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					Memory Development
      (Chapter 14)




                     November 6, 2009
                Memory Development


I.     Memory Development in Infancy
II.    Implicit Memory
III.   Remembering Events
IV.    Development of Memory Strategies
                         Memory Development


Most aspects of memory improve with age.
However, different types of memory follow different developmental
courses.
E.g.:
children have very good location memory, but are not    very good at
remembering a long list of items
                           Memory Development

I.     Memory Development in Infancy

             preference for novelty paradigm
             conditioning techniques
             deferred imitation
II.    Implicit Memory
III.   Remembering Events
IV.    Development of Memory Strategies
       Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Preference for Novelty Paradigm
Much infant memory research uses a variant of the
habituation/dishabituation paradigm:

habituation/dishabituation:              Preference for novelty:
•familiarize with A                      •familiarize with A
•then present A or B                     •then present A and B together
•if infant dishabituates to B,           •if infant shows a preference
then infant remembers A and              for B, then infant remembers A
can discriminate between A               and prefers B because it is a
and B                                    novel stimulus

The basic idea is that if the infant prefers, or responds differently to the
novel stimulus, it remembers the original stimulus.
        Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Conditioning Techniques
In studies by Carolyn Rovee-Collier and her colleagues:
A ribbon was tied between a baby's ankle and an overhead mobile
        Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Conditioning Techniques
In studies by Carolyn Rovee-Collier and her colleagues:
A ribbon was tied between a baby's ankle and an overhead mobile
1. baseline: kicking rate was measured before ankle and
mobile were connected by the ribbon
2. nine minute reinforcement period: infants quickly learned
that kicking made the mobile move
3: test (days or weeks later): Would kicking rate now be         higher
than baseline? (If so, this would indicate that          infants
remembered what they learned during the                  previous
session.)
         http://www.psichi.org/pubs/articles/article_104.asp




Training (ribbon tied to ankle)                 Test (ribbon tied to crib)
        Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Conditioning Techniques
Rovee-Collier and colleagues used this method to investigate:


A. How long can babies remember?
B. What role does context play in remembering?
        Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Conditioning Techniques
A. How long can babies remember?
Study with infants as young as 2 months old:
           delay before test: 48 hours to 2 weeks
           results: no forgetting for up to 8 days, and some of the
           babies remembered for the whole two weeks
        Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Conditioning Techniques
B. What role does context play in remembering?
(i.e., how similar does the testing environment have to be to the original
     learning environment?)
Study with 6-month-olds:
    sides of playpen were draped with distinctive cloth
        Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Conditioning Techniques
B. What role does context play in remembering?
(i.e., how similar does the testing environment have to be to the original
     learning environment?)
Study with 6-month-olds:
    sides of playpen were draped with distinctive cloth
    delay before test: 24 hours
    test: one group had same cloth surrounding playpen, other      group
    had a different cloth
    results: "no change" group had a higher retention rate
    conclude: context plays a role in reinstating memory
         Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Conditioning Techniques
B. What role does context play in remembering?
Based on 6 more experiments further investigating the role of context,
   Rovee-Collier et el. concluded that infants don't respond to the
   context "as a whole", but rather to specific components of the
   context.
    E.g., changes in visual patterns (such as stripes vs. squares)
            disrupted memory, but changes in colour did not.
Such "context specificity" might provide a constraint on memory that
   helps to keep babies from retrieving memories in "inappropriate"
   situations.
(This could be particularly helpful since babies are poor at inhibiting
    learned responses.)
        Memory Development: Memory Development in Infancy


Deferred Imitation
     Experimenter demonstrates a novel use of an unfamiliar toy.
     After a delay, infants are given the toy.
     If the infants display the novel behaviour more than infants in
     a control group, they must remember the action they
     observed earlier.
Bauer (1997) and Meltzoff (1995) investigated deferred imitation with
older infants and preverbal toddlers (10 - to 20-month-olds).
Both studies found that memories for the observed actions can last
as long as one year.
Thus, at this age, events are represented in long term memory and
can be accessed months later.
                         Memory Development

I.     Memory Development in Infancy
II.    Implicit Memory
III.   Remembering Events
IV.    Development of Memory Strategies
                Memory Development: Implicit Memory


Implicit memory - memory without conscious awareness that one is
            remembering
Much of the infant research into memory examines implicit memory (e.g.,
Rovee-Collier et al.'s conditioning experiments).
But with children who are old enough to talk, research has focused on
explicit memory.
However, the results of the few studies that have investigated implicit
memory in children are consistent: very few age differences are found.


