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The Mafia (also known as Cosa Nostra) is a Sicilian criminal society which is believed to have emerged in late 19th century Sicily, and the first such society to be referred to as a mafia. It is a loose association of criminal groups that share a common organizational structure and code of conduct. Each group, known as a "family", "clan" or "cosca", claims sovereignty over a territory in which it operates its rackets - usually a town or village or a neighborhood of a larger city. Offshoots of the Mafia emerged in the United States and in Australia during the late 19th century following waves of Sicilian and Southern Italian emigration (see ItalianAmerican Mafia). Leopoldo Franchetti, an Italian deputy who travelled to Sicily and who wrote one of the first authoritative reports on the mafia in 1876, saw the Mafia as an "industry of violence" and described the designation of the term "mafia": "the term mafia found a class of violent criminals ready and waiting for a name to define them, and, given their special character and importance in Sicilian society, they had the right to a different name from that defining vulgar criminals in other countries." Franchetti saw the Mafia as deeply rooted in Sicilian society and impossible to quench unless the very structure of the island’s social institutions were to undergo a fundamental change. Some observers have seen "mafia" as a set of attributes deeply rooted in popular culture, as a "way of being", as illustrated in the definition by the Sicilian ethnographer, Giuseppe Pitrè, at the end of the 19th century: "Mafia is the consciousness of one’s own worth, the exaggerated concept of individual force as the sole arbiter of every conflict, of every clash of interests or ideas." According to popular myth, the word Mafia was first used in the Sicilian rebellion - the Sicilian Vespers - against the oppressive Anjou rule on 30 March 1282. Mafia is the acronym for "Morta alla Francia, Italia anela" (Italian for "Death to France, Italy groans cry"). However, this version is discarded by most serious historians nowadays.
There are several theories about the origin of the term "Mafia" (sometimes spelt "Maffia" in early texts). The Sicilian adjective mafiusu may derive from the slang Arabic mahyas ( ,)صايهمmeaning "aggressive boasting, bragging", or marfud ضوفرمmeaning "rejected". Roughly translated, it means "swagger", but can also be translated as "boldness, bravado". In reference to a man, mafiusu in 19th century Sicily was ambiguous, signifying a bully, arrogant but also fearless, enterprising, and proud, according to scholar Diego Gambetta. The public’s association of the word with the criminal secret society was perhaps inspired by the 1863 play "I mafiusi di la Vicaria" ("The Mafiosi of the Vicaria") by Giuseppe Rizzotto and Gaetano Mosca. The words Mafia and mafiusi are never mentioned in the play; they were probably put in the title to add a local flair. The play is about a Palermo prison gang with traits similar to the Mafia: a boss, an initiation ritual, and talk of "umirtà" ("humility") and "pizzu" (a codeword for protection money). The play had great success throughout Italy. Soon after, the use of the term "mafia" began appearing in the Italian state’s early reports on the phenomenon. The word made its first official appearance in 1865 in a report by the prefect of Palermo, Filippo Antonio Gualterio.
The name "Cosa Nostra"
When the American mafioso Joseph Valachi testified before the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the U.S. Senate Committee on Government Operations in 1962, he revealed that American mafiosi referred to their organization by the term Cosa Nostra ("our thing"). At the time, it was understood as a proper name, fostered by the FBI and disseminated by the media. The
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designation gained wide popularity and almost replaced the term Mafia. The FBI even added the article to the term, calling it La Cosa Nostra. In Italy the article la is never used when referring to the Sicilian Mafia. Italian investigators did not take the term seriously, believing it was only used by the American Mafia. Then, in 1984, the Mafia turncoat Tommaso Buscetta revealed to the anti-mafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone that the term was used by the Sicilian Mafia as well. According to Buscetta, the word "mafia" was a literary creation. Other defectors, such as Antonio Calderone and Salvatore Contorno, confirmed this. Mafiosi introduce known members to each other as belonging to cosa nostra ("our thing") or la stessa cosa ("the same thing"), e.g. "he is the same thing, a mafioso, as you". The name is not a formal one, however, as members see no need for one. The Sicilian Mafia has used other names to describe itself throughout its history, such as "The Honoured Society." Mafiosi are known among themselves as "men of honour" or "men of respect".
