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Novel

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									From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Novel

Novel
supplied the present generic term in the late 18th century. The definition of the term in the last two or three centuries has usually embraced several other criteria. These include artistic merit, fictional content, a design to create an epic totality of life, and a focus on history and the individual. Critics and scholars have related the novel to several neighboring genres. On the one hand, it is related to public and private histories, such as the non-fiction memoir and the autobiography. On the other hand, the novel can be viewed as a form of art, to be evaluated critically in terms of the history of literature and calling for a specific sensitivity on the part of the reader to fully understand and properly appreciate it.

New novels in a Berlin bookshop, March 2009
Literature Major forms Novel · Poem · Drama Short story · Novella Genres Epic · Lyric · Drama Romance · Satire Tragedy · Comedy Tragicomedy Media Performance (play) · Book Techniques Prose · Verse History and lists Basic topics · Literary terms History · Modern history Books · Writers Literary awards · Poetry awards Discussion Criticism · Theory · Magazines

Definition
Gerard ter Borch, young man reading a book c.1680, the format is that of a French period novel.

A novel (from the Italian novella, Spanish novela, French nouvelle for "new", "news", or "short story of something new") is today a long narrative in literary prose. The genre has historical roots both in the fields of the medieval and early modern romance and in the tradition of the novella. The latter

A "novel" is defined by a combination of its substance, its scope, its style, and that it can be located along a certain arc of the history of literature.

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Novel

Madame de Pompadour spending her afternoon with a book, 1756 − religious and scientific reading has a different iconography.

Urban commuter reading a novel, Berlin 2009. narratives to be developed. Histories are demanded to be true—they will otherwise be lies, crypto- and pseudohistories, historical forgeries. "Romances" and "novels" are by contrast demanded to be equally valuable whether they are invented or accurate depictions of personal or collective realities. A "deeper," "eternal" truth is supposed to mark the work of art, the good novel, in contrast to its cheap and trivial rival. The narratives of novels are supposed to create suspense. Plots can develop other than expected, they can just as well unfold exactly as one had to fear; the suspense is then created in a process of identification. Novelists are supposed make their readers feel with the protagonists, where as historians are expected to create a distance between evaluations and data. The public status of the narrative and its subject matter are important criteria differentiating histories from novels. Histories (officially) address a public of experts. Novels claim, by contrast, to make sense even if they find but a single private reader who enjoys the reading process. Early definitions of the genre tended to see the love plot as an

Winslow Homer, The New Novel (1877), again reading in a relaxed position

A fictional narrative
Fictionality and the presentation in a narrative are the two features most commonly invoked to distinguish novels from histories. In a historical perspective they are problematic criteria. Histories were supposed to be narrative projects throughout the early modern period. Their authors could include inventions as long as they were rooted in traditional knowledge or in order to orchestrate a certain passage. Historians would thus invent and compose speeches for didactic purposes. The 17th and 18th centuries developed new histories that rather discussed data. The novel inherited the traditional narrative project under the premise that there is an art of

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essential feature: "I call them Fictions, to discriminate them from True Histories; and I add, of Love Adventures, because Love ought to be the Principal Subject of Romance, so Pierre Daniel Huet in 1670.[1] Satirical fictions widened the range of subject matter in the 17th and 18th centuries. The intended private appeal remained the novel’s most important criterion.

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whereas one could easily modernize prose sentences.

Composed and distributed in writing, using paper as the ideal medium
Extended prose narratives needed a written form and spread with paper as a lightweight medium. Books one would read in demonstrative silence and seclusion—at home, on a journey or in a tumultuous coffee house—appeared in inexpensive editions the individual reader could readily buy for his or her exclusive use. The paper based book would be small and easy to carry around. Consequently, novels appeared mostly in handy formats such as duodecimo and octavo. Chapbooks would use quarto yet remain easy to carry as long as they did not exceed a hundred pages.

Length and the epic depiction of life
The requirement that a novel be of a certain length[2] dates only from the 19th century. It is connected today with the notion that novels (in contrast to the shorter novella) try to cope with the "totality of life".[3] 17th-century critics had called for modern romances that adopted the features of the short novel. This development led both the Spanish and the English markets to turn the word for the shorter genre into the central generic term. The 18th-century reevaluation of extended works eventually reintroduced features of the old romance with the paradoxical result that modern criticism needed a new term for what had once been a novel. The lost synonym "novella" was eventually reintroduced to fill that gap. The separation of both genres remains a problem. When Ian McEwan’s On Chesil Beach was listed for the Booker Prize in 2007, critics stated that it had to be longer, and that it was at best a novella. [4] On the other hand, it is difficult to call the 214-word work known as "Snoopy’s novel" anything else. The text’s attempt to create a picture of life in its totality makes it (a parody of) a novel under the present package requirement of length and approach.[5]

The novel’s intricate intimacy on the print market
Whether in 11th-century Japan or 15th-century Europe, prose fiction tended to develop intimate reading situations. Verse epics had been recited to selected audiences (see the Troilus and Criseyde illustration below), a reception that had developed with the expensive illuminated parchment manuscripts one would like to display on such an occasion, and a reception that allowed already a greater intimacy than the performance of a play in a theatre or on a town’s market place. The late medieval manuscript production brought forth prose histories to be read in privacy, yet they would still require the customer to contact a professional copyist with the book he or she wanted to have copied (see the Melusine illustration below). The invention of the printing press anonymised the bookseller-text-reader constellation. The bookseller could easily pretend not to have read the particular title. The customer would pretend to be as curious about its content. The situation was especially intricate with prose fiction, a subject matter literary journals would up into the 1750s review only on very special occasions. Reactions to novels were to be found within other novels, not in the public sphere. The early modern reader would buy novels to satisfy his or her private curiosity whilst he or she would could be fully aware of the

Prose
Prose won the market over verse in Western Europe in the course of the 16th century.[6] Both romances and novellas could originally be written in verse or prose. Prose proved advantageous on the early modern book market decades before the arrival of the printing press: it was easier to translate; it was easier to read, especially if read in silence; it was stylistically less ambitious and hence less risked to develop hollow phrases; and it was more convenient in a period of rapid language developments. The great vowel shift destroyed Geoffrey Chaucer’s rhymes,

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fact that the very same book had reached other readers as part of the larger edition. One entered an anonymous public audience with the intention to share intimate experiences. The novel became in this intriguing situation the ideal carrier of individualistic fashions touching aspects like personal views, intimate feelings, secret anxieties, "conduct" and "gallantry". The reviewing of fiction created a public awareness of what people were actually reading in novels. It had at the same moment the potential to divide fiction into a sphere to be analysed and discussed and a production (of pornography and low public fiction) critics would only hint at. The novel became, once it was turned into literature, the text base to be reviewed, the platform of wider debates about morals and the public.

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the work of art that can legitimately be a point of discussion and disagreement: certain types of ambiguity take on a positive value. Literary historians came to define great literature as that which adheres to certain standards of quality and fits into the history of literature, variously creating or reinforcing literary tradition, reworking literary tradition, or even reacting against prior literary tradition. Literary awards play today a major role in the development of styles and canons. Most of these awards go to works by people of a particular nationality or works in a specific genre, thus reinforcing certain categories within the realm of the novel, creating separate canons.

History
Antecedents around the world

The novel’s special literary style
The early modern book market created a demand for elegant written literary works under the rubric of belles lettres. This field included fiction, poetry and popular history in the modern languages, and was perceived as occupying a position between the realm of the sciences and that of lower popular books. Style was paramount. The essential features of what is today perceived as a literary style developed here and prose fiction—the romances and novels of the 17th century as well as the production of memoirs—set the fashions. Verse and rhetoric could hardly compete with fiction; the rules in both fields limited the room for experiments. Prose fiction was by contrast close to everyday language, to the private letter, to the art of refined "gallant" conversation. Huet summarised the stylistic ambition in his definition of modern prose fiction: "It must be compos’d with Art and Elegance, lest it should appear to be a rude undigested Mass, without Order or Beauty".[7] 18th-century authors eventually criticized the French ideals of elegance the modern novel had adopted. A less aristocratic style of English reformed novels became the ideal. The 19th and 20th centuries established a culture of public literary criticism and prestigious prizes to be granted to outstanding works and thus redefined the essential qualities of literary achievements.[8] Stylistic experiments were the result. Beginning around 1830, critics began to value open-endedness,

Paper as the essential carrier: Murasaki Shikibu writing her The Tale of Genji in the early 11the century, 17th-century depiction A significant number of extended fictional prose works predate the novel, and have been cited as its antecedents. While these anticipate the novel in form and, to some extent, in substance, the early European novelists were almost entirely unaware of these works; instead they were influenced by novellas and verse epics. Early works of extended fictional prose include the 6th- or 7th-century Daśakumāracarita by Daṇḍin, 11th-century Tale of Genji by Murasaki Shikibu, the 12th-century Hayy ibn

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Yaqdhan (or Philosophus Autodidactus, the English 17th-century title) by Ibn Tufail, the 13th-century Theologus Autodidactus by Ibn al-Nafis, and the 14th-century Romance of the Three Kingdoms by Luo Guanzhong. Murasaki Shikibu’s Tale of Genji (1010) shows essentially all the qualities for which works such as Marie de La Fayette’s La Princesse de Clèves (1678) have been praised: individuality of perception, an interest in character development and psychological observation. Parallel European developments did not occur for centuries, and awaited the time when the availability of paper allowed similar opportunities for composition and reception, allowing explorations of individualistic subject matter. By contrast, Ibn Tufail’s Hayy ibn Yaqdhan and Ibn al-Nafis’ Theologus Autodidactus are works of didactic philosophy and theology rather than private reading pleasure in the style of western novels. Nonetheless, Hayy ibn Yaqdhan is likely to have influenced Daniel Defoe with its story of a human outcast surviving on an island (the work was available in a new edition shortly before Defoe began his composition[9]). Western traditions of the modern novel reach back into the field of verse epics, though again not in an unbroken tradition. The Sumerian Epic of Gilgamesh (1300-1000 BC), Indian epics such as the Ramayana (400 BCE and 200 CE) and Mahabharata (4th century BC) were as unknown in early modern Europe as the Anglo-Saxon epic of Beowulf (c. 750-1000 rediscovered in the late 18th and early 19th centuries). Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey (9th or 8th century BC), Vergil’s Aeneid (29-19 BC) were read by Western scholars since the Middle Ages. At the beginning of the 18th century, modern French prose translations brought Homer to a wider public, who accepted them as forerunners of the modern novel.[10] Ancient prose narratives[11] included a didactic strand with Plato’s dialogs, a satirical with Petronius’ Satyricon, the incredible stories of Lucian of Samosata, and Lucius Apuleius’ proto-picaresque The Golden Ass and a heroic production with the romances of Heliodorus and Longus. It is less easy to define the traditions of short fictions that led to the medieval novella. Jokes would fall into the broad history of the "exemplary story" that gave rise to the more complex forms of novelistic story telling. The Bible is filled with similes and

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stories to be interpreted. Fiction is, as Pierre Daniel Huet noted in his Traitté de l’origine des romans in 1670, a rather universal phenomenon, and at the same moment one that lacks a single cause. The problem of roots is matched by a problem of branches: the inventions of paper and movable type helped isolated genres come together into a single market of exchange and awareness. The first languages of this new market were Spanish, French, German, Dutch and English. The rise of the United States, Russia, Scandinavia and Latin America broadened the spectrum in the 19th century. A later wave of new literatures brought forth Asian and African novelists. The novel has become a global medium of national awareness, surrounded and encouraged in each country by a complex of literary criticism and literary awards. The relatively late emergence of the Russian, Latin American or African novel does not necessarily indicate lagging cultural progress leading only at a late date to the individuality that brought forth the modern novel: it may just as easily reflect late arrival of such necessary material factors as print, paper, and a marketplace.

The medieval romance and its rivals of shorter works
Romances, 1000–1500
The European tradition of the novel as the genre of extended prose fiction is rooted in the tradition of medieval “romances”. Even today, most European languages make that clear by using the word roman roughly the way that English uses the word novel. The word novel claims roots in the European novella. Yet, epic length or the focus on a central hero giving the work its name (as in Robinson Crusoe or Oliver Twist) are features derived from the tradition of “romances”. The early modern novel had preferred titles that focused on curious examples of modern life, not on heroes. The word roman or romance had become a stable generic term by the beginning of the 13th century, as in the Roman de la Rose (c. 1230), famous today in English through Geoffrey Chaucer’s late 14th-century translation. The term linked fictions back to the histories that had appeared in the Romance language of 11th and 12th-century southern France. The central subject matter was initially

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Novel
construction subjected the northern European epic traditions to ancient Greek aesthetics. The typical Arthurian romance would focus on a single hero and lead him into a double course of episodes[13] in which he would prove both his prowess as an independent knight and his readiness to function as a perfect courtier under King Arthur. The model invited religious redefinitions with the quest and the adventure as basic plot elements: the quest was a mission the knight would accept as his personal task and problem. Adventures (from Latin advenire “coming towards you”) were tests sent by God to the knight on the journey, whose course he (the knight) would no longer try to control. The plot framework survived into the world of modern Hollywood movies which still unite, separate and reunite lovers in the course of adventures designed to prove their love and value. Variations kept the genre alive: unexpected and peculiar adventures surprised the audience in romances like Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (c. 1380). Satirical parodies of knight errantry (and contemporary politics) appeared with works such as Heinrich Wittenwiler’s Ring (c. 1410). The shift from verse to prose dates from the early 13th century. The Prose Lancelot or Vulgate Cycle includes passages of that period. The collection indirectly lead to Thomas Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur compilation of the early 1470s. Several factors made prose increasingly attractive: this “low” style was less prone to potentially annoying exaggerations; it linked the popular plots to the field of serious histories traditionally composed in prose (compilations such as Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur claimed to collect a historical sources for the sole purpose of instruction and national edification[14]). Prose had an additional advantage for translators, who could go directly for meaning, where verse had to be translated by people skilled as poets in the target language. And prose survived language changes: developments such as the Great vowel shift changed almost all the European languages during the 14th and 15th centuries. Copyists of prose had an easy job to deal with these shifts while those who copied verses saw that rhymes had broken and syllables got lost in almost every second line. Prose became the medium of the urban commercial book market in the 15th century.