Two examples:
                Memory Development: Implicit Memory
Hayes & Hennesey's (1996) study with 4- 5- and 10-year olds:
Children were shown fragmented pictures and asked to identify them.
                Memory Development: Implicit Memory
Hayes & Hennesey's (1996) study with 4- 5- and 10-year olds:
Children were shown fragmented pictures and asked to identify them.
                 Memory Development: Implicit Memory
Hayes & Hennesey's (1996) study with 4- 5- and 10-year olds:
Children were shown fragmented pictures and asked to identify them.
Two days later, the children were asked to identify the same
fragmented pictures along with some new ones.
Results:   Older children identified more pictures
            BUT the priming effect (the degree to which old
      pictures were identified faster than new pictures) was
      the same for all ages.
Thus, with age, there was no improvement in implicit memory.
                 Memory Development: Implicit Memory
Newcombe & Fox's (1994) study with 9- & 10-year-olds:
Children were shown pictures of preschoolers (some were former
classmates)
Measure of explicit memory: they were asked "Is this a former
classmate?"
Measure of implicit memory: changes in electrical conductance of
the skin
Results:    "performance" was poor (but greater than chance) on
            both explicit and implicit measures
          BUT there was no difference in skin conductance
    between the children who did well on the explicit
measure and those who did poorly
Thus, children who had poor explicit memory still implicitly "recognized"
classmates just as much as children who had relatively good explicit
memory.
                          Memory Development

