in the most general way –refer to health, the body build and
posture, immunity, function, fitness, beauty. Analogously to other cultural values, they
have dynamic character and they shape human views and attitudes" (Demel 1972, p. 72).
He creates a definition characterized by an axiological orientation, which is oriented on
cultural – not biological – values. and holistic77According to the interpretation proposed
by me (that is, the author of the presented text), physical culture constitutes a set of
forms of social consciousness which function in praxis of the society –forms which
integrate and consolidate the union between knowledge (and patterns), on the one hand,
and behaviours (and their results), on the other. They constitute a basis for harmonious
development of versatile, mature personality and health in the physical, mental and
relational (that is, social) dimension. This is about development, where a special place is
occupied not only by spiritual values, but also by care, projection and the connected,
dynamic and directed process of transformations aimed at the human being‘s physical
perfection – that is, among others, the body build, posture and aesthetics, fitness,
function and physical immunity. Physical culture, according to that interpretation, is not
only a set of forms and symbols existing in social consciousness and in particular
individuals‘ psyches, but also material facts, like – for example – sports facilities and the
connected architecture of places destined for sports games (like in ancient Olympia),
which are interpreted in the light of axiology, cultural and symbolic values.
   Thus physical culture is the entirety of mankind‘s or of some society‘s achievements
in the ideal, the material and the relational sphere –achievements created in general
historical development or in a given age, and which – in a given environment –are both
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means and results of physical culture and personal culture of individuals belonging to
that environment.
Those achievements – speaking in the most general way –are a set of existential facts
constituting internal and external reality; that is, all understandings of those facts and
expressions of those understandings in various artistic (like e.g. literary ones, plastic
ones, architectonical ones), philosophical, scientific, technical, technological versions,
as well as in a form of social institutions, such as the Olympic movement, federations,
ministries, clubs, etc. Physical culture also includes material creations of strictly
utilitarian character which are necessary for participation in its various forms –that is,
necessary for interpretation of activity in its field in axionormative, symbolic terms. It
refers, among others, to various objects, such as equipment which is necessary for sport
for all, highly competitive sport, tourism or physical education. Physical culture is
created by all the abovementioned elements, which are socially created, processed,
adopted and handed over.
   That understanding of physical culture also takes into account the significance of
messages of personalistic character recommending care of development and
improvement of personality. It brings it closer to the demands of the axiologicallyand
holistically understood theory of physical culture according to its normative
interpretation and to the ideals characteristic for education in physical culture as a
practical discipline, as well as to philosophical and pedagogical sources from the sphere
of reflection belonging to pedagogy of culture. It also pays attention to the world of
values implying some activities depending on norms or patterns, the world prone to
influence of subjective criteria of values, which are externalized and shaped in relations
subject – object and subject – subject. interpretation of the notion of "physical culture",
there is also found an additive definition –that is, by enumeration of its main
components. In that case it is supposed to include highly competitive sport, mass sport,
sport-for-all, amateur sport, school sport, sport of the disabled, physical education,
games and plays, movement recreation, highly competitive tourism, pilgrimage tourism
and recreational forms of tourism.
   In Scandinavian countries the notion "physical culture" did not have – and does not
have –any ideological context connected with political conditions (Breivik 2009, pp.
313–314, Faarlund 1993, Kvaloy Soetereng 1993). Similarly to in the United States and
other English-speaking countries before World War II, it has been used in a cognitive
meaning.
   A similar viewpoint is presented also by H. Eichberg (1998, 2004, 2009), who is
popularising the notion of "body culture" nowadays. It has a similar content to the
notion of "somatic culture", which was promoted and rejected in Poland several years
ago88 The term "somatic culture" (in other words: bodily culture) was promoted in the
field of physical culture sciences by Z. Krawczyk, who treated it as synonymous with
the term "physical culture" and used both terms interchangeably. Popularisation of that
                               Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   99


viewpoint has been especially contributed to by A. Pawłucki and Z. Dziubiński. The
latter applies Krawczyk‘s conception as a theoretical and research instrument replacing
only the term "physical culture" with "somatic culture". I think that using the expression
somatic (bodily) culture, originating from the word "soma", as synonymous with the
term "physical culture"is somehow inadvisable, because those notions have – as I
suppose – different ranges of meaning which only partly overlap with each other. For
example, physical culture does not include such bodily phenomena as: intestinal
movement activity (peristalsis), physiology, the vascular system, the lymphatic system,
the urinary system or the neural system movement activities – that is, those phenomena
which have purely biological – and not cultural –qualities in the genetic, organic,
structural and functional sense. Thus the notion of "somatic culture" goes beyond a
purely cultural range of problems. From that viewpoint the notion of somatic culture is
somehow internally contradictory, because culture excludes non-cultural biological
phenomena which are independent from it. It can refer to them, but culture is something
different than nature – such as it is suggested and justified by Krawczyk in his book
"Natura, kultura, sport" /"Nature, culture, sport"/.
   Somatic culture – according to the interpretation of Dziubiński, who refers to
Krawczyk and Pawłucki – is a system of behaviours in the field of care of physical
development, movement fitness, human health and physical perfection. This is an
interpretation which is reductionistic in that sense that it does not include non-bodily
spheres of human activity in the field of physical culture. It refers, among other things,
to the artistic, the material and the institutional sphere. Thus the definition of somatic
culture and the definition of physical culture have a common content-related field of
interests concerning the abovementioned kinds of behaviours. What makes them
different – taking into account the abovementioned interpretation –are mainly the
following issues: a) the fact that somatic culture is more focused on purely biological
human nature, b) the fact that physical culture deals not only with care of physical
development etc., but also with the other abovementioned manifestations of human
activity in a given field. They are regarded in symbolic and axiological terms and not in
medical, biological or naturalistic, as it was in MacFadden‘s case.
   The notion of bodily culture, or body culture, is systematically popularised by H.
Eichberg, a political scientist, a sociologist of culture and a sociologist of body culture
of German descent, living in Germany and currently working at the University of
Southern Denmark in Odense. That notion is close to the notion of somatic culture.
However, it includes not only mistakes characteristic for the notion of somatic culture,
but it also introduces into its range other qualities going beyond the content connected
with the term "physical culture". The point is that body culture refers also to fitness and
symbolic values concerning artistic skills and qualities which are characteristic for such
arts as pantomime, circus acrobatics, ballet and dance (treated as an aesthetic
phenomenon characteristic for performances of folk bands). A proponent of the category
 100   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



of body culture also has to take into account tattooing, which is practised for, among
others, ritual-religious reasons, military reasons, penitentiary reasons (when tattoos
emphasize e.g. an individual‘s level of initiation and place in social gradation), strictly
aesthetic reasons (when they are to beautify and make the human bodily image
attractive) and strictly artistic reasons (when a tattoo is not only a cultural fact, but also
an artwork). He must also deal with activities in the fields of cosmetology and plastic
surgery, which beautify the human body. Taking that into account, I come to the
conclusion that the sense, content and meaning of the notion of body culture go
significantly beyond the notions of physical culture and of widely understood sport.
Hence both the possible notion of somatic culture sciences and the possible notion of
body culture sciences should not be treated as synonymous with physical culture
sciences or sport sciences, since the first notions are irrelevant to physical culture or
sport. .
   For example in Norway or in Germany, in spite of the fact that significance of
physical culture is perceived and defined there, the terms "sport" and "sport sciences"
are consistently used on the grounds of science and academic teaching. It is proved,
among others, by the names of the local universities dealing with the discussed fields of
activities, such as e.g. the Norwegian School of Sport Sciences in Oslo and the Deutsche
Sporthochschule in Cologne.

2. Multiform character of the notion of sport
   In many Western European countries there is applied – although not always
consistently and not always on the basis of the same definitions –a division of sport in
general into highly competitive (Olympic, amateur, professional) sport and sport for all.
In Polish literature it is also possible to find different interpretations of that issue.
   L.O. Amusa from the Centre for Biokinetics, Recreation and Sport Science of the
University of Venda (Thohoyandou in South Africa) distinguishes three levels of sports
activity. Amusa refers to mass sport (that is – in his opinion – sport for all), amateur
sport and professional sport (that is, highly competitive sport) (Amusa 2009).
   The first of them – that is, mass sport – is treated by the African author as
synonymous with sport for all. It is also identified by him with popular sport understood
as common sport. The term refers to physical activity of various, more or less fit groups,
strata or social classes.
   Amateur sport – according to Amusa –is a proof of love of sport and its praise. It is
based on the assumption that that type of sport is a good of anthropological-social
character, that it exerts a positive influence, that it shapes and develops the human body,
that influences social relations and the individual‘s socialization in a positive and
desirable way. A significant element of the abovementioned praise is the fact that no
material gain is "associated with ‗true amateur sports" (Amusa 2009, p. 4, Amusa 2009,
p. 105), that it has autotelic –and not instrumental – qualities. Hence he points out –
                              Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   101


something I do not agree with – that material goods connected with sports activity are
not very valuable.
    Professional sport, on the other hand, is described by the African theoretician as such
a form of activity which squeezes primarily playful activity into the format of sport as
earning a living. Expectations which are connected with it require a high level of
professionalisation aimed at success in rivalry (Amusa 2009, pp. 4-5).
    A similardivision into professional sport, highly competitive amateur sport (like
basketball matches of the USA university league, which is independent from the
National Basketball Association, but which provides it with athletes) and recreation
sport was presented (independently from Amusa) by M. McNamee and A. Bloodworth
(2009, pp. 18-19) during the conference of the British Philosophy of Sport Association
in Dundee. McNemee and Bloodworth‘s standpoint is generally well-founded, although
it requires some refinement to make it more reliable.
    The division of sport which is proposed by them is acceptable – it does not inspire
any essential reservations99 In the abstract of M. McNemee‘s and A. Bloodworth‘s
conference paper there is no fragment concerning the division of sport which is
proposed by them.
  It seems, however, that any form of authentic amateur sport can be included to sport
for all.
    The last sentence – because of the verb "can" which it includes –informs, however,
about some doubt connected with the problem if it is possible always and everywhere, in
every particular case to apply the general quantifier to the discussed form of sport. It
refers, among others, to the abovementioned university basketball league, because that
form of sport can be also treated as sport which does not have a completely amateur
character, but which certainly –in spite of a high level of competences – is not fully
professional yet. That form of sport can be also described as highly competitive
amateurism to make it distinct from professional sport, which is a highly competitive
activity by nature. Amateur sport, on the other hand, usually is not a highly competitive
phenomenon.
    There is, however, a special manifestation of amateur sport which can be regarded as
a non-authentic – that is, deformed, faked –one. It is sport which was, as a matter of fact,
a masked form of professional sport. It was an axiologically deformed, hybrid form of
sport, which ideologically united contradictory values and assumptions and which was
promoted in the socialist countries, where it was impossible from the viewpoint of the
existing laws to practice sport as a profession. Hence that amateur sport practised on the
highest level was, as a matter of fact, camouflaged professional sport. Athletes were
fictitiously employed in the police, army, offices, state-owned companies, steel mills or
mines. They got permanent wages, grants and bonuses. Instead of doing work connected
with their employment – based on other alleged professional qualifications –they
participated in training and training camps, as well as in various matches, games and
 102    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



championships. For example, allegedly amateur Soviet ice-hockey national teams
defeated the Canada and the USAteams composed of the most outstanding professionals
of the time. Allegedly amateur teams and representatives of other socialist countries
won in the World, European and other continental championships. Surprisingly, this
remained in accordance with the ideology of the then version of Olympism. After World
War II it was accepted and supported by all the IOC‘s chairmen who had to deal with
that phenomenon – including Avry Brandige and Antonio Samarancha. By the way, the
latter contributed to awarding Moscow (1980) and Beijing (2008) organization of the
controversial Olympic Games.
   Taking into account the fact that the abovementioned athletes were not obliged by
contracts or legal regulations characteristic for professional sport, they could not be
regarded – from the viewpoint of administrative law – as professionals in the formal
sense. The sport they dealt with was – from the viewpoint of the abovementioned law –
not fully professional sport. In spite of that, regarding their skills, they were the equals
of champion professional athletes and teams, or even surpassed them.
   To conclude, it can be proclaimed that – independently from professional and not
fully professional sport – sport for all includes both high-level amateur sport (which
sometimes is not fully amateur sport) and low-level amateur sport. In that sense it is
related to, or – a possibility preferred by me as the author of the paper –includes mass
sport and common sport.
In the times of the People‘s Republic of Poland(before 1989) the government and the
Communist Party authorities aspired to make sport (or, in other words, physical culture)
a mass phenomenon. It was a highly positive aim. The content of mass sport – that is,
fitness-related and health-related aims –would be described from the present-day
viewpoint as typical for sport for all. Since the socialist countries were very poor, their
governments lacked financial means and other resources (personnel, competences,
facilities) for realization of that important – for culture, civilization, fitness and health –
undertaking. Hence acts of abuse and perversion took place.
   This – and not the idea of popularisation of physical culture of recreational character
– was also the main reason why promotion of mass sport was given up both in the
theoretical and the practical dimension. The terms "social masses" – and, especially,
"mass sport" – sometimes aroused almost allergic reactions, negative associations with
the political context of reification of the individual and of the so-called social masses,
and of instrumentalisation of mass sport. However, the abovementioned terms – with the
connected notions and theoretical constructions of strictly cognitive character – should
be regarded independently from current, more or less negative sentiments and
associations connected with a temporary political context. A term, a category or a notion
connected with mass character and referred to sport or culture (mass culture) should not
have any non-cognitive, emotive assumptions and contexts of justification. Otherwise
we also have to deal with ideologisation, moralisation and promotion of definite
                               Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   103


political assumptions on the ground of scientific research. This is the way –as I suppose
– mass sport is treated by Maciej Demel. For him it is synonymous with "mass physical
culture". That mass character does not arouse any negative associations in the discussed
author. For Demel it means universal (bold face introduced by me) hygienisation of life,
a school ofcharacter, health and fitness, because the arsenal of its means goes beyond
sport and even beyond movement exercises (Demel 1972, p. 72). As we can see, the
notion of mass sport means for Demel the same as the notion of common sport.
   L.O. Asmusa, on theother hand, who is free of associations and experiences
concerning the socialist ideology, understands mass sport as synonymous with sport for
all. He also identifies both terms with popular sport, understood also as common sport.
   By the way, in the sociology of culture there is the commonly used term "mass
culture". Monographs about it could fill whole libraries. Nobody has hit upon an idea to
postpone the word "mass" which is included in it, whereas, for example, in Poland –
because of negative political and ideological sentiments – the term "mass sport" (and
especially the word "mass") are marginalized and replaced with the term "common
sport". By the way, from the present-day viewpoint mass sport – similarly to common
sport –can be described (although it is not necessary) as a typical form and one of the
manifestations of sport for all.
   In Norwaythe term mass sport is commonly used. It was discussed by, among others,
Gunard Breivik (2009a) during a plenary session of the 14th Annual Congress of the
European College of Sport Science (Oslo, 24-27 June 2009). He pointed out that it is the
opposite of elite sport, and that mass sport is connected with, among others, "jogging,
hiking, eastern martial arts, fitness and lifestyle sport" (Breivik 2009, p. 543) – that is,
with movement recreation, which is known also as sport for all.
   Common sport can be understood in at least five ways.
   Firstly, the term concerns popularisation of sport in every form – both in the
theoretical and the practical sense. It refers to, inter alia, professional sport and sport for
all, active sport and passive sport.
   Secondly, the term "common sport" concerns popularisation of various particular
sports in urban and rural environment, among adults and the old, among children and
youth in primary, secondary and tertiary schools and with the help of extra-school
educational and non-educational institutions, in clubs, community centres, in the army,
etc.
Thirdly, the term "common sport" can be treated as synonymous with sport for all. The
state and the connected institutions and organisations should aspire for such
popularization of sport to make it accessible for all, regardless age, sex, the level of
physical and mental fitness, social background and financial resources (Kosiewicz 2006,
pp. 9-11).
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   The fourth interpretation, referring to the abovementioned Demel‘s opinion, points
out that the term "common sport"can be understood as synonymous with the term "mass
sport".
The fifth interpretation proclaims that if we assume – similarly to in the fourth
interpretation – that the terms "common sport" and "mass sport" are (taking into account
the abovementioned Breivik‘s viewpoint) synonymous, then we can proclaim that
common sport is the opposite of elite sport.
   The last – that is, the sixth interpretation –has the least particular character. It is a
manifestation (it refers to Amusa) of an extended viewpoint pointing out that the term
"common sport" can be treated as synonymous with the terms "mass sport", "sport for
all" and "popular sport".