Chaucer reciting Troilus and Criseyde: early 15th-century manuscript of the work at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge derived from Roman and Greek historians. Works of the Chanson de geste tradition revived the memory of ancient Thebes, Dido and Aeneas, and Alexander the Great. German and Dutch adaptations of the famous histories appeared in the late 12th and early 13th centuries.[12] Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde (1380-87) is a late example of this European fashion. The subject matter which was to become the central theme of the genre in the 16th and 17th centuries was initially a branch of a broader genre. Arthurian histories became a fashion in the late 12th century thanks to their ability to glorify the northern European feudal system as an independent cultural achievement. The works of Chrétien de Troyes set an example, in that his plot

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Monasteries sold edifying collections of saints’ and virgins’ lives composed in prose. The customers were mostly women (the interiors of many of the 14th- and 15th-century paintings of the annunciation show how far books had spread into the urban households that painters usually depicted as the blessed virgin’s bourgeois environment.[15]) Prose became in this environment the medium of silent and private reading. It spread with the commercial book market that began to provide such reading materials even before the arrival of the first commercial printed histories in the 1470s.[16]

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genres. Short romances appeared within the frame tales side by side with stories of the rivaling lower genres such as the fabliaux.[17] Individual story tellers would openly defend their tastes in a debate that grew into a metafictional consideration. The cycles themselves showed advantages over the production of rival extended epiclength romances. Romances presupposed a consensus in questions of style and heroism. The cycles shifted the problem of how fictions were to be justified onto the level of the individual storytellers: onto a level the author, Chaucer or Boccaccio, would see as out of his control.[18] The narrators had, so Chaucer in his Canterbury Tales,[19] offered these stories to make certain points in a lively conversation he had only chronicled. They attacked each other if they felt the stories of their opponents had missed their points. A competition among the genres developed. If one believes the medieval collections, differing tastes of people with different social statuses were decisive; the different professions fought a battle over precedent with satirical plots designed to ridicule individuals of the opposing trades. A cycle bound rival stories together and it offered the easiest way to keep a critical distance. The pluralistic discourse created here eventually developed into the 17th- and 18th-century debate of fiction and its genres. Much of this original conception of the genre is still alive whenever a short joke is told to make a certain humorous point in everyday conversation. The longer exploits left the sphere of oral traditions with the arrival of the printing press. The book eventually replaced the story teller and introduced the preface and the dedication as the paratexts in which the authors would continue the metafictional debate over the advantages of genres and the reasons why one published and read fictional stories.

The tradition of the novella, 1200–1600

The Pilgrims diverting each other with tales; woodcut from Caxton’s 1486 edition of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. The term novel refers back to the production of short stories that remained part of a European oral culture of storytelling into the late 19th century. Fairy tales, jokes, little funny stories designed to make a point in a conversation, the exemplum a priest would insert in a sermon belong into this tradition. Written collections of such stories circulated in a wide range of products from practical compilations of examples designed for the use of clerics to such poetic cycles as Boccaccio’s Decameron (1354) and Geoffrey Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (1386-1400). The early modern genre conflict between “novels” and “romances” can be traced back to the 14th-century cycles. The standard scheme of stories the author claimed to have heard in a round of narrators promised variety of subject matter and it led to clashes of

Before literature: The early market of printed books, 1470–1720
Looking back to the scope of early modern histories, mentalities seem to differ. The Enlightenment seems to separate the 21st-century observer from early modern authors and readers of histories and fictions. The grossest improbabilities pervade many historical accounts found in the early modern print market. William Caxton’s 1485 edition of Thomas

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the Western world a—secular—platform on which all parties, religions, and institutions agree to settle questions of unresolved responsibilities. Historical commissions such as the International Catholic-Jewish Historical Commission are temporarily established whenever conflicts call for historical decisions. Debates of state and religion had a comparable importance until the beginning of the 18th century. A new positioning of the sciences and a general interest of the 19thcentury nation states in controllable and pluralistic secular debates stand behind the process that found its breakthrough with the American and the French revolutions and the 19th-century unification of Germany. The transformation of history from a narrative project designed to instruct and to delight into a platform of open controversies is the one larger process which redefined the place of prose fiction since the Middle Ages. The creation of "literature" as a compound of poetry and fiction is the other. The modern nations won with literature a second field of essentially pluralistic controversies in which the interpretation and collective appreciation of texts gained a new and wider importance. Two major incidents fueled the separation of historical and fictional literature in the 16th and 17th centuries. The invention of printing immediately created a new market of comparatively cheap entertainment and knowledge—the market of chapbooks. The more elegant production 17th- and 18th-century authors would propagate as the belles lettres—a market that would be neither low nor academic—defined its ideals of style in the course of the 17th century. It became the wider sphere in which the modern ensemble of "literary genres" of poetry and fiction gained greater cohesion in late 18th century. The second major development is fixed to a single title: The Portuguese Amadis de Gaula became the first best-seller of modern fiction—a title one would soon be reluctant to accept as part of the elegant belles lettres. The Amadis eventually became the archetypical "romance" against which the modern novel unfolded its successful wider pattern of genres in the 17th century.

1477: The customer in the copyist’s shop with a book he wants to have copied. This illustration of the first printed German Melusine looked back to the market of manuscripts. Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur (1471) was sold as a true history, though the story unfolded in a series of magical incidents and historical improbabilities. Witchcraft pervaded the medieval romance, which no one read as "romance" as long as it claimed to be a central text of Great Britain’s national memory. Sir John Mandeville’s Voyages, written in the 14th century, circulated in printed editions throughout the 18th century,[20] and was filled with natural wonders like the onefooted Ethiopians who use their extremity as an umbrella against the desert sun—again without becoming the subject of critical historical debates. Both works eventually came to be viewed a works of literature, fiction. The realm of history grew around 1700 into a field of comparatively sober argumentative rather than narrative projects. One can interpret this development as a sign of gradual enlightenment. It stands at the same moment for a new arrangement of discourses the Western nations established beginning with the 1660s. History became in

Trivializations: Chapbooks, 1470-1800
The invention of printing subjected the existing field of histories—whether allegedly true,

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romantic or novel—to a process of trivialization and commercialization. Romances had circulated in lavishly ornamented manuscripts to be read out to audiences. The printed book allowed a comparatively inexpensive alternative for the special purpose of silent reading. Abridgments of ancient historians, popular medieval histories of knights, stories of comical heroes, religious legends and collections of jests and fables were the principal historical subject matter.[21] Offering suspense and stories the audience could accept as allegedly true, even if they were fantastic and unlikely, the new books reached the households of urban citizens and of country merchants who visited the cities as traders.

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matter, and a number of satires on the early consumption of fiction show that cheap histories were especially popular among apprentices and younger urban readers of both sexes.[23] Norris’ and Bettesworth’s 1719 edition of The Seven Famous Champions of Christendom—itself a mixture of legend and romance—ended with a look on the entire spectrum of books the publishers would provide in their shops on London Bridge, a famous location where those who left the city provided themselves with reading materials: At the afore-mentioned Place, all Country Chapmen may be furnished with all Sorts of Bibles, Commonprayers, Testaments, Psalters, Primers and Horn-books; Likewise all Sorts of three Sheets Histories, Penny Histories, and Sermons; and Choice of new and old Ballads, at reasonable Rates.[24]

Deteriorated design: early 18th-century chapbook edition of The Honour of Chivalry, first published in 1598. Literacy spread among the urban populations of Europe due to a number of factors:[22] Women of wealthier households had learned to read in the 14th and 15th centuries and had become customers of religious devotion. The Protestant Reformation enkindled propaganda and press wars that lasted into the 18th century. Broadsheets and newspapers became the new media of public information. The early modern customers would not necessarily be able to write, yet even writing skills spread among apprentices and women of the middle classes. Business owners were forced to adopt methods of written book-keeping and accounting. The personal letter became a favorite medium of communication among 17th-century men and women as many Dutch period paintings show. The prefaces, the escapist subject

Rabelais Gargantua (1537). The new market was disregarded by scholars. The texts were offered with promises of

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great erudition—to an audience that would not know to distinguish between erudition and the misleading advertisement. The subject matter was extremely conservative. The bestsellers of this market—books like Till Eulenspiegel, The Seven Wise Masters, Don Belianis of Greece, Dr. Faustus, The London Prentice, or Sir John Mandeville’s Voyages—went through innumerable editions between 1500 and 1800. One would not buy these books because they were modern and fashionable, but because they were the famous books one had always read and every one had heard of, so the prefaces. The design of these books deteriorated. The texts were copied without much editorship. Standard woodcut illustrations were repeated, often even within a single book, wherever the plot allowed such repetition. The illustrations began to show peculiar style mixes as the printer’s stocks grew: Early 18th-century editions of 16th-century titles would mix woodcuts of 16th-century knights in armor with equally crude depictions 18thcentury courtiers wearing wigs. The early modern modern market divide that created a field of low chapbooks and an alternative market segment of expensive fashionable, elegant belles lettres can be traced back into the 1530s and 1540s. The Amadis and Rablais’ Gargantua and Pantagruel were the most important publications that lead into this divide—both books that specifically addressed the new customers of popular histories. The Amadis was a multi volume fictional history of style, so the advertisements, and aroused a debate of style and elegance as it fanned the first reading craze on the market of printed fiction. Gargantua and Pantagruel had the design of the modern popular history only to satirize its stylistic achievements. The ensuing debate created a gap between "truly elegant" fictions and the conservative bulk of chapbooks. The market divide became especially visible with books that appeared on both markets in the course of the 17th and 18th centuries: The low market eventually included abridgments of classy books from Miguel Cervantes’ Don Quixote (1605/1615)[25] to the mutilations of Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719), which infuriated the author with their claim to offer the entire plot without the tedious reflections for but half the price.[26] The cheap abridgments openly addressed an audience that neither had the money nor

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the courage to buy books with engravings and fine print. The prefaces of the abridgements promised shorter sentences, more action and less reflection, and the title for half the money.[27] The gradual differentiation between fact and fiction that affected the market of the belles lettres in the 17th and 18th centuries barely touched the low market. One could wonder whether the apprentices and peasants who read such books cared about the status King Arthur, St. George or Julius Caesar had in the historian’s eye. William Caxton’s preface to Thomas Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur (1485) set the tone that would allow Sir John Mandeville’s Voyages of the 1360s to continue to be published as a true account of Eastern wonders until the end of the 18th century.

Heroic romances of style and fashion, 1530-1720

The Amadis, Spanish edition of 1533 By the 1550s there existed a section of literature (scientific books) addressing the academic audience and a second market of books for the wider audience with a growing differentiation of class and style. Whilst the lowest strata created an extremely

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conservative market its antagonist the "belles lettres" showed a particular design aiming at elegance and style which neither chapbooks nor learned publications would aspire that clearly. The very term "belles lettres" spoke of the ambition to leave the field of low books and to reach the realm of the sciences, "literature", "les lettres". Polite literature, galante Wissenschaften (that is sciences addressing both sexes and all readers of taste) were the English and German terminological equivalents. The use of a French loan word marked the international aspect of the development. The belles lettres comprised poetry, memoirs, modern politics, books of fashion, journals, and such. Autobiographical memoirs, personal journals and prose fiction set the trend in the modern field as the genres that authors could most freely use for experiments of style and personal expression.

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imitations flooded the European market.[28] The first was a question of style and fashion: the Amadis had moved back into the Arthurian Middle Ages, into a world of quests, knights and adventures, though it had turned its princes and princesses into paragons of style and elegance. Was this what one had to expect of modern prose fiction? The second problem was connected with the unprecedented public reaction: the Amadis became the object of a widespread reading craze. Could a market of style and distinguished taste allow such a development? By 1600 the Amadis had become the detested epitome of the modern romance. A search for alternative subject matters had begun. The biographies of Greek and Roman historians became the most important source here. Heliodorus’ romances were to be followed in matters of style and composition,[29] whilst the heroes turned from knights to princes and princesses acting now in ancient courts. The standard plot of adventures gave way to a new plot of love facing intrigues, attacks, rivalry and adversity. A new art of character observation unfolded. The works that gained the greatest fame—Honoré d’Urfé’s L’Astrée (1607-27), John Barclay’s Argenis (1625-26), Madeleine de Scudéry′s ‚Clelie or Anton Ulrich von Braunschweig’s Römischer Octavia (Octavia the Roman, 1679-1714)—were esteemed both as explorations of the ancient world and as works one would read with an interest in modern life. They encapsulated present histories clad in ancient costumes and dove into the realm of the roman à clef, the novel readers would decipher with a key that betrayed who was who within this fictional world. The present fashions of courtly conduct could in the event be found nowhere in such perfection as in these seemingly historical romances. Readers used them as models for their own elegant compliments, letters, and speeches. The genre had much in common with the production of French and Italian operas in the same period. It found trivializations with a special brand of escapist "Asian" Romances which led into the ancient empires of Assyria, Persia, India. The latter were particularly fashionable among urban female French and German readers of the younger generation, who would dream of sharing the escapes of princesses from all sorts of adversities. The individual European markets reacted

Madeleine de Scudéry, Artamene (1654) The evolution of prose fiction needed the elegant market, a market of changing styles and fashions, and it found its central critical debate with the publication of the Amadis de Gaula in the 1530s. Two questions moved into the centre of the debate as Spanish, French and German translations and

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differently on these fashions. The craving had a particularly short life in England where it began in the 1650s only to end in the 1670s, as these romantic plots fell out of fashion.