I.     Memory Development in Infancy
II.    Implicit Memory
III.   Remembering Events
             development of event memory
             children as eyewitnesses
             infantile amnesia and autobiographical memory
IV.    Development of Memory Strategies
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
Event Memory is explicit -- we are aware that we are remembering.
However, it is not usually deliberate -- the encoding of the event is
usually unintentional.
Therefore, the ability to remember events is not typically influenced by
deliberate encoding strategies
-- and that means that young children aren't at as much of a
disadvantage (relative to older children) as they are with intentional
memory tasks.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
If an event is to be remembered:
- the event must be perceived and the important aspects of it
must be attended to
- the child must make some sense of the event so that it can be
mentally represented and later recalled
Young children pay attention to different aspects of events than adults
do, and do not necessarily know which aspects are important.
E.g., At a baseball game, a young child might not realize that the players
on the field are more important to the meaning of the     event than the
fans and the hotdog vendors are.
They won't selectively encode the actions of the players, and
therefore their memory of the event will be different than that of   an
older child.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
Script-Based Memory
One thing children remember well is recurring events -- what typically
happens day-to-day.
Preschool children tend to organize events into scripts.
scripts -   a form of schematic organization with real-world events
            organized in terms of their causal and temporal
            characteristics
Scripts develop most readily for routine, repeated events.
Young children learn what "usually happens" in a situation (e.g., snack
time at school, going to a birthday party, eating in a restaurant) …
… and they tend to remember novel information in the context of these
familiar events.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
Script-Based Memory
From a very early age, children organize event-related information in a
script-like fashion, and this doesn't really change appreciably into
adulthood.
Research indicates that even preverbal infants use temporal order to
remember events.
E.g., Baurer & Mandler (1989, 1992):
11.5- to 20-month-olds were shown a sequence of events (e.g., put a
ball in a cup, invert a smaller cup and put it on the larger one, then
shake the cups.
        When later given the opportunity to play with the materials, the
infants re-enacted the events in the same temporal order.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
Script-Based Memory
Young children's reliance on scripts seems to result in a tendency to not
remember much specific nonscript information.
When Fivush and Hamond (1990) asked 2.5-year-olds about a recent
special event, the children focused on routine events
       e.g., camping trip: eating supper, going to sleep, waking up,
              eating breakfast.
Why? Younger children may need to embed novel events in familiar
routines -- scripts may provide a structure to hold new memories.
             Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
Script-Based Memory
Katherine Nelson's (1996) functional view on why children rely heavily on
scripts from an early age:
An adaptive value of memory is to allow people to predict the
likelihood of future events.
Frequent events are more useful to remember because they're      more
likely to occur in the future.
Remembering frequent events allows a child to anticipate, take   part in,
and possibly control events. There's no similar pay-off for
remembering novel events.
An optimal memory system would keep track of frequent events and
integrate new information about variations into a general knowledge
system.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
Script-Based Memory
However, children do remember specific, nonroutine events, and they do
improve at this throughout early childhood.
2- to 3-year-olds can remember specific information over extended
periods of time (although they may need specific and repeated cues to
retrieve the information).
E.g., Hamond and Fivush (1991):
       children who visited Disney World at 3 or 4 years old were
       interviewed 6 or 18 months later
       recall of events was good for all children, even after 18
months (but older children recalled more details and required
fewer prompts)
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
The Role of Parents in "Teaching" Event Memory
Parents can play an important role in children's early remembering:
E.g., in the Hamond & Fivush (1991) Disney World study, the
children who talked more about the trip with their parents recalled
more information about the trip.
Parents talk with their children about past events:
E.g., "Where did we go today?" "What did we see?" "Who was there?"
"What did we do after lunch?"
Through these conversations, children learn what the important facts to
remember are: who, what, when, where, how, why ….
… and they learn to notice the important details of their experiences --
and to store memories in an organized way that facilitates later retrieval.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
The Role of Parents in "Teaching" Event Memory
So, young children may need a lot of memory questions to learn to form
event memories in an organized way.
Hilary and Ratner (1984):
observed 2- and 3-year-olds interacting with their mother, and
recorded the number of times the mother asked the child about      past
events
tested memory abilities: (1) at the time, and (2) one year later
results: children whose mothers had asked many questions           about
past events showed better memory abilities on both tests.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
The Role of Parents in "Teaching" Event Memory
Two other parental factors that influence memory development are the
number of evaluations of the child's memory performance and the use of
elaboration.
E.g.,   When talking about a recent birthday party, a child says
        "We had pink cake."
            The parent might say, "Yes, that's right [evaluation]. We
            had pink cake with white icing, and Sherry leaned over
            her plate and got icing all over the sleeve of her new
        dress [elaboration]."
               Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
The Role of Parents in "Teaching" Event Memory
One of the benefits of all this talking is that it helps children structure
their memories into a narrative form -- children begin to develop an
"autobiographical narrative".
As early as 1.5 to 2 years, children start talking about the past.
Guided by adults who expand on their fragmented recollections,
children gradually adopt the "narrative thinking" generated in these
dialogues.
By 3 to 6 years of age, memories of special, one-time
occurrences are more organized, detailed, evaluative, and              imbued
with personal meaning.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Development of Event Memory
The Role of Parents in "Teaching" Event Memory
Another benefit of parents' talking with children about past events is that
the conversations serve to reinstate memories in danger of being lost:
Verbal reinstatement is highly effective in promoting 2- and 3-    year-
olds' long-term retention.
As language abilities develop, memories can increasingly be shared and
retained in socially and personally meaningful ways.
                          Memory Development

