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The Bible and slavery

The Bible and slavery
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11th century manuscript of the Hebrew Bible with Targum be under their ownership and care perpetually. Although slavery is now universally condemned as a crime against humanity, it was customary in antiquity, and taken for granted as part of the economy and society of the time.[2] The Bible does not regard it as an abomination, instead regulates its practice,[3] and occasionally compels the enslavement of others.[4]

Definition
Slavery existed in different forms,[5] though the essential definition of slavery is that of ownership by another, usually understood as with compelled service. Sometimes what is referred to in the Bible as "slaves" or "servants" are Hebrews who agreed to forgo normal rights for a time because of poverty, and were to be treated well as hired servants. Others, and likely most, were foreigners who were bought by a family and were to be under their ownership and care perpetually.

The Bible contains several references to slavery. Slavery existed in different forms,[1] though the essential definition of slavery is that of ownership by another, usually understood as with compelled service. Sometimes what is referred to in the Bible as "slaves" or "servants" are Hebrews who agreed to forgo normal rights for a time because of poverty, and were to be treated well as hired servants. Others, and likely most, were foreigners who were bought by a family and were to

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The Bible and slavery
thus referred to the descendants of black slaves as the children of Ham[21]; throughout history, a a few Christians, like Jerome, even took up the racist notion that black people inherently had a soul as black as [their] body[22].

Origins
The Genesis narrative about the Curse of Ham has often been held to be an aetiological story, giving a reason for the enslavement of the Canaanites. In the account, Ham, the father of Canaan was discovered to have uncovered the nakedness of Noah, and therefore Noah cursed Canaan to be a servant to his brothers[6]; most scholars, theologians, and writers, have regarded Canaan as eponymously representing the Canaanites. Although some take uncover the nakedness of literally, this phrase is used elsewhere in the Torah as a euphemism for having sexual relations; prominent classical commentators, including Rashi, argued that the narrative either describes Noah being buggered or being castrated. Several textual scholars regard the words Ham, the father of as a later addition to the text, the original narrative describing Canaan himself as the culprit[7]; classical Midrashic opinion also suggests that Canaan was the real culprit[8]. The word ham is very similar to the Hebrew word for black/hot, which is cognate with the Egyptian word khem, meaning black. As the Egyptian word was used by the Egyptians to refer to Egypt itself, in reference to the fertile black soil along the Nile valley (as opposed to the whiteness of the desert), many scholars view Ham as an eponym used to represent Egypt in the Table of Nations[9]. However, a number of Christians throughout history, including Origen[10] and the Cave of Treasures[11], have argued for the alternate proposition that Ham represents all black people, his name symbolising their dark skin colour[12]; some prominent Christians, like Ephrem the Syrian[13], Ishodad of Merv[14], Ibn al-Tayyib[15], and Bar Hebraeus[16], went as far as to argue that black people originally had had a mediterranean skin tone, the curse turning them black. Despite the narrative portraying Canaan as having three other brothers, it has occasionally been viewed as condemning all black people to slavery, based on the interpretation that Ham refers to black people in general[17]; from Eutychius of Alexandria[18] and John Philoponus[19], to American pro-slavery apologists, claims have been made that the negroes, the descendants of Ham, lost their freedom from the abominable wickedness of their progenitor[20]. Many racist americans

Named slaves
Biblical figures who kept slaves included the patriarchs Abraham and Isaac, Boaz (from the Ruth story) and King Solomon. Slaves mentioned in the Bible include Hagar, Sarah’s hand-maid who was used by her as a surrogate mother, and Eliezer of Damascus, who was in charge of Abraham’s household and charged with finding a bride for Isaac. Also, Bilhah is described as Rachel’s handmaid and Zilpah as Leah’s handmaid, both of whom are given to Jacob (also known as Israel) as concubines and whose children with him rank equally with those of Rachael and Leah, on the basis that they were acting as surrogates of their mistress. There is also the story of the sale of Joseph by his brothers for twenty pieces of silver (Genesis 37:25-28) and the enslavement of the Hebrews in Egypt and their liberation by the hand of God in the Exodus, led by Moses, who was himself born a slave. Most of these biblical references to slave ownership predate the handing down of the Mosaic Law at Mount Sinai following the Exodus.