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romances, and did this mostly by dragging them into the low realm of the burlesque. Cervantes’ Don Quixote (1606/1615) modified the satire of romances: its hero lost contact with reality by reading too many romances in the Amadisian tradition. Both branches of satirical production seem to have addressed a predominantly male audience (women are despicable victims in titles like Head’s The English Rogue). They found the appreciation of critics as long as they revealed the weaknesses of the Amadis. The critics otherwise deplored that the satires could not offer alternatives. Other important works of the tradition are Paul Scarron’s Roman Comique with its explicit discussions of the market of fictions, the anonymous French Rozelli with its satire on Europe’s religions, Alain-René Lesage’s Gil Blas (1715-1735), Henry Fielding’s Joseph Andrews (1742) and Tom Jones (1749), and Denis Diderot’s Jacques the Fatalist (1773, printed posthumously in 1796).[30]

Satirical romances, 1500-1780

Richard Head, The English Rogue (1665) Stories of witty cheats were an integral part of the European novella with its tradition of fabliaux. Several collections knitted such stories to individual heroes who developed personal and national features. Germany’s Till Eulenspiegel (1510) was the hero of chapbooks in and outside Germany. The Spanish Lazarillo de Tormes (1554) represented a transition from a collection of episodes towards the story of the life of a central character, the hero of the work. Grimmelshausen’s Simplicissimus Teutsch (1666-1668) took a further step along this path, as its hero experienced recent world history, in this case the history of the Thirty Years’ War that had devastated Germany. Richard Head’s The English Rogue (1665) is rooted in this tradition (the English preface mentions the precedents; the German translation that appeared in 1672 sold the book as an English equivalent of the German Simplicissimus). The tradition that developed with these titles focused on a hero and his life. The adventures led to satirical encounters with the real world with the hero either becoming the pitiable victim or the rogue who exploited the vices of those he met. A second tradition of satirical romances can be traced back to Heinrich Wittenwiler’s Ring (c. 1410) and to François Rabelais’ Gargantua and Pantagruel (1532-1564). It was rather designed to parody and satirize heroic

“Petites histoires” or “novels”, 1600-1740
The term novel—today in a twisted history (see below) connected with the appearance of Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719)—has been present on the market since the 16th century. William Painter’s Palace of Pleasure well furnished with pleasaunt Histories and excellent Novelles (1566) was the first English title to use it. Compared with "romances", "novelles", "novellas" or "novels" (all these words meant the same, "novel" became the standard term in the 1650s) had to be short. They had to give up all aspirations on grandeur, heroism and the style romantic heroes and their actions required. "Romances" focused on lonely heroes and their adventures, "novels" on revealing incidents that could serve as examples for moral maxims. The titles of "romances" put the their respective heroes’ and heroines’ names front and centre: "Artamene", "Clelie" were the heroes of "heroic romances". "Satirical romances" did the same with their lower class protagonists. The additional "Adventures of" would later emphasize the focus on acts of heroism. The titles of "novels" preferred a two part formula "[...] or [...]" in order to state the value of the incident related. William Congreve’s Incognita or Love and Duty Reconcil’d (1692) was

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Novel

Miguel de Cervantes, Novelas Exemplares (1613) typical in this respect. The protagonists of "novels" were actors in a plot, in an intrigue, and it was the plot that gave the example and taught the vital lessons. These protagonists could be average human beings without any special signs of grandeur, neither comical nor imitable but of the same nature as their readers; they would by and large show problematic character traits.[31] Unlike romances, the protagonists were not role models: instead, the surprising results of their actions taught the lessons. The rise of the "novel" as the major alternative to the antiquated "romance" began with the publication of Cervantes Novelas Exemplares (1613). It unfolded with Scarron’s Roman Comique, whose heroes noted a rivalry of French "romances" and the new Spanish genre. France had to find, Scarron wrote at the time, its own brand of short stories.[32] Late 17th-century critics looked back onto the history of prose fiction proud of the William Congreve, Incognita (1692) generic shift towards the modern novel/ novella.[33] A wave of “petites histoires” or “nouvelles historiques”[34] had replaced the old romances. The first perfect works in French were those of Scarron and Madame de La Fayette’s “Spanish history” Zayde (1670). The development finally led to her Princesse de Clèves (1678), the first novel with what would become characteristic French subject matter (Marie de LaFayette’s authorship remained a secret, though, over the next decades). Europe witnessed the generic shift with the titles Dutch francophone publishers supplied on the international market. English publishers exploited the novel/romance controversy in the 1670s and 1680s.[35] The word “novel” began to replace the word “romance” on title pages in the 1680s.

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Contemporary critics listed the advantages of the new genre: brevity, a lack of ambition to produce epic poetry in prose. The style was fresh and plain; the focus was on modern life and on heroes who were neither good nor bad. One learned through their actions, not by imitating them.[36] The novel’s potential to become the medium of urban gossip and scandal fueled the rise of the novel/novella. The authors of modern journalistic gossip spiced their works with short anonymized histories. The stories were offered as allegedly true recent histories, not for the sake of scandal but strictly for the moral lessons they gave. To prove this, one would read fictionalized names (and read the true names in separate keys). The Mercure Gallant set the fashion in the 1670s.[37] Collections of letters and memoirs appeared, and were filled with the intriguing new subject matter. The epistolary novel grew on this market and found its first full blown example of scandalous fiction with Aphra Behn’s Love-Letters Between a Nobleman and His Sister (1684/ 1685/ 1687). The development led to Eliza Haywood’s epic length “novel” Love in Excess (1719/20) and then to Samuel Richardson’s Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded (1741), essentially a novel with its typical two part title: naming the story and promising its value as an example.

Novel

Dubious and scandalous histories, 1660-1720
The entire market of early modern fiction remained part of the wider production of (potentially dubious) histories. A market of "literature" in the modern sense of the word, a market of fiction and poetry, did not exist. "History and politicks" was the rubric early 18th-century term catalogues had in stock for the entire production of pamphlets, memoirs, travel literature, political analysis, serious histories, romances and novels. That fictional histories could share the same space with academic histories and modern journalism had been criticized by historians since the end of the Middle Ages: fictions were "lies" and therefore hardly justifiable at all. The climate had, however, changed, in the 1670s. Paradoxically, the same historians who pleaded for a new era of academic research also pleaded for fiction to stay within the field of histories. The authors who advocated Pyrrhonism did not demand that fictions

1719 newspaper reprint of Robinson Crusoe change. Instead, they demanded that historians should step from the old project of historical narratives to a new project of critical analysis and discussion of sources.[38] Pierre Bayle exemplified this with all the articles of his Dictionnaire Historique et Critique (1697) and with his statements on the legitimacy of fictions, especially those of the modern political market.[39] The production of novels, romances and dubious histories was, according to the modern advocates of the free press, not only embedded in the field of veritable critical histories: it had an important function to fulfill in that field. In a time when factuality was not a sufficient defence against a libel suit, it allowed the publication of histories that could not risk an unambiguous assertion of their truth. The question was not whether one should separate the markets of true and

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Novel

fictional histories but whether one would be romance, whilst the preface stated that one able to establish critical discourses to evalu(most certainly) read a true private history: ate all the interesting production. IF ever the Story of any private The market of the late 17th and early 18th Man’s Adventures in the World were centuries employed a simple pattern of opworth making Pvblick, and were actions of how fictions could both be part of the ceptable when Publish’d, the Editor historical production and reach out into the of this Account thinks this will be so. sphere of true histories. The fringes of this The Wonders of this Man’s Life pattern flourished as cheap excuses. They alexceed all that (he thinks) is to be lowed it authors to claim they had published found extant; the Life of one Man fiction, not truth, if they ever faced outright being scarce capable of a greater allegations of libel: Variety. image positioning The Story is told withnot that factual Probably not that fictitious 3.1 Probably Modesty, with Seriousness, and with a reliHeroical Romances: gious Application of Events to the Fénelon’s Telemach (1699) Uses to which wise Men always 5 1 2 3.2 4 ap[p]ly from (viz.) to the Instruction Sold as true pu Sold as romantic Sold as romantic Classics of the novel them the Sold as true of others La Example, and inventions, read inventions, read Arabian Nights to M. deby thisprivate history, to lic history, risk justify de Clèves risking Wisdom of to be read as ro and honor the to be read as true histories as true histories Fayette’s Princesse Providence in all as romantic inven- mantic inventio the Variety of our of public affairs: of private affairs: (1678) Circumstances, let them happen La Guerre Menantes’ Satyrtion: Defoe’s how they will. Manley’s The New ischer Roman Robinson Crusoe d’Espagne (170 The Editor[41] (1719) believes the thing Atalantis (1709) (1706) to be a just History of Fact; neither [40] 3.3 is there any Appearance of Fiction in Satirical Romances: it: And however thinks, because all Cervantes’ Don Quixote such things are dispatch’d[42], that (1605) the Improvement of it, as well as the Diversion, as to the Instruction of the Reader, will be the same;[43] and as such he thinks, without farther Compliment to the World, he does them a great Service in the Publication.[44] Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe did not use the twilight to spread political insinuations; the hardly credible account did, however, offer the alternative of a deeper allegorical reading. Other authors proved the practical value of the pattern. Delarivier Manley–under interrogation after the publication of her scandalous Atalantis (1709)–replied that she had written a work of sheer romance, a fairy tale located on the famous fictional island. If the ruling Whigs wanted to prove that all her stories matched a scandalous truth of their own actions, they might venture a libel case. The authoress was released and continued her insinuations with three more volumes of proclaimed romance published during the next two years.[45] Whilst journalists continued to defend the dubious production (relying on the enlightened audience’s ability to read with the

Romances of adventures: the title pages of both the English edition of Fénelon’s Telemachus (London: E. Curll, 1715) and Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (London: W. Taylor, 1719). Prefaces and title pages of 17th- and early 18th-century fiction acknowledged this pattern: histories could claim to be romances, but threaten to relate true events, as in the roman à clef. Other works could, conversely, claim to be factual histories, yet earn the suspicion that they were wholly invented. A further differentiation was made between private and public history: Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe was, within this pattern, neither “romance” nor “novel”. It smelled—with its title page alluding to Fénelon’s Telemachus (1699/1700)—of

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necessary grain of skepticism if not with amusement), the defenders of public morals demanded an entirely new organization of the market, one that isolated fiction. This was the market the 18th century was to establish.

Novel

From dubious history to literature: The 18th-century market reform
Total numbers of English titles, The entire yearly output of fiction in English 1600-1799 rose in the 18th century.[47] according places theological and political pamphlets of to short term effect on the same level with ediESTC tions of books printed to sell over several data. years. Statistics of the French and German Years markets have their own distortions: French of numbers are comparatively higher due to the politfact that Dutch publishers (re-)printed icFrench books for the international market. al French was Europe’s lingua franca and the turlanguage of international politics and fashmoil pro-ions. Germany’s book trade was large but divided between Protestant and Catholic duced states. The former had arranged for a wider higher exchange at Leipzig’s fairs. The academic numproduction in Latin was comparatively large bers the continent due to the importance conon of tinental universities had gained as providers con-of careers. troLiterature in the modern sense was of vermarginal importance all over Europe until sial the end of the 18th century. In the Western short markets tracts.[46] some two to five percent of the total production fell into the categories of poetry and dubious or elegant historical works that were later united under the new heading literature. To give the numbers for the English The Rise of the Novel production: The fictional output remained The 18th-century rise of the novel[48] is a here at 20 to 60 titles per year in the begincompound of several stories. ning of the 18th century depending on how One is a story of statistics. English readers one accounts for the wider market of historof the late 17th and early 18th centuries ies. French, German and Dutch statistics are were offered a total of some 2,000 to 3,000 comparable.[49] The eastern and southern titles per year. The numbers had risen draEuropean neighbors largely subscribed to the matically after the abolition of the Star international market. Chamber in 1641. The simple title count gives, however, a distorted picture as it

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The Western European output of literature in the modern sense rose significantly in the course of the 18th century; the growth rates stabilised in the 1740s. A change in the public appreciation supported that growth and was reflected by the growing media coverage of new works. Cultural status and place Fiction was no longer a predominantly aristocratic entertainment around 1700. The Provençal 12th-century romances and their imitations had already attracted urban connoisseurs who had had the financial means to commission bigger manuscripts in the 14th and 15th centuries. Printed books had soon gained the power to reach readers of almost all classes, the reading habits differed. To follow fashions remained a privilege. Spain was a trendsetter into the 1630s; French authors superseded Cervantes, de Quevedo, and Alemán in the 1640s. As Huet was to note in 1670, the change was one of manners.[50] The new French works taught a new, on the surface freer, gallant exchange between the sexes as the essence of life at the French court. Aristocratic and bourgeois customers sought distinctly French authors to offer the authentic style of conversations in the 1660s. The situation changed again from 1660s into the 1690s: the French market split. Dutch publishers[51] began to sell works by French authors, published out of the reach of French censors. The publishing houses of The Hague and Amsterdam also pirated the entire Parisian production of fashionable books and thus created a new market of political and scandalous fictions and European fashions. Composers Corelli and Vivaldi sent their sheet music from Italy to Étienne Roger in Amsterdam in order to reach a wider European audience. The same Roger published Renneville’s L’inquisition Françoise (1715). In the year of its publication, the latter work was available both in an English version published in London and a German version published in Nuremberg. Books of the period boasted of their fame on the international market and of the existence of intermediate translations. "Written originally in Italian and translated from the third edition of the French" one read in imitation of this craze on title page of Manley’s New Atalantis in 1709. A market of European rather than French fashions had arrived in the early 18th century.[52]

Novel

Intimate short stories: The Court and City Vagaries (1711). By the 1680s the fashionable political European production had inspired a second wave of private scandalous publications and generated new productions of local importance. Women authors reported on politics and on their private love affairs in The Hague and in London. German students imitated them and used the relative anonymity they enjoyed in far smaller towns like Jena, Halle and Leipzig, to boast of their private amours in fiction.[53] The market of the metropolis London, the anonymous international market of the Netherlands, the urban markets of Hamburg and Leipzig generated new public spheres.[54] Once private individuals—students of university towns and daughters of London’s upper class posing on the title pages anonymously under announcements like "Written by a Young Lady"—began to use the novel as platform on which they could openly reevaluate their questionable reputations, the public began to call for a reformation of manners.[55]