3. Relations between the notions of sport and physical culture
   In some recent work (monographs, collective works, papers) and public statements I
maintained that sport as such can be divided into highly competitive (spectacular,
professional, Olympic) sport and sport for all. The latter includes all other forms of sport
of autotelic character, that is such as the abovementioned lowly competitive forms of
sport as well as other manifestations of activity from the field of physical recreation –
such as e.g. active movement relaxation in the form of games and plays, hiking, fishing,
mushroom picking, recreational forms of tourism –which in many cases are not
connected with any form of rivalry. I was of the opinion that the abovementioned
categories of sport – that is, highly competitive sport and sport for all – create a unity
which can be also called physical culture.
   Nowadays, in contrast with the abovementioned outdated viewpoint, I assume (for the
first time) that the notion of sport (including the notions of professional {spectacular,
highly competitive, Olympic} sport and the notion of sport for all, and the connected
notion of sport sciences, cannot be synonymous with the notion of physical culture and
the connected notion of physical culture sciences, because the cited pairs of notions have
different ranges of meaning.
   The notion of sport (and hence the notion of sport sciences) does not include that field
of activity which can be called physiotherapy (or movement rehabilitation). It concerns
that part of a given physiotherapy which is mainly focused on restoration of lost,
regressed, deformed fitness with the help of forms of movement which are worked out
by specialists and adapted to various limitations.
   Neither the realm of the abovementioned sport (and of the connected sciences)
include, among others, various and sublime forms of massage (excluding sports
massage). This also refers to tattooing applied , among other reasons, for: a) utilitarian
reasons –for example, for military reasons to scare off the enemy, as in the case of the
Maoris, the New Zealand aboriginal people, b) in order to emphasise a different
subcultural identity of individuals in prisons, criminals at large, sports fans, hooligans –
                             Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   105


as well as social stratification in their groups, c) for aesthetic reasons concerning
beautification of the body.
   Neither of the abovementioned notions (and of the connected sciences) include issues
referring to bodily paintings, cosmetology and cosmetics or plastic surgery operations
taking into account bodily needs of archaic warriors, athletes, fans, persons striving for
the optimal aesthetic effect and patients.
   A part of the abovementioned phenomena and activities of strictly cultural character
(and placed beyond sport) – this refers to the highlighted range of physiotherapy and
massage – is included in physical culture, whereas all of them – those attributed to
physical culture and those which are not attributed to it – belong to a wider notion of
body culture and to the connected cognitive reflection.
   From among the three abovementioned notions (sport, physical culture, body culture)
the one with the narrowest range is the notion of sport together with sport sciences. A
notion wider than that is the notion of physical culture and the connected notion of
physical culture sciences, which includes – apart from various forms of sport –also the
abovementioned manifestations of movement therapy or non-medical, non-erotic forms
of massage. The notion of body culture (and cognitive reflection referring to it) goes
well beyond the range of the notion of sport (and sport sciences) and the notion of
physical culture (and physical culture sciences). It includes all sport and non-sporting
phenomena, activities, theories and forms of scientific and non-scientific reflection
referring to culturally determined aspects of the human body. It is such a wide notion
that issues concerning physical culture (and sport, which is connected with it) which are
placed in it undergo considerable marginalisation in it and lose their autonomy to a
considerable degree.
   Taking into account limitations concerning the notion of sport (and of the connected
sciences) as well as difficulties concerning defining the notion of body culture –as well
as the vague and ambiguous character of the notion and of the researched subject of
body culture (Eichberg 2009), it seems that the most suitable –from the identity-related
and cultural viewpoint – for a package of issues characterized in that paper and the
concerning field of research seems to be the notion of physical culture (and of the
connected sciences).
It results from the above considerations that the notions of body culture (and of its
counterpart: somatic culture), of the physical culture and sport can be variously defined
inautonomous, mutually overlapping and coinciding ways. Relations taking place
between them are, however, ambiguous. They arouse constant interest and will provoke
argument between both theoreticians and practitioners of sport or physical culture. That
phenomenon – that is, never-ending defining of ranges of terms, categories or notions –
is characteristic for the humanities, for culture studies.
   In some European countries there are also applied equivalents of the notions which
are discussed above and in thefootnotes. It refers to the science of man in motion,
 106   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



human motion sciences, exercise sciences, physical activity sciences, sciences of
physical education, antropokinetics, homokinetisc, kinesiology (Bouchard 1976, pp. 10-
21), gimnology kinanthropomotorics, physical movement activity, cultural human
movement (Ronson 2009), bewegungskultur(that is, movement culture) (Grossing 1993)
or kinanthropology (Jirasek 2005). They focus their attention on the notion of movement
and on scientific reflection referring to it. They all have numerous good points justifying
their application as well as bad points. Hence they have their proponents and opponents,
similarly to those whom I have paid greater attention. Considering it in a detailed way
could only confirm this to a greater or a smaller degree. It would not help to decide
definitely which of all the abovementioned terms (and others which have not been
mentioned) –and notions which are referred to – is the most suitable. This also applies to
possible new terms,which can deepen and widen knowledge in the field of the discussed
issues and phenomena, turn attention to their new aspects or inspire new viewpoints. It
will contribute, however, to terminological pluralism.
   I am, however, of the opinion that the most suitable category, term, notion describing
the area of research which is characterized in the paper is physical culture. It is not – as
the term and the notion – free of flaws, similarly to the other pointed out or possible new
terms referring to the complex and complicated set of theoretical and practical issues,
which are impossible to be included by one relevant name, category or term. The notion
of physical culture constitutes, however – in my opinion – the most central and suitable
name, which is rooted in the tradition of the discussed issues from the end of the 19 th
and the first decades of the 20thcenturies. It emphasises in the most accurate way cultural
qualities of various forms of sport, of forms of physical activity which are close to them
and of the connected cognitive reflection.
   Even when it is assumed that no consistent distinction is made between the notion of
sport, the notion of physical culture, the notion of body culture and other
abovementioned terms, it does not mean that juxtaposing such terms with each other is a
proof of content-related negligence. For example, there are overlapping terms in titles of
many magazines, such as "Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research"
(Kosiewicz 2008), "Kultura i Społeczeństwo" ("Culture and Society), "Wychowanie
Fizyczne i Sport" ("Physical Education and Sport") or "Philosophy, Ethics and Sport".
   It is commonly known that culture is a function, an effect of social activities; that
physical education, including elements of sport (sport – and especially school sport –
should also pay attention to children‘s and youth‘s education), is their core element. On
the other hand, ethics, which is a significant part of culture and education (including also
physical activity), is also understood as one of main branches of philosophy, similarly as
aesthetics and axiolology.
   The last of them constitutes – from the viewpoint of philosophy – the basis, the source,
the sense and the essence of all aspects of cultural evaluation.
                             Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   107


   The abovementioned mutually overlapping and merging notions found in physical
culture sciences are characterized by elasticity taking into account various
terminological options, theories and contexts of justification. Such elasticity is typical
for the humanities (and the humanities are, after all, the basis for culture studies). The
abovementioned variety enables permanent exploration –deepening, modification and
creation of new (more or less valuable) original viewpoints, hypotheses, theories and
even of separate disciplines, branches and sciences –which are not, however,
emancipated from knowledge concerning physical culture.

Ⅳ Do Natural Sciences Include Physical Culture Sciences?
 .
   Can physical culture science be treated as natural sciences? Can they be placed in the
field of disciplines connected with health science of medical character? Can they be
regarded and evaluated mainly from the viewpoint of biological sciences and – in a
wider perspective – from the viewpoint of natural sciences?
   Unfortunately these sciences could be – and, as has turned out on the basis of the
latest decision by the Ministry of Science and University Education, they can again be –
regarded from that viewpoint. It is an enforced practice of many-years standing, which
is obviously contradictory with assumptions and principles of general methodology and
specialized methodologies, and which, paradoxically, is applied in Poland in all schools
connected – to varying degrees – with widely understood physical culture, aswell as in
the Ministry of Science and University Education.
   In Poland there is a surprising formal and functional ambivalence concerning the
discussed notions – that is, physical culture and sport. On the grounds of science the
notion of physical cultureis more emphasized than the notion of sport, because in the
field of health sciences there is distinguished an area called physical culture sciences.
Admittedly – referring to foreign (including English-language) literature – the term
"sport sciences" is also more and more often used in Poland, but the latter notion has not
achieved, however, such a formal status as the notion of physical culture sciences.
   On the other hand, in the functional sense – concerning public administration – the
current situation is different, because the notion of sport has been more emphasised in
the government‘s practice than the notion of physical culture for many years. That
notion –because of the range of their practical interests – was taken into account in the
names of such ministries as, for example, the Ministry of Sport, the Ministry of
Education and Sport and the Ministry of Sport and Tourism. By the way, earlier – that is,
before 1989 –there were ministries which had physical culture in their names.
Nowadays, however, it is the notion of sport and practical activity connected with sport
which are emphasized on the administrative level. In my opinion, this is an unnatural
move, because even in that case we are dealing with physical culture where various
forms of sport are included. That culture is popularised with the help of various forms of
 108   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



highly competitive, amateur, common, school and mass sport, with sport for all or with
highly competitive as well as recreational forms of tourism.
   A trend which is found in many Western countries points out that a unification can
take place (although it is not necessary), and that not only the ministry of sport, but
sports sciences (as a synonym of physical culture sciences) will be formally and
officially sanctioned. Admittedly the name will be changed, but the content, sense and
range of the researched problems will not be changed, because they will concern the
abovementioned widely understood physical culture. Sport is a cultural phenomenon.
Hence I suggest maintaining the notion which openly emphasises cultural character of
the discussed field of research –namely, the notion of physical culture sciences.
Nowadays, however, there is a duality in the government, because in the ministry
dealing with science the notion of physical culture is emphasised, and in the ministry
connected with organisation and management of the discussed physical activity the
notion of sport is emphasised. It is not known whether that dualism is going to disappear
and how that formal and content-related problem will be resolved.
   A particular dichotomy – however, of another kind – appears in English-language
literature, which is popularised also in the region of South East Asia and the Pacific. It
concerns sports science and sports studies. The first notion refers to research activities in
the field of sport sciences, and the second is connected with education – that is, with
university studies, subjects which are learned and passed by students. They include
significant elements of what D. Malcolm calls sport sciences. Sports studies are based
on a curriculum referring especially to handbooks, which first of all constitute
introduction into generalised, popularized (that is, simplified) effects of many-years‘and
varied research. Regardless of that interpretation, sports studies can be also understood
as studies of (that is, research on) sport and their (theoretical) effects110By the way, there
can appear some – disputable - comments or interpretations referring both to the notion
of studies and to the notion of research, and concerning their ranges as well as mutual
relations.
   Namely, proponents of empirical – and, especially, natural, sciences are of the
opinion that, unlike those in the humanities, their inquiries are just typical research,
whereas the term "studies" – also in their opinion – is reserved solely for the humanities
of strictly theoretical character, like philosophy, history, non-empirical sociology,
psychology or pedagogy.
   On the other hand, representatives of the humanities think that their exploratory
activities can be called both "studies" and "research", because –regardless of the name
and from the viewpoint of general methodology –they conduct theoretical research
typical for those disciplines, which often, although not necessarily, has empirical
character and which can be correctly called both of the abovementioned names.0,
similarly to – to some degree –sports philosophy, sports sociology or sports psychology
                              Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   109


(Malcolm 2008, p. XII, Coakley and Dunning 2000, Dunning 2002, pp. 211- 238,
Gratton and Taylor 2000).
   Both with their current and with their possible future names the abovementioned
branches of knowledge and teaching are certainly included – in my opinion –in the field
of culture studies;that is, of the humanities, which are treated in that text as a synonym
for social sciences. A possible modification of their names would change nothing in that
respect. They are not health sciences in the medical sense. Neither they are biological,
nor natural sciences. They should not be included by them. For that reason, regardless of
the abovementioned trend, I am inclined to suggest another form of unification –namely,
reverting to such names of ministries which include physical culture. It would
correspond – in a strict and unambiguous way –with the notion of physical culture
sciences.
   Culture studies deal with such issues which go beyond nature. By the way, according
to what L. Feuerbach proclaims about theology, everything in the field of the humanities
is a creation – is rooted in man‘s abilities. He writes that "the real content of theology is
anthropology, that there is no difference between predicatives of the divine and the
human being, and – what is a consequence – between the divine subject and the human
being; that they are identical, because everywhere where –as it happens in theology –
predicatives express not accidental qualities, features, but the essence of a subject, there
is no difference between the subject and the predicative, and the predicative can be put
in place of the subject"(Feuerbach 1959, p. 24). If theology, according to that
interpretation, is treated as anthropology, that means that culture is also the fruit of
activity, of anthropological reflection. That case refers, of course, to the philosophy of
religion and to philosophical anthropology of one of the first German critics of Hegel‘s
views –to considerations on human qualities and abilities which are not rooted in
biological (or natural) sciences, but in the humanities. According to that interpretation,
both culture and theology (which is a significant part of culture) are – from the
viewpoint of the final and the most significant cause –an effect of supernatural, mental
(rational, emotive and volitional) qualities of the human being, which are subject neither
to content-related, nor to methodological judgments from the viewpoint of assumptions
of natural sciences.
   It is obvious that the basis for the human subject‘s cultural activity is his physical,
bodily, naturalbackground. It does not result from that, however, that cognitive
reflection concerning human cultural activity can be included in natural sciences.
Similarly (or in a supplementing, specifying way), it can be remarked that the final
condition for human activity in the field of formal sciences (from the viewpoint of
psychologism, and not of anti-psychologism or, for example, idealistic realism) is –as it
was mentioned above – his physical, bodily, natural existence. It does not imply the
conclusion that the discussed sciences (like, for example, mathematics) can be included
in natural sciences. Neither does it justify the conclusion that final determinants of
 110   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