Enslavement
A slave was usually legally defined as property, a distinction being whether he was movable property (see chattel slavery), or real property. In most societies he was the former. A key aspect of classification in this regard was whether the owner had the right to kill his slave. This was often the case throughout the history of slavery. However, the right of slave owners to kill their human slaves was restricted by the Hebrews (Exodus 21:18-23), Athenians, and the Romans under the principate [23] In the Ancient Near East, captives obtained through warfare were often compelled to become slaves, and this was seen by the law code of Deuteronomy as a legitimate form of enslavement, as long as Israelites were not among the victims[24]; the Deuteronomic Code institutes the death penalty for

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the crime of kidnapping Israelites in order to enslave them[25]. Yet the Israelites did not get involved in distant or large scale wars, and apparently capture was not a significant source of slaves[26]. The Holiness Code of Leviticus explicitly allows participation in the slave trade[27], adding that non-Israelite residents who had been sold into slavery should be regarded as property, and could be inherited[28]. Foreign residents were included in this permission, and were allowed to own Israelite slaves[29]. It was also possible to be born into slavery[30]. Indeed, if a male Israelite slave was freed, then his wife and any children they had had together would still remain the property of his former owner, according to the Covenant Code, unless the slave had been married to the wife before his enslavement began[31]. However, although the text doesn’t actually mention the wife’s nationality, Adam Clarke, an 18th century methodist theologian, argued that this should be interpreted to only refer to marriage to a Canaanite woman; in Clarke’s opinion, there was an Israelite law instructing that if an Israelite slave had children by a Canannitish woman, those children must be considered as Canaanitish only, and might be sold and bought, and serve for ever.

The Bible and slavery
Code also exhibits this, allowing foreign residents to sell their own children and families to Israelites, although no limitation is placed on the duration of such slavery[34] The earlier[35][36][37][38][39] Covenant Code instructs that if a thief is caught after sunrise, and is unable to make restitution for the theft, then the thief should be enslaved.[40] The Book of Kings instructs that the children of a deceased debtor may be forced into slavery to pay off outstanding debts.[41][42]; similarly it is evident from the Book of Isaiah[43] that, in the Kingdom of Judah, (living) debtors could be forced to sell their children into slavery in order to pay the creditors[44]

Sexual and Conjugal slavery
Sexual slavery was common in the ancient world. The Holiness Code prohibits Israelites from engaging in sexual activity with female slaves that they don’t own.[45] The punishment/compensation for such action is not specified by the text, but Jewish tradition argued that the slave should be scourged.[46]. A father could sell his unmarried daughters into servitude, with the expectation that the master or his son would eventually marry her. Apparently the resulting period of servitude took the place of a dowry. "And if a man sells his daughter to be a female servant, she shall not go out as the male servant do. If she does not please her master, who has betrothed her to himself, then he shall let her be redeemed. He shall have no right to sell her to a foreign people, since he has dealt deceitfully with her. And if he has betrothed her to his son, he shall deal with her according to the custom of daughters. If he takes another wife, he shall not diminish her food, her clothing, and her marriage rights. And if he does not do these three for her, then she shall go out free, without paying money." (Exodus 21:7-11) The code also instructs that, even if the master has other wives, he must continue supplying the same amounts of food, clothing, and conjugal rights, to an enslaved wife;[47] similarly, if a female slave is betrothed to the master’s son, then she had to be treated as a normal daughter.[48] The code states that failure to comply with these regulations would