I.     Memory Development in Infancy
II.    Implicit Memory
III.   Remembering Events
             development of event memory
             children as eyewitnesses
             infantile amnesia and autobiographical memory
IV.    Development of Memory Strategies
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
In recent years, children have increasingly been called upon to
participate in legal proceedings, often as victims or as witnesses to
purported crimes.
Children under 5 years are not usually asked to testify and children over
about 10 years are usually assumed to be competent, but what about 5-
to 10-year-olds?
Some general questions:
How much do children of different ages remember of events          they
have witnessed?
How long do these memories last?
How accurate are these memories?
How susceptible are children's memories to suggestion?
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
How studies typically investigate the reliability of children's eyewitness
memory:
An event is presented (children view a video of an event, or observe an
event in their school, or are involved personally in an activity).
Minutes, days, weeks, or months later, they are tested.
free recall: "What happened in the video?"
cued recall: "What was the girl in the video wearing?"
recognition: "Was the girl wearing a white t-shirt?"
Also, sometimes experimenters vary the number of times
questions are asked, or ask the children leading or
misleading questions.
               Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
How much do preschoolers recall shortly after witnessing an event?
immediate free recall: very little information, but what is recalled is
accurate and central to the event
(e.g., bicycle theft: the theft is recalled, but children do not
describe details of the participants, the bicycle, or the      setting).
immediate cued recall: more information is recalled, but now               more
incorrect facts are recalled along with more correct      facts.
Therefore, overall accuracy is lower.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Effects of Delay
Usually, studies compare memory for a specific event immediately
following the event with memory for the event after a delay (of several
weeks to several years).
The general finding is that age differences in accuracy increase as the
delay period is increased.
Note: accuracy = the ratio of incorrect to correct information.     (it's
possible to remember very little information and have       high accuracy,
or to remember a lot of information and have        low accuracy.)
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Effects of Delay
After short delays (1 month or less), people of all ages remember
approximately the same ratio of incorrect to correct information as they
did originally.
But after longer delays, younger children have a higher incorrect to
correct ratio.
E.g., Flin and colleagues (1992) found:
After a 5 month delay, the amount of incorrect information
recalled held steady for both 6-year-olds and adults.
But 6-year-olds showed more of a decrease in correct      information
recalled compared to adults.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Effects of Repeated Questioning
Young children are more likely than older children and adults to change
their answers with repeated questioning.
E.g., Cassel, Roebers, & Bjorklund (1996) study:
kindergarten children, grade 2's, grade 4's, and adults     witnessed an
event
were questioned one week later -- and were asked
misleading questions
if they didn't go along with the misleading suggestion the first   time,
they were asked again
the youngest children (kindergarteners) were just as likely to    agree
with the incorrect suggestion the second time it was      put forward as
they were to reject it again
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Effects of Repeated Questioning
Why might young children change their answers?
maybe they think that the interviewer was dissatisfied with     the first
answer and that a different answer must be correct
maybe they are influenced by the perceived authority of the
speaker. Ceci, Ross, & Toglia (1987): misinformation     provided by an
adult had more of a distorting effect on memory than misinformation
provided by another child.
However, repeated questioning does not always lead to increased mind-
changing and inaccurate recall --
Sometimes accuracy remains unchanged, and sometimes it even
increases. When the questions are not misleading, the amount of correct
information remembered can increase.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Other Factors that Can Influence Eyewitness Memory:
the child's background knowledge for the event
parent-child interactions style
E.g.,       Memory for stressful medical procedures:
            children who know more about the procedure ahead
of time remember more accurate information and less
inaccurate information
            children with emotionally supportive mothers who
discussed the procedure with their child ahead of time
remembered less inaccurate information and were less
suggestible
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Age Differences in Suggestibility:
When given misleading cues, both children and adults tend to report
more inaccurate information.
But are children more suggestible than adults?
The general consensus is "yes" -- although different studies have found
age differences to varying degrees and only under certain
circumstances.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Age Differences in Suggestibility:
E.g., Allison Clarke-Stewart and colleagues:
Preschoolers watched a "janitor" either clean and arrange some toys, or
play with the toys in a rough and inappropriate manner.
One hour later, the janitor's "boss" interviewed the children.
Condition of interest: children who had witnessed the "innocent" scene
were asked misleading questions suggesting that the janitor      had
committed the inappropriate behaviours.
If a child initially disagreed with the interviewer's suggestion, more
misleading questions were asked, each more strongly suggestive.
Results: Two-thirds of the children eventually went along with the
suggestions, and all stuck with the incorrect story when questioned
by their parents at the end of the session.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
Age Differences in Suggestibility:
Why are young children more susceptible to misinformation and
suggestion? Possible reasons:
Social factors may be influencing recall -- e.g., a desire to comply
with adult requests.
Young children have difficulty with source monitoring: "Was this
information something I saw, or something someone told me?"
Young children have poor metamemory -- they do not believe that
they're vulnerable to suggestion.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
False Memory Creation:
How easy is it to get children to believe that an event that never really
happened actually happened to them?
We know that adults can be influenced to create false memories
E.g., Loftus & Pickrell (1995):
College students were asked to write about an event that had        never
happened to them (e.g., getting lost in a mall at age 5).
Many of them "remembered" such a false event -- sometimes in vivid
detail!!
               Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
False Memory Creation:
Preschool children are even more susceptible to creating false
memories:
E.g., Ceci et al. (1994):
Children were interviewed over an 11 week period about an event
that had never happened to them (e.g., getting their finger caught
in a mousetrap)
At first, most children said that that hadn't happened to them.
But by the end of the study, >50% of the preschoolers and 40% of
the 5- to 6-year-olds said that it did happen, and often provided details.
These beliefs persisted even after debriefing!
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Children as Eyewitnesses
False Memory Creation:
Thus, it seems that false memories of plausible but extraordinary events
are easy to put into children's minds.
However, the event does have to be plausible.