creativity or other forms of cultural activity (and mathematics) should be looked for by
means of, for example, genetic research.
   K. Fasten is of the opinion that culture has been often strongly influenced by the
human being‘s biological conditions. It refers also to manifestations of physical culture,
such as "participation in leisure time activities and sport". They depend not only on
social determinants, but also on age, sex, race or disability (Fasting 2009, p. 108). It
does not mean, however, that the sources of culture should be looked for in nature, that
they are biologically or genetically determined, as in assumptions of Freud‘s
psychoanalysis. By the way, his view pointing to culture as a source of suffering –the
view that organically determined libidinal energy is the only and primary source of
culture – has been rejected (Freud 1967, 1975, 1982, 1995). Biological factors only
influence various forms of culture but do not create it. It comes into being in social
relations and it influences them. It influences also symbolic and axiocreative perception,
as well as establishment of human corporeality, manifestations of sexuality, forms of
physical activity.
   Biological sciences connected with the human being are traditionally – after
MacFadden, among others –counted among physical culture sciences. Because of the
bodily foundations of human physical activity, they perform – shortly speaking –a
significant cognitive function: they describe natural foundations of particular forms of
movement. In spite of the fact that knowledge in that respect is extremely important for
multiform human activity in the field of physical culture, it is not knowledge of cultural
character. From the formal (that is, institutional) viewpoint it is strictly connected with
culture studies, but it has separate methodological and theoretical assumptions.
Knowledge of that type is focused on the human organism and not on effects of mental,
axiocreative, symbolic activity of the human being entangled in social relations. It
includes auxiliary data which support practical –that is, in that case, physical, bodily –
activity. Its reception of axiological (ethical and aesthetical), social (philosophical,
sociological, pedagogical, historical {universal or strictly defined – referring e.g. to art
and literature with the connected theories} or political) character is dealt with by the
humanities (in other words: social sciences) constituting an immanent and the
fundamental – and hence the most important –part of culture studies. Putting stress on
alleged superiority and the dominating role of natural (biological in that case) sciences
within physical culture sciences and the connected marginalization of the humanities –
which constitute, after all, a necessary and hence an unquestionable foundation for
culture studies, their essence and objectivisation – is, euphemistically speaking, a clear
shortcoming in the field of science studies.
   The abovementioned exaltation and aspirations for superiority, as well as deepening
and more and more aggressive marginalization of the humanities (understood in that
paper as a synonym for social sciences) in the field of physical culture sciences may
lead to the separation of biological sciences.
                              Biological and Social Context of Physical Culture and Sport   111


   It‘s result can be, among others, the foundation of some department, institute or unit
which would be separate from universities of physical education existing in Poland.
Thus that more or less academic (or non-academic) institution could be called, for
example, the institute of biological determinants of physical effort (or, more shortly, the
institute of biology of effort).
   Physiology dealing with sport is commonly called the physiology of sport.
Representatives of biological sciences dealing with sport proclaim that there is not
distinguished such a notion as the physiology of sport as a specific sub-discipline in
physiology as such. What is distinguished is only the physiology of effort which –
shortly speaking –focuses its attention on research into the human organism before,
during and after effort. The organism of the human being – similarly to of other living
creatures – is in its internal connections, mediations and entanglements (not only from L.
von Bertalanffy‘s viewpoint (1973)) only a purely biological, non-cultural functional
structure, which does not generate any values by itself.
   In the formal and content-related sense the title of the magazine from the so-called
Philadelphian List – "Biology of Sport" – which has a so-called impact factor – can be
treated similarly to the notion of the physiology of sport. In its title there are included
both a content-related and a formal mistake. Sport is a cultural – and not an organic –
phenomenon. Hence it is not subject to biological research. Biology (that is, its
representatives) can research effort which is connected with it all organic elements
accompanying it, but it can never research cultural relations. Biology (or, according to a
wider interpretation, natural sciences) has no relevant research instrument to do it.
   Sport as a cultural phenomenon should not be regarded from the perspective of
biological cognitive instruments, because sport is considered first of all (in the
fundamental, necessary and unconditional way) from the viewpoint of values which are
attributed to some conventionalised behaviours based on principles, regulations, rules
and norms, which are objectively (e.g. physically) measurable, discretionary (aesthetical,
ethical) and take into account many more various axionormative themes –and which are
not results of the physiological-structural way of functioning of the human subject.
What matters in cultural reflection (in the field of physical culture) concerning sports
activity is not movement as such – as a purely physical phenomenon –but only such a
form of movement which has been attributed with conventionalised social values of
symbolic and autotelic character.
   Concluding considerations on the abovementioned magazine, it can be stated that – in
my opinion – it could be entitled "Sport and Biology of Effort". Such a title would
highlight the autonomy of the notions and a possible narrow range of their overlapping
cognitive inquiries, which would be connected solely with biological analysis,
description and explanation of specific kinds of movement –that is, those forms of
movement which are characteristic for particular sports. The proposed title would not
refer, on the other hand, to sport on the whole –that is, sport according to its holistic
 112   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



cultural interpretation. By the way, "sport as such" is only a notion, it is an abstract
being. There exist only particular sports, particular forms of sports activity.
   Moreover, it should be emphasized –in accordance with assumptions of epistemology,
axiology, general methodology and specialized methodologies, science studies, the
philosophy of science, the philosophy of empirical sciences and the philosophy of nature
–that there are no values in nature. This can be attributed to it during ideography or a
nomotetic move, what is an obvious methodological mistake. Attributing nature with
values was called "a naturalist fallacy" by D. Hume. It is a fallacy which had been
unconsciously made until his times (and which was also made later, when his views
were forgotten for some time – that is, until the 20th century) by philosophers and other
representatives of science. Description and explanation of researched reality should be
objective – that is, free of emotive qualities, autotelic and instrumental ones, to such a
degree as it is possible (Hume 1963, Hołówka 1981).
   Taking into account the abovementioned considerations, it can be added that all
biological sciences dealing with issues connected with the human organism (such as
anatomy,biophysics, biochemistry or biomechanics) are, in the methodological and the
content-related sense, in a similar situation to the discussed physiology of effort –they
do not consider the human being in the abovementioned categories of values, from the
viewpoint of axiology.
   Because of the fact that biological sciences are placed outside culture studies, they are
not and they cannot be characteristic, typical representatives of those studies. This also
applies to their place in physical culture sciences. They perform in those sciences only
an auxiliary, supporting function –in a similar way (although not in the same sense) as,
for example, a team of technical workers of various trades in their relation to artists of a
theatre.
   Admittedly in big theatres (for example, in Teatr Wielki in Warsaw) the number of
those technical workers can be greater then the number of artists, but that does not mean
that they should have teleological, qualitative and functional superiority, that artistic
aspirations should be subordinated to tasks and aims of other professional groups. There
is the opposite situation in that case. The artists – actors, singers, dancers, musicians,
theatre directors, choreographers and stage designers – are those who decide in a given
institution about its artistic character.
   Other, non-artistic workers should support realisation of their plans and put them into
practice because they are employed in order to support art –and not to subordinate it to
other non-artistic aims.

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 French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th
        centuries and Current Show Wrestling
                 - Logical Similarities

                                                                         Fréderic LOYER
                                                      (University of Caen, UFR STAPS)
                                                 -with the participation of Guy JAOUEN


Abstract
   The principal characteristics to know about ‗le catch‘ (Show or American Wrestling)
are: the minimal distance of attack, development of physical domination by acts of
simulated violence, complicity with the public, which reminds us of those fights that
could be found in travelling carnivals at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th
centuries. The success of show wrestling today seems partly to be due to this culture of
the show when wrestlers in rings replaced wrestlers on the carnival stages. Although
rigged, this activity of ‗mimicry‘ (games of ‗pretence‘) have stolenprogressively the
limelight from the stars of sporting wrestling. This can be explained in two ways: firstly,
the excessive gestures of show wrestling, extravagantly exaggerated, allow, better than
in sport, to intelligibly express symbolic pain, defeat and justice. Then, contrary to
‗âgon‘ (competitive games), this game of roles has the function of re-orientating the
attack towards inoffensive routes. This ritualising of fights can be likened to the
lowering of our threshold of sensibility to violence.
Key words: French ‗flat-hands‘ wrestling, travelling carnivals, catch or show wrestling, internal
logic, external logic.


Introduction
   The phenomenon of show wrestling was amplified in France at the beginning of the
21st century, and benefited more and more fromthe impact of television, and above all
since the arrival of digital channels. Contrary to the show wrestling of the 1960s,
programmed later on state television, matches are accessible to a greater number of
people, in particular to adolescents. These broadcasts often repeat matches programmed
in prime time, sometimes in the afternoon. The NT1 broadcast ‗Puissance Catch‘ (power
wrestling) attracts more than 200,000 every Thursday. Again on NT1 « Catch Attack »
gathers an average of 550,000 viewers every Saturday, with high points to 700,000 in
other words, 10.6% of the digital television viewing market. Since February 2009, NT1
schedules on Friday evening a second broadcast of ninety minutes, and it is now the turn
                                  French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th centuries
                                       and Current Show Wrestling - Logical Similarities      119

of Eurosport to launch a broadcast of show wrestling entitled ‗Never say that it is fixed‘.
World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE), the biggest show wrestling institution in the
world, broadcasting in one hundred and forty five countries and in twenty-eight
languages, is quoted on the Stock Exchange. In France, ten or so magazines are
dedicated to American Wrestling, and the 8-12 year olds exchange stickers of the
superstars, as children in the past did with the football players in the 1st division.
  Adolescents paper their bedroom walls with posters of wrestlers, and make improvised
rings on their bed or on the sofa in the living room, in order to imitate their idols - not
without risk. The current craze for show or American wrestling contrasts with the
relative absence of interest in the sporting forms. Breaking with equality of luck,
balance of strengths and the glorious uncertainty of the sport, the success of show
wrestling leaves nothing to surprise. Here is a rigged activity, unjust, an anti-duel
deliberately dissymmetric where impressive brutality is – the whole world knows –
basically simulated. If we agree to say that the games are consubstantial to culture
(Callois, 1967), social recognition –via television and shows for the masses – leave no
surprises. According to R. Caillois our society has retained two forms of match: the
matches of ‗alea‘ (hazard) and ‗âgon ‗(competitive matches). Confused societies, in
other archaic words, developed ‗mimicry‘ (semblance) and ‗ilinx‘ (dizziness). The
principle of intelligibility developed by R. Caillois (1958) in his classification is the
attitude of the player during the match. Another analysis is possible: donot consider the
individual in an isolated fashion any more, but envisage each sporting match as a
driving force offering and interlacing interdependent factors.
   That which is laid down at the beginning of the game, is no longer an isolated subject,
but the relationships uniting the subject and its environment. Defended by P. Parlebas
(1999) P. Parlebas, Jeux, sports et sociétés, Lexique de praxéologie motrice, Paris,
INSEP, 1999 this systemic conception – or structural conception – puts the interaction
on front stage. The analysis of the internal logic of the activity is essential, P. Parlebas
remembers all the significance: ‗the concept of internal logic is, in our eyes, of major
importance, on the one hand that it denotes the presence of a system linked to a
‗ludomotor‘ agreement, and on the other hand implies finalisation and the practical
significance of individual behaviour engendered by this system. Looked at in this way,
the matches are the true ‗praxeo-logical‘ systems(P. Parlebas, 1986, p118).
   Our study largely relies on the motor ‘praxeology‘ or motor action scienceacross the
analysis of internal and external logic‘s of the concerned activities. We give the
hypothesis according to which wrestling kept its success in ‗memetics‘ a heritage of the
fairgrounds bouts, and then the French music halls of the 1890‘s to 1910‘s. The
ethnologist R. Dawkins (1989), defined the concept of ‗meme‘ (contraction of the words
mime and gene) as one of the selective cultural units having a capacity to survive(R.
Dawkins, 1989, 261). The ‗meme‘ are the equivalent of the culture of ‗genes‘. These are
theentities equipped with the power of replication and visible mutations in the ‗internal
 120   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



logic‘of the activity, their conditions of use or the regulatory conditions which impose a
certain type of relationship with the surrounding space, to physical violence, to the
score ... the analysis of the ‗genotypes‘ will be completed by what we could
metaphorically call a ‗phenotypic‘ analysis. It is a matter of clarifying the traits of
‗external logic‘ which characterisesthe context (stake, public, particularities of the
players). This hypothesis recaptures the analysis of the sociologist Ch. Lamoureux,who
put the origin of the activity into the fairgrounds at the end of the 19 th century, ‗born of
popular games, it returned to the people under the form of an entertainment made by and
for the people‘(Ch, Lamoureux, 1993, 261). This gives an analysis of the historic origin
of wrestling which is different to that given by R. Barthes (1957) which makes reference
to the ancient and Greek origins of the activity. The latter evokes the ‗sunny‘ character
of wrestling in that the show in the open air happened ‗without shadows‘ – a practise of
visible fixing which, according to him, was possible.
   He explains that the simulated suffering, the show of pain and prolonged defeat are
totally clear but remained discreet, ‗every sign must be excessively clear, but must not
clearly manifest its intention‘. The ‗theory of the games‘permitted us to define, with
precision, the structure of these activities. Following the works of J. Von Neumann and
O. Morgenstern, (1944). J. Von Neumann and O.Morgenstern, Theory of games and
Economic Behaviour, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1944. itseems possible to
identify the expression ‗theory of games‘, these principally concern co-operativegames
aiming at winnings for everyone by the stability of alliance. M. Barbut (1967) takes up
the notional picture, and identifies specific games, games of pure chance and games
which are not of pure chance. P. Parlebas envisages the wealth of operating concepts
and of an efficient methodology, which permits the contribution of the ‗theory of the
games‘in the study of sporting games(P. Parlebas, 1986, p33-66).

Method
   The features of internal logic of French ‗flat hand‘ wrestling at the end of the 19 th -
beginning of the 20th centuries (end 19th & beg. 20th), and those of wrestling at the
beginning of the 21st century,are identified in an analysis table which allows us to put
together on one page the essential characteristic features of the activity(P. Parlebas,
2003, p9-36): bringing into play the body, relationship to space, time, others,
codification, accounting of points, nature of the ground, the system of leading and minor
roles, social force, material used, solicited corporal violence. The criteria can be used to
process an illustration, a photograph, a postcard; situations described in a text, but also
video support. The study is taken from using old documents: engravings, drawings,
paintings, and works of the 19th century, from photographic archives, postcards and
journalistic archives from the 1890s to 1910. Three works written between 1960 and
1975 allow us to understand better this glorious period of French wresting. ‗Confessions
of a wrestler‘ (Strangler, 1960), ‗The truth about wrestling‘(Corne, 1974) and ‗Wrestling,
                                  French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th centuries
                                       and Current Show Wrestling - Logical Similarities      121

this unknown‘ (Harvest, 1969). Finally, the current show wrestling magazines,
broadcasts and recordings of American reality shows constitute the background of
analysis of current practices.