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The reform became the main goal of the second generation of 18th-century novelists who, by the mid-century, openly welcomed the change of climate that had first been promoted in journals such as The Spectator (No. 10 of The Spectator had stated the aim "to enliven morality with wit, and to temper wit with morality… to bring philosophy out of the closets and libraries, schools and colleges, to dwell in clubs and assemblies, at tea-tables and coffeehouses"). Constructive criticism of novels had until then hardly left the world of fiction.[56] The first treatise on the history of the novel had appeared as a preface to a novel, Marie de La Fayette’s Zayde (1670). "Literary journals" devoted to the sciences could not easily switch to devote themselves to belles lettres.[57] A distinct secondary discourse developed with a wave of entertaining new journals like The Spectator and The Tatler at the beginning of the century. New "literary journals" like Gotthold Ephraim Lessing’s Briefe, die neuste Literatur betreffend (1758) added to this production in the middle of the century with the offer of new, scientific reviews of art and fiction. By the 1780s, critical public reception constituted a new marketing platform for fiction, and authors and publishers recognized it as such. One could write to satisfy the old market or one could address the authors of secondary criticism and gain an audience through their discussions. It would take yet another generation for the novel to arrive in the curricula of school and university education. By the end of the 18th century, the public perception of the place of a particular novel was no longer supplied simply by social status and fashionable geographical provenance, but by critical media attention. Realism and art The term "literary realism" is regularly applied to 19th-century fiction. The novels Defoe, Richardson and Fielding wrote between 1719 and the 1750s can be read as precursors. Research of the last decades has, however, contested views that it was Robinson Crusoe’s realism that ended the sway of "French baroque romances".[58] Madeleine de Scudéry’s "romances" had not been completely unrealistic; Keys had circulated with them.[59] They had left the market nonetheless in the 1670s, defeated by the more realistic "novels" that appeared then. The ensuing production had broadly

Novel

"Better than any romance"—Constantin de Renneville’s French Inquisition (1715), the author’s arrest. encroached upon the news market: Delarivier Manley’s Atalantis was reviewed by a German academic journal in 1713 as work of contemporary public history.[60] Christian Friedrich Hunold fled Hamburg in 1706 after his Satyrischer Roman had depicted the city’s elegant urban life as a place of scandal.[61] The French pseudo histories connected today with names such as Gatien de Courtilz de Sandras (1644-1712) had become even more radical in their realism: they had depicted the real world with a detail historians remain unable to deactivate as "merely fiction".[62] It has been noted that Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe followed Alexander Selkirk’s "true" account.[63] and that Crusoe’s style of writing recycled modes of the Protestant spiritual autobiography.[64] The presentation of his book had its own models, however, much rather in the contemporary French pseudo histories.[65] René Auguste Constantin de Renneville’s report of his imprisonment in the Bastille had appeared in English with Defoe’s publisher William Taylor four years earlier. Renneville had promised: "Lives and strange Adventures of several Prisoners", Crusoe risked the focus on himself: "The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe". An imprisonment of 11 years had been Renneville’s bargain, Crusoe made it 28 years. Renneville’s English translator had complained of an author who was "not always in a Temper; sometimes he is all Piety and Godliness, and then again flies out into a Romantick Strain." [66] Crusoe’s "editor" Taylor repeated these complaints before the

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sailor himself raised his voice with the greatest inconsistencies imaginable, claiming that he was both, most real and healthy (though 84 years of age) and a man of an allegorical truth with which he stood on one level with Don Quixote, a hero of a roman à clef (so Crusoe), and Jesus Christ who had resorted to allegories and parables in order to reach his audience.[67] Robinson Crusoe was serialized as possibly true history by The Original London Post;[68] and it became the work of creative literature Jean-Jacques Rousseau could finally praise in his Émile, ou De l’éducation in 1762.[69] One can note a balance of opposing developments here: The 18th century witnessed the rise of increasingly realistic fictions while both, authors and critics defined the entire field of fictions as distinct from the historical. The development de-scandalised the market: Valuable fictions defended a higher truth, a truth beyond the flat, factual and historical truth of every-day experience. Theories of aesthetics praised the "imitation of nature" and the artist’s almost divine power to create worlds of a deeper significance in the second half of the 18th century. The previous conflict between historians and romancers was thus finally resolved: Valuable Fictions and true histories became two fields the modern nations needed. Literary journals and literary histories became the privileged media of a new analysis of literary art—the development that has been noted above as one of status and that eventually caused the 19th century conceptual change of the word literature.[70] The market divide that led to the modern trivial production in the second half of the 18th century was the by product of this process. The rise of pornography beginning in the 1750s is an early sign for that divide. The words “novel” and “romance” The change of words, the rise of the word “novel” at the cost of the rivaling “romance”, remained a Spanish and English phenomenon. Readers all over western Europe had welcomed the novel(la) or short history as an alternative in the second half of the 17th century. Only the English and the Spanish had, however, openly discredited the old production. The change of taste remained a temporal phenomenon. Fénelon’s Telemachus (1699/ 1700) already exploited a nostalgia for the old production of heroism and professed

Novel

The short "novel" supplanted the longer "romance" in the 1680s. It found a second peak on title pages in 1720s when it received its body of classics. The labeling of fictions became only more interesting at the end of the century.[71] virtue. Jane Barker explicitly advertised her Exilius as "A new Romance", "written after the Manner of Telemachus" in 1715 to which she added a preface on the scandalous new production one had to get rid of.[72] Robinson Crusoe spoke of his own book as a "romance" though he preferred, of course, readers to believe he was utterly real.[73] The term "novel" first peaked on the English market in the 1680s, when the novel(la) manifested itself as the alternative to the older "romance". It lost its attractiveness with ensuing scandalous production in the twilight between truth and fiction. The 1720s saw a second peak of "novels" with the first editions of classics of the genre and with new large scale "novels" in the style Eliza Haywood wrote. In the mid-18th century it was no longer clear whether the market had not simply developed two terms: "romance" as the generic term, "novel" as the term for the fashionable production that focused on modern life. The late 18th-century brought an answer with the "romantic" movement’s readiness to reclaim the word "romance" as term for explicitly grotesque and distant fictional settings. Robinson Crusoe became a "novel" in that period[74] appearing now as a work of the new realism of fiction the 18th century had brought forth. The term "romance" was eventually restricted to love stories in the course of the 19th century.

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Novel
European tradition of the modern novel (that is, novella) from Machiavelli’s to Marie de LaFayette’s masterpieces. Aphra Behn’s prose fictions had appeared as "novels" in the 1680s and were reprinted in collections of her works which turned the scandalous authoress into a modern classic. Fénelon’s Telemachus (1699/1700) became a classic within three years after its publication. New authors entered the market ready to use their personal names as producers of fiction: Eliza Haywood thus followed the footsteps of Aphra Behn in 1719 using her name with unprecedented pride.

Legitimating the novel: World Classics, 1670-1830

"The reformation of manners", 1678–1790
Classics of the novel from the 16th century onwards: title page of A Select Collection of Novels (1720–22). Pierre Daniel Huet’s Traitté de l’origine des romans (1670) laid the ground for the early 18th-century market in classics of the novel. The theologian had not only dared to praise fictions; he had also explained techniques of theological reading, the interpretation of fictions:[75] one could read novels and romances to gain insight into foreign and distant cultures (and into one’s own culture), once one viewed them as something produced to achieve aims and to satisfy consumers. Christ had used parables to teach; ancient Milesians had used them to arouse sexual fantasies; France produced them at present to test the options of a less inhibited conversation between the sexes.[76] The decades around 1700 saw the appearance of new editions of Petronius,[77] Lucian[78] and Heliodorus of Emesa.[79] The publishers equipped them with prefaces that referred to Huet’s treatise[80] and the canon it had established. Exotic fictions entered the market to give insight into the Islamic frame of mind. One read The Book of One Thousand and One Nights (first published in Europe from 1704 to 1715 in French, and translated immediately from this edition into English and German) as a contribution to Huet’s history of romances.[81] New classics added to the market: The English Select Collection of Novels in six volumes (1720–22) is a milestone in this development, including Huet’s Treatise with the

Samuel Richardson’s Pamela (1741). The production of classics allowed the novel to gain a past, prestige and a canon. It called at the same moment for a present production of equal merits. A wave of mid-18thcentury works that proclaimed their intent to propagate improved moral values gave critics modern novels they could discuss publicly. Instead of banning novels, the efforts at reformation of manners that had begun in the 1690s now led to their reform.

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Female authors and heroines were the first affected by the development. Madame d’Aulnoy and Delarivier Manley became notorious examples of a bygone age of impudence. They had washed their dirty linen in public and used their novels to reinvent themselves and convert their own notoriety into fame. The new female heroines had to show intimacy and sensitivity where their early 18th century ancestors had been ready to appear in public in order to sanitize their reputations. Intimate confessions and blushes filled the new novels, feelings of guilt, even where suspicions were groundless (early 18th century heroines had defended their virtues and reputations flamboyantly even where they had gone astray). The modern heroines acted transparently, whereas their early 18th century counterparts had resorted to secret dealings in endless intrigues.[82] Madame de La Fayette’s La Princesse de Clèves (1678) can be read as the first novel that showed the new behavior.

Novel
To become a fashion, if not the standard of modern behavior, the new personality features needed new social environments. Marie de La Fayette’s Princesse had fallen into a desperate situation as soon as she risked the outrageous transparency to confess her feelings for another man to her husband. Neither he nor his rival knew how to continue once all this was clear. Mid-18th-century novels created alternatives: protagonists acted transparently, their antagonists saw that as a weakness and exploited and ruined them—quite the early 18th century option—but now the moral balance shifted: the open-hearted heroines were no longer victims one could blame for a lack of virtue, but tragic (or melodramatic) figures who had defended a better world. Other novels placed the new transparent heroines into equally new caring environments. Their families resisted temptations to marry them off against their wills, and men around them resisted temptations to seduce them in moments of weakness. The message was that respect and care were to meet open-heartedness in a new age of sensibility. Other novels experimented with surprising acts of an enlightened rationality with which their protagonists could escape deadlock situations far worse than the one Marie de La Fayette’s Princesse had produced with her confessions. The last volume of Antoine François Prévost’s Memoirs and Adventures of a Man of Quality, "Manon Lescaut" (1731), aroused a scandal with its melodramatic turns and its unresolved conflicts. Samuel Richardson’s Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded (1740), composed “to cultivate the Principles of Virtue and Religion in the Minds of the Youth of Both Sexes” focused, by contrast, on the potential victim, a heroine of all the modern virtues vulnerable through her social status and her occupation as servant of the libertine who falls in love with her. Eventually, she shows the power to reform her antagonist. Christian Fürchtegott Gellert’s Life of the Swedish Countess of G** (1747/48) tested the options of rationality. The titular countess had to decide between two husbands after her first, believed to be dead, returned from a Siberian war captivity. Both her husbands, former friends, had to come to terms with the rational problem her situation presented (and did it in a startling mixture of piety and modern philosophy).

Goethe’s Werther (1774).

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Novel
conformist society. Pierre Choderlos de Laclos’s Les Liaisons dangereuses (1782) shows the other extreme, with a group of aristocrats playing games of intrigue and amorality. The sentimental protagonists of the 1740s had already surprised their readers and aroused a debate whether human nature was correctly depicted with these new novels. They discovered a truth of the heart one had not dared to deal with so far. The radical and lonely characters that appeared in the 1760s and 1770s broke with traditions and eventually needed entirely new back-stories to become plausible. Childhoods, and adolescences had to explain why these protagonists should have developed so differently. The concept of character development began to fascinate novelists in the 1760s. Jean Jacques Rousseau’s novels focused on such developments in philosophical experiments. The German Bildungsroman offered quasi-biographical explorations and autobiographical self examinations of the individual and its personal development by the 1790s. A subcategory of the genre focused on the creation of an artist (if not the artist writing the novel). It led to the 19th-century production of novels exploring how modern times form the modern individual.

Beginnings of a secret market of pornography, illustration to vol. 1, p.50 of the 1766 Fanny Hill edition. Male heroes adopted the new sentimental character traits in the 1760s. Laurence Sterne’s Yorick, the hero of the Sentimental Journey (1768) did so with an enormous amount of humour. Oliver Goldsmith’s Vicar of Wakefield (1766) and Henry Mackenzie’s Man of Feeling (1771) produced the far more serious role models. The virtuous production inspired a suband counterculture of pornographic novels. Greek and Latin authors in modern translations had provided elegant transgressions on the market of the belles lettres for the last century.[83] Satirical novels like Richard Head’s English Rogue (1665) had led their heroes through urban brothels, women authors like Aphra Behn had offered their heroines alternative careers as precursors of the 19th-century femmes fatales—without creating a subculture.[84] The market for belles lettres had been openly transgressive as long as it did not find any reflections in other media. The new production beginning with works like John Cleland’s Fanny Hill (1748) differed in that it offered almost exact reversals of the plot lines the virtuous production demanded. Fanny Hill is introduced to a life of prostitution, learns to enjoy her part and establishes herself as a free and economically independent individual—in editions one could only expect to buy under the counter.[85] Openly uncontrollable conflicts arrived in the 1770s with Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s The Sorrows of Young Werther (1774). The titular hero realised how impossible it had become for him to integrate into the new

Fiction as a new experimental field, 1700–1800

Laurence Sterne, Tristram Shandy, vol.6, p.70-71 (1769) The new 18th-century status of the novel as an object of debate is particularly manifest in special development of philosophical[86] and experimental novels.

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Philosophical fiction was not exactly new. Plato’s dialogues were embedded in fictional narratives. Utopias had added to this production with works from Thomas More’s Utopia (1516) to Tommaso Campanella’s City of the Sun (1602). Works such as these had not been read as novels or romances but as philosophical texts. The 1740s saw new editions of More’s work under the title that created the tradition: Utopia: or the happy republic; a philosophical romance (1743). Voltaire utilised the romance to write philosophy with his Micromegas: a comic romance. Being a severe satire upon the philosophy, ignorance, and self-conceit of mankind (1752, English 1753). His Zadig (1747) and Candide (1759) became central texts of the French Enlightenment and of the modern novel. Jean-Jacques Rousseau bridged the genres with his less fictional Emile: or, On Education (1762) and his far more romantic Julie, or the New Heloise (1761). It made sense to publish these works as romances or novels, works of fiction, only because prose fiction had become an object of public discussion. The public reception provided by the new market of journals was both freer and wider than the discussion in journals of philosophy would have been. It had become attractive to step into the realm of fiction in order to provide matter for the ongoing debates. The genre’s new understanding of itself resulted in the first metafictional experiment, pressing against its limitations. Laurence Sterne’s The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman (1759-1767) rejected continuous narration. It expanded the authorreader communication from the preface into the plot itself—Tristram Shandy develops as a conversation between the narrative voice and his audience. Besides narrative experiments, there were visual experiments: a marbled page, a black page to express particular sorrow, a page of little lines to visualize the plot lines of the book one was reading. Jonathan Swift’s A Tale of a Tub (1704) is an early precursor in this field—a work that employs visual elements with similar ambition—yet hardly a text in the tradition of the original novel or its rival the romance.