While there is no absolutely reliable way to tell true memories from false
memories, children's memories for events that actually happened tend to
be clearer and more detailed than false memories.
                          Memory Development

I.     Memory Development in Infancy
II.    Implicit Memory
III.   Remembering Events
             development of event memory
             children as eyewitnesses
             infantile amnesia and autobiographical memory
IV.    Development of Memory Strategies
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Infantile Amnesia and Autobiographical Memory:

infantile amnesia - the inability to remember events from infancy and
early childhood
Most of us remember almost nothing from before we were 3.5 to 4 years
old, and we have very few memories for events that happened between
the ages of 3 and 6 years.
Our earliest memories tend to be of major events.
Ulrich & Neisser (1993) questioned college students and concluded that
the earliest age of any meaningful recall was 2 years for a hospitalization
or the birth of a sibling, and 3 years for the death of a family member or a
family move.
What we lack are autobiographical memories -- personal and long-
lasting memories that form the basis for one's personal life history.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Infantile Amnesia and Autobiographical Memory:

Why Can't We Remember Events from Infancy and Early Childhood?
It's not that infants and young children can't store information in long-
term memory -- events experienced in the first year of life are
remembered as much as two years later.
An alternative possibility is that information is encoded differently by
infants and toddlers …
… and that when we try to reconstruct memories, we do so in terms of
different (verbal, symbolic) schemas and representations, which are not
suitable for the representations encoded early in life.
But this is not a sufficient explanation either, because verbal 3- and 4-
year-old children can recall events from when they were preverbal.
              Memory Development: Remembering Events


Infantile Amnesia and Autobiographical Memory:

Why Can't We Remember Events from Infancy and Early Childhood?
Other possible explanations:
To lay down autobiographical memories, we need a sense of self in
which to anchor events -- something that is still developing in the
preschool years.
The information-processing system is still developing:
      more durable gist memory traces are not available until the
early school years
     also, language is used more for representation by then,
making an autobiographical narrative possible
                          Memory Development

I.     Memory Development in Infancy
II.    Implicit Memory
III.   Remembering Events
IV.    Development of Memory Strategies
             The Strategies
             Factors that Influence Strategy Use
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


Most research in the 1960's to 1980's focused on memory strategies.

memory strategies (mnemonics)

     -- effortful techniques used to improve memory

     -- deliberate plans adopted to enhance memory
  performance, and subject to conscious evaluation

We will examine rehearsal, organization, retrieval, and other strategies
individually, but …