crews of about 10 "soldiers", each led by a capodecina (or sometimes caporegime). Other than its members, Cosa Nostra makes extensive use of "associates". This is the furthest in the Mafia hierarchy that nonItalians can go. These are people who aid or work for a family (or even multiple families) but are not treated as true members. These include corrupt officials and prospective mafiosi. An associate is considered nothing more than a tool; "nothing mixed with nil." The most powerful boss is often referred to as the capo di tutti capi ("boss of all bosses"), who allegedly commands all the clans of Cosa Nostra. Calogero Vizzini, Salvatore Riina and Bernardo Provenzano were especially influential bosses that have each been described by the media and law enforcement as being the "boss of bosses" of their times. However, such a position does not formally exist, according to Mafia turncoats such as Buscetta. Traditionally, only men can become mafiosi, though in recent times there have been reports of women assuming the responsibilities of imprisoned mafioso relatives.
Structure and composition
For many years, the power apparatuses of the individual clans were the sole ruling bodies within the association, and they have remained the real centers of power even after superordinate bodies were created in Cosa Nostra beginning in the late 1950s (the Sicilian Mafia Commission also known as Commissione or Cupola). The Commission is a body of leading Cosa Nostra members who decide on important questions concerning the actions of, and settling disputes within the organization. It is composed of representatives of a mandamento (a "district" of three geographically contiguous Mafia families) that are called capo mandamento or rappresentante. The Commission is not a central government of the Mafia, but a representative mechanism for consultation of independent families who decide by consensus. "Contrary to the widespread image presented by the media, these superordinate bodies of coordination cannot be compared with the executive boards of major legal firms. Their power is intentionally limited. And it would be entirely wrong to see in the Cosa Nostra a centrally managed,
Hierarchy of a Cosa Nostra clan. Cosa Nostra is not a monolithic organization, but loose association of groups called "families", "coscas" or "clans". Today, Cosa Nostra is estimated to have about 100 clans, almost half of them in the province of Palermo, with at least 3,500 to 4,000 full members. In 1984, the mafioso informant Tommaso Buscetta explained to prosecutors the pyramidal command structure of a typical clan. A clan is led by a "boss" (capofamiglia), who is aided by a second-in-command (a sotto capo or "underboss") and one or more advisers (consigliere). Under his command are
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internationally active Mafia holding company," according to criminologist Letizia Paoli. The jurisdiction extends over a province; each province of Sicily has some kind of a Commission, except Messina, Siracusa and Ragusa. Beyond the provincial level, details are vague. According to Buscetta, a commissione interprovinciale – interprovincial commission – was set up in the 1970s, while Calderone claims that there had been a rappresentante regionale in the 1950s even before the Commissions and the capi mandamento were created.
In November 2007 Sicilian police reported to have found a list of "Ten Commandments" in the hideout of mafia boss Salvatore Lo Piccolo. Similar to the Biblical Ten Commandments, they are thought to be a guideline on how to be a good, respectful honourable mafioso. The commandments are as follows: 1. No one can present himself directly to another of our friends. There must be a third person to do it. 2. Never look at the wives of friends. 3. Never be seen with cops. 4. Don’t go to pubs and clubs. 5. Always being available for Cosa Nostra is a duty - even if your wife is about to give birth. 6. Appointments must absolutely be respected. 7. Wives must be treated with respect. 8. When asked for any information, the answer must be the truth. 9. Money cannot be appropriated if it belongs to others or to other families. 10. People who can’t be part of Cosa Nostra: anyone who has a close relative in the police, anyone with a two-timing relative in the family, anyone who behaves badly and doesn’t hold to moral values.