Novel

Charles Dickens on the cover of L’Eclipse June 14, 1868 on his way across the English Channel. By the beginning of the 19th century, prose fiction had moved from a field of questionable entertainment and precarious historicity into the centre of the new literary debate. The traditional task of literary historians, to review the sciences, was referred to professional academic journals. The evaluation of artistic merits and the interpretation of the fictions became the main work of the new literary historians who turned poetry, plays, novels and romances into "literature".[87] The change in status had been made possible partly by recent generations of authors who had provided such works to be reviewed. The audience was likely to buy what had been discussed and publicly evaluated in order to participate in the ongoing debates. New copyright laws[88] made the new production financially attractive. Early 18th-century authors had been paid for their manuscripts; they basically received a share of the immediate profits expected from a single edition. The new laws allowed long term strategies of literary fame: the

The novel as national literature, 19th-century developments
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publication of small first editions that critics would first have to evaluate before they could expect to find a wider and more permanent circulation. Authors could begin to wait for their breakthroughs with a reasonable chance to make their profits in years to come. The new public reception created a sphere of up-market works deserving to be read as "literature" whilst it allowed the ongoing fields of fiction to survive and to become the modern mass market of "popular fictions", "trivial literature". The developments resulted temporarily—at the beginning of the 19th century—in a division of three market levels: The old chapbooks survived into the 1820s. The modern trivial market had by that time evolved out of the once prestigious belles lettres. The celebrated great works of literature were on this market the new field that required new marketing platforms and an enormous amount of official and public support. The latter was provided profusely by the new institutions of literary life and national education the continental European nations established in the first half of the 19th century. What made "literature"—fiction and poetry—such an attractive topic to promote was the impact literary life could win in the modern nations’ cultural life.[89] Germany’s states embraced the new field of education in the first decades of the 19th century.[90] That nation, which had neither a nationwide religion nor a unifying national political debate, had begun an intensified search for unifying topics a century earlier. The comparatively European decades of the Nine Years War (1689-1697), the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714) and the Great Northern War (1700-1721) had left the intellectual elite disenchanted. At the end of the 1720s scholars from Gottsched to Bodmer and Breitinger had turned German-language poetry into a field that the entirety of Germanspeaking intellectuals could agree on as a common platform. By the 1750s it had become clear that the new debate was to become the essential activity of new "literary" journals and that it would include the modern novel. The events of the French Revolution finally turned the new object of debates into a serious secular alternative to the entire field of exchange that religions and territorial politics had previously dominated.

Novel

Charles Dickens offering a public reading of his works, a symbol of the new literary life. Harper’s Weekly, December 7, 1867. The individual German states and France adopted the new subject as part of the national school curriculum during the first decades of the 19th century. Practical reasons spoke for the new field. Whatever one had previously done with religious texts at schools and universities could be done just as well, if not more fascinatingly, with plays, poems and prose fiction. One could interpret these texts, read them to improve one’s personality, acquire new ideals and a strengthened sense of morals as a reader of good literature. School education could implement the new text base in a continuation of all the traditional text-oriented classroom and teacher-pupil activities.[91] The idea of a literary Western canon was a novelty and a transfer of the religious canon debates.[92] Entirely new formats of appreciation of "literature" developed: authors were not only discussed in journals and newspapers. They began to give public readings of their latest novels[93] and eventually assumed new roles as public voices. The novelist as an outstanding artist and as an individual could better that the party politician or the religious dignitary dare to assume the role as the national sage, the far sighted judge, the voice of the nation. New histories of literature were written in order to formulate the fundamental lines of interpretation required by the new canons. They broke with the prior tradition of histories of the sciences and they broke with the traditions of previous histories of poetry. As narrative and interpretative projects they rather resembled Pierre Daniel Huet’s 1670 History of Romances. What was different now

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was the national perspective: histories of literature would discuss the developments of the literary genres for individual nations and languages. The decisive history of German literature that created the model for numerous others, Georg Gottfried Gervinus’ Geschichte der poetischen National-Literatur der Deutschen, appeared between 1835 and 1842.[94] The decisive history of English literature was, by contrast, the work of a continental author Hippolyte Taine’s four volume Histoire de la littérature anglaise (1863) arriving in English in 1864. It opened with a look back on the new definition of literature and with a statement of the importance literature, fiction, had gained through the developments: HISTORY, within a hundred years in Germany, and within sixty years in France, has undergone a transformation owing to a study of literatures. The discovery has been made that a literary work is not a mere play of the imagination, the isolated caprice of an excited brain, but a transcript of contemporary manners and customs and the sign of a particular state of intellect. The conclusion derived from this is that, through literary monuments, we can retrace the way in which men felt and thought many centuries ago. This method has been tried and found successful. We have meditated over these ways of feeling and thinking and have accepted them as facts of prime significance. We have found that they were dependent on most important events, that they explain these, and that these explain them, and that henceforth it was necessary to give them their place in history, and one of the highest.[95] Great Britain had developed a commercial production of the belles lettres, independent from the Dutch and the Parisian trendsetting markets, at the beginning of the 18th century. It had turned Shakespeare into its author of supposedly eternal fame by the 1760s. A rediscovery of the past had followed, with such doubtful discoveries as the Ossian-fragments. Critics discussed fiction in the media.[96] The English word "literature",

Novel

Émile Zola, the political novelist in the centre of the public outrage he unleashed (painting, 1898). however, hardly gained its modern meaning as a compound of poetry and fiction before the 1870s. England had traditionally united state and church under one head. It had for the last two centuries enjoyed an open political exchange. Hence, the continental secularisation, the search for new national topics of debate was uninteresting in England. In the USA, a national canon of literary works was impossible until the 1840s: there simply was not a large enough volume of material. Due to these special situations, the market divide between trivial and great literature remained rather indistinct in the English speaking world. The commercial importance of fiction on the book market,[97] its massive distribution through the new 19th century circulating libraries, the journalistic interest in discussing modern authors of plays and fiction, and the reforms of the educational systems of the second half of the 19th century remained incentives for the English speaking countries to follow the continental European path. Fiction eventually became "literature" in an arrangement of win-win situations. It suited the publishing houses. It suited the modern nations searching for new secular topics. It suited the advocates of improved morals—the new discussions of literature focused on questions of values and morals[98] The 19th-century developments in Europe and the Americas preluded in all these aspects the 20th-century globalisation of Western literary life. It did, however, not culminate in comparable confrontations between "developed" secularised countries

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Novel
of the entire exchange promised all groups interested a say in the ensuing literary life. The adoption of modern national literature as an academic subject became with this organisational background one of the first steps in a larger rearrangement of the sciences as disciplines. From the Middle Ages into the 18th century four sciences had been taught at Europe’s universities: theology, law, medicine and philosophy. The new system offered natural sciences, sciences of modern technologies, social sciences and the humanities. The latter became the institutional roof of all the discussions of history and culture—a realm new authors of literature would be aware of from now on. The developments did not lead to stable definitions of terms like "art", "literature" and "culture". They much rather utilised and institutionalised the controversies these words generated. To this day, scholars and critics continue to debate what literature should be, which works are the most important, what defines the true work of art etc. The controversies of "art", "literature" and "culture" define the nations who adopted the new cultural exchange while they serve within these societies as platforms on which all groups can be expected to voice their topics and demands, both in new works of art and in the critical analysis of these works. What was specific to the 19th-century debate was, in hindsight, its immense interest in fixing personal responsibilities. "Good works are those that will always leave room for new interpretations", is a common statement reflecting the strong link between literature and its public discussion. 19th-century artists would face a choice: to create works of higher quality, pursuing an eternal truth or merely to become mercenaries of present conflicts, functionaries of the commercial market fed by their works. The alternative of claiming one had to create "art for art’s sake"[100] also threatened to turn into a battleground over responsibilities. How does one handle art "responsibly"? What are the "demands" of art? Does the author truly act on behalf of art, or is this a cheap excuse for otherwise offensive and irresponsible behavior? Aestheticists, promoters of "art for arts sake" such as Algernon Charles Swinburne and Oscar Wilde, eventually headed the lists of irresponsible authors produced by 19thcentury defenders of public morals.

Oscar Wilde on trial in 1895. and "underdeveloped" religious regimes and downright dictatorships. The 19th-century European and North American implementation of literary life, and of fiction as its privileged platform, found hardly any resistance in the nations affected. They competed with each other as "Kulturnationen", as exporters of Western civilisation, and they shared the institutions that provided, monitored, evaluated and basically organised the new exchange. The new Literary life was rooted in the intellectual life which the early modern “republic of letters”, the “respublica literaria”, the early modern scientific community, had generated in discussions of its own subject "literature", the sciences, since the 16th century.[99] The 19th-century nations adopted the one public debate that had traditionally styled itself as free, democratic, "republican" throughout the last centuries. The material literary critics would discuss was new: a production of art. The discussion itself promised, however, to stay as open as it had always been. To change the topic from the sciences to plays, novels and poems was designed to generate a wider exchange and one of greater impact. The scientific organisation

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Novel
available topics to thrill, arouse or horrify their audience. These new romantic novelists could, at the same time, claim to explore the entire realm of fictionality. New–psychological–interpreters would read these works as encounters with the deeper hidden truth of the human imagination or the collective mind with all its recesses: sexual motives, anxieties, and insatiable desires. Under a psychological reading, novels were said to explore our deeper motives by moving into the field of art and by trying to reach and transgress its limitations. Artistic freedom would reveal what had not previously been openly visible: a theory that turned Huet’s retrospective cultural description into an exploration of our options. The fragment was allowed to become art surpassing all the works of intricate composition. Terror and kitsch entered the productions with explorations of the trivial. The romantic fiction of de Sade, Poe, Mary Shelley and E. T. A. Hoffmann, their works from Les 120 Journées de Sodome (1785/ 1904), Die Elixiere des Teufels (1815), to Frankenstein (1818), and the Tales of the Grotesque and Arabesque (1840) would later attract 20th-century psychoanalysts and supply the images of 20th and 21st century horror films, love romances, fantasy novels, roleplaying computer games and surrealist art.

Pushing art to its limits: Romanticism, 1770-1850

Illustration of a Dutch edition of Juliette, ca. 1800. The very word romanticism made direct reference to the art of romances. The genre, as opposed to the modern novel, experienced a revival with gothic fiction from Ann Radcliffe’s “romance” The Mysteries of Udolpho (1794) to M.G. Lewis’ “romance” The Monk (1795).[101] The new romances not only attacked the modern novel’s “natural” depictions of life, they destabilized the very differentiation modern critics had been trying to establish between serious classical art and popular fiction. Gothic romances were grotesque.[102] Their subject matter deserved less credit than the worst medieval tales of Arthurian knighthood. If the Amadis had troubled Don Quixote with curious fantasies, the new romantic tales were worse: they became nightmares, they explored sexual fantasies, they led to the end of human civilization. The authors of this new type of fiction could be (and were) accused of exploiting all

"Realism" and the reevaluation of the past and the present, 1790-1900
The ancient romancers most commonly wrote fiction about the remote past. The present had been the object of “curious” explorations in the hands of satirists like Grimmelshausen and Richard Head and in the hands of scandalous authors from de Courtilz de Sandras to the anonymous author of La Guerre d’Espagne (Cologne: Pierre Marteau, 1707). Walter Scott’s historical novel Waverley (1814) broke with these traditions. Scott did not write to satisfy the audience with temporal escapism, nor did he threaten the boundaries between fact and fiction with his works, as Constantin de Renneville had done with his French Inquisition (1715). Scott’s work remained a novel, a work of art.[103] He used the art of imagination to reevaluate history by rendering things, incidents and protagonists as only the novelist was allowed to do. His work remained historical fiction, yet it questioned existing historical perceptions.

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Novel

Leo Tolstoy’s War and Peace (1868/69) previously been discussed mainly in the abstract. Charles Dickens led the audience into contemporary British workhouses: his novels imitated firsthand accounts of child labour. War changed with Leo Tolstoy’s War and Peace (1868/69) from historical fact to a world of personal fate. Crime became a personal reality with Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s Crime and Punishment (1866). Women authors had dominated the production of fiction from the 1640s into the early 1700s, but few before George Eliot so openly questioned the position of women, the precepts of their education, and their social position. As the novel became the most interesting platform of modern debates–allegedly free, as art could claim to be in the modern secular western societies–a race began between nations to (re-)establish their national literatures with novels as the essential production that could link the present with the past. Alessandro Manzoni’s, I Promessi Sposi (1827) did this for Italy; Russia and the surrounding Slavonic brought forth their first novels; the Scandinavian countries entered the race.

Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852) The special power was partly gained through research: Scott the novelist, resorted to documentary sources as any historian would have done, but as an artist he gave things a deeper significance. Attracting a far wider market than any historian could address, and rendering the past vividly, his work destabilized public perceptions of that past. Most 19th-century authors hardly went beyond illustrating and supporting widespread historical views.[104] The more interesting titles won fame by doing what no historian nor journalist would do: make the reader experience another life. Émile Zola’s novels depicted the world of which Marx and Engels wrote in a non-fictional mode. Slavery in the United States, abolitionism and racism became topics of far broader public debate thanks to Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852), as whose characters provided personifications for topics that had

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Novel
the second best selling book of the 19th century after Harriet Beecher-Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin.[105] Such works of scientific reflection inspired a whole genre of popular science fiction as the 20th century approached.