… it's important to remember that children tend to use a combination of
strategies on any single trial, and that they change which strategies they
use from trial to trial.
                Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Rehearsal
Flavell, Beach, & Chinsky (1966):
Presented kindergarten, 2nd grade, and 5th grade children with sets of
pictures and asked them to remember them.
During 15-second delay before each recall test, the children's lip
movements were observed.
Results:         Both recall and rehearsal increased with age
             (10% of kindergarteners ---> 85% of grade 5 children).
             Also, within a grade level, children who rehearsed more
             recalled more.
Concluded:       Rehearsal increases with age, and the frequency of
             rehearsal determines memory performance.
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Rehearsal
Ornstein, Naus, & Liberty (1975):
Used an overt rehearsal procedure with 3rd, 6th, & 8th grade children:
Children were presented with a series of words, and told that they must
repeat the most recently-presented word during the interstimulus interval
(ISI), and that if they wish they may also practice other words during the
ISI.
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Rehearsal
Ornstein, Naus, & Liberty (1975):
Results:     There was no difference in the frequency of rehearsal
     across the three grade levels.
     However, there was a difference in the style of rehearsal:
                Younger children included only one or two unique words
             per rehearsal set -- passive rehearsal style.
            Older children included several different words per
     rehearsal set -- active rehearsal style.
Concluded: The important developmental changes are in style, rather
     than in the frequency of rehearsal.
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Rehearsal
Ornstein, Naus, & Liberty (1975):

                  3rd Grade Subjects: Passive Rehearsal

                 Word
    Trial #                           Rehearsal Set During ISI
               Presented
      1       yard          yard, yard, yard, yard, yard

      2       cat           cat, cat, cat, cat, yard

      3       man           man, man, man, man, man

      4       desk          desk, desk, desk, desk
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Rehearsal
Ornstein, Naus, & Liberty (1975):

                    8th Grade Subjects: Active Rehearsal

                 Word
    Trial #                           Rehearsal Set During ISI
               Presented
      1       yard           yard, yard, yard

      2       cat            cat, yard, yard, cat

      3       man            man, cat, yard, man, yard cat

      4       desk           desk, man, yard, cat, man, desk, cat, yard
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Rehearsal
There is also evidence that differences in frequency and style of
rehearsal play a causal role in age differences in memory performance:
Preteens trained to use an active (cumulative) rehearsal strategy
display higher levels of recall.
The results of such training studies show that children can be taught to
use an active rehearsal strategy effectively.
However, younger children will not generate this strategy on their own --
-- i.e., they show a production deficiency.
                  Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Organization
organization --        using the structure discovered or imposed on
            a set of items to guide and enhance subsequent
     memory performance
            noticing and making use of conceptual relations
        among items that are rehearsed together
E.g.:          When memorizing a grocery list, we might group the items
        into "type of food" (e.g., dairy, meat, vegetables) …
        … or into "meals" (e.g., food needed for tonight's roast beef
        dinner, tomorrow's breakfast, tomorrow night's barbecue)
                   Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Organization
Free Recall Task
typical study:
      Give children a randomized list of items that can be divided
      into categories (e.g., furniture, tools, clothing).
     At recall, will children cluster? (i.e.., will they remember
items from the same category together?)
typical finding:
     Levels of recall and clustering increase with age, with
preschoolers' clustering often being at chance levels.
                Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Organization
Sort-Recall Task
-- give children the opportunity to sort items before recall
E.g., Salatas & Flavell (1976):
Presented 1st graders with 16 pictures (4 from each of 4
categories).
Experimenter named the pictures, identified the categories, and placed
the pictures randomly in front of the children.
Children were told to (physically) sort the pictures in a way that   would
help them remember them.
Result: only 27% of the children sorted the cards according to
category.
                Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Organization
Sort-Recall Task
-- give children the opportunity to sort items before recall
Other, similar studies have found that:
--   children as old as 8 years often fail to group the cards on the
     basis of meaning (instead, they group items randomly)
--   older children are more likely to group on the basis of meaning,
     and they recall more items
However, when they are told that they should make their groups on the
basis of meaning, even preschoolers do so (and their memory
performance improves).
                Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Organization
Training Studies
Studies that explicitly train younger children to use an
organizational strategy are often successful:
     children learn to use the strategy, and memory performance
     improves.
However, young children do not generate organizational strategies
on their own, and once the strategy has been learned, they do not
readily generalize it to new situations or sets of materials.
If training is really extensive, children will learn to generalize the
strategy, but performance doesn't benefit ( -- utilization deficiency)
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Retrieval
Akira Kobasigawa (1974):
1st, 3rd, & 6th grade children were given sets of pictures to
remember.
The pictures were grouped by categories, and children used cue cards
to classify the pictures (e.g., picture of a lion goes with the ZOO
category cue card).
Thus, all children were "forced' to encode the items according to
categories, and according to the same categories.
So essentially, organizational strategy was held constant across the
different age groups during the study phase of the experiment.
                 Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Retrieval
Akira Kobasigawa (1974):
Following presentation, children were asked to recall as many       items
as possible under one of three conditions:
free recall          children were simply asked to recall as many
              items as possible.
available cue            children were shown the category cue cards,
                    were told they could use the cards to help them
                    remember the items. They were asked to recall
                    as many items as possible.
directive-cue              children were shown each cue card, one at a
                     time, and told how many items went with that
              cue. For each cue, they were asked to recall as
              many items as possible.
                 Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Retrieval
Akira Kobasigawa (1974):
Results:
free recall         Memory performance improved with age.
available cue             Younger children displayed no benefits relative
                    to children in the free recall condition.
                     Few 1st graders used the cue. In contrast, 75%
                     of 3rd graders did use the cue -- but their
              performance didn't benefit
directive-cue             All ages performed well, and there were no age
                    differences.
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Retrieval
Akira Kobasigawa (1974):
Conclude: The younger children had stored as much information about
      the items as the older children -- but they needed more
retrieval cues to access the information.
Why do young children benefit more from retrieval cues?
Possibly because older children spontaneously generate retrieval
plans at the time of input.
Young children don't do this, but they can be taught to implement
retrieval strategies effectively.
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Other Strategies
elaboration --      associating two or more items by creating a
representation of them
often studied using paired associate procedure:
     study pairs of words, and then recall one word when given its
     mate
children tend not to use elaboration spontaneously until
adolescence -- but they can be trained to use it.
                   Memory Development: Memory Strategies