Rituals and codes of conduct
A prospective mafioso is carefully supervised and tested to assess his obedience, discretion, ability and ruthlessness. He is almost always required to commit murder as his ultimate trial. After his arrest, the mafioso Giovanni Brusca described the ceremony in which he was formally made a full member of Cosa Nostra. In 1976 he was invited to a "banquet" at a country house. He was brought into a room where several mafiosi were sitting around a table upon which sat a pistol, a dagger and an image of a saint. They questioned his commitment and his feelings about criminality and murder (despite already having a history of such acts). When he affirmed himself, Salvatore Riina, then the most powerful boss of Cosa Nostra, took a needle and pricked Brusca’s finger. Brusca smeared his blood on the image of the saint, which he held in his cupped hands as Riina set it alight. As Brusca juggled the burning image in his hands, Riina said to him: "If you betray Cosa Nostra, your flesh will burn like this saint."
Omertà: the code of silence
Omertà is a code of silence that forbids members from cooperating at all with the police or prosecutors should they be arrested. The penalty for transgression is death, and relatives of the turncoat may also be murdered. To a degree, Cosa Nostra also imposes this code on the general population, persecuting any citizen who aids the authorities.
It is estimated that the Sicilian Mafia costs the Sicilian economy more than €10 billion a year through protection rackets, although this is highly implausible. Roughly 80% of Sicilian businesses pay protection money to Cosa Nostra, which can range from €200 a month for a small shop or bar to €5,000 a month for a supermarket.  In Sicily, protection money is known as pizzo; the anti-
A mafioso is not supposed to introduce himself to another mafioso. He must ask a third, mutually-known mafioso, to introduce him to the latter as "a friend of ours". Right after his initiation, Brusca was introduced to his own mafioso father in this manner by Riina.
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extortion support group Addiopizzo derives its name from this.
only made the problem worse by alienating the populace. An 1865 dispatch from the prefect of Palermo to Rome first officially described the phenomenon as a "Mafia". Much of the Mafia’s early activity centered around the lucrative citrus export industry around Palermo, whose fragile production system made it quite vulnerable to extortion. What is probably the earliest detailed account of Mafia activity comes from the memoirs of a citrus plantation owner named Gaspare Galati in the 1870s. After firing his warden for stealing coal and produce, Galati received threatening letters demanding that he rehire this "man of honour". Two successive replacements he hired were shot by hitmen, but the police failed to find any evidence implicating the "man of honour". Galati’s own inquiries led him to believe the "man of honour" was part of a group known as a cosca, based in a nearby village and led by a local landowner and former revolutionary. Many such groups existed that disrupted citrus plantations to either extort money or buy them at low prices. Worse still, these groups appeared to have allies in the police and local government. Galati gave up and fled home to Naples. The accounts of Galati and others alarmed politicians in Rome. One described the mafia as "an instrument of local government", given its level of collusion with Sicilian officials. Throughout the late 1870s, the government ordered numerous authoritarian crackdowns in which entire towns were encircled and suspects deported en masse. The crackdowns failed, however, to deal with the political corruption, and many well-connected mafiosi escaped the dragnet. Mafiosi meddled in politics early on, bullying voters into voting for candidates they favoured. At this period in history, only a small fraction of the Sicilian population could vote, so a single mafia boss could control a sizeable chunk of the electorate and thus wield considerable political leverage. Mafiosi used their allies in government to avoid prosecution as well as persecute less well-connected rivals. The highly fragmented and shaky Italian political system allow cliques of Mafia-friendly politicians to exert a lot of influence. In an 1898 report to prosecutors, the police chief of Palermo identified eight mafia clans operating in the suburbs and villages near the city. The report mentioned initiation
In 2003, the Sicilian Mafia is estimated to have made over €1.5 billion through drug trafficking. Sicily is a major transshipment center for Southwest and Southeast Asian heroin.
In 2003, the Sicilian Mafia is estimated to have made over €1.5 billion through weapons trafficking.
In a 2007 publication, the Italian small-business association Confesercenti reported that about 25.2% of Sicilian businesses are indebted to loan sharks, who collect around €1.4 billion a year in payments.
Control of contracting
The Sicilian Mafia also makes money through control of public and private contracts.