1 – French wrestling (flat-hands) – end of the 19th – beginning of
the 20th centuries
   The first unified rules of French wrestling are from the middle of the 19th century,
they forbid any holds below the belt and submission holds, the victory of a fall is
obtained by both the opponent‘s shoulders touching the floor simultaneously. French
wrestling appeared and developed in Patron Saint‘s festivals and then fairgrounds in the
form of a show, during demonstrations and challenges. The introduction of wrestlers
seemed, in itself, already to form a show, a first ‗act‘ unpaid and accessible to all. The
success of the fairground wrestler is, without doubt, there. The manager of the troupe
seduced the public and kept their interest alert by showing off the distinctive physique of
these men who remained immobile, one beside the other, with their arms crossed. The
wrestlers were given suggestive nicknames, firstly recognised by their single name and
the name of their town of origin, then identified by a provocative term the wrestler
appeared at this time and in this context, as a product for sale, which needed to become
more and more attractive. The impressive corpulence of some was put first and foremost,
whilst the unpleasant or on the other hand, attractive physical appearances of others was
accentuated.
   Wrestling that developed in the environment of travelling performer became
corrupted, without any real fundamental culture, but nonetheless became essential in
front of a public which stayed away from real bouts, which were less dynamic and
tedious, in preference to the simulated shows which were much more impressive. The
accomplices mixed with the public, backing up the challenges hurled by the wrestlers
after their parade. It is in this way that true productions were played out. Fairground
practice, in order to be more spectacular, transformed techniques by making them more
impressive thanks to the complicity which existed between the opponents.
   Middle class town dwellers that went to the fairground to enjoy themselves were,
without doubt, interested by the first shows of fairground wrestling. This wrestling
became popular in chic neighbourhoods and a highly prized entertainment for the
Parisians during the winter season. The ruling classes possessed at that time the money
and the free time which they could use to organise shows and sporting wagers. The
middle classes appreciated this fighting show whilst knowing how to retain a courteous
character. The opponents could only grab hold of the upper body and had to make the
opponent fall without doing any harm.
   The arrival before the end of the 19th century of some foreign wrestlers (Turkish,
Swiss and Russian) gave the idea to the director of the newspaper ‗Les sports‘ to
 122   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



organise a world championship in 1898. This championship was organised in the casino
of Paris and was a complete success, with the victory of Frenchman Paul Pons.
Nevertheless, the same wrestlers, under the guidance of promoters, soon became
commercialised by participating in tournaments, with high media coverage, which
existed at that time on the periphery of the world championships, and of which the
results were decided in advance. One of the most famous tournaments was ‗la ceinture
d‘or‘ (gold belt) which took place at the ‗Folies Bergeres‘ and was presented as the
"annual challenge of the kings of the mat". The blows and holds were arranged,as they
generally were in the fairgrounds, of which we have spoken before, only the status the
fame and the reputation of the fighters becoming different. It was necessary to attract
and impress the spectator the cabaret match could not be honest. Indeed how could
physical integrity be preserved, this of primary importance to the wrestlers/actors, whilst
executing a new act every evening over several weeks, without seeming to.
Effectiveness is to be found in pretence. The combat appeared like an interpretation or a
piece of theatre, and consisted of rapidly passing before the eyes of the crowd, a certain
number of characteristic and spectacular techniques, as varied as possible. At this time
the practise of wrestling was the first choice in a show: whether it was the fairground
patter or the casino poster announcing a match between two fighters, the primary action
was commercial.

1-1 The type of game
   ‗French flat-hands wrestling‘ appears as a ‗sociomotor‘ sporting game developed at
the end of 19th & beginning of 20th centuries in the form of a partnership between
professionals. A first world championship for professionals was organised in Paris in
1898, but contrary to Anglo-Saxon sporting practises which were developing at this time
in France and were characterised by a ruling known and accepted by everyone, the
wrestling matchestook place without following precise rules. Techniques were either
authorised or forbidden, the enforcement of victories and the awarding of points, the
length of a bout, the presence or absence of weight categories were not defined and were
variable depending upon the different tournaments and championships. French flat-hand
wrestling or professional Greco-Roman style had significant difficulties inbeing
accepted and recognised as a sporting discipline.

1-2 Structure of the game
   With the faked contest, the confrontation determined and prepared in advance, the
pseudo adversaries in collaboration it was not a question of a sporting competition, but
just a show.
   According to the theory of games it is possible to define flat-hands wrestling at this
time as a ‗game strictly determined and co-operative‘, two characteristics fiercely
rejected by the sport. Greco-Roman wrestling and free style wrestling are, today, clearly
                                  French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th centuries
                                       and Current Show Wrestling - Logical Similarities      123

identified as a sport of grasping which takes place in the form of a strict duel, in other
words ‗a game of two players and to null sum‘. Extolling antagonism and domination
this ‗strictly competitive game‘(P. Parlebas, 1986, p59) is the stereotype of sport.

1-3 Violence in the game
  The holds used in the different tournaments and championships at the beginning of
the 20th century show a genuine level of violence. These moves appear in different
works about techniques from the end of 19th & beginning of 20th centuries(L. Ville,
1981).The gesture was created and more than ever belonged to the wrestler. Certain
holds carried the name of the wrestler for whom it was their speciality, it was in this way
possible to distinguish three types of ‗headhold‘ – ‗la cravate de Fénélon‘ (front
headlock), the ‗Pons cravate‘ (front twisting headhold), and the ‗François Le Bordelais
cravate’ (a chancery Nelson). The ‗double Nelson‘, ‗Arpin‘s head throw‘, the ‗throw
onto the knee‘, or the ‗collier de force en arrière’ (stranglehold from behind), were
dangerous techniques when they were used in real conditions of resistance.

1-4 Space and equipment
   During the period of travelling and fairground wrestling, the bouts took place either
on the ground on sand or a circle of sawdust. The matches in casinos took place on a
stage with wooden boards. In both cases, the space did not permit a very mobile contest,
involuntary unsteadiness was frequent. The area of confrontation was not clearly defined
and it was not unusual to see the wrestlersfall from the stage into the first tables of
people watching the show.

1-5 The combat costume
   P. Pons gives his wrestling memories in the newspaper ‗La Vie au Grand Air‘ and
recalls the parade: ‗I saw them all in front of me, shoulders back, chest exposed, leg
muscles flexed, beautifully upright. They were all there, my colleagues: Bonnet le Bœuf
in a purplepeplum, Fernand le Rouget, bulging chest covered in a half leopard skin,
Paul le Mastoque, ankles ringed with rabbit fur – the whole troupe was ready, ordered
in battle awaiting the amateur’(P. Pons, 1907).
   E. Desbonnet tells us that the ‗masked man‘ was a wrestling ‗personage‘ of the 19 th
century. ‗This masked man was destined to renew interest in pugilistic exhibitions. He
arrived in a convertible car, followed by his servant, and dressed in a leotard which
covered him from head to toe. His head was hidden in a kind of black silk hood with
holes for the eyes’. Finally, he was gloved’(E. Desbonnet, 1910).

1-6 Refereeing
 124   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   The merit of the actions in French wrestling was, for a long time, left to the
assessment and refereeing of the judges. Victory could be obtained at the beginning of
the 20th century by a ‗rolling fall‘, contact of the shoulder blades with the mat after a
throw, or by a ‗controlled fall‘ with both shoulder blades held on the floor by the
opponent. Forbidden blows were made, blows which neverfailed to be used by the
wrestlers who played the role of ‗savages‘ and which each troupe had in its ranks. The
success of a tournament was often assured by a brutal fighter, who scorned the rules and
attracted the fury of the public.

2 – „Catch‟ or Show Wrestling
    Before WWI, a new style of wrestling, ‗catch wrestling‘, originating in America
started to develop in France. This style allowed seizing all parts of the opponent‘s body,
thus using legs and arms on his legs, but also certain actions which proved to be painful,
such as twisting ankles or arms locks. The ‗catch as catch can‘ style was present as from
the Olympic Games in St Louisin 1904. It was after WWI that free-style wrestling,
practised in codified sporting competition, was differentiated from ‗catch as catch can‘
by forbidding all dangerous actions.
    With the French Federation of Wrestling, founded in 1913, this activity became a
sport separated from professionals. After the war the Federation integrated free style
wrestling which once again became Olympics in 1924.
    In the 1930‘s, another form of wrestling, derived also from ‗catch as catch can‘,
developed and grabbed the attention of the public with its spectacular side. This activity
was defined as a mix of Greco-Roman wrestling, of strangleholds and arm locks and
was practised by professionals. The methods of practice and of victory appeared
dynamic and made possible the achievement of a large range of motions. Show
wrestling was introduced to France by Deglane, champion of the Greco-Roman
heavyweight championship at the Olympic Games in Paris in 1924. After winning his
title he went to the United Sates and claim to be world professional wrestling champion.
On his return to France he matched Rigoulot, the Olympic weightlifting champion, a
popular idol, and for a long time considered in France as the strongest man in the world.
These athletes appeared in the lineage of great French sportsmen after the war. They
represented French invincibility and their matches took place before a huge public. Paoli,
ex-international of rugby, several times champion of France in Greco-Roman wrestling,
organised contests in the ‗Vélodrome d‘hiver‘ or in the boxing ring at the ‗Palais des
Sports‘. He tried to give show wrestling the appearance of a sport, with the creation of a
professional wrestling federation, and organised matches between the best ‗show
wrestlers‘ of the world.
    However, the practise of show wrestling remained confused. The rules were not
precise, victory could be obtained by holding the shoulders of your opponent for three
seconds on the mat, or by forcing him to submit, blows were forbidden, but using
                                  French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th centuries
                                       and Current Show Wrestling - Logical Similarities      125

painful techniques was authorised. The practical modalities constituted a dubious
element to the sincerity of the matches, pain could be simulated and sport gave way to
spectacle. After WWII the craze for this activity did not decrease. Show wrestling was
hugely favoured by the public, even if its functional logic surrounding its success did
not seem to adhere to any ethical, sporting or educational bases. From this period a
confusion takes place by the public who mix show wrestling with amateur sporting
wrestling (Greco-Roman and free style wrestling).
   The French Wrestling Federation was itself at the heart of the confusion by
recognising after WWII the practise of Show wrestling, as a special section directly
under the control of the Chairman. The Federation tried to imposenew regulations with
the objective of banning techniques which proved to be dangerous. Professional
meetings wereonly organised in Paris and the Federation took a tax of eight percent of
the total income. In the Federation Bulletin of March 1947, an article entitled
‗Showwrestling at the service of amateur wrestling‘ focused the controversy which
existed around this practice and raised the difficult problem which it had generated
within the Federation. The article wrote about the particular and confusing rule of show
wrestling: ‗Show wrestling exists. It is what it is. If it permits an amateur sport
Federationto live and to prosper, it thus participates, perhaps without doubt, in the whole
sporting family, of which it wishes to take part.
   The strictly amateur character of wrestling appeared to be in opposition with the
professional dimension of Show wrestling. This difference, even disturbing, was
accepted because of the financial benefits which it brought. Show wrestling expressed
the desire to take part in the sporting medium, many accused it of sham, but on the
contrary, others saw it as a sincere and authentic practise. Confusion existed, Show
wrestling posed a problem and certain members of the Federation seemed to rapidly
showdoubts concerning the sincerity of meetings which were arranged, with results
known in advance. Development went towards the ever-growing parody of fights, as at
the beginning of the century, which finished by stretching the goodwill of the public.
From that time, wrestling was going to be associated with pretence and could not be
considered as an educational practise. In 1951 the double affiliation of professional and
amateur wrestling was forbidden and the French Wrestling Federation became
completely amateur. Show wrestling is recognised as a spectacle. This became official
with the decree of the National Education Ministry of 22 January 1954. In the Article 2
it is specified that: ‗wrestling events other than ‗Greco-Roman‘, free style and Breton
wrestling, in particular showwrestling, are not recognised as sporting events, and in
consequence cannot benefit from authorisations foreseen in the first article of the edict
of 28 August 1945.‘
   Show wrestling nonetheless easily found a place in a France which benefited from a
strong economic growth and the development of leisure time where, amongst other
things, sportingshows sold well. Also, leisure, as work, was a direct source of profit. In
 126   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



the modern world, this business took the form of industry: the industry of cinema,
holidays, cycling, football and, more than ever, show wrestling during the 1960‘s. Four
professional federations of Show wrestling could be identified at this time: the
‘Fédération internationale de lutte de combat‘, ‗Fédération autonome‘ or ‗Fédération
française des lutteurs indépendants‘, ‗Fédération française de lutte professionnelle‘ and
the ‗Fédération française de catch professionnel‘ (Harvest, 1969). Each organiser had its
own sport hall in Paris. Provincial tours and meetings under big tops equally made up a
lucrative business. However, show wrestling disappeared little by little, in ‗war‘which
started between the different bodies wishing to control the activity. The best wrestlers
were members at the same time of different federations, of amateur or professional
wrestling the activity was also suffering from its reputation as a ‗sham‘ and the problem
of generational revival.
   Today it is American wrestling which is on French cable channels, where the
broadcasts continue to multiply and have conquered a public of adolescents and young
adults. A match is an excuse to tell a story to entertain the spectators, and it pushes them
to take the game seriously, the wrestlers, apart from their behavioural characteristics are
endowed with personality traits and are accompanied by music chosen and created to
suit their personality. Each wrestler also displays his personality by means of his
‗gimmick‘ (costume, attitude, entry music, etc). Show wrestling enjoys more and more
significant success presenting new personalities in the same medium as true soap operas.
Pre-matches are scripted and the wrestlers play the role of television series personalities
(kind, bad, punk, ‗rapper‘, etc.).

2-1 Type of game
   Show wrestling is defined as a ‗sociomotor‘ sporting game which takes place as a
partnership. The game cannot be arranged within the group of ‗institutional sporting
games‘. The criteria linked to the systems of rules, of competitive or institutional
contexts are neither consistent nor rigorous. The ‗sporting‘ dimension that wrestlers
claim is only linked to the power characteristics of the activity combining the physical
and considerable technique.

2-2 Structure of the game
   In show wrestling, the struggle is a game determined in advance. According to the
‗Theory of the games‘, it is possible to define wrestling as a ‗game strictly defined and
co-operative‘ (Shubik, 1982), two characteristics fiercely refused by Sport that it is not
acceptable that one of them could be strictly defined. He goes on about ‗the glorious
uncertainty of the sport‘. Show wrestling offers a dual property: a game of co-operation
where the result is known in advance. Theorists of the games speak of a situation of
‗private information‘ (opposed to a situation of ‗secret information‘, Guerrien, 2002
Eber, 2007). ‗Private‘ because if the wrestlers know the outcome of the match, the
                                  French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th centuries
                                       and Current Show Wrestling - Logical Similarities      127

spectators ignore it, whilst knowing that the wrestlers know – this allows at the same
time to keep the public in suspense: ‗Who will win?‘, whilst being reassured about the
real value of the blows (they are sure that nothing serious will happen to the players, as
all is planned in advance).