Debt slavery
Like that of the Ancient Near East, the legal systems of the Israelites divided ’slaves’ into different categories "In determining who should benefit from their intervention, the legal systems drew two important distinctions: between debt and chattel slaves, and between native and foreign slaves. The authorities intervened first and foremost to protect the former category of each--citizens who had fallen on hard times and had been forced into slavery by debt or famine” [32] Poverty, and more general lack of economic security, compelled some people to enter debt bondage. Furthermore, in the ancient Near East, wives and (non-adult) children were often viewed as property, and were sometimes sold into slavery by the husband/ father for financial reasons. Evidence of this viewpoint is found in the Code of Hammurabi, which permits debtors to sell their wives and children into temporary slavery, lasting a maximum of three years.[33]; the Holiness

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automatically grant free manumission to the enslaved woman. [49] Women captured by Israelite armies could be adopted forcibly as wives, but first they had to have their heads shaved and undergo a period of mourning. (Deuteronomy 21:10-14) However, "if you decide you no longer want her as a wife, you have to let her go free. Because you forced her into a sexual relationship with you; you are not allowed to sell her [as] a slave."

The Bible and slavery
The potentially long wait until the Jubilee was somewhat alleviated by the Holiness Code, with the instruction that slaves should be allowed to buy their freedom, paying an amount equal to the total wages, of a hired servant, over the entire period remaining until the next Jubilee[71] (this could be up to 49 years-worth of wages; in the year 2009, this would roughly equate with £750,000 sterling). Blood relatives of the slave were also allowed to buy the slave’s freedom[72], and this became regarded as a duty to be carried out by the next of kin (Hebrew: Go’el)[73].

Manumission
In a parallel with the Sabbatical Year system, the Covenant Code institutes automatic manumission of male Israelite slaves, after they have worked for six years[50]; this implicitly excludes non-Israelite slaves, and explicitly excludes female Israelite slaves from such automatic 7th-year manumission[51]. However, the later[52][53][54][55][56] Deuteronomic Code directly contradicts[57][58] elements of this instruction, extending automatic 7th year manumission to both sexes[59]. The Deuteronomic Code also extends[60] the 7th-year manumission rule by instructing that slaves freed in this way should be given livestock, grain, and wine, as a parting gift[61]; the literal meaning of the verb used, at this point in the text, for giving this gift seems to be hang round the neck[62]. In Jewish tradition, the identified gifts were regarded as merely symbolic, representing a gift of produce rather than of money or clothing[63]; many Jewish scholars estimated that the value of the three listed products was about 30 shekels, so the gift gradually came to be standardised as produce worth this fixed value[64]. The bible states that one should not regret the gift, for slaves are only half as expensive as hired workers[65]; Nachmanides enumerates this as a command rather than merely as a piece of advice[66]. Despite these commandments, Israelite slaves were kept longer than permitted, compelling Yahweh to detroy the Kingdom of Judah as punishment.[67] The text also describes Jeremiah demanding that Zedekiah manumits all Israelite slaves[68]. The Holiness Code does not mention 7th-year manumission, instead[69] only arguing that debtslaves, and Israelite slaves owned by foreign residents, should be freed during the national Jubilee[70] (occurring either every 49 or every 50 years, depending on interpretation).

Permanent Enslavement
In contrast to the Covenant Code and Deuteronomy, which contain no explicit description of manumission for slaves of non-Israelite origin, the Holiness Code insists that non-Israelite slaves should serve forever[74]. Even the master’s death was not to be able to free such slaves - they were to be treated as inheritable property[75]. As for Israelite slaves, the Covenant Code allows them to voluntarily renounce their 7th-year manumission, and become permanent slaves (literally being slaves forever[76]); according to the Nuzu tablets, this was a common thing for mesopotamians to do, when they were unable to find waged employment[77]. The Covenant Code rules require that the slaves confirmed this desire at either a religious sanctuary[78][79][80], or in the presence of the household gods[81] (the masoretic text and septuagint both literally say [at] the gods, although a few English translations substitute in the presence of Judges[82]); having done this, slaves were then to have an awl driven through their ear, by their master, into a doorpost[83]. This ritual was common throughout the Ancient Near East, being practiced by Mesopotamians, Lydians, and Arabs[84]; in the semitic world, the ear symbolised obedience (much as the heart symbolises emotion, in the modern western world)[85], and a pierced ear-lobe signified servitude[86]. It is possible that the use of a doorpost is bowdlerisation of an earlier, less secular, ritual[87]. This ear-to-doorpost ritual is repeated as an option by the Deuteronomic Code, but it is not mentioned at all in the Holiness Code’s prescriptions for slavery. Classical Jewish thinkers attempted to resolve the differences between the Holiness Code and the other