The genesis of Cosa Nostra is hard to trace because of its secretive nature and lack of historical record-keeping. It is widely believed that its seeds were planted in the upheaval of Sicily’s transition from feudalism to capitalism in 1812 and its later annexation by mainland Italy in 1860. The Sicilian state couldn’t fully enforce law and order. Many groups, from bandits to artisan guilds, used violence to plunder or settle disputes. The common traditions and structure that distinguishes the Mafia may have been shared between criminals in prison. In 1864, Niccolò Turrisi Colonna, leader of the Palermo National Guard, wrote of a "sect of thieves" that operated across Sicily. This "sect" had special signals to recognize each other, had political protection in many regions, and a code of loyalty and non-interaction with the police known as umirtà ("humility"). The sect was mostly rural, comprising plantation wardens and smugglers, among others. Colonna warned in his report that the Italian government’s brutal and ham-fisted attempts to crush unlawfulness
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rituals and codes of conduct, as well as criminal activities that included counterfeiting, ransom kidnappings, robbery, murder and witness intimidation. The mafia also maintained funds to support the families of imprisoned members and pay defense lawyers.
anti-communist position made them further desirable. The changing economic landscape of Sicily would shift the Mafia’s power base from the rural to the urban. The Minister of Agriculture - a communist - pushed for reforms in which peasants were to get larger shares of produce, be allowed to form cooperatives and take over badly used land, and remove the system by which leaseholders (known as "gabelloti") could rent land from landowners for their own short-term use. Owners of especially large estates were to be forced to sell off their excess land. The Mafia, which had connections to many landowners, murdered many socialist reformers. In the end, though, they couldn’t stop the process, and many landowners chose to sell their land to mafiosi, who offered more money than the government. After the war, the Italian government poured public money into rebuilding Sicily, leading to a big construction boom. In 1956, two Mafia-connected officials, Vito Ciancimino and Salvatore Lima, took control of Palermo’s Office of Public Works. Between 1959 and 1963, about 80% of building permits were given to just five people, none of whom represented major construction firms and were probably Mafia frontmen. Construction companies unconnected with the Mafia were forced to pay protection money. Many buildings were illegally constructed before the city’s planning was finalized. In 1982, the antimafia prosecutor Giovanni Falcone noted: "Mafia organizations entirely control the building sector in Palermo - the quarries where aggregates are mined, site clearance firms, cement plants, metal depots for the construction industry, wholesalers for sanitary fixtures, and so on". In the 1950s, a crackdown in the United States on drug trafficking led to the imprisonment of many American mafiosi. Furthermore, Cuba, a major hub for drug smuggling, fell to Fidel Castro. This prompted the American mafia boss Joseph Bonanno to return to Sicily in 1957 to franchise out his heroin operations to the Sicilian clans. Anticipating rivalries for the lucrative American drug market, he negotiated the establishment of a Sicilian Mafia Commission to mediate disputes.
In 1925, Benito Mussolini initiated a campaign to destroy the Mafia and its political allies. In doing so, he would suppress many political opponents on the island and score a great propaganda coup for Fascism. In October 1925, he appointed Cesare Mori prefect of Palermo and gave him special powers to attack the Mafia. Like previous crackdowns, it involved massive round-ups of suspected criminals; over 11,000 arrests were made over the course of the campaign. Wives and children of mafiosi were sometimes taken hostage to force their surrender. Many were tried in en masse. More than 1,200 were convicted and imprisoned, and many others were internally exiled without trial. Mori’s campaign ended in June 1929 when Mussolini recalled him to Rome. Although he did not totally crush the Mafia as the Fascist press proclaimed, his campaign was nonetheless very successful. In 1986, the mafioso defector Antonino Calderone said of the period: "The music changed. Mafiosi had a hard life. [...] After the war the mafia hardly existed anymore. The Sicilian Families had all been broken up." Many mafiosi fled to the United States. Among these were Carlo Gambino and Joseph Bonanno, who would go on to become powerful mafia bosses in New York City.