2-3 Violence in the game
   If fighters pushed really their attacks, no limb could avoid fracture or dislocation. The
fighters therefore have to control their attacks, and the most dramatic grimaces and
groans are not the most sincere. Through a shoulder or ankle lock, violence and pain
could be simulated. Nowadays each super star wrestler possesses hisspecial technique.
Show wrestlers have always used the ropes for momentum to give the illusion of
maximum violence. Simulating violence can nonetheless turn out to be dangerous, it is
possible that injuries are more frequent in Show wrestling than in ordinary wrestling.

2-4 Space and equipment
   In Show wrestling using a ring, there is a proximity between the spectators and the
fighters. Wrestlers are often unbalanced and thrown over the ropes of the ring.
Confrontations can also start outside the ring itself, in the cloakrooms, corridors and
these are relayed in the stadium on giant screens visible by the public. Wrestlers these
days use tools available in the immediate situation in order to enliven their scenario:
dustbins, ladders, chairs, the steps up to the ring. Fireworks, musical shows and
pyrotechnics are always more and more impressive and enliven the fights.

2-5 Combat dress
   In the 1960‘s the ‗producers‘ of spectacles invent the most incredible displays. The
wrestlers were presented dressed in tiger skin, the robes of a sovereign, or gladiator or in
a kilt. In this field, fantasy was given free run, from the hideous Quasimodo to the
angelic white angel. Each one had a well-defined role which he repeated constantly
because the grimaces were as important as the most skilful holds. Today the sequinned
costume of the 1960s-70s has had its day it is replaced by the characterof the wrestler
who is more assertive than ever. The characters are more touched by the image of the
life of the spectators, motivated by brotherly rivalry, money problems or by feelings.

2-6 Refereeing
   The victory in wrestling is obtained by a ‗fall‘ which holds the shoulders of the
opponent for three seconds tothe mat, forcing him to give up with a submission
(strangleholds, locks), a knockout (loss of consciousness) or being thrown out of the
ring for more than 10 seconds. The continuous transgression of the rules is an integral
part of the game and it allows the construction of a fight with an action-packed scenario
 128     Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



where the objective is to activate the public‘s enthusiasm. The rules are more often than
not used to construct real trouble within the match.


3 –Results: Wrestling from the end of 19th & beg. 20th centuries and Show
wrestling at the beginning of the 21st century: logical similarities
   Olympic wrestling is defined through weight categories, a system of fair scoring,
standard space, serious refereeing, increase of spectacular techniques, all whilst
evolving towards a reduction in violence (cf.tab.1). However, this process of
‗sportification‘is synchronous with a disinterest by the general public. French flat-hands
wrestling and Show wrestling are characterised across the system of rules, a competitive
and institutional framework, which are not rigorous: faked confrontations, absence of
weight categories, rules which are continuously transgressed, and techniques that appear
to be extremely violent. However, the first form attracted the crowds at the end of the
19th century and the second those of today. If wrestling has found its place today within
a new sport area characterised by speed and physical feats, its success seems equally to
have been facilitated by a French tradition which exists around ‗show‘ fighting.

Table 1. Internal logic - external logic - French wrestling - Show wrestling - Sporting wrestling
 Internal logic        French wrestling              Show wrestling         Greco-Roman
                       End 19th – beginning          Beginning of the       wrestling
                       20th centuries.               21st century           End of 20th,
                                                                            beginning of the
                                                                            21st century
 Number           of 2                               2à6                    2
 players
 Sex                   Men                           Men                    Men
                       Some women                    Women

 Age                  Adult                        Adult                   Adult
 Codification    of   Variable                     Variable                Defined
 time                 Unclear                      Unclear                 Victory by a throw
                      Only the fall is counted     Only the fall seemed    to the ground or on
                      ‗rolled‘ by throwing or      to give victory         points
                      ‗control‘ by
                      immobilisation on the
                      ground
 Space                Bout on the ground or on     Ring                    Specifically flat and
                      a wooden stage                                       even
 Ground               Not laid out                 Laid out but not        Layout            and
                                                   respected               preparation
                                                                           specified
                                   French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th centuries
                                           and Current Show Wrestling - Logical Similarities   129

 Structure           Contact hand to hand           Contact hand       to    Contact hand      to
                                                    hand                     hand
 Interaction with    Partnership                    Partnership              Opposition
 opposition
 Corporal            Possible                       Possible                 Prohibited
 violence

 External      French wrestling              Show wrestling                 Sporting wrestling
 Logic         End 19th – beginning 20th     Beginning 21st century         End 20th – beginning
               centuries                                                    21st centuries
 Spectators    Numerous                      Numerous                       Few
 Dress         Unspecified                   All forms, unspecified         Carpet
                                                                            Red or blue leotard
 Referee       1                             1                              3
 Prize         Sum of money                  Sum of money                   Medal

   The internal logics of show wrestling and the sport of Greco-Roman wrestling are
distinct line by line: the first structure generates faked confrontations and authorises
techniques apparently violent, in contrast the dual of Greco-Roman structure encloses
the player in a classic model limiting the possible field of violence.
   The characteristics of American wrestling are not dissimilar to those of professional
French ‗flat hands‘ wrestling which already used ‗spectacular‘ holds in the 19th century :
wrestlers embodying personalities, rules made to be broken and to arouse the public.In
‗flat hands‘ wrestling and in Americanwrestling, confrontation swings towards a plan
determined in advance. Following the ‗theory of the games‘, it is possible to define the
two practises as ‗a game strictly determined and co-operative‘: two characteristics
fiercely rejected by the sport.
   Conversely Olympic wrestling is, today, clearly identified as a combat sport of
‗grasping‘ which takes place in the form of strict duel, in other words ‗a game of two
players and to null sum‘ (Von Neumann & Morgenstern, 1944). The status of a ‗minor
sport‘ endorsed by Greco-Roman wrestling foresees the limits of the ‗process of
sportification‘ of this activity. The ‗show‘ of sporting wrestling competitions which take
place in a codified social environment, regulated and following a euphemistic form (see
Table l), do not arouse emotions with the general public.
   Elias and Dunning determined and analysed the characteristics which they called
‗sportification‘ of a physical activity and conclude that the appearance of the sport is
linked to the concept of ‗controlled liberation of emotions‘. According to them, modern
sport, born at the end of the 18th century, is characterised by the existence of written
rules and uniform codification the practices, by the autonomy of the show and by the
lowering of thedegree of violence permitted in civilised societies where states of
excitement and tension are constantly curbed, sport permits the arousal of emotions
 130   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



within a predetermined framework. Wrestling as a sporting practice does not fill the
function of ‗controlled liberation of emotions‘ described by N. Elias. In a society
marked in such a way that violence has become an everyday feature, the spectator
cannot any more identify himself with some rare people to whom has been accorded the
exclusive right to give free rein to their aggressiveness. In order to limit possible
violence, a complicated system of scores orders an algorithm of technical combinations
which the wrestlers are ‗trained‘ to follow. The personal development of the wrestler
progresses by apprenticeship to relinquish voluntarily his potential one by one to
increase his capacity to destroy his immediate environment. The show has probably
depreciated.
   The euphemism of Greco-Roman wrestling was at the beginning of the lack of
interest for a practise around which possible violence was limited by a system of rules
which tried to make the activity spectacular, but in accordance with a code which was
too complicated. Conversely French wrestling and show wrestling were organised by
shrewd promoters who made a show of fixed matches and parades with athletes of
impressive build and eye-catching names. The features of the internal logic of show
wrestling were skilfully altered to fit the circumstances of the spectacular: shocking
images, symbolic roles, dramatics, reversals…
   Better than in sporting wrestling, the Showfighters passed in turn from dominant to
dominated status, accentuating also the revelation of the power of oppression that each
could exert upon the others. If by Show wrestling the interest of the spectators was
renewed by the diversity of the holds due to the footwork which allowed a multitude of
combinations, the techniques used were those first mastered by the professional Greco-
Roman wrestlers of the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. Numerous
techniques would be forbidden because of the codification of sporting wrestling which
were judged to be too dangerous, they were re-used by Show wrestlers – wrestlers in the
form of a partnership (‗Arpin grip‘, ‗headlock‘, ‗American style arm reversal‘.)

Conclusion
   According to Caillois (1967) our society has retained four forms of game: games of
alea (hazard), games of agôn (competition), games of ilinx (dizziness) and games of
mimicry (pretence). As all sports, show wrestling should be associated to the two first
categories, however this practice contradicts this thesis. Indeed the game is strictly
determined (there is no hazard), and it is faked (there is no competition). On the other
hand, the players construct a role game (which Caillois calls mimicry). Show wrestling
is based on the creation of a dramatic illusion, the representation of a role. Only the
semblance of sporting wrestling remains, the activity is part of the definition given by
Caillois of games of ‗mimicry‘: ‗to become oneself an illusionary person and to behave
accordingly‘. Otherwise, contrary to the entertainment rites of ‗archaic‘ societies, this
mimicry is not at the service of ilinx but of the absolute mastery of technique. There we
                                      French Flat-Hands Wrestling in late 19th and early 20th centuries
                                           and Current Show Wrestling - Logical Similarities      131

meet a new type of game which introduces a nuance to the works of one of the most
eminent sociologists of entertainment practises. Even if faked, show wrestling can steal
the lead to sporting wrestling. This can be explained for two reasons: firstly, the more
and more excessive gestures, extremely exaggerated, allow – better than in sport – to
express loudly and clearly symbolic pain, defeat and justice. Next, this role play allows
the redirecting of the attack towards inoffensive ways. This ritualising of fights is more
and more in phase with the lowering of our threshold of sensibility towards violence.
The confusion between amateur sport and professional ‗show‘ can explain the success of
show wrestling. Finally this confusion seems to have always been present in the history
of French "flat-hands" wrestling. In this style, from the end of the 19th – beginning of the
20thcenturies, as in current show wrestling, only the appearance of combat is present.



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                                   Research on Confucian Culture and Sports Diplomacy   133



  Research on Confucian Culture and Sports Diplomacy

                                                                     Chong Li-li
                       (College of Sports Science, Qufu Normal University, China)



Abstract
   Confucian culture has played an important role in China's foreign exchanges and to
maintain international order in East Asia. Through analyzing the status in quo of sports
diplomacy and the culture‘s function for it, this paper scanned the Chinasports
diplomacy from the angle of traditional culture and annotated the Confucian culture
from the angle of sports diplomacy. Carding the soul in moral idea, value idea, ethic
idea, and its ceremony, philosophy, law, communication and education in Confucian
culture, this paper tried to reconstruct our sports diplomacy under traditional culture in
the field of philosophy, stratagem, administration, culture holding and spreading and
ceremony of sports diplomacy. So we can use the sports diplomacy which rich in
traditional culture characteristic to developour new complexion of international
intercourse and provide theory there under and practice direction for the sports
diplomacy. Contains characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, sports diplomacy can
either open up a new situation in international exchanges, but also help Chinese
civilization worldwide renaissance, and also provide new perspectives for the variety of
problems during international sports development and guide the development of
international sports in a new direction.
Key words: sports diplomacy, confucian culture, amalgamation.


Introduction
   The worldwide research on sports diplomacy carried out late, the domestic academic
research on sports diplomacy has just started. Most existing research focused on two
aspects, the development process tracing of sports diplomacy and summing up the role
and impact of the sports diplomacy, fully affirmed the sports diplomacy in China and
the international community's status and role. But ignores the main body which sports
diplomacy rely on - the impact and value of the National Culture to sports diplomacy,
lack of study under cultural perspective . While culture, especially the cultural identity
has become a focus of international research, this study, started from combing
andrefining the Confucian culture, looks at China's sports diplomacy from the
perspective of China's traditional culture. Then let the sports diplomacy carrying the
important task of spreading aboard the traditional culture in order to cooperate with the
cultural transmission and cultural rehabilitation during the process of the major powers
 134   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



peaceful rising and try to reconstruct the sports diplomacy from theory to practice which
supported by traditional culture.

The Status Quo of China's Sports Diplomacy

1. Sports diplomacy has become an important component of China's
diplomatic strategy
   Due to the unique charm, modern sports became world's common language and
exchange among countries carried out by using sport as a medium increasingly. Sports
diplomacy has enriched the diplomatic channels in an unofficial form of communication,
highlighted the growing role in international exchanges and gained the universal
attention. Sports diplomacy had played an important role in China's foreign relations, in
the future of China's peaceful rise sports diplomacy willplay a more important role in
China's overall diplomatic strategy.


2. The development of China's sports diplomacy needs the integration of
national culture
   With the rapidly increase of our sport, foreign sports exchanges have become more
frequently, the overall demand for sports diplomacywill be continuously improved.
Although our sports diplomacy has achieved impressive results, but its overall
development needs to be further standardized, the function and value of sports
diplomacy has yet to be fully explored.
   Sports diplomacy as an important component of public diplomacy and take on the
important task of carrying and spreading the national culture. From philosophy to
diplomatic strategy, and even policies, strategies of sports diplomacy require the
integration of national culture. But the studies on the traditional culture and China's
diplomacy are few, while the single, comprehensive and in-depth study on Confucian
culture and sports diplomacy is still in the blank. How to join the traditional culture into
China's sports diplomacy and provide support for it will become an important topic to
China's scholars.

The Significance of Confucian Culture Joining in Sports
Diplomacy

1. Enrich the cultural connotation of sports diplomacy to enhance the
function and value of sports diplomacy
  National culture played an important role in sports diplomacy;it is the soul and
support of sports diplomacy. Sports diplomacy of any country and even foreign policy
                                   Research on Confucian Culture and Sports Diplomacy   135



reflected the ethnic traditional culture. Only implies a profound national culture, it can
form a unique and attractive sports diplomacy.
   Cultural differences will inevitably lead to the different diplomatic concept and thus
form thedifferent foreign policy, diplomatic strategy, tactics and diplomatic form. Only
through the rich cultural connotations, sports diplomacy can stand a higher starting point
to meet the country's overall diplomatic strategy, and play a greater value in the process
of China's peaceful rise. Therefore, the sports diplomacy should derive plenty essence
from the national culture. Through combing the different levels of Confucian culture to
seek a meeting point with the sports diplomacy, and make the creative integration with it
linking the demand of times, and build the new sports diplomacy with charm of Chinese
culture and rich in appeal. On the one hand it canenrich the cultural connotation of
sports diplomacy, show profound cultural heritage of ancient China; on the other hand,
sports diplomacy is also a "image ambassador" of national culture. Sports diplomacy
should be made to assume the important task of cultural transmission, cultural display
and cultural renaissance in order to enhance the value and functions which our sports
diplomacy can play in international exchanges.

2. Form theory system of sports diplomacy which has characteristic of
traditional culture
   Confucian culture has a profound cultural system, served as the core of Chinese
culture and the mainstream of East Asian culture. It has played an important role in
China's ancient contacts with foreign countries, particularly in keeping international
order in East Asia and regional integration processes. Systems of theinternational
relations such as the tributary system are all permeated with Confucian culture. In
China's contemporary foreign relations Confucian culture has appeared everywhere.
   Confucian culture is broad and profound, and has far-reaching implications on China's
diplomacy and traditional sports culture. The values, thinking and behaviour patterns of
Confucian culture, will also play a role in the guidelines of today's sports diplomacy.
Through conducting an overall study of the China's sports diplomacyfrom the
perspective of Confucian culture, we can derive Confucian culture critically and
transform creatively to the modern sports diplomacy at all levels, form a set of
philosophy and strategy and theoretical system of the organization and management
which aims at sports diplomacy , develop cultural transmission function all-round for
sports diplomacyand construct theoretical system of sports diplomacy with Chinese
cultural characteristics ,provide methodological basis for the future development of
sports diplomacy and find new ways for the realization of innovative transformation and
globalization of China's traditional culture.