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codes, by arguing that the description of Israelite slaves serving forever (if they performed the ear-to-doorpost ritual), should actually be interpreted as only meaning until the Jubilee[88][89]; however, scholars doubt this equation, on the basis that the text wouldn’t have used the word forever if it had intended it to only last between 1 and 43 further years[90]. Furthermore, because the text uses the phrase he shall serve him to describe the perpetual service, classical rabbis argued that such slavery would automatically be terminated if the master died, and therefore Israelite slaves would not be inheritable[91][92].

The Bible and slavery
craft(s) which they usually did before they had been enslaved, if it is realistic to do so.[106][107]

Injury and compensation
The earlier[108][109][110][111][112] Covenant Code provides a potentially more valuable and direct form of relief, namely a degree of protection for the slave’s person (their body and its health) itself. This codification extends the basic lex talionis (....eye for an eye, tooth for a tooth...)[113], to compel that when slaves are significantly injured by their masters, manumission is to be the compensation given; the canonical examples mentioned are the knocking out of an eye or a tooth[114]. This resembles the earlier Code of Hammurabi, which instructs that when an injury is done to a social inferior, monetary compensation should be made, instead of carrying out the basic lex talionis[115]; Josephus indicates that by his time it was acceptable for a fine to be paid to the slave, instead of manumitting them, if the slave agreed[116]. Nachmanides argued that it was a biblically commanded duty to liberate a slave who had been harmed in this way[117] The Hittite Laws and the Code of Hammurabi both insist that if a slave is harmed by a 3rd party, the 3rd party must financially compensate the owner[118]. In the Covenant Code, if an ox gores a slave, the ox owner must pay the servant’s master a 30 shekel fine; in contrast, if an ox gores a free man, the owner may be put to death.[119] The Covenant Code clearly institutes the death penalty for beating a free man to death;[120] in contrast, beating a slave to death was to be avenged only if the slave does not survive for one or two days after the beating.[121] Abraham ben Nathan of Lunel, a 12th century Provençal scholar, Targum, and Maimonides argue that avenged implies the death penalty, [122][123] but more recent scholars view it as probably describing a lesser punishment.[124] A number of modern Protestant bible versions (such as the New Living Translation, New International Version, New Century Version, etc.) translate the survival for one or two days as referring to a full and speedy recovery, rather than to a lingering death, as favoured by other recent and respected versions (such as the New Revised Standard Version, and New American Bible).

Working conditions
The Ethical Decalogue makes clear that honouring the Shabbat was expected of slaves, not just their masters[93], effectively giving slaves a weekly rest day. The later[94][95][96][97][98] Deuteronomic code, having repeated the Shabbat requirement, also instructs that slaves should be allowed to celebrate the Sukkot festival.[99] Although the Holiness Code instructs that during the Sabbatical Year, slaves and their masters should eat food which the land yields, without being farmed, it does not explicitly forbid the slaves from the farming itself, despite restricting their masters from doing so, and neither does it grant slaves any other additional rest from work during these years.[100] Indeed, unlike the other law codes, the Holiness Code does not mention explicit occasions of respite from toil, instead simply giving the vague instruction that Israelite slaves should not to be compelled to work with rigour;[101][102] Maimonides argues that this was to be interpreted as forbidding openended work (such as keep doing that until I come back), and that disciplinary action was not to include instructing the slave to perform otherwise pointless work.[103][104] A special case is that of the debtor who sells himself as a slave to his creditor; the Holiness Code instructs that in this situation, the debtor must not be made to do the work of slaves, but must instead be treated the same as a hired servant.[105] In Jewish tradition, this was taken to mean that the debtor should not be instructed to do humiliating work - which only slaves would do - and that the debtor should be asked to perform the