In 1943, nearly half a million Allied troops invaded Sicily. The crime rate soared in the upheaval and chaos. Many inmates escaped from their prisons. Banditry returned and the black market thrived. During the first six months of Allied occupation, party politics in Sicily was banned. As Fascist mayors were deposed, the Allies simply appointed replacements. Many turned out to be mafiosi, such as Calogero Vizzini and Giuseppe Genco Russo. They could easily present themselves as political dissidents, and their
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First Mafia War
The First Mafia War was the first high-profile conflict between Mafia clans in post-war Italy (the Sicilian Mafia has a long history of violent rivalries). In December 1962 some heroin went missing from a shipment to America. When the Sicilian Mafia Commission could not decide who was to blame, one of the clans involved the La Barbera clan - took matters into its own hands. They murdered a mafioso from the Greco clan whom they suspected of stealing the heroin, triggering a war in which many non-mafiosi would be killed in the crossfire. In April 1963, several bystanders were wounded during a shootout in Palermo. In May, Angelo La Barbera survived a murder attempt in Milan. In June, six military officers and a policeman in Ciaculli were killed while trying to dispose of a car bomb. The fact that the conflict spread outside Sicily and claimed innocent lives provoked national outrage and a crackdown in which nearly 2,000 arrests were made. Mafia activity fell as clans disbanded and mafiosi went into hiding. The Commission was dissolved; it would not reform until 1969. 117 suspects were put on trial in 1968, but most were acquitted or received light sentences.
Second Mafia War
In the early 1970s, Luciano Daniel, boss of the Corleone clan and member of the Sicilian Mafia Commission, forged a coalition of mafia clans known as the Corleonesi, with himself as its leader. He initiated a campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra and its narcotics trade. Because Daniel was imprisoned in 1974, he acted through his deputy, Salvatore Riina, to whom he would eventually hand over control. The Corleonesi bribed cashstrapped Palermo clans into the fold, subverted members of other clans and secretly recruited new members. In 1977, the Corleonesi had Gaetano Badalamenti expelled from the Commission on trumped-up charges of hiding drug revenues. In April 1981, the Corleonesi murdered another member of the Commission, Stefano Bontate, and the Second Mafia War began in earnest. Hundreds of enemy mafiosi and their relatives were murdered, sometimes by traitors in their own clans. In the end, the Corleonesi faction won and Riina effectively became the "boss of bosses" of the Sicilian Mafia. At the same time the Corleonesi waged their campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra, they also waged a campaign of murder against journalists, officials and policemen who dared to cross them. The police were frustrated with the lack of help they were receiving from witnesses and politicians. At the funeral of a policeman murdered by mafiosi in 1985, policemen insulted and spat at two attending statesmen, and a fight broke out between them and military police.
When heroin refineries operated by the Corsican Mafia in Marseilles were shut down by French authorities, morphine traffickers looked to Sicily. Starting in 1975, Cosa Nostra set up heroin refineries across the island. As well as refining heroin, Cosa Nostra also sought to control its distribution. Sicilian mafiosi moved to America to personally control distribution networks there, often at the expense of their American counterparts. Heroin addiction in Europe and North America surged, and seizures by police increased dramatically. By 1982, the Sicilian Mafia controlled about 80% of the heroin trade in the north-eastern United States. Heroin was often distributed to street dealers from Mafia-owned pizzerias, and the revenues could be passed off as restaurant profits (the so-called Pizza Connection). Through the heroin trade, Cosa Nostra became wealthier and more powerful than ever.