3. Expand research vision of sports diplomacy and the Confucian culture to
promote the two ones exceeding together
 136   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   Firstly, study on sports diplomacy under the traditional culture is beneficial to the
scholarly research of the "Chinese." Confucian culture and sports diplomacy research
usetraditional culture as a focus, broadening the horizon of sports diplomacy.
Confucianism advocates "harmony" and"harmony with different". The modern sports
diplomacy should not only learn from the West of its outstanding achievements in
scientific research, but also focus on homeland actual situation, rooted in our national
culture system, with our own research results and discourse system to form the new
sports diplomacy which has Chinese culture charm and rich of appeal.
   Secondly, the sports diplomacy needs the support of our national culture, while
national culture will also receive the broader space for development from sports
diplomacy. If you say that modern sports represents the Western culture from the source,
then the Chinese sports diplomacy based on traditional culture is opening a dialogue
with Eastern culture and Western culture. Research on Confucian culture and sports
diplomacy can broaden the horizons of traditional cultural studies; it will help to
develop the new ways of transformation for national culture to achieve modernization
and internationalization. Then the Confucian culture will gain new vitality through
widely dissemination by sports diplomacy.

The Way Confucian Culture Joins in Sports Diplomacy

1. Build sports diplomacy philosophy from the Confucian ethics, values and
ethics
   Diplomatic philosophy is an idea and also the basis to formulate foreign policy and
strategies and tactics andcarry out diplomatic activities. Based on the rich content of
Confucian philosophy, combined with the international situation and the time demand,
conduct the Chinese-style philosophy for sports diplomacy creatively to guide the
country's foreign policy and diplomatic strategy, which helps to develop the diplomatic
style and diplomatic mode with the national cultural characteristics during foreign sports
exchanges and escort the healthy and sustainable development of China's sports
diplomacy.
   Confucian culture uses "syncretism between Heaven and Man", "think much of
righteousness and light profit", "golden mean" and "harmony" as its value orientation,
and advocates entering the world actively and win admirableness by morals, use
harmony as root. Such Confucian spirit which based on tolerance and long-term view
has depth significance for building the philosophy of our sports diplomacy. Confucian
ideas of "be a saint inside and King outside" establish the diplomatic philosophy which
commit to construct "a harmonious world", a win-win cooperationand multilateral trust
world. Maybe it will affect the reconstruction of the philosophy of world diplomacy in
the future. Confucian concept, "rule by virtue", "kingcraft", agrees with Joseph Nye's
                                  Research on Confucian Culture and Sports Diplomacy   137



"soft power "theory, and soft power has deep cultural roots in China. Therefore, we
should give full play to the influence of culture during the process of China's peaceful
rise in the future, in order to enhance our international status through soft power.


2. Build the sports diplomacy strategy from the Confucian law, science point
of view
   Diplomatic strategy gets extremely important position in diplomacy that any
diplomatic actions are the product under the guidance of diplomatic strategy. According
to scientific diplomatic strategy of sports, we can formulate and guide the policies,
strategies and decision-making of China's sports diplomacy and guide the development
of China's sports diplomacy activities correctly. At present, while China's sports
diplomacy cooperated with the country's overall diplomatic strategy, but lack of a clear
self-development strategies. Conjunction with the state's overall diplomatic strategy,
adhering to the Confucian culture's "golden mean", "harmony without uniformity" and
"kingcraft", to build the diplomatic strategy based on long-term development relations
and having a global nature, feasibility, and guiding in order to make sports diplomacy
standing on a higher level, and contribute to the country's peaceful rise.

3. Build the organizational management model of China's sports diplomacy
from the Confucian administration idea such as "people-oriented", "control
by morals", "attach importance to harmoniousness and advocate golden
mean"
   China's sports diplomacy is usually organized by the diplomatic service, sports
department or the cultural sector, there is no self-management of the main body,
management institution and professional management personnel, and thus can‘t carry
out various sports diplomatic activities organizational, systematic, persistent, only
passively depending on the needs of the provisional body. Aims at the current lack of
management main body, management system, and the chaotic situation of managing
status quo of China's sports diplomacy, Building the organization and management
mode of China's sports diplomacy from the Confucian "people-oriented," "control by
morals" and "attach importance to harmoniousness and advocate middle of the road" etc.
management idea, we can perfect institution system, institutional setting and human
resource management so that our country's sports diplomacy will step into healthy and
orderly development track.

4. Build the cultural transmission model of sports diplomacy from the
Confucian education, dissemination idea
  Confucianism has its own unique style in education and communication, and
accumulated a great deal of valuable experience. Confucianism advocates "diversity",
 138   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



"education for all without distinction", attaches importance to "moralise" and realizes
the cultural transmission through "efflorescence". The international sports exchange as a
platform provides a new way for the international spread of Confucian culture. Infiltrate
the education and dissemination experience of Confucian culture into sports diplomacy
activities, make Confucian culture and Western culture interacting through sports
diplomacy in orderto achieve the worldwide spread of Chinese culture, thereby realize
the worldwide spread of Chinese civilization and provide the best ways for the
rehabilitation of China‘s civilization.

5. Construct the etiquette system of China's sports diplomacy from
Confucian ritual theory
   Diplomatic etiquette in foreign relations occupiesan important position, "diplomacy
always has its rituals." Diplomatic etiquette is not only an important form to show the
national culture, but also a manifestation of the national quality. Ceremony is the
context of Confucian culture, "control by morals" of Confucian has played an important
role in maintaining social order and international relations. Through carding, refining
the essence of Confucian ritual theory, we can use "humanity and love", "modest and
respect", "self-command" and "harmoniousness and middlebrow" to establish the
ceremonial core of sports diplomacy. Combined with international diplomatic protocol
to build the etiquette system of sports diplomacy with traditional cultural characteristics,
we can fully demonstrated China's ancient civilization and etiquette cultural in foreign
sports exchanges.


References
[1] Yan Shengyi. "The Modern Diplomacy of China", Fudan University Press, 2004
[2] Gong Tieying. "System Analysis of Soft Power", TianjinPeople Press, 2008
[3] Jin Zhengkun. "Study on Diplomacy", Chinese People University Press, 2004
[4] Li Feng. "Generality of Modern Chinese Foreign Relations",Chinese Social Science Press,
    2005
[5] Wang Hao. "Discuss on Sports Diplomacy of New China. Master Dissertation", Diplomacy
    Academe ,2006
[6] Ma Yue. "Discuss on the Function and Influence of China‘s Sports Diplomacy", Master
    Dissertation, Northeast Normal University, 2007
             From Traditional Sport Education to Health(a)ware and E-Learning "Games Exchange"
                     Projects – A Quest for a New Approach to Teaching Physical Education   139


From Traditional Sport Education to Health(a)ware and
E-Learning "Games Exchange" Projects – A Quest for a
    New Approach to Teaching Physical Education

                                                        Malgorzata Bronikowska
                                          Laboratory of Olympism and Ethnology
                                                             Michal Bronikowski
                       Department of Methodology of Teaching Physical Education
                                (University School of Physical Education, Poland)

Abstract
   Most of the recent physical and health education programmes and programs have
been based on physiological and behavioral changes. However, societal factors are
becoming more significant to the society as a whole (setting approach) with physical
activity integrated into normal daily living. Teachers presume that outcomes of a
teaching process depend on a strategy and methodology used in teaching. However,
there are other factors determining the teaching/learning process: level of processing
(conscious awareness level or unconscious), teaching style and instructing employed
(indirect or direct), size of the educational "chunk"and environmental conditions.
Traditional teaching (direct styles) are confronted with new constructivist and socially
based theories. Constructivists arguing for pupil‘s engagement would be based on a
(faithful) assumption that this will cause cognitive and affective involvement. But can
we assume that the learning process is occurring at the adequate level of processing?
And what is "the appropriate" level of processing? In this paper three possible models of
teaching physical education, namely: 1) A Sport Education Model 2) A Tactical Games
Approach and 3) Ecological Task Analysis (ETA) are examined. To be effective a
teacher among many competences one needs to have awareness of Pedagogical Content
Knowledge (PCK). Recently, movement didactics appears to require a theoretical "lift
up". Modern physical education needs to combine its contents and facilitators of health
education providing pupils with adequate life skills enabling them to develop habits and
attitudes toward physical activity and health awareness along the whole lifespan. Can a
new approach designed as a "health(a)ware"four module provide a reasonable platform
for transition period of change in educational models or maybe e-learning will be one of
the solutions for the future?
Key words: models of teaching physical education, european health(a)ware project,


Educational Challenges
 140   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   In contemporary education the most important question seems to be - How much
information does a pupil need to successfully learn a task (or acquire a certain habit) and
what conditions have tobe fulfilled to maximize the chances? In Physical Education one
may wonder what is needed today for physical education to find its path to serve future
generations in their sustainable development.Social changes demand adjustments in
educational systems and strategies with great flexibility and interchangeability and
growing concern for environmental protection calls rather for more collective efforts
than individual, more collaboration than competition. Most of the recent health
intervention programmes have been based on physiological and behavioural changes,
however, societal factors are becoming more significant to the society as a whole
(setting approach) with physical activity integrated into normal daily living.
   Teaching approach (a model of teaching) is understood for the purpose of this paper
as a general strategy in helping pupil to acquire understanding of the concept (in case of
physical education it will be: understanding the importance of and gaining competence
in physical activity for life-long healthy life style). According to Rink (2001) most
teaching methods can be described as either: direct or indirect. Direct methodologies
usually mean that teaching is explicit, broken down, step by step and highly monitored.
It is thought to be a more teacher centered approach and with "transmission" process,
having roots in behavioral and information processing theories of learning. Whereas
indirect methodologies involve larger chunks of content, holistic approach, which
involves student centered teaching methodologies, with roots in cognitive strategy
orientations that emphasize the role of perception and social learning theories of
learning.
   The difference between the two approaches are clear in the following areas:

1) What kind of learner engagement and cognitive processing is necessary for learning
to occur?
2) How much information does the learner need about the content?
3) What is the appropriate size of the "chunk" of content that the learner should handle
at one time?
4) Is learning an independent or socially constructed process?

   Generally teachers presume that outcomes of a teaching process depend on a strategy
and methodology used in teaching (Rink 2001). However, there are other factors
determining the teaching/learning process: level of processing (conscious awareness
level or unconscious), teaching style and instruction employed (indirect or direct), size
of the educational "chunk" and environmental conditions. Traditional teaching (direct
styles)are confronted with new constructivist and socially based theories
(Bunker&Thorpe 1982; Chandler&Mitchell 1991; Siedentop 1998). Constructivists
arguing for pupil‘s engagement would be based on an (faithful) assumption that this will
                From Traditional Sport Education to Health(a)ware and E-Learning "Games Exchange"
                       Projects – A Quest for a New Approach to Teaching Physical Education   141

   bring along cognitive and affective involvement. But can we assume that the learning
   process is occurring at the adequate level of processing? And what is "the appropriate"
   level of processing? Practicing basic motor skills does not require a high level of
   processing –repeating the same exercises over and over again may even inhabit a the
   learning process. Pupils quicklyget bored repeating simple tasks without any emotional
   nor intellectual involvement, which may be a primary cause of frustration leading to
   conflicting situations and aggression in and out side the lessons (Bronikowski et al.
   2006). Would a conscious level of processing (task engagement) involve pupils beyond
   their thinking about aggression is not known, but this problem requires in-depth
   investigation, especially when combined with intensity loads of different lessons
   (Bronikowski 2005). In a paper on pedagogical content knowledge (PCK) Mohr and
   Townsend (2002) examine models of enhancing PCK. They present three possible
   models:

1. A Sport Education Model
      According to Siedentop (1998, p.18) "sport education is a curriculum and instruction
   model designed to provide authentic, educationally rich sport experiences for girls and
   boys in the context of school physical education". School sport providing a wide range
   of sporting activities, where emphasis is on participation, competition and the score may
   also contribute to learning in a social context.
   Characteristic features include:
   -lots of formal competition aimed at winning (winning at all cost syndrome)
   -record-oriented contents
   -extended (longer than usual) teaching units
   -combination of teaching and training methods, styles (with emphasis on training and
   instruction more than on pedagogical aims)
   -sport skills practicing over health and physical activity education
   -the most talented in the scope of interests, weaker individuals often left aside
   -contents of the lessons change with the sport seasons
   -usually classes are well-organized (routine)

2. A Tactical Games Approach
      In Tactical Games approach increase tactical awareness isneeded in a game first.
   Understanding of the game is aroused by using pupil‘s interest, knowledge and stage of
   development to create an appropriate version of games and practice tasks. Classification
   of the games include: invasion games, net/wall games, fielding/run score games and
   target games. A Teaching Games for Understanding model (TGFU) is often used here as
   well (Bunker&Thorpe 1982; Kirk&MacPhail 2002), which focuses on the tactical
   awareness needed to make important decisions during the complexities of game play.
   Lesson contents must be designed in a way that gives a chance to develop confidence
 142   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



and competence in skills and strategies. First theteacher should focus on force
production (generalization in movement before accuracy sometimes requires use of
maximal force). Only then can a teacher begin giving clues (but with limiting them to
only necessary hints – for example by organizing the pupil‘s school setting in a way that
requires certain movements or tactical solutions). The next phase in the Tactical Games
Approach involves the modification of equipment or educational context, followed by
an appropriately designed progression steps. Finally, if there is no progress or errors are
constantly appearing the teacher gives feedback (Lynn 2002).