The Strategies:
Other Strategies
allocation of study time --
      children are permitted to study sets of items until they feel
they are ready to be tested
typical finding:
     older children are better at allocating study time effectively --
     they tend to study harder items more than easier items,
whereas younger children tend to study all items equally
                 Memory Development: Memory Strategies


Factors that Influence Strategy Use :
The factors that influence strategy use are interactive, and they can
influence both strategic and nonstrategic aspects of children's memory.
We'll look briefly at:
encoding, knowledge base, and metamemory
No single factor stands out as the principle cause of strategy
development --
-- the importance of a given factor depends on the strategy in question
and the age of the child.
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


Factors that Influence Strategy Use :
Encoding
     encoding --         how information is represented at the time of
               input
When memorizing words, young children encode fewer features.
They also tend not to identify categorical relations between items.
This item-by-item encoding limits their ability to make use of an
organizational strategy.
               Memory Development: Memory Strategies


Factors that Influence Strategy Use :
Knowledge Base
When children are particularly knowledgeable about a particular domain,
processing of information is rapid, and memory performance is
enhanced.
Expertise frees up cognitive resources, resulting in more efficient
strategy use.
                 Memory Development: Memory Strategies


Factors that Influence Strategy Use :
Knowledge Base
Age differences in knowledge base can affect memory in one of three
ways:
item-specific effects
     with increasing knowledge base, the accessibility of specific
     items increases (possibly individual items are more richly
represented?)
nonstrategic organization
    with increasing knowledge base, activation of associations
among items increases and becomes less effortful
facilitation of strategies
      a bigger knowledge base can facilitate the use of deliberate
      strategies
                Memory Development: Memory Strategies


Factors that Influence Strategy Use :
Metamemory
metamemory --           knowledge of the workings of one's own memory:
          what you remember, what you might be able to
     remember, and what you do not know
There is a bidirectional relationship:
     metamemory ---> memory performance
memory performance ---> metamemory