Explorations of the self and the modern individual, 1790-1930

Goethe’s Wilhelm Meister (1795) The individual, the potentially isolated hero, had stood at the centre of romantic fictions since the Middle Ages. The early novel(l)a had placed the story itself at the centre: it was driven by plot, by incident and accident, rather than being the story of a single larger-than-life figure. And yet, the individual had returned with a wave of satirical romances and historical pseudo romances. Individuals such as Robinson Crusoe, Moll Flanders, Pamela, and Clarissa reintroduced the old romantic focus on the individual as the centre of what was to become the modern novel. Ancient, medieval and early modern fictional characters lacked certain features that modern readers expect. Epics and romances created heroes, individuals who would fight against knight after knight, change (as an Assyrian princess) into men’s clothes, survive alone on an island – whilst it would never see its personal experience as an individualizing factor. The early modern novelist had remained a historian as much as the author(ess) of the most personal French contemporary memoir. As soon as it came to relating the facts and experiences, it became a question of proper writing skills. The modern individual changed. The rift can first be seen in the works of medieval mystics and early modern Protestant autobiographers:[106] moments in which they witnessed a change in their very experience of things, an inner isolation they would only be

Illustration for Jules Vernes Vingt mille lieues sous les mers (1870) With the new appreciation of history, the future also became a topic for fiction. Samuel Madden’s Memoirs of the Twentieth Century (1733) had been a satire, presenting a future that was basically the present age, but with the Jesuits secretly ruling the globe. LouisSébastien Mercier‘s L’An 2440 (1771) had gone a step further and created an enlightened future, that one could establish immediately if only one dared to live according to better moral precepts. The step into a different future began with Mary Shelley’s The Last Man (1826): a work whose plot culminated in the catastrophic last days of a mankind extinguished by the plague, even if it remained an autobiographical allegory of the authoress deploring her personal losses. Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward (1887) and H. G. Wells’s The Time Machine (1895) were, by contrast, marked by the idea of long term technological and biological developments. Industrialization, Darwin’s theory of evolution and Marx’s theory of class divisions shaped these works and turned historical processes into a subject matter of wide debate: Bellamy’s Looking Backward became

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able to communicate to someone who had experienced the same. The sentimental experience created a new field of – secular, rather than religiously motivated – individualizations which immediately invited followers to join. Werther’s step out of the value systems that surrounded him, his desperate search for the one and only soul to understand him, inspired an instantaneous European fashion. Napoleon told Goethe he had read the volume about a dozen times;[107] others were seen wearing breeches in Werther’s color to signal that they were experiencing the same exceptionalism. The novel proved the ideal medium for the new movements as it was ultimately written from an individual’s point of view with the aim to unfold in the silence of another’s individual mind. The late 18th-century exploration of personal developments created room for depictions of personal experiences; it gained momentum with the romantic exploration of fictionality as a medium of creative imagination; and it gained a political edge with the 19thcentury focus on history and the modern societies. The rift between the individual and his or her social environment had to have roots in personal developments which this individual shared with those around him or her, with his or her class or the entire nation. Any such rift had the power to criticize the collective histories the modern nations were just then producing. The new personal perceptions the protagonists of novels offered were on the other hand interesting as they could easily become part of the collective experience the modern nation had to create.

Novel
personal developments that could still lead back into modern societies. The 19th-century Bildungsroman became the arena of such explorations of personal developments that separated the individual from, and then reunited it with, his or her social environment. Outsider perspectives became the field of mid-19th-century explorations. The artist’s life had been an interesting topic before with the artist being by public definition the exceptional individual whose perceptions naturally enabled him to produce different views. Novels from Goethe’s Wilhelm Meister (1795) to Marcel Proust’s In Search of Lost Time (1913-1927) and James Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (1916) created an entire genre of the Künstlerroman. Jane Austen’s Emma (1815), Gustave Flaubert’s Madame Bovary (1856), Leo Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina (1873-77), and George Eliot’s Middlemarch (1871-72) brought female protagonists into the role of the outstanding observer. Charles Dickens’ Oliver Twist (1839) and Gottfried Keller’s Green Henry (1855) focused on the perspectives of children, Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s Crime and Punishment (1866) added a drop-out student who became a murderer to the spectrum of special observers whose views would promise reinterpretations of modern life. The exploration of the individual’s perception eventually revolutionized the very modes of writing fiction. The search for one’s personal style stood in the centre of the competition among authors in the 19th century, now that novelists had become publicly celebrated minds. The destabilization of the author-text connection, which 20th century criticism was to propose later on, finally led to experiments with what had been the individual’s voice so far – speaking through the author or portrayed by him. These options were to be widened with new concepts of what texts actually were with the beginning of the 20th century.

First galley proof of In Search of Lost Time (1913-1927) with handwritten revision notes by Marcel Proust. The novel’s individual perspective allowed for personal reevaluations of the public historical perceptions and it allowed for

The novel and the global market of texts: 20th- and 21st-century developments
Given the number of new editions and the place of the modern novel among the genres sold in bookshops today, the novel is far from the crisis predicted by critics such as John Barth (himself a novelist) or, more recently, Alvin Kernan. Literature has not ended in

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Novel
their power in 1933;[112] and they remained the very last thing they allowed their publishers to print as World War II ended in the devastation of central Europe: fiction could still be employed to keep the retreating troops in dream worlds of an idyllic homeland waiting for them.[113] Novels were in the pockets of American soldiers who went to Vietnam and in the pockets of those who protested against the Vietnam War: Hermann Hesse’s Steppenwolf and Carlos Castaneda’s Journey to Ixtlan (1972) had become cult classics of inner resistance. Whilst it was difficult to learn anything about Siberia’s concentration camps in the strictly censored Soviet media, it was a novel, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962) and its proto-historic expansion The Gulag Archipelago (1973) that eventually gave the world an inside view. The novel remains both public and private. It is a public product of modern print culture even where it circulates in illegal samizdat copies. It remains difficult to target. Totalitarian regimes can close down Internet service providers, and control theatres, cinemas, radio and television stations, whilst individual paper copies of a novel can be smuggled into countries, defying strict censorship, and read there in cafés and parks almost as safely as at home. Its covers can be as inconspicuous as those of Iranian editions of Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses (1988). An Orwellian regime would have to search households and to burn every retrievable copy: an engagement of utopian dimensions that only a novel, Ray Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451 (1953), would envisage. The artifact that constituted one of the earliest flashpoints in the current cultural confrontation between the secular West and the Islamic East, Rushdie’s Satanic Verses (1988), exemplifies almost all the advantages the modern novel has over its rivals. It is a work of epic dimensions no film maker could achieve, a work of privacy and individuality of perspective wherever it leads into the dream worlds of its protagonists, a work that uniquely anticipated ensuing political debates, and a work many Western critics classified as one of the greatest novels ever written. It is postmodernist in its ability to play with the entire field of literary traditions without ever sacrificing its topicality.[114] The democratic West depicted itself as the advocate of literature as the freest form of

Berlin, May 10, 1933, Nazi book burning.

Simone de Beauvoir, Jean Paul Sartre and Che Guevara meeting in Cuba, 1960

Announcement of the Laureate of the Nobel Prize in Literature 2008 “exhaustion”[108] or in a silent "death";[109] nor have bound paper books been superseded by such new media as cinema, television or such new channels of distribution as the Internet[110] or e-books. Novels such as the Harry Potter (1997-2007) sequels have created public sensation among an audience critics had seen as lost.[111] Novels were among the first material artifacts the Nazis burnt in public celebrations of

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self-expression. The Islamic fundamentalist interpretation of the same confrontation has its own historical validity. This interpretation sees a conflict between Western secular nations and a postsecular religious world.[115] In this view, the West has severed its religious roots and begun to idolize an arrangement of secular "pluralistic" debates. “Literature”, “art”, and "history"—the subject matter of the humanities—have become a Western substitute for religion. The Islamic republic eventually demonstrated how far the West had created its own inviolable if not sacred spheres in this development: Westerners can become atheists, they can admire any "blasphemy" as "art", but they cannot act with the same freedom in the field of history. Holocaust denial is crimininalised in several Western nations in defence of secular pluralism. The Islamic nations protect, so goes the rationale, at the heart of the conflict a different hierarchy of discourses. In a longer perspective, the conflict arose with the worldwide expansion of Western literary and cultural life in the 20th century. To look back, around 1700 fiction had been a small but virulent market of fashionable books in the sphere of public history. By contrast, in 19th century Europe the novel had become the center of a new literary debate. The 20th century began with the Western export of new global conflicts, new technologies of telecommunication and new industries. The new arrangement of the academic disciplines became a world standard. Within this system the humanities are the ensemble of subjects that evaluate and organise public debate, from art and literature to history.[116] Former colonies and modern third world nations adopted this arrangement in their educational systems in order to pursue equal footing with the "leading" industrial nations. Literature entered their public spheres almost automatically as the arena of free personal expression and as a field of national pride in which one had to search for one’s historical identity, as the Western nations had done before. A number of literatures could challenge the West with traditions of their own: Chinese novels are older than any comparable Western works. Other regions of the world had to begin their traditions as the Slavonic and Scandinavian nations had done in the 19th-century’s European competition: South Asia[117] and Latin America joined the

Novel

Model of 20th-century literary communication. A complex interaction is organised by public and academic literary criticism as the central provider of discussions, education and media attention. production of world literature at the beginning of the 20th century. The run for the first black African novel to be written by a black African author is today a topic of research in postcolonialist literary studies.[118] The race was fueled by Western theories of cultural superiority: 20th-century critics such as Georg Lukács and Ian Watt saw the novel as the form of self expression characteristic of the "modern Western individual". The worldwide spread of the novel was monitored and mentored by such Western institutions as the Nobel Prize in Literature. The list of its laureates can be read as a chronicle of the gradual expansion of Western literary life.[119] Rabindranath Tagore was the first Indian poet and novelist to receive the prize in 1913, Japanese Yasunari Kawabata received it in 1968, Colombian Gabriel García Márquez in 1982; the Nigerian Wole Soyinka, honoured in 1986, became the first black African author to receive the award; the Egyptian Naguib Mahfouz became the first novelist of the Arab world to do so in 1988; Orhan Pamuk, honoured in 2006, is a Turkish novelist. The awards to Mahfouz and Pamuk were seen in their home countries as open interference by the Swedish Academy into their respective national politics. Mahfouz, one of the most important Muslim authors who defended Rushdie’s Satanic Verses, was almost killed in an assassination attempt outside his home. Pamuk continues to criticize the official Turkish position towards the Armenian Genocide, a question relevant to the present debate over Accession of Turkey to the European Union.

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production of about 2,000 titles, could be reckoned as fiction—a total of 20,000-60,000 copies on the assumption of standard print runs of about 1,000 copies. In 2001 fiction made about 11% of the 119,001 titles published in the UK consumer book market. The percentage has remained relatively stable over the past 20 years, though the total numbers doubled from 5,992 in 1986 to 13,076 in 2001.[121] The press output and the money made with fiction have risen disproportionately since the 18th century: According to Nielsen BookScan statistics published in 2009[122] UK publishers sold an estimated 236.8 million books in 2008. Adult fiction (an estimated 75.3 million copies) made 32% of this market. Children’s, young adult and educational books, a section comprising bestsellers such as the Harry Potter volumes, made another 63.4 million copies, 27%. The total UK consumer market is supposed to have had a value £1,773m in 2008. Adult fiction made roughly a quarter of that value: £454m. A vibrant literary life fuels the market. It unfolds in a complex interaction between authors, their publishing houses, the reading public, and a literary criticism of immense diversity voiced in the media and in the nation’s educational systems. The latter provide through their branches of academic criticism many of the topics, the modes of discussion and to a good extent the experts themselves who teach and discuss literature in schools and in the media. Modern marketing of fiction reflects this complex interaction with an awareness of the specific reverberations a new title must find in order to reach a wider audience.[123] Different levels of communication mark successful modern novels as a result of the genre’s present position in (or outside) literary debates. An elite exchange has developed between novelists and literary theorists, allowing for direct interactions between authors and critics. Authors who write literary criticism can eventually modify the very criteria under which theorists discuss their works. Literary recognition can also be gained when novels influence thinking about non-literary controversies. A third option remains with novels that find their audiences without the help of critical debate. Even serious novels can become the object of direct marketing strategies along the lines publishers usually reserve for "popular fiction".

Numbers of titles published in the UK in 2001.

Total consumer market, UK, 2008; value in £m The contemporary novel defends the significance it had won by the 1860s, and it has stepped beyond, into a new awareness of its public outreach. Nationwide debates can become international debates at any given moment. Today’s novelists can address a worldwide public, with international institutions, prestigious prizes, and such far-reaching associations as the worldwide association of writers P.E.N.. The exiled author,[120] who is celebrated by the international audience whilst he or she is persecuted at home is a 20th-century (and now 21st-century) figure. The author as keeper of his or her nation’s conscience is a new cultural icon of the age of globalization. Back in the early 18th century some 20-60 titles per year, that is between one and three percent of the total annual English

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Novel
a typewriter without any understanding of his actions, he would sooner or later produce a Shakespearean sonnet among his random texts, a text whose beauty and meaning we would be able to appreciate. Each of these schools proposed a criticism that directed its attention to an understanding of this inherent meaning.