3. Ecological Task Analysis (ETA)
   This model is grounded in motor learning theory (Schmidt 1988), which emphasizes
the interactive role of three elements: 1) the task goal and condition, 2) the
environmental situation, 3) the capabilities and intent of the performer (Davis&Burton
1991). Individualization, the primary goal of ETA, is achieved by providing students
with increased decision-making opportunities. The teacher direct model of instruction is
based on the premise that there is one proper movement pattern, and it is most
effectively achieved by a prescribed series of progressive, sequential and hierarchically
sequenced learning tasks. It uses often discovery techniques and teaching styles. The
following lesson sequence is suggested: a) establishing a movement problem or a task
goal, b) providing students with choices, c) manipulating task variables, d) evaluating
results. During lessons pupils, given a range of choices, discover the best combination of
movement forms, performance dimensions and degrees of success are needed to reach
the goal. Potential problems include: difficulty with provision of choices (activities that
pupils can choose from to accomplish the task successfully goal), the teacher‘s extra
preparatory work and problems with evaluation of pupils‘ engagement and skills
development.
   To be an effective and competent teacher one needs to have awareness of Pedagogical
Content Knowledge (PCK). Shulman (1986, p. 9) describes PCK as the "ways of
representing and formulating the subject that make it comprehensible to others", which
mean transforming the subject into teachable and learnable contents (how to teach
specific tasks to a specific group). Research on teaching effectiveness indicatesthat
teachers with insufficiently developed PCK have trouble designing an appropriate level,
sequence and progression of learning tasks. They also cannot recognize common
performance errors and do not provide appropriate feedback to their pupils (O‘Sullivan
1996, Rovegno 1995).
   Recently however, physical education (in some countries shifting towards movement
didactics) seems to require a theoretical "lift up". Modern physical education needs to
combine its contents and efforts with health education,providing pupils with adequate
life skills enabling them to develop habits and attitudes toward physical activity and
health awareness along the whole lifespan. Technological changes (such as the Internet
             From Traditional Sport Education to Health(a)ware and E-Learning "Games Exchange"
                    Projects – A Quest for a New Approach to Teaching Physical Education   143

of mobile phone cameras) influencing all spheres of life, will also affect education in the
near future by alternating ways the contents is delivered. Traditional teaching models
are based on providing pupils with knowledge (giving them as a number of facts anda
variety of tasks to be completed in a formal and instructional form) and for many years
this has resulted in physical inactivity of the few previous generations of grown-ups
(ignorance of health and body needs after school education). Modern teaching models
call for emotional and intellectual involvement of pupils (rising creativity and
motivation for participation) combined with "life skills". Emphasis should be centered
on the pupil and their capacities, interests and holistic development. A role of a teacher
is to create a pupil-friendly educational environment to enable pupil to feel educational
atmosphere and therefore arose high level of intellectual and emotional processing to
occur. It should be the pupil‘s role to explore the area of teaching/learning process, to
discover and develop his physical and intellectual potential and find an appropriate
solution to the problem put up by the teacher. Certainly, an exploratory teaching model
will require more consideration in the near future.
   But changing (or sticking to) a model may not be enough. Social stereotypes
associated with physical education are so strong that it requires a new, fresh approach
tothe delivery of contents. Fullan (1982)proposes that the establishment of a new
educational model allowing the implementation of challenges ahead of the teacher and
the pupil should involve educational changes in three area: 1) curriculum basis –
teaching syllabi and materials; 2) teaching/learning process and 3) attitudes and beliefs
of the educational community (academic centers). The least complex seems to be
theplanning and development of teaching materials; whilst the most difficult involves
changing the attitudes and pedagogical habits of teachers themselves. But a reasonable
proposition could be stimulating for all the parties involved.
   A very good example of such up-dated trends of a changing theoretical framework for
physical and health education is the European project Health(a)ware –an experienced-
based learning and teaching approach for physical and health education. Health(a)ware
(28737-CP-1-2006-1-DE-Comenius-C2, is a project founded by the European
Commission in the Socrates-Comenius Program to enable experimental health teaching
within and across the school courses. The Health(a)ware four-module approach is a
combination of theme-based and experienced-based approaches to physical education.
The idea of the development of health awareness is implemented in four theme groups:

1) Body and Bodies - focusing on the individual functioning in wider social
communities (including family), within a framework of changing social relations and
integration, intercultural and aesthetical differences in physical activity;
2) Body and Time - concerning the transience of human life and historical aspects of
health in terms of social, psychological and physical human capabilities of using
physical activity to improve the quality of various aspects of daily life
 144   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



3) Body and Measure focusing on experiencing physical (somatic and motor) changes in
human capabilities in everyday situations (covering distances, lifting weights, reaction
times) as well as developing self-control and self-evaluation and discovering one‘s own
range of movements;
4) Body and Environment concerning aspects of physical activity in changing
environmental conditions to suit the individual in pursuit of pastimes activities,
experience of urban and rural environment and its influence of one‘s life style.

   Although cross-curricular instruction of knowledge and skills may help pupils in the
process of lifelong learning the project does not cover all areas, objectives and tasks of
physical education and health. But it is definitely the beginning of a new way of
thinking about physical and health education. The idea itself is not enough. It needs
people who would be aware of the new developments and would develop appropriate
skills (educational tools) necessary for their implementation. Therefore we can say that
what we really need now are skillful and pedagogically aware educators.

Modern Future of Physical Education but with Traditional
Heritage
   Rink (2001, p.115) says that "knowing how to get learners processing,what they are
doing enough to generate appropriate motor responses and knowing when to intervene
with more specific help and different tasks that elicit more advanced responses may be
the art of teaching in physical and should be a major concern for researchers who would
understand teaching". Although the Sport Education model may have added to the
development of more democratic and equitable practices in schools, existing physical
education process is aimed at teaching/learning skills and specific knowledge
thusenabling individual to develop one‘s health potential through physical activity
occurring in a physical context. Naul (2003) distinguishes four major vectors
determining directions of today‘s physical education concepts in Europe: the cultural
heritage of physical education vector, the sport education vector, the movement
education vector and the health education vector and all of them need to taken into
account while planning changes into curriculum and content approach.
   We believe it is now necessary for school physical education (P.E teachers) to start
using exploratory (searching) models of teaching, employing moreactive teaching and
learning techniques through experienced-based (and "life skills"-based) learning
methods or theme-based learning approach, with curricula expanding over such themes
as "movement and physical literacy", "physical activity, health and fitness, "competition
and cooperation", "challenge"in a multidisciplinary approach to teaching and learning in
physical education (Penney&Chandler 2000).
             From Traditional Sport Education to Health(a)ware and E-Learning "Games Exchange"
                    Projects – A Quest for a New Approach to Teaching Physical Education   145

   This will also require the use of the following teaching styles: guided discovery,
divergent, learners design or according to Salvara et al. (2006)in recent division of
teaching styles discovery and production styles more often than reproduction or
assimilation. It will require (Young 1998, p.154)higher learning skills developed by
providing: the context of criticism (in which it will challenge the theory and out-side
school reality), the context of discovery (in which new concepts are developed and used)
and the context of practical application (in which new ideas are tried out in the real
world).
   An interesting proposition of two Physical Education teachers (A.Papathanasiou from
Greece and A.Mayova from Czech) should draw attention of education authorities,
specialists and curricula designers to the increasing future demanding development of e-
learning methods. "Exchange of games", a e Twinningproject on traditional games going
on over the Internet web-site where teachersfrom all over the world can present their
national games, was developed as an idea of searching for new methodological
propositions to enhance traditional teaching contents. It started with the game called
"Beating out" and an old Greek game called "Faininda" which have been compared with
their Twinspace. After this, the two schoolsplayed the two games with their pupils
during PE classes. In addition, they also shared PowerPoint presentations which
contained a number of pictures to help better understandthe game. In the end, the
students began to play the games on their own and introduce them to other students in
their schools. Now it has become not only a physical education matter, the project
involved children (during computer classes, language and cultural exchange) but also
teachers of various subjects working in a net-work of schools.
   Therefore when Penney and Chandler (2000) ask: Physical education – what
future(s)? We would answer: our future depends on how effectively we can adjust our
(physical education) contents and curricula to the future social needs. Focusing on
developing an awareness ofone‘s own body, health and its physical and intellectual
potential in and via physical education is essential if we want to gain more effectiveness
in promoting lifelong patterns of participation and performance in physical activity.
Content, design of the task and lesson organization, teaching styles and methods, lesson
pacing and pupils‘level of motivation and processing all may become important issues
in research but we believe it is not about finding a "silver bullet" teaching method in
physical education - it all comes down to a question of the philosophy behind the
teaching/learning process of the whole schooling environment.
   Rovegno (1994) reports of the research connection between school culture and the
content taught in classes. When administrators‘primary concern was discipline and
control and when the hierarchical school organization reinforced control as the top
priority because it was the focus of the respective principals, teachers became too
focused on control to the detriment of learning. When the work of administrators and
organizational rewards were aimed at control rather than instruction and curriculum
 146    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



teachers engaged in "defensive teaching". They chose "to simplify content and reduce
demands and minimal student compliance on assignments" Pupils‘ learning becomes
secondary to control. Teachers in their teaching stay within the curricular "zone of
safety". Such teaching may be inadequate for higher grade education. Better intellectual
and emotional development of older pupils requires learning process involving a certain
level of processing and therefore interactive teaching-learning methods are most suitable
here. High level of PCK seems almost a necessary condition to gain some pedagogical
effectiveness and choosing model ofteaching is a secondary matter, but neglecting
traditional sporting heritage is simply like "killing"the culture of physical.



References
 [1] Bronikowski, M. (2005)How much physical activity a week to improve the health-related
     fitness of Polish schoolchildren?, Wychowanie Fizyczne i Sport, 49, (3), 219-223.
 [2] Bronikowski, M., Biniakiewicz, B., Mroczkowska, M., Grześkowiak, E. (2006)
     Conflictive behaviors during physical education classes in Poland, Wychowanie Fizyczne i
     Sport, 50, (4), 255-259.
 [3] Bunker, D. & Thorpe, R. (1982) A model for teaching games in secondary schools, British
     Journal of Physical Education, 13, 5-8.
 [4] Chandler, T. & Mitchell, S. (1991) Reflections on models of games education, Journal of
     teaching in physical education, 14, 467-477.
 [5] Davis, W.E. & Burton, A.W. (1991) Ecological task analysis. Translating movement
     behavior theory into practice, Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 8, 154-177.
 [6] Kirk, D. & MacPhail, A. (2002) Teaching games for understanding and situated learning:
     rethinking the Bunker-Thorpe Model, Journal of Teaching in Physical Education, 21, 177-
     192.
 [7] Lynn, S. (2002) Pedagogical Content Knowledge for the Games Teacher, Teaching
     Elementary Physical Education, 1, 17-19.
 [8] Mohr, D.J. & Townsend, S.J. (2002) Using comprehensive teaching models to enhance
     pedagogical content knowledge, Teaching Elementary Physical Education, 2, 32-36.
 [9] Naul, R. (2003) Concepts of Physical Education in Europe, in: K. Hardman (Ed.) Physical
     Education: deconstruction and reconstruction –issues and directions, (Berlin, Verlag Karl
     Hofmann Schorndorf), 35-53.
[10] O‘Sullivan, M. (1996) What do we know about the professional preparation of teachers?,
     in: S. Silverman & C. Ennis (Eds) Student learning in physical education. Applying
     research to enhance instruction, (USA, Human Kinetics), 315-337.
[11] Penney, D. & Chandler, T. (2000) Physical Education: What future (s)?, Sport, Education
     and Society, 5, (1), 71-87.
[12] Rink, J.E. (2001) Investigating the assumptions of pedagogy, Journal of Teaching in
     Physical Education, 20, 112-128.
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                      Projects – A Quest for a New Approach to Teaching Physical Education   147

[13] Rovegno, I. (1994) Teaching within a curricular zone of safety: school culture and the
     situated nature of student teachers‘ pedagogical content knowledge, Research Quarterly for
     Exercise and Sport, 65, 3, 269-279.
[14] Rovegno, I. (1995) Theoretical perspective on knowledge and learning and a student
     teacher‘s pedagogical content knowledge of dividing and sequencing subject matter.
     Journal of Teaching in Physical Education, 14, 284-304.
[15] Salvara, M.I., Jess, M., Abbott, A., Bognar, J. (2006) A preliminary study to investigate
     influence of different teaching styles on pupils‘ goal orientations in physical education,
     European Physical Education Review, 12, (1), 51-74.
[16] Schmidt, R.A. (1988) Motor control and learning: A behavioral emphasis, (USA, Human
     Kinetics Publishers).
[17] Shulman, L.S. (1986) Those who understand: Knowledge growth in teaching. Educational
     Researcher, 15, (2), 4-14.
[18] Siedentop, D. (1998) What is sport education and how does it work, Journal of Physical
     Education, Recreation and Dance, 69 (4), 18-20.
[19] Young, M.F.D. (1998) The curriculum of the Future: From the "New Sociology of
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 148   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




         The Indigenous Dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi


                                                                    Joel G. Tubera
                                       (Angeles University Foundation, Philippines)



Abstract
   The indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi may be described using the dance
elements used by many dance authors. The collected indigenous dances of the Ayta
Mag-antsi are classified under ceremonial, mimical and occupational dances. The
social and cultural values of the collected indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi are
identified through the kind of interaction, purpose, moments, and skill developed in each
dance. The indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi could be utilized in enhancing the
teaching of Physical Education and other related subjects such as Social Studies and
Filipino through the integration of the indigenous dances in the curriculum and selected
school programs.
Kew words: indigenous dances,folklore, culture


Introduction
   Philippines is home to some four hundred fifty three groups of indigenous people ,as
reported by the National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP), The most common
and popular of these groups are the Aetas, also popularly known as ―Negrito‖, ―Ayta‖,
―Agta‖, ―Atta‖, and ―Ita‖. Their names vary depending on their geographical location
and social situations. These people are generally considered to be the aborigines of the
Philippines.
   Rodolfo (1995) believes that the Aetas have strong affinities with Andaman Islanders
and some Melanesians, and may have originated in Africa. Traditionally a hunting
people, they are characterized by dark skin, small frame, kinky hair, broad flat noses,
strong jaws and thick lips.The Aetas are scattered all over the archipelago but are more
numerous in Central Luzon. At present, there are exactly thirty-four ―Kulot‖
(lowlanders‘ term for the Aetas) resettlements scattered around Central Luzon
particularly in the provinces of Quezon, Bataan, Nueva Ecija, Pampanga, Tarlac, and
Zambales.
   In Pampanga, Aetas are generally classified as Ayta Mag-antsi. They occupy the
municipalities of Porac, Florida Blanca, Sapang bato and other places link to the foot of
Zambales range. Just like other ethnic groups found in the archipelago, Ayta Mag-antsi
                                          The Indigenous Dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi   149



has their own indigenous lifestyle to share. They also practice rituals and enjoy folklore
unique to their culture and traditions. All these, choreographed by time, colored by
experience and written through love and passion are symbols of the true identity of the
Ayta Mag-antsi.
   The eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1992 forced the Ayta Mag-antsi to leave their
ancestral land and was relocated by the government to resettlement areas were they need
to live with the lowlanders. With more than a decade of constant exposure with the
―Unats‖ (a term used by the Ayta Mag-antsi to described lowlanders), the ―Kulots‖
learned to adopt the ways of the lowlanders. Inter race marriage was permitted, thus,
producing a new bread of Aytas whose culture is also a mixture of modern and tribal
lifestyle.
   Now a day, many of their important traditional ways are now being forgotten. Ways
that connect their present life from the past and ways that they need to face their future
are little by little discarded. As stated by Karl Marx ―Folklore is an echo of the past,
but at the same time the vigorous voice of the present‖. This indicates that folklore holds
the key in understanding the root and identity of an individual.
   Indigenous Dances just like other branches of folklore bring significant contribution
to the development of a society. It shows man‘s behavior out of his customs and
creativeness. His expressions, feelings, and traits are portrayed through the graceful
movements of their arms and feet. Traditionally, Ayta Mag-antsi performs dances which
depict their community life style. Their rituals performed in dances help fulfill the
most basic needs of the tribe - for a good harvest and victory in war, as well as the
physical and spiritual well-being of the sick, the newly-born, the youth, and the newly-
wed members of the tribe. Further, dances bind the members of the tribe in a stronger
bond for the common good. Rituals of baptism, circumcision, marriage, as well as the
dances that instruct children on the techniques of looking for honey or fishing or fight-
ing in war, clearly work for the collective good, while the display of war dances teaches
the young boys the primary duty of manhood, namely, fighting to ensure survival of the
tribe against all aggressors.
   (http://www.koleksyon.com/filipinoheritage/phil-dramas/pre-colonial-indigenous-
dramas2.asp, January 17, 2009) Sad to say, Ayta children who were born in resettlement
areas are more into dancing the beat of western music. Their natural grace for tribal
dances are continuously fading as modern forms of dances learned in school and
supported by media takes over their interest. The situation proves the fact that a massive
action should be done to address the need for the discovery, promotion and preservation
of indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi.
   It is believed that Ayta Mag-antsi‘s indigenous dances deserve the same recognition
and acknowledgement just like the one given to the folk dances of other minorities. To
date, nobody has take time to study and appreciate the nature of Ayta Mag-antsi‘s
indigenous dances, hence making them all the more interesting as subject of the study.
 150   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



   The Philippine government recognized the cultural rights of indigenous people
through R.A 8371 otherwise known as the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997‖. It
is hoped that the study would contribute significantly in showcasing the indigenous
heritage of the Ayta Mag-antsi by recreating and honoring the indigenous dances of their
ancestors. Thus, giving high regards and recognition to the whole Ayta community.
   The research aimed to described the existing indigenous dances of Ayta Mag-antsi and
at the same time identify their social, cultural and educational values.
Specifically, the study sought to answer the following questions:
     1. How may the indigenous dances of ―Ayta Mag-antsi‖ be described in terms of:
         1.1. Title
         1.2. Classification
         1.3. Movements
         1.4. Costume and props
         1.5. Time Signature
         1.6. Rhythm
         1.7. Musical Instrument?
     2. How may the social and cultural values of the Indigenous dances of Ayta Mag-
       antsi be identified?
     3. How may the indigenous dances of Ayta Mag-antsi be
       utilized to enhance the teaching of Physical Education, Social
       studies and Filipino subjects?