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The Deuteronomic Code forbids people from handing over fugitive slaves to their masters or oppressing them, and instructs that these fugitives should be allowed to reside where they wish.[125] Although a literal reading would indicate that this applies to slaves of all nationalities and locations, the Mishnah construes it to have the much narrower application to just those slaves who flee from outside Israelite territory into it.[126]

The Bible and slavery
abolitionists argued that the institution of slavery is opposed by the detail and tenor of the epistle, in which Paul and offers to pay for any debt incurred by Onesimus, and which suggests that Philemon should treat Onesimus as he might treat Paul himself.

See also
• • • • • • • Judaism and slavery Christianity and slavery Islam and slavery Slavery Abolitionism Bride kidnapping Crimes against humanity

Advocacy and Abolitionism

In several Pauline epistles, and the First Epistle of Peter, slaves are admonished to obey their masters, as to the Lord, and not to men[127][128][129][130][131]; however these [1] "Slavery and the Bible?", by Glenn M. particular Pauline epistles are also those Miller whose Pauline authorship is doubted by a [2] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), majority of scholon Exodus 21:18-27 [132][133][134][135][136][137][138][139][140][141][142][143]. ars [3] Exodus 22:2-3 Included among these dubious epistles are [4] Deuteronomy 21:10-11 the epistle to the Colossians and that to the [5] "Slavery and the Bible?", by Glenn M. Ephesians, although these are regarded as Miller less inauthentic than others; in these two [6] Genesis 9:20-27 epistles, slave owners are instructed to act [7] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on without threatening[144], and render just and Ham equal recompense to their servants[145]. [8] Exodus Rabbah, 30:5 By contrast, the First Epistle to the Cor[9] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on inthians, one of the undisputed epistles[146], Ham describes lawfully obtained manumission as [10] Origen, Homilies, on Genesis 16:1 the ideal for slaves[147]. Another undisputed [11] (edited by Ciala Kourcikidzé), The cave epistle is that to Philemon, which has become of treasures: Georgian version, an important text in regard to slavery, being translated by Jean-Pierre Mahé in The used by pro-slavery advocates as well as by written corpus of eastern Christianity abolitionists[148][149]; in the epistle, Paul re526-27, part of Scriptores Iberici 23-24 turns Onesimus, a fugitive slave, back to his (Louvain, 1992-93), 21:38-39 master Philemon, but Paul also entreats [12] Goldenberg, D. M. (2003). The Curse of Philemon to regard Onesimus as a beloved Ham. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University brother, rather than as a slave[150]. Press, page 141. Paul’s actions violate the biblical com[13] Paul de Lagarde, Materialien zur Kritik mand to not return fugitive slaves, which pround Geschichte des Pentateuchs slavery advocates argued to indicate his (Leipzig, 1867), part II passive support for slavery; John Henry Hop[14] C. Van Den Eynde, The written corpus of kins, the most senior bishop in the American eastern Christianity 156, Syrian Episcopal Church, drew on this to write a Scriptures 75 (Louvain, 1955), page 139 controversial pamphlet - A Scriptural, Eccle[15] Joannes C.J. Sanders, Commentary on siastical, and Historical View of Slavery - arGenesis, in The written corpus of eastern guing that the New Testament clearly did not Christianity 274-275, Arabic Scriptures forbid slavery, and did not deem it a sin. 24-25 (Louvain, 1967), 1:56 and 2:52-55 However, Paul lived under Roman law, which [16] Sprengling and Graham, Barhebraeus’ criminalised the failure to return fugitive Scholia on the Old Testament, pages slaves, regarding it as a form of theft[151]; 40–41, on Genesis 9:22