Maxi Trial and war against the government
In the early 1980s, the magistrates Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino began a campaign against Cosa Nostra. Their big break came with the arrest of Tommaso Buscetta, a mafioso who chose to turn informant in exchange for protection from the Corleonesi, who had already murdered many of his friends and relatives. Other mafiosi would follow his example. Falcone and Borsellino compiled their testimonies and organised the Maxi Trial, which lasted from February 1986 to December 1987. It was held in a fortified courthouse specially built for the occasion. 474 mafiosi were put on trial, of which 342
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were convicted. In January 1992 the Italian Supreme Court confirmed these convictions. The Mafia retaliated violently. In 1988, the Mafia murdered a Palermo judge and his son; three years later a prosecutor and an antimafia businesman were also murdered. Falcone and Borsellino were killed by bombs in 1992. This led to a public outcry and a massive government crackdown, resulting in the arrest of Cosa Nostra’s "boss of bosses", Salvatore Riina, in January 1993. More and more defectors emerged. Many would pay a high price for their cooperation, usually through the murder of relatives. For example, Francesco Marino Mannoia’s mother, aunt and sister were murdered. After Riina’s arrest, the Mafia began a campaign of terrorism on the Italian mainland. Tourist spots such as the Via dei Georgofili in Florence, Via Palestro in Milan, and the Piazza San Giovanni in Laterano and Via San Teodoro in Rome were attacked, leaving 10 dead and 93 injured and causing severe damage to cultural heritage such as the Uffizi Gallery. When the Catholic Church openly condemned the Mafia, two churches were bombed and an antimafia priest shot dead in Rome. After Riina’s capture, leadership of the Mafia was briefly held by Leoluca Bagarella, then passed to Bernardo Provenzano when the former was himself captured in 1995 (Mafia bosses are imprisoned under conditions designed to make it virtually impossible to rule from prison). Provenzano halted the campaign of violence and replaced it with a campaign of quietness known as pax mafiosi. This campaign has allowed the Mafia to slowly regain the power it once had.
The modern Mafia in Italy
The main split in the Sicilian Mafia at present is between those bosses who have been convicted and are now imprisoned, chiefly Riina and capo di tutti capi Bernardo Provenzano, and those who are on the run, or who have not been indicted. The incarcerated bosses are currently subjected to harsh controls on their contact with the outside world, limiting their ability to run their operations from behind bars under the article 41-bis prison regime. Antonino Giuffrè – a close confidant of Provenzano, turned pentito shortly after his capture in 2002 – alleges that in 1993, Cosa Nostra had direct contact with representatives of Silvio Berlusconi who was then planning the birth of Forza Italia. The alleged deal had a repeal of 41 bis, among other anti-Mafia laws in return for electoral deliverances in Sicily. Giuffrè’s declarations have not been confirmed. The Italian Parliament, with the support of Forza Italia, extended the enforcement of 41 bis, which was to expire in 2002 but has been prolonged for another four years and extended to other crimes such as terrorism. However, according to one of Italy’s leading magazines, L’Espresso, 119 mafiosi – onefifth of those incarcerated under the 41 bis regime – have been released on an individual basis. The human rights group Amnesty International has expressed concern that the 41-bis regime could in some circumstances amount to "cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment" for prisoners. In addition to Salvatore Lima, mentioned above, the politician Giulio Andreotti and the High Court judge Corrado Carnevale have long been suspected of having ties to the Mafia. By the late 1990s, the weakened Cosa Nostra had to yield most of the illegal drug trade to the ’Ndrangheta crime organization from Calabria. In 2006, the latter was estimated to control 80% of the cocaine import to Europe.
The Provenzano years
Under Bernardo Provenzano’s leadership, murders of state officials was halted. He also halted the policy of murdering informants and their families, with a view instead to getting them to retract their testimonies and return to the fold. He also restored the common support fund for imprisoned mafiosi. The tide of defectors was greatly stemmed. The Mafia preferred to initiate relatives of existing mafiosi, believing them to be less prone to defection. Provenzano was arrested in 2006, after 43 years on the run.
Prominent Sicilian mafiosi
See also: List of Sicilian mafiosi • Vito Cascio Ferro Prominent early Don, imprisoned by Cesare Mori.