   The result of this investigation could serve as basis in the production of reference
instructional materials for Physical Education. It could also strengthen the awareness
and appreciation of the people especially those who are in the position to create positive
difference in lives of the local minorities such as the recognition of their rights and
preservation and promotion of their culture and other relevant projects such as health
and educational programs.

Method and Procedure
   The study is descriptive for it presents contemporary conditions in the locale of the
study particularly those that pertained to the indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi.
Partially, the study is an ethnographic research since it made use of the description,
classification and identification of the text and context of the indigenous dances. It is a
disciplinal attempt to discover and describe the (cultural) resources with which members
of a society conceptualize and interpret their experiences. It is a systematic way of
knowing how the Ayta Mag-antsi people bring order, coherence, and significance to the
things they do, believe and think in terms of their indigenous dance.
   The respondents of this study were the Ayta Mag-antsi of Sapang Bato, Angeles City.
However, only the leaders and elders of the community were tapped as the major
                                         The Indigenous Dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi   151



informants of the research. Leaders and elders are regarded as respected individuals who
possess knowledge, skills, experience, and expertise about their culture. To gather
authentic information, the researcher employed Personal interview, Participant
Observation, Documentary Analysis, and Photo and Video recording. The instruments
ensure that all gathered data are true and reliable. All information was purely based on
the re-called experiences and testimonies of the respondents.The gathered data were
properly processed, analyzed and interpreted following a standard procedure used by
many dance authors.

Results and Discussion

Description of the Indigenous Dances of “Ayta Mag-antsi”.
    The title of each dance is given mainly for recognition purposes. In most cases, the
title of the dance is based on the nature of the activity or the common movements
depicted in the dance. The words ―Mapiarog‖ (courtship) and ―Talik‖ (dance) for
example in the dance entitled ―Talik Mapiarog‖ depicts how an Ayta man performs his
graceful gestures to attract and court an Ayta maiden. It is interesting to note that
―Mapiarog‖ which is an Ayta term sounds like ―irog‖ which means my love in Filipino,
both suggest almost the same meaning. ―Talik‖ on the other hand shares the same
meaning to the word ―Terak‖ of the Kapampangans.

Classifications
   The identified indigenous dances were classified to fully understand their nature.
Gathered dances were classified mostly under ceremonial dances, occupational dances
and mimic dances. Ayta dances are ceremonial in nature because they are performed to
evoke special power from ―Apu namalyari‖ and for them to commune with their God to
express their gratitude, praises and request. Some dances are occupational because it
simply depicts how Aytas work to gather food and other necessities. The close
relationship of the Aytas to their surroundings and their respect for nature are also very
much evident in their dance interpretations of the movements of some animals found in
their environment.

 Movements
  This are the common locomotion executed in the dances. Most are based from natural
movements observed by the Aytas from animals, insects, and even from the flow of
water and movements of the trees. Stomping, shuffling, skipping, hopping and turning
are the common feet movements found in most Ayta dance while stretching, bending
(chest level) and clapping are the common arm movements. A lot of hip swaying is
evident and more steps are performed bent close to the ground. All Dances starts and
end with a “Pogay”. Circular and straight line formations are common in the dances.
 152   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




Costume and Props
  A simple Red piece of clothing wrapped around the body called ―Kundiman naurit‖
for the girls and ―Lubay‖ for the boys is worn while dancing. Simple necklace and
bracelets made from stringed dried ―bangkal‖, ―Balantakan‖ and ―Butul Matsin‖ seeds
adorn the dancers. ―Lahay‖, ―Gayang‖, and ―Yagaw‖ are used as props in most
occupational dances. All dances are performed barefoot.

Time Signature
   Using the standard musical time signature as basis, all dances of the Aytas posses the
2/4 time signature. No dance was found to possess other time signature. This simply
indicates the fast and powerful dance interpretations of the Aytas regardless of their
classification and nature. This also shows the festive character of the Aytas. Generally,
the dances are described as ―free forms‖, thus, the beginning and the end of each is
unclear. The musician together with the dancer may decide when to start and stop the
dance.

Rhythm
   All gathered Ayta dances are performed under duple meter; this refers to the pattern of
having two beats, where the pulse is divided into a pattern of one strong and one weak
beat. It is also interesting to note that melody is absent in, tempo is fast, no dynamics,
texture is homophonic.

Musical Instruments
   Gitarang Bunduk (Guitar) Pair of Bamboo sticks (Castanets) and Bulugudyung (flute)
are the musical instruments use to accompany the dancing. In some cases, the absence of
flute and castanets will not matter since guitar alone can be use to provide the music
needed.

The following are the gathered Ayta Mag-antsi indigenous dance with their
descriptions:

1. Dururusung – a prayer dance perform to honor and ask for the guidance of their great
    god named ―Apu Namalyari‖, this dance isaccompanied by a chant and performed
    before any gathering or activity will take place.
2. Masaya - a dance of celebration for different ―Ayta Mag-antsi‘s‖ festivities.
3. Talik Mapiarog - this dance of courtship shows how passionate an Ayta man is
    towards a female Ayta.
4. Talik Lango - a dance in which steps resemble that of a housefly. This includes the
    insect‘s way of flying and how it flies from one location to another to look for food.
                                           The Indigenous Dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi   153



5. Talik Pahinga - this dance imitates the leaping movements of a frog as it leaps from
    one area to another.
6. Talik Bakulaw - this animal dance imitates the actions of a monkey—how it walks,
    jumps and eats.
7. Matubag - this dance shows how Ayta people prepare for any dangerous situations
    especially wars and invasions of other tribes.
8. BInabayani – A war dance that portrays how Aytas bravely defended their land from
    Christian invaders.
9. Mamana – This dance portrays the manner on how Ayta male bravely and skillfully
    uses a bow and arrow to hunt wild animals and birds for food.
10. Tatlun Batut Dukutan –depicts how Ayta skillfully catch fish using ―lahay‖ o ―pana‖,
    this dance is performed to thank their God for a good catch.
11. Dagaw – a ceremonial dance to drive away evil spirits that causes sickness or bad
    luck in the community, this dance is usually perform when member of community
    dies for an unknown reason.

Socio-Cultural Values of the Indigenous Dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi.
   The love for music and dances is one universal factor common among Aeta groups.
They have songs and dances for every occasion and like any other indigenous
community, Ayta Mag-antsi express their feelings and emotions through dance. Every
part of their being is reflected in their dances, thus, for Ayta Mag-antsi, to dance is to be
with the family, to be part of the community, to appease to the earth and to be one with
the spirits.
   Ayta Mag-antsi posses high regards to family ties and relationships and it is during
community gatherings where songs and dances are performed that kinship is
strengthened. Transfer of these dances from parents to children is another instance
where family members can spend quality time together. The family is still the center of
activities among the Aytas. Every decision such as whom to marry, when to hunt and
what to gather is a family affair with the elders of the community playing a major role as
counselors. All these are reflected in their dances.
   Dancing is one of the first lessons learned by the children to their parents. The skills
in hunting and gathering foods are very much reflected in their dances and it is through
these dances that young Aytas learned their value and position in the community.
Likewise, it is one of the best ways for them to fully understand their culture and
connect themselves to their tradition. Physical prowess and skills such as accuracy,
suppleness and good coordination are important skills that Aytas need to master as early
as childhood. These skills are related to the sources of livelihood since Aytas basically
rely on hunting and fishing as their sources of food. Spears and bows and arrows are the
main tools of Aytas in most of their chores. They use these tools in catching their prey,
planting root crops and in defending themselves and families are very much reflected on
 154   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



their dances. Constant dancing not only improves their physical fitness but helps them
master some survival skills as well.
   Fox (1952) observes that most Negrito men can, with ease, enumerate the specific or
descriptive names of at least 450 plants, 75 birds, fishes, insects and animals, and of
even 20 species of ants. The Aytas have their own ingenuous way of locating them as
well and the satisfaction and excitement derived from imitating their movements as
reflected in some of their dances is an indication on how Aytas become part of their
environment and how they coexist with their surroundings.
   The Aytas have great respect for all forms of higher being. They acknowledge the
presence of Gods that provide for their needs and protect them from any sickness. To
commune with the spirits which they believe take care of the rivers, mountains, plants
and animals, the Aytas offer a ceremonial dance. The stomping represents their close
relationship to earth while the clapping is a form of festive expression of their happiness
for a blessing received.
   Generally speaking, Ayta Mag-antsi‘s indigenous dances reflects, protect and preserve
their unique culture and it is through these dances that one can fully understand and
appreciate the unique and colorful culture of the Ayta Mag-antsi. More so, dances
contribute to the physical, social, and psychological growth and development of every
Aytas.

Utilization of the Ayta Mag-antsi‟s Indigenous Dances in the Teaching of
Physical Education and other Related Subjects in the Curriculum.

   Section 14, Article XIV of the 1987 Philippine Constitution points out that the state
shall foster the preservation, enrichment, and dynamic evolution of a Filipino national
culture based on the principle of unity in diversity in a climate of free artistic and
intellectual expression. Section 17 of the same Article also reiterates that the state
should recognize, respect and protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to
preserve and develop their cultures, traditions and institutions. It shall consider these
rights in the formulation of national plans and policies.
   The Department of Education is a major agency in the implementation and realization
of the content of the said Article. As reflected in the Revitalized Basic Education
Curriculum (RBEC) which focuses on the promotion of Filipino values particularly
nationalism, through the integration of learning areas called as MAKABAYAN, the
department proves to be the best venue in educating people in understanding, respecting,
appreciating and practicing not only their customs and traditions but others as well. As
stated in the Philippine Journal of Education (2002), MAKABAYAN will be a
―laboratory of life‖ or a practice environment for holistic learning to develop a healthy
personal and national self-identity. This requires an adequate understanding of
Philippine history and its politico-economic system, local culture, crafts, music, dances
                                         The Indigenous Dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi   155



and games. Through education, particularly in Physical Education subjects, students are
provided with opportunities to experience the value of culture.
   The gathered dances may be utilized for classroom lessons, outdoor education and
adventure activities. They provide not only essential training in physical development
and social interaction but opportunities to learn about, appreciate and experience aspects
of the aboriginal culture. The interconnection of the dances with real life situations
becomes the true definition of holistic learning, together the students become
―community of inquirers‖ promoting alternative life choices for all students and working
collectively to speak out, be heard and effect change.
   The aim of integrating indigenous dances in the curriculum may be successfully
achieved by providing educators and other interested individuals deeper understanding
and appreciation on the value and beauty of each dances, and technical know how on
their proper execution through seminars and workshops. Manuals, illustrations and
recorded performance of the dances may also be provided to supplement the instruction.
Utilization of the dances may be best practiced not only in Physical Education classes
but also during the integration period of the ―Makabayan‖ subjects and that is every 9 th
and 10th meeting of every grading period. School programs and celebrations such as the
―Buwan ng Wika‖ are also the best venue to perform and showcase the collected dances.
In this way, students may relate the importance of the dances to other learning areas of
―Makabayan‖.

Conclusions

The following are the conclusions drawn from the findings of the investigation;

1.The indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi may be described using the dance
  elements used by many dance authors.
2.The collected indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi are classified under ceremonial,
  mimical and occupational dances.
3.The social and cultural values of the collected indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-
  antsi are identified through the kind of interaction, purpose, moments, and skill
  developed in each dance.
4.The indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi could be utilized in enhancing the
  teaching of Physical Education and other related subjects such as Social Studies and
  Filipino through the integration of the indigenous dances in the curriculum and
  selected school programs.

Recommendations
 156    Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E



Based on the findings and conclusions of the study, the following recommendations are
hereby presented:

1. There is a need to describe thoroughly the indigenous dances of the Ayta Mag-antsi
    using a more organized system in order to avoid confusion.
2. System of classification of indigenous dances could follow the system adopted by the
present study.
3. The social and cultural values of the Ayta Mag-antsi‘s indigenous dances be properly
   identified and should not only be limited on the kind of interaction and skill
   developed by the games.
4.The Ayta Mag-antsi‘s indigenous dances be published for wider dissemination.
5.Indigenous dances of other cultural groups in the country be studied and classified as
well.
6.Teachers should look into the various indigenous dances that could be incorporated in
   their regular classroom activity.

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[13] Shimizu, Hiromu. Pinatubo Aytas: Continuity and Change. (1989) Quezon City,
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158   Int‘l Journal of Eastern Sports & P.E




 International Journal of Eastern Sports & Physical Education
                           (IJESPE)

                                www.isdy.net

Editorial Board :

Henning Eichberg (University of Southern Denmark, Denmark)
Peirre Parlebas (University of Sorbonne, France)
Gertrud Pfister (University of Copenhagen, Denmark)
Satoshi Shimizu (Tsukuba University, Japan)
Chen Ning (China West Normal University, China)
Walter Ho (University of Macau, Chinese Macau)
Jong Lee (University of Suwon, South Korea)
Pere Lavega (Lleida University, Spain)
Roland Renson (Katholic University at Leuven, Belgium)
Joseph Maguire (Loughborough Universtiy, United Kingdom)
Katia Rubio (University of Sao Paulo, Brazil)