Writing literary theory
Many of the techniques the novel developed over the past 100 years can be understood as the result of competition with the new 20th(and 21st-) century mass media: film, comics and the World Wide Web shaped the novel. Shot and sequence, focus and perspective have moved from film editing to literary composition. Experimental 20th-century fiction is, at the same time, influenced by literary theory. Literary theory, arising in the 20th century, questioned key factors that had been matters of agreement in 19th-century literary criticism: the author wrote the text, he was influenced by his period, by an intellectual climate the nation provided and by his personality. The work of art eventually reflected all these aspects, and literary critics recreated them. The ensuing debate identified a canon of the truly great works brought forth by each nation. 20th-century literary theory challenged all these notions. It moved along with what philosophers called the linguistic turn: the artifact to be read was primarily a text. The text unfolded a meaning in the reading process. The question was, what made the literary text so special? Its complexity: a simple answer that immediately called for a complex science to describe and to understand these complexities. The literary theorists argued that the literary criticism of the 19th century had not truly seen the text. It had concentrated on the author, his or her period, the culture that surrounded him or her, his or her psyche—factors outside the text, that had allegedly shaped it. Strict theorists argued that even the author, hitherto considered the central figure, whose message one wanted to understand, did not even have privileged access to the meaning and significance of his or her own work. Once the text was written it began to unfold associations, no matter whether one was its author or another reader. The theory debate stepped forth in redefinitions of its project: Formalism (1900-1920), New Criticism (1920-1965), Structuralism (1950-1980) and Poststructuralism (late 1960s through 1990s) became the major schools. The modes of analysis changed with each of these schools. All assumed that the text had its own meaning, independent of all authorial intentions and period backgrounds. If a monkey were to use

James Joyce, Ulysses (1922) James Joyce’s Ulysses (1922) became the central text that explored the potential of the new theoretical options. The 19th-century narrator left the stage; what remained was a text one could read as a reflex of thoughts. The “stream of consciousness”[124] replaced the authorial voice. The characters endowed with these new voices had no firm ground from which to narrate. Their audiences had to re-create what was purposefully broken. One of the aims was to represent the reality of thoughts, sensations and conflicting perspectives. William Faulkner was particularly concerned with recreating real life, an undertaking which he said was unattainable. Once the classical authorial voice was gone, the classical composition of the text could be questioned: Ulysses did that. The argumentative structure with which a narration used to make its points lost its importance. Each sentence connected to sentences readers recalled. Words reverberated in a worldwide

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circulation of texts and language. Critics would understand more of the possible allusions and supply them in footnotes. Virginia Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway (1925), Samuel Beckett’s trilogy Molloy (1951), Malone Dies (1951) and The Unnamable (1953), Julio Cortázar’s Rayuela (1963) and Thomas Pynchon’s Gravity’s Rainbow (1973) all explore this new narrative technique. Alfred Döblin went in a slightly different direction with his Berlin Alexanderplatz (1929), where interspersed non-fictional text fragments enter the fictional sphere to create a new form of realism. Authors of the 1960s–Robert Coover is an example–fragmented their stories and challenged time and sequentiality as fundamental structuring concepts. Postmodern authors[125] subverted the serious debate with playfulness. The new theorists’ claim that art could never be original, that it always played with existing materials, that language basically recalled itself had been an accepted truth in the world of trivial literature. A postmodernist could reread trivial literature as the essential cultural production. The creative avant-garde of the 1960s and 1970s "closed the gap"[126] and recycled popular knowledge, conspiracy theories, comics and films to recombine these materials in what was to become art of entirely new qualities. Roland Barthes’ 1950s analysis of popular culture,[127] his late 1960s claim that the author was dead whilst the text continued to live,[128] became standards of postmodern theory. Novels from Thomas Pynchon’s The Crying of Lot 49 (1966), to Umberto Eco’s The Name of the Rose (1980) and Foucault’s Pendulum (1989) opened themselves to a universe of intertextual references[129] while they thematized their own constructedness in a new postmodern metafictional awareness.[130] What separated these authors from 18thand 19th-century predecessors who had invited other textual worlds into their own compositions, was the interaction the new authors sought with the field of literary criticism. 20th-century metafictional works expect literary historians to deal with them; literary critics and theorists become the privileged first readers that the new texts need in order to unfold. James Joyce is said to have said this about the reception he designed for his Ulysses (1922): "I’ve put in so many enigmas and puzzles that it will keep the

Novel
professors busy for centuries arguing over what I meant, and that’s the only way of insuring one’s immortality."[131]—a statement to which Salman Rushdie referred in 1999, according to Paul Brians’s Notes for Satanic Verses: Asked about the possibility of "Cliff’s Notes" to his writings, Rushdie answered that although he didn’t expect readers to get all the allusions in his works, he didn’t think such notes would detract from the reading of them: "James Joyce once said after he had published Ulysses that he had given the professors work for many years to come; and I’m always looking for ways of employing professors, so I hope to have given them some work too."[132] Novelists such as John Barth, Raymond Federman and Umberto Eco crossed the borders into criticism. Mixed forms of criticism and fiction appeared: “critifiction”, a term Raymond Federman attempted to coin in 1993.[133] Whilst the postmodern movement has been criticized at times as theoretical if not escapist, it successfully unfolded in several films of the 1990s and 2000s: Pulp Fiction (1994), Memento (2000), and The Matrix (1999-2003) can be read as new textual constructs designed to prove that we are surrounded by virtual realities, by realities we construct out of circulating fragments, of images, concept, a language of cultural materials the new filmmakers explore.

Writing world history
VirJoyce ginCarol iaOates, Woolf, 2006 1902

Doris LessChinua ing, Achebe, CoBuflogne, falo, 2006 2008

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Novel

challenge all circulating views of world history. Novels remain personal. Their authors remain independent individuals even where they become public figures, in contrast to historians and journalists who tend, by contrast, to assume official positions. The narrative style remains free and artistic, whereas modern history has by contrast almost entirely abandoned narration and turned to the critical debate of interpretations. Novels are seen as part of the realm of "art", defended as a realm of free and subjective self-expression. Crossovers into other genres—the novel as film, the film as novel, the amalgam of the Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Wladiwostok, 1995 novel and the comic book that led to the evolution of the graphic novel—have strengthened the genre’s influence on the collective imagination and the arena of ongoMichel debates. Paul ing Houel- Personal realities have attracted 20th- and Auster, le- 21st-century novelists: first in an explicit reSalbecq, man action to the new science of psychology, Warsaw, Rushlater, far more importantly, in a renewed in2008 die and terest in subject matter that almost automatShi-ically destabilizes and marginalizes the realities of "common sense" and collective history. mon Personal anxieties, daydreams, magic and Peres, Elhallucinatory experiences mushroomed in New friede York 20th-century novels. What would be a clinical Jelinek, City, Mu- psychosis if stated as a personal experi2008 nich, ence—in one extreme example, Gregor 2004 Samsa, the point of view character of Kafka’s Metamorphosis, awakes to find that he has become a giant cockroach—will, as soon as it Ken- transformed into a novel, become the obis za- ject of competing literary interpretations, a burō metaphor, an image of the modern experiŌe, ence of personal instability and isolation. The Co- term “Kafkaesque” has joined the term logne, “Orwellian” in common parlance to refer not 2008 only to aspects of literature, but of the world. Each generation of the 20th century saw its unique aspects expressed in novels. GerHenmany’s lost generation of World War I veterning ans Mankell,identified with the hero of Erich Maria Remarque’s All Quiet on the Western Front Oslo, (1928) (and with the tougher, more existen2007 tialist rival Thor Goote created as a national socialist alternative). The Jazz Age found a voice in F. Scott Fitzgerald, the Great DeOn the one hand, media and institutions of pression and the incipient Cold War in Gecriticism enable the modern novel to become orge Orwell. France’s existentialism was the object of global debate. On the other prominently voiced in Jean Paul Sartre’s hand, novels themselves, individual books, Nausea (1938) and Albert Camus’ The continue to arouse attention with unique perStranger (1942). The counterculture of the sonal and subjective narratives that 1960s gave Hermann Hesse’s Steppenwolf

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(1927) a new reception, while producing such iconic works of its own as Ken Kesey’s One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest and Thomas Pynchon’s Gravity’s Rainbow. Chuck Palahniuk’s Fight Club (1996) became (with the help of the film adaptation) an icon of late 20thcentury manhood and a reaction to the 20thcentury production of female voices. Virginia Woolf, Simone de Beauvoir, Doris Lessing, Elfriede Jelinek became prominent female and feminist voices. Questions of racial and gender identities, the option to reclaim female heroines of a predominantly male cultural industry[134] have fascinated novelists over the last two decades with their potential to destabilize the preceding confrontations. The major 20th-century social processes can be traced through the modern novel: the history of the sexual revolution[135] can be traced through the reception of sexually frank novels: D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover had to be published in Italy in 1928; British censorship lifted its ban as late as 1960. Henry Miller’s Tropic of Cancer (1934) created the comparable US scandal. Transgressive fiction from Vladimir Nabokov’s Lolita (1955) to Michel Houellebecq’s Les Particules élémentaires (1998) entered a literary field that eventually opened itself to the production of frankly pornographic works such as Anne Desclos’ Story of O (1954) to Anaïs Nin’s Delta of Venus (1978). Crime became a major subject of 20thand 21st-century novelists. The extreme confrontations of crime fiction reach into the very realities that modern industrialized, organized societies try and fail to eradicate. Crime is also an intriguing personal and public subject: criminals each have their personal motivations and actions. Detectives, too, see their moral codes challenged. Patricia Highsmith’s thrillers became a medium of new psychological explorations. Paul Auster’s New York Trilogy (1985-1986) crossed the borders into the field of experimental postmodernist literature. The major political and military confrontations of the 20th and 21st centuries have inspired novelists. The events of World War II found their reflections in novels from Günter Grass’ The Tin Drum (1959) to Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 (1961). The ensuing cold war lives on in a bulk of spy novels that reach out into the realm of popular fiction. Latin American self awareness in the wake of the

Novel
(failing) left revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s resulted in a "Latin American Boom", connected today with the names of Julio Cortázar, Mario Vargas Llosa and Gabriel García Márquez and the invention of a special brand of postmodern magic realism. The unstable status of Israel and the Middle East have become the subject of Israeli and Arab perceptions. Contemporary fiction has explored the realities of the post-Soviet nations and those of post-Tiananmen China. Arguably, though, international perceptions of these events have been shaped more by images than words. The wave of modern media images has, in turn, merged with the novel in the form of graphic novels that both exploit and question the status of circulating visual materials. Art Spiegelman’s two-volume Maus and, perhaps more important in its new theoretical approach, his In the Shadow of No Towers (2004)—a graphic novel questioning the reality of the images the 9/11 attacks have produced—are interesting artifacts here. The extreme options of writing alternative histories have created genres of their own. Fantasy has become a field of commercial fiction branching into the worlds of computeranimated role play and esoteric myth. Its center today is J. R. R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings (1954/55), a work that mutated from a book written for young readers in search of openly fictionalised role models into a cultural artifact of epic dimensions. Tolkien successfully revived northern European epic literature from Beowulf and the North Germanic Edda to the Arthurian Cycles and turned their incompatible worlds into an epic of global confrontations that magically preceded all known confrontations. Science fiction has developed a broad variety of genres from the technological adventure Jules Verne had made fashionable in the 1880s to new political and personal compositions. Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World (1932) has become a touchpoint for debate of Western consumerist societies and their use of modern technologies. George Orwell’s 1984 (1949) focuses on the options of resistance under the eyes of public surveillance. Stanisław Lem, Isaac Asimov and Arthur C. Clarke became modern classical authors of experimental thought with a focus on the interaction between men and machines. A new wave of authors has added post-apocalyptic fantasies and explorations of virtual realities

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in crossovers into the commercial production of quickly mutating sci-fi genres. William Gibson’s Neuromancer (1984) became a cult classic here and founded a new brand of cyberpunk science fiction.

Novel

very same story arc, and the very same number of pages, issue after issue. Though a production not promoted by secondary criticism it is trivial literature that holds the big market share. Romance fiction had an estimated $1.375 billion share in esWriting for the market of popular timated revenue of the US book market in fiction 2007. Religion/inspirational followed with $819 million, science fiction/fantasy with $700 million, mystery with $650 million and Bestclassic literary fiction with $466 million acsellers to cording to data supplied by the Romance be Writers of America homepage.[136] boughtThe most important subgenres were in in this period, according to Romance Writers of a America data given on the basis of numbers Ger- releases: of man• Contemporary series romance: 25.7% su- • Contemporary romance: 21.8% per• Historical romance: 16% mar• Paranormal romance: 11.8% ket, • 2009 Romantic suspense: 7.2% • Inspirational romance: 7.1% • Romantic suspense (series): 4.7% • Other (chick-lit, erotic romance, women’s fiction): 2.9% Pulp • Young adult romance: 2.8% magazines In a historical perspective one could be tempin a ted to see modern trivial literature as the successor of the early modern chapbook. GerBoth fields share a focus on readers in search man of news- accessible reading satisfaction. Early modpa- ern booksellers stated a reduced vocabulary per and a focus on plots as the advantages of the shop, abridgements they sold. The market of chap2009 books disappeared, however, in the course of the 19th century.[137] The modern trivial proThe contemporary market for trivial literatduction had by that time developed out of the ure and popular fiction is connected to the once so elegant—early modern belles market of "high" literature through the nulettres.[138] The 20th-century love romance is merous genres that both fields share. a successor of the novels Madeleine de The historic advantage of genres is to alScudéry, Marie de La Fayette, Aphra Behn, low the direct marketing of fiction. Whilst the and Eliza Haywood wrote from the 1640s into reader of "high" literature will follow public the 1740s. The modern adventure novel goes discussions of novels, the low production has back to Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe to employ the traditionally more direct and (1719) and its immediate successors. Modern short-term marketing strategies of open depornography has no precedent in the chapclarations of their content. Genres fill the gap book market; it goes back, again, to the libthe critic leaves and work as direct promises ertine and hedonistic belles lettres, to John of a foreseeable reading pleasure. The very Clelands Fanny Hill (1749) and its companlowest stratum of trivial fiction is based enions of the elegant 18th-century market. Ian tirely on genre expectations, which it fixes Flemming’s James Bond is a descendant of with serializations and identifiable brand the anonymous yet extremely sophisticated names. Ghost writers hide behind collective and stylish narrator who mixed his love afpseudonyms to ensure the steady supply of fairs with his political missions in La Guerre fictions that will have the very same hero, the d’Espagne (1707). Marion Zimmer Bradley’s

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The Mists of Avalon exploits Tolkien, as well as Arthurian literature and its romantic 19thcentury reflections. Modern horror fiction also has no precedent on the market of chapbooks—it goes back into the high market of early 19th-century romantic literature. Modern popular science fiction has an even shorter history, hardly dating past the 1860s. The modern trivial production can be said to be the result of the 19th-century constitution of “high literature”. Where “high literature” rose under the critical debates of literature, the production that failed to receive the same critical attention had to survive on the existing markets. The emerging field of popular fiction immediately created its own stratifications with a production of bestselling authors such as Raymond Chandler, Barbara Cartland, Ian Fleming, Johannes Mario Simmel, Rosamunde Pilcher, Stephen King, Ken Follett, Patricia Cornwell, Dan Brown who enjoy the potential to attract fans and who appear as role models in author-fan relationships. The lowest market segment does not develop any mythologies of authorship. It hardly differentiates between hero and author: one buys the new Perry Rhodan, Captain Future, or Jerry Cotton. Trivial literature has been accused of promoting escapism and reactionary politics. It is supposedly designed to reinforce present divisions of class, power and gender. Nonetheless, popular fiction has dealt with almost any topic the modern public sphere has provided. Class and gender divisions are omnipresent in love stories: the majority of them harp on tragic confrontations that arise wherever a heroine of lower social status falls in love with a doctor, the wealthy heir of an estate or company, or just the Alpine farmer whose maid she happens to be. It is not said that these aspirations lead to happy endings. They can be read as escapist dreams of how one could change ones social status by marriage; they are at the same time constant indicators of existing or imaginary social barriers. All major political confrontations of the past one hundred years have become the scenery of trivial exploits, whether they focused on soldiers, spies or on civilians fighting between the lines. Conspiracy theories have mushroomed under the covers of trivial fictions from Robert Ludlum’s The Bourne Identity (1980) to Dan Brown’s The Da Vinci Code (2003): they mirror a