References

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[17] Felder, C. H. (2002). Race, Racism, and the Biblical Narratives. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress, page 8. [18] (edited by J.P. Migne), Complete course in Patrology…Greek series, (Paris, 1857-66), on Annals 111:917B:41-43 [19] A. Sanda, Opposcula Monophysitica Johannes Philoponi (Beirut, 1930), page 96 [20] Haynes, S. R. (2002). Noah’s Curse. New York, New York: Oxford University Press, page 71. [21] Goldenberg, D. M. (2003). The Curse of Ham. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, page 142. [22] Jerome, Homilies, 1:3:28 [23] Encyclopedia Britannica; Legal definitions of slavery [24] Deuteronomy 20:10-16 [25] Deuteronomy 24:7 [26] Anchor Bible Dictionary, David Noel Freedman (main ed.), DoubleDay:1992 [27] Leviticus 25:44-46 [28] Leviticus 25:44-46 [29] Leviticus 19:33-34 [30] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Exodus 21:2-11 [31] Exodus 21:1-4 [32] A History of Ancient Near Eastern Law (2 vols). Raymond Westbrook (ed). Brill:2003 [33] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Exodus 21:2-11 [34] Leviticus 25:44 [35] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Law, Codification of [36] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962) [37] Richard Elliott Friedman, Who wrote the Bible? [38] Anthony Campbell & Mark O’Brien, Sources of the Pentateuch (2000) [39] William Edward Addis, The Documents Of The Hexateuch (2006), Volume 2 [40] Exodus 22:2-3 [41] 2 Kings 4:1-7 [42] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Slaves and Slavery [43] Isaiah 22:2-3 [44] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Slaves and Slavery [45] Leviticus 19:20 [46] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Leviticus 19:20-22 [47] Exodus 21:7-10 [48] Exodus 21:7-10 [49] Exodus 21:11

The Bible and slavery
[50] Exodus 21:2 [51] Exodus 21:7 [52] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Law, Codification of [53] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962) [54] Richard Elliott Friedman, Who wrote the Bible? [55] Anthony Campbell & Mark O’Brien, Sources of the Pentateuch (2000) [56] William Edward Addis, The Documents Of The Hexateuch (2006), Volume 2 [57] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Law, Codification of [58] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Exodus 21:2-11 [59] Deuteronomy 15:12 [60] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Deuteronomy 15:12-18 [61] Deuteronomy 15:13-14 [62] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Slaves and Slavery [63] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Slaves and Slavery [64] Kiddushin 17a, baraita [65] Deuteronomy 15:18 [66] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on 613 Laws [67] Jeremiah 34:8-24 [68] Jeremiah 34:9 [69] Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black, Encyclopaedia Biblica (1903), article on Slavery [70] Leviticus 25:39-55 [71] Leviticus 25:47-55 [72] Leviticus 25:47-55 [73] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Go’el [74] Leviticus 25:44-46 [75] Leviticus 25:44-46 [76] Exodus 21:6 [77] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Exodus 21:2-11 [78] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Exodus 21:2-11 [79] New American Bible, footnote to Exodus 21:6 [80] Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black, Encyclopaedia Biblica (1903), article on Slavery [81] Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black, Encyclopaedia Biblica (1903), article on Slavery [82] The text uses the Hebrew term elohim. Translations that render this in the presence of Judges include the King James Version, and all translations that