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• Calogero Vizzini (1877 – 1954), boss of Villalba, was considered to be one of the most influential Mafia bosses of Sicily after World War II until his death in 1954. • Giuseppe Genco Russo (1893 – 1976), boss of Mussomeli, considered to be the heir of Calogero Vizzini. • Michele Navarra (1905 – 1958), boss of the Mafia Family in Corleone from 1940s to 1958 • Salvatore "Ciaschiteddu" Greco (1923 – 1978), boss of the Mafia Family in Ciaculli, he was the first "secretary" of the first Sicilian Mafia Commission that was formed somewhere in 1958. • Gaetano Badalamenti (1923 – 2004), boss of the Mafia Family in Cinisi • Angelo La Barbera (1924 – 1975) boss of the Mafia Family in Palermo Centro • Michele Greco (1924 – 2008), boss of the Mafia Family in Croceverde • Luciano Liggio (1925 – 1993), boss of the Corleone clan and instigator of the Second Mafia War • Tommaso Buscetta (1928 – 2000), a mafioso who turned informant in 1984. Buscetta’s evidence was used to great effect during the Maxi-Trials. • Salvatore Riina (born 1930), also known as Totò Riina, emerged from the Second Mafia War as the "boss of bosses" until his arrest in 1993. • Bernardo Provenzano (born 1933), successor of Riina as head of the Corleonesi faction and as such was considered one of the most powerful bosses of the Sicilian Mafia. Provenzano was a fugitive from justice since 1963. He was captured on 11 April 2006 in Sicily. Before capture, authorities had reportedly been "close" to capturing him for 10 years. • Stefano Bontade (1939 – 1981), boss of the Santa Maria di Gesù clan. His murder by the Corleonesi in 1981 inaugurated the Second Mafia War. • Leoluca Bagarella (born 1941), member of the Mafia Family in Corleone arrested in 1995 • Salvatore Lo Piccolo (born 1942), considered to be one of the successors of Provenzano. • Salvatore Inzerillo (1944 – 1981), boss of the Mafia Family in Passo di Rigano
• Giovanni ’Lo Scannacristiani’ Brusca (born 1957), who was involved in the murder of Giovanni Falcone. • Matteo Messina Denaro (born 1962), considered to be one of the successors of Provenzano. • Michele Cavataio died in Mafia hit in 1969 • Benedetto Santapaola (born 1938), the most important boss of Catania.
• • • • • • • • American mafia Jewish mafia Indian mafia Camorra Made man ’Ndrangheta Organized Crime Sacra Corona Unita
 Omerta in the Antipodes, Time, 31 January 1964  This etymology is based on the books Mafioso by Gaia Servadio; The Sicilian Mafia by Diego Gambetta; and Cosa Nostra by John Dickie (see Books below).  Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia, p. 136  ^ Lupo, Storia della Mafia, p. 6  Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia, p. 137  Servadio, Mafioso, p. 42-43  Giuseppe Pitrè, Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano, Palermo 1889  Hess, Mafia & Mafiosi, pp. 2-3  Their Thing, Time, 16 August 1963  Killers in Prison, Time, 4 October 1963  "The Smell of It", Time, 11 October 1963  ^ John Dickie. Cosa Nostra: A History of the Sicilian Mafia. ISBN 978-0-349-93526-2  Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, p. 24  Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, p. 32  Arlacchi, Addio Cosa nostra, p. 106  (Italian) Zu Binnu? Non è il superboss, Intervista a Salvatore Lupo di Marco Nebiolo, Naromafie, April 2006  Italian police arrest the "Godmother", BBC News, December 18, 1997.  Warrant for British "Mafia wife, BBC News, January 8, 2007
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 Meet the Modern Mob, TIME Magazine, June 2, 2002  Review of Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods by Klaus Von Lampe  Crisis among the "Men of Honor", interview with Letizia Paoli, Max Planck Research, February 2004  Arlacchi, Gli uomini del disonore, p. 30 bone bone bone bone boner bone bone bone  "Mafia’s ’Ten Commandments’ found". BBC News. 2007-11-09. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/ 7086716.stm. Retrieved on 2008-09-16.  http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/ 6976779.stm  Le mani della criminalità sulle imprese ("The grip of criminality on enterprises"). Confesercenti. November 2008  Fighting the Sicilian mafia through tourism, The Guardian, May 17, 2008  Heroes in business suits stand up to fight back against Mafia, The Times, November 3, 2007  ^ This article incorporates information from the Italian Wikipedia. Mafie: una guerra infinita, 700 morti in cinque anni, Eurispes press release, December 9, 2003    Le mani della criminalità sulle imprese (The grip of criminality on enterprises), Oct 22 2007. The statistics in the report were obtained from the Italian Ministry of the Interior.  Patients die as Sicilian mafia buys into the hospital service. The Guardian. January 1, 2007  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 39-46  The sect made "affiliates every day of the brightest young people coming from the rural class, of the guardians of the fields in the Palermitan countryside, and of the large number of smugglers; a sect which gives and receives protection to and from certain men who make a living on traffic and internal commerce. It is a sect with little or no fear of public bodies, because its members believe that they can easily elude this." See: Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, p. 33 (Colonna seemed to have known what he was talking about, there was widespread suspicion that he
was the protector of some important Mafiosi in Palermo)  Gaia Servadio. Mafioso, p. 18  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 27-33  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 72  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 96  Mafia Trial, Time, 24 October 1927  Mafia Scotched, Time, 23 January 1928  Selwyn Raab. Five Families. ISBN 978-1-86105-952-9  ^ John Dickie, Cosa Nostra, pp. 176  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 243  Servadio, Mafioso, p. 91  Fighting the Mafia in World War Two, by Tim Newark, May 2007  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 240  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 245    John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 281  Letizia Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods. pg 167  John Dickie, Cosa Nostra, pg 293-297  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 311  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 312  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 318  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 325  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 357  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 358  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 369-370  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 371  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 373  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 389-390  Dickie, Cosa Nostra, p. ??  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 416  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 427  John Dickie. Cosa Nostra. pg 429  "Berlusconi implicated in deal with godfathers", The Guardian, December 5, 2002  "Berlusconi aide ’struck deal with mafia’", The Guardian, January 8, 2003  "Mafia supergrass fingers Berlusconi" by Philip Willan, The Observer, January 12, 2003  (Italian) Caserta, revocato 41 bis a figlio Bidognetti: lo dice ancora l’Espresso, Casertasete, January , 2006  Move over, Cosa Nostra, The Guardian, 8 Juni 2006  ’Top Mafia boss’ caught in Italy, BBC News, April 11, 2006,
• Arlacchi, Pino (1988). Mafia Business. The Mafia Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Oxford: Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-285197-7 (Italian) Arlacchi, Pino (1994). Addio Cosa nostra: La vita di Tommaso Buscetta, Milan: Rizzoli ISBN 88-17-84299-0 Judith Chubb (1989). The Mafia and Politics, Cornell Studies in International Affairs, Occasional Papers No. 23. John Dickie (2007). Cosa Nostra: A History of the Sicilian Mafia, Hodder. ISBN 978-0-340-93526-2 Diego Gambetta (1993).The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection, London: Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-80742-1 bas** from lebanon(2008) classfile 978-1 Henner Hess (1998). Mafia & Mafiosi: Origin, Power, and Myth, London: Hurst & Co Publishers, ISBN 1-85065-500-6 (Italian) Lupo, Salvatore (1993). Storia della mafia dalle origine ai giorni nostri, Rome: Donzelli editore ISBN 88-7989-020-4 Letizia Paoli (2003). Mafia Brotherhoods: Organized Crime, Italian Style, New York: Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-515724-9 (Review by Klaus Von Lampe) (Review by Alexandra V. Orlova) Selwyn Raab (2005). Five Families. The Rise, Decline, and Resurgence of
America’s Most Powerful Mafia Empires, New York: Thomas Dunne Books, ISBN 978-1-86105-952-9 • Servadio, Gaia (1976), Mafios . A history of the Mafia from its origins to the present day, London: Secker & Warburg ISBN 0-436-44700-2
• The financial mafia. The illegal accumulation of wealth and the financialindustrial complex by Umberto Santino, in "Contemporary Crises" 12, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, September 1988, pp.203-243 • Competing for Protection: Land Fragmentation and the Rise of the Sicilian MafiaPDF (97.3 KiB), by Oriana Bandiera, London School of Economics, August 1999 • Gangrule, American mafia history • The Mafia in Sicilian History • Cosa Nostra - Rebranding the Mafia • Italian Mafia Terms Defined • The 26 Original American Mafia FamiliesAmericanMafia.com • FBI Mafia Monograph for more information go to http://www.mafiacorruption.com/register.php?REF=37587