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use it as a generally immutable basis, such as the New International Version. Translations that use to the Gods or to God include the Englsh Standard Version, New Living Version, American Standard Version, New Revised Standard Version, and New American Bible [83] Exodus 21:5-6 [84] Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black, Encyclopaedia Biblica (1903), article on Slavery [85] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Exodus 21:2-11 [86] New American Bible, footnote to Exodus 21:6 [87] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), on Exodus 21:2-11 [88] Kiddushin 1:2 [89] Kiddushin 14b, baraita [90] Thomas Kelly Cheyne and John Sutherland Black, Encyclopaedia Biblica (1903), article on Slavery [91] Kiddushin 1:2 [92] Kiddushin 14b, baraita [93] Exodus 20:10 [94] Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Law, Codification of [95] Peake’s commentary on the Bible (1962) [96] Richard Elliott Friedman, Who wrote the Bible? [97] Anthony Campbell & Mark O’Brien, Sources of the Pentateuch (2000) [98] William Edward Addis, The Documents Of The Hexateuch (2006), Volume 2 [99] Deuteronomy 16:14 [100] eviticus 25:1-13 L [101] eviticus 25:43 L [102] eviticus 25:53 L [103] aimonides, Mishneh Torah M [104]ewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on J Slaves and Slavery [105] eviticus 25:39 L [106] aimonides, Mishneh Torah M [107]ewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on J Slaves and Slavery [108]ewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on J Law, Codification of [109] eake’s commentary on the Bible (1962) P [110] ichard Elliott Friedman, Who wrote the R Bible? [111] nthony Campbell & Mark O’Brien, A Sources of the Pentateuch (2000) [112] illiam Edward Addis, The Documents W Of The Hexateuch (2006), Volume 2 [113] xodus 21:24 E [114] xodus 21:26-27 E

The Bible and slavery
[115] eake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), P on Exodus 21:18-27 [116]osephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 4:8:35 J [117]ewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on J 613 Laws [118] eake’s commentary on the Bible (1962), P on Exodus 21:18-27 [119] xodus 21:32 E [120] xodus 21:12 E [121] xodus 21:20-21 E [122] aimonides, Mishneh Torah M [123]ewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on J Slaves and Slavery [124]ewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on J Avenger of Blood [125] euteronomy 23:15 D [126] ittin 45a G [127] phesians 6:5-8 E [128] olossians 3:22-25 C [129] Timothy 6:1 1 [130] itus 2:9-10 T [131] Peter 2:18 1 [132] hrman, Bart D. (2004). The New E Testament: A Historical Introduction to the Early Christian Writings. New York: Oxford. ISBN 0-19-515462-2. , page 385 [133] do Schnelle, Apostle Paul: His Life and U Theology (2003), [english translation published 2005] [134] ermann Detering, The Falsified Paul H (1995) [135] tephen G. Wilson, Luke and the S Pastoral Epistles (1979) [136] orman Perrin, The New Testament: An N Introduction (1974) [137] . Bujard, Stilanalytische W Untersuchungen zum Kolosserfrief als Beitrag zur Methodik von Sprachvergleichen (1973) [138] J Goodspeed, Key to Ephesians (1956), E page 6 [139] itton, The Epistle to the Ephesians M (1951), pages 245-255 [140] lfred Loisy, The Origins of the New A Testament (1936) [141] ercy Neale Harrison, The Problem of P the Pastoral Epistles (1921) [142] erdinand Christian Baur, Paul, the F Apostle of Jesus Christ: His Life and Works (1845) [143] lso partially advocated by Desiderius a Erasmus [144] phesians 6:9 E [145] olossians 4:1 C [146] even of the Pauline Epistles are S regarded as genuine by most scholars;

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academics therefore use the term undisputed epistles to collectively refer to these seven [147] Corinthians 7:21-23 1 [148] eligion and the Antebellum Debate R Over Slavery, by John R. McKivigan, Mitchell Snay [149] od Against Slavery, p. 140, by Rev. G George B. Cheever, D.D

The Bible and slavery
[150] hilemon 1:1-25 P [151] dolf Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of A Roman Law

External links
• Nave’s Topical Index - Slavery • Slavery in the Bible. Glenn M. Miller

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