Novel

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Dan Brown on the bookjacket of one of his novels widespread feeling that the electorate of the Western democracies receive at best an illusion of freedom, a omnipresent picture presented in the media, whilst those who pull the strings hide in the dark.[139] The authors of trivial fictions–and that is the essential functional difference between them and their counterparts in the sphere of “high” literature–tend to proclaim that they have simply exploited the controversial topics. Dan Brown does this on his website answering the question whether his Da Vinci Code could be called an “anti-Christian” novel: No. This book is not anti-anything. It’s a novel. I wrote this story in an effort to explore certain aspects of Christian history that interest me. The vast majority of devout Christians understand this fact and consider The Da Vinci Code an entertaining story that promotes spiritual discussion and debate. Even so, a small but vocal group of individuals has proclaimed the story dangerous, heretical, and anti-Christian. While I regret having offended those individuals, I should mention that priests, nuns, and clergy contact me all the time to thank me for writing the novel. Many church officials are celebrating The Da Vinci Code because it has sparked renewed interest in important topics of faith and Christian history. It is important to remember that a reader does not have to agree with every word in the novel to use the book as a positive catalyst for introspection and exploration of our faith[140] The author of popular fictions has a fan community to serve and satisfy. He or she can risk rebuffing both the critical public and its literary experts in their search for interesting readings (as Dan Brown effectively does with his statement on possible readings of his novel). The trivial author’s position towards his text is generally supposed to be relaxed. Authors of great literature are by contrast supposed to be compelled to write. They follow (says the popular mythology) their inner

Novel
voices, a feeling for injustice, an urge to face a personal trauma, an artistic vision. The authors of trivial fictions have their own call: they must not fail the expectations of their audiences. A covenant of loyalty and mutual respect is the basis on which the author of popular fictions continues his or her work. The lower branches of the production have no contact to mythologies of authorship. The boundaries between the so-called high and low have blurred in recent years through the explorations of postmodern and poststructuralist critics and through the exploitation of trivial works by the film industry. The present landscape of media—with television and the Internet indiscriminately reaching the entire audience—has a potential to destabilize boundaries between the fields. The division lines are, on the other hand, likely to stay intact as the critical discourse continues to need and to produce privileged objects of debate.

Notes
[1] Pierre Daniel Huet, Traitté de l’origine des romans (1670), Stephen Lewis’ translation (1715), p.3-4. [2] The Science Fiction and Fantasy Writers of America Nebula Award [1] gives the following guidelines: Novel — 40,000 words or more; Novella — 17,500–39,999 words; Novelette — 7,500–17,499 words; Short Story — 7,499 words or fewer. [3] Georg Lukács separating drama from epic, p. 46 of his The Theory of the Novel: "Great epic writing gives form to the extensive totality of life, drama to the intensive totality of essence." The problem is, according to Lukács, that the ancient epic required a word view of equilibrium, coherence and unity, a sense the modern individual has lost. The novel becomes in this new situation the modern epic: "the forms of art [...] [39] carry the fragmentary nature of the world’s structure into the world of forms". See Lucáks The Theory of the Novel. A historico-philosophical essay on the forms of great epic literature [first German edition 1920], transl. by Anna Bostock (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1971). [4] cf. a rather unfavorable review in the Irish Independent: "Ian McEwan’s new novel has been greeted with unqualified,

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sometimes ecstatic, praise from every reviewer in Britain, which may strike some readers here as a bit odd when they read the book. For a start, it’s not a novel. It’s barely even a novella. In some ways it’s more a long short story, built around a single event and involving just two characters - if it was a play it would be a one-act two-hander." [5] See for Charles M. Schulz’s comic strip first published on 12 July 1965 this page, the original illustration can be found here. See for an extended analysis the article on Bulwer-Lytton’s (and Snoopy’s) famous first words "It was a dark and stormy night". [6] Huet’s ground breaking approach towards a definition already notes that prose had not always defined the novel – Traitté de l’origine des romans (1670), Stephen Lewis’ 1715 translation, p.4: "It is required to be in Prose by the Humour of the Times." [7] Pierre Daniel Huet, Traitté de l’origine des romans (1670), Stephen Lewis’ 1715 translation, p. 4. [8] see James F. English, The Economy of Prestige (2005). [9] The latest edition was: The Improvement of Human Reason, exhibited in the life of Hai Ebn Yokdhan: written in Arabick above 500 Years ago, by Abu Jaafar Ebn Tophail [...] newly translated from the original Arabick, by Simon Ockley (London: W. Bray, 1711). [10] Anne Dacier’s translations, 1699 and 1708, turned Homer’s verses into prose and generated an uproar among European intellectuals, who were surprised about the archaic tone they showed. [11] Good surveys are: John Robert Morgan, Richard Stoneman, Greek fiction: the Greek novel in context (Routledge, 1994), Niklas Holzberg, The ancient novel: an introduction (Routledge, 1995), Gareth L. Schmeling (hrsg.), The Novel in the Ancient World (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 1996) and Tim Whitmarsh (hrsg.) The Cambridge companion to the Greek and Roman novel (Cambridge: UP, 2008). [12] See Heinrich von Veldeke’s Eneas Romance written around 1175 or Herbort von Fritzlar’s Liet von troye (c. 1195).

Novel
[13] For the structural analysis see: Hugo Kuhn’s 1948 article on Hartmann’s von Aue, Erec reprinted in Dichtung und Welt im Mittelalter (Stuttgart, 1959). p.133-150. See also: Hans Fromm: "Doppelweg", in: Werk-Typ-Situation, ed. Ingeborg Glier et al. Festschrift Hugo Kuhn (Stuttgart, 1969), p.64-79. The structural analysis has been criticised by Elisabeth Schmid, "Weg mit dem Doppelweg. Wider eine Selbstverständlichkeit der germanistischen Artusforschung", in: Erzählstrukturen der Artusliteratur. Forschungsgeschichte und neue Ansätze, ed. Friedrich Wolfzettel (Tübingen, 1999), p.69-85 and by Friedrich Wolfzettel in his, "Doppelweg und Biographie" in: Erzählstrukturen der Artusliteratur. Forschungsgeschichte und neue Ansätze, ed. F. Wolfzettel (Tübingen, 1999), p.119-141. [14] See William Caxton’s preface to his 1485 edition. [15] See the annunciations of Robert Campin (c. 1430) (Image) and Rogier van der Weyden (c. 1435) (Image). [16] See for a survey of medieval reading practices: Jessica Brantley, Reading in the Wilderness: Private Devotion and Public Performance in Late Medieval England (University of Chicago Press, 2007). [17] On Chaucer’s tendency to increase the romance’s influence see: Joseph Mersand, Chaucer’s Romance Vocabulary (New York, 1939), on the competing novelistic fabliaux tradition see: Charles Muscatine, Chaucer and the French Tradition (Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1957). [18] See on the authorial function: George Kane, "The Autobiographical Fallacy in Chaucer and Langland Studies," Chambers Memorial Lecture (London: HK Lewis, 1965). [19] See: David Lawton, Chaucer’s Narrators (Woodbridge, Eng., Dover, NH, 1985). [20] The ESTC notes 29 editions published between 1496 and 1785 ESTC search result [21] See Rainer Schöwerling, Chapbooks. Zur Literaturgeschichte des einfachen Lesers. Englische Konsumliteratur 1680-1840 (Frankfurt, 1980), Magaret Spufford, Small Books and Pleasant

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Histories. Pleasant Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (London, 1981) and Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety 1550-1640 (Cambridge, 1990). [22] See Guglielmo Cavallo, Roger Chartier, A History of Reading in the West, transl. by Lydia G. Cochrane (University of Massachusetts Press, 2003), and Jennifer Andersen and Elizabeth Sauer, Books and Readers in Early Modern England: Material Studies (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). [23] See [Johann Friedrich Riederer] German satire on the wide spread reading of novels and romances: "Satyra von den Liebes-Romanen", in: Die abentheuerliche Welt in einer Pickelheerings-Kappe, vol. 2 ([Nürnberg,] 1718). online edition [24] The Illustrious and Renown’d History of the Seven Famous Champions of Christendom (London: T. Norris/ A. Bettesworth, 1719), p.164-168. See de:Volksbuch for a longer excerpt of the publisher’s backlist. [25] The history of the ever-renowned knight Don Quixote de la Mancha containing his many wonderful and admirable atchievements and adventures (London: W.O./ H.) is an example here, Wing: 1522:14, today in the possession of the British Library. The title appeared around 1695 without a date, so that it could be sold over any period of time without appearing to be a shelf warmer. The plot was condensed to a mere 24 pages. The prestigious Peter Motteux edition published in 1706 consisted of (to show the contrast) four volumes each of 400 pages. [26] The first of these editions was the so called "Amsterdam Coffee House Edition" published by T. Cox on on August 1, 1719. The original Publisher, Taylor, threatened to sue Cox and his customers in The St. James Post (7 August 1719), and repeated his threats in the 2nd edition of vol. 2. Cox replied in the The Flying Post (29 October 1719). See H. C. Hutchins, Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing (New York: Columbia University Press, 1925), p.99-100/ 142-45. [27] The Contes des fées the Comtesse D’Aunois had published in 1698 sold in

Novel
an English chapbook abridgment with all these promises of the simplified and cheaper reading matter—the translator in the preface: "I did not attempt this with a Design to follow exactly the French Copy, nor have any regard to our English Translation; which to me, are both tedious and irksome. Nor have I begun some of it many Years since: But to make it portable for your walking Diversion, and less Chargeable: and chiefly to set aside the Distances of Sentences and Words, which not only dissolve the Memory, but keep the most nice and material Intrigues, from a close Connexion." The History of the Tales of the Fairies. Newly done from the French (London: E. Tracy, 1716), fol. Arv. [28] See Hilkert Weddige, Die "Historien vom Amadis auss Franckreich": Dokumentarische Grundlegung zur Entstehung und Rezeption (Beitrage zur Literatur des XV. bis XVIII. Jahrhunderts ; vol. 2) (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1975). [29] See on the early modern reception of Greek romances: Georges Molinié, Du roman grec au roman baroque. Un art majeur du genre narratif en France sous Louis XIII (Toulouse, Presses universitaires du Mirail, 1995). [30] Compare also: Günter Berger, Der komisch-satirische Roman und seine Leser. Poetik, Funktion und Rezeption einer niederen Gattung im Frankreich des 17. Jahrhunderts (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1984), Ellen Turner Gutiérrez The reception of the picaresque in the French, English, and German traditions (P. Lang, 1995), and Frank Palmeri, Satire, History, Novel: Narrative Forms, 1665-1815 (University of Delaware Press, 2003). [31] See Camille Esmein, "Construction et démolition du ’héros de roman’ au XVIIe siècle", La fabrique du personnage ed. by Françoise Lavocat, Claude Murcia, Régis Salado (Paris: Honoré Champion éditeur, 2007). [32] See Paul Scarron, The Comical Romance, Chapter XXI. "Which perhaps will not be found very Entertaining" (London, 1700) with its call for the new genre. online edition [33] See [Du Sieur,] „Sentimens sur l’histoire“ in: Sentimens sur les lettres et

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sur l’histoire, avec des scruples sur le stile (Paris: C. Blageart, 1680) online edition and Camille Esmein’s Poétiques du roman. Scudéry, Huet, Du Plaisir et autres textes théoriques et critiques du XVIIe siècle sur le genre romanesque (Paris, 2004). [34] See: René Godenne, "L’association ’nouvelle – petit roman’ entre 1650 et 1750", CAIEF, n°18, 1966, p.67-78, Roger Guichemerre, "La crise du roman et l’épanouissement de la nouvelle (1660-1690)", Cahiers de l’U.E.R. Froissart, n°3, 1978, p.101-106, Ellen J. Hunter-Chapco, Theory and practice of the “petit roman” in France (1656-1683): Segrais, Du Plaisir, Madame de Lafayette (University of Regina, 1978), and the two volumes of La Nouvelle de langue française aux frontières des autres genres, du Moyen-Âge à nos jours, vol. 1 (Ottignies: 1997), vol. 2 (Louvain, 2001). [35] See Robert Ignatius Letellier, The English novel, 1660-1700: an annotated bibliography (Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997). [36] See the preface to The Secret History of Queen Zarah (Albigion, 1705)– the English version of Abbe Bellegarde, "Lettre à une Dame de la Cour, qui lui avoit demandé quelques Reflexions sur l’Histoire" in: Lettres curieuses de littérature et de morale (La Haye: Adrian Moetjens, 1702) online edition [37] DeJean, Joan. The Essence of Style: How the French Invented Fashion, Fine Food, Chic Cafés, Style, Sophistication, and Glamour (New York: Free Press, 2005). [38] See: Markus Völkel’s study of the entire debate "Pyrrhonismus historicus’ und "Fides historica" (Frankfurt: Lang, 1987). [39] See Martin Mulsow, “Pierre Bayles Beziehungen nach Deutschland. Mit einem Anhang: ein unveröffentlichtes Gespräch von Bayle”, Aufklärung 16 (2004), 233-242. online edition of Stolle’s notes [40] Olaf Simons: Marteaus Europa oder Der Roman, bevor er Literatur wurde (Amsterdam/ Atlanta: Rodopi, 2001), p.194. [41] That would be William Taylor, the publisher unless otherwise stated. [42] Changed to "disputed" in the third edition

Novel
[43] Though Taylor has stated that he supposes the account to be "just history of fact" this is a direct rendering of what Horace has said about the aims of poetic fictions: "aut prodesse volunt aut delectare poetae", "to instruct and to delight, that is what poets are aiming at", Ars Poetica verse 333. [44] Daniel Defoe, Robinson Crusoe (London: W. Taylor, 1719) online edition. [45] See Delarivier Manley’s account of the affair in her Adventures of Rivella (London: E. Curl, 1714), p.114. online edition [46] Press output statistics would be needed to see how important the political production actually was for the publishers. One would produce them with an estimate of the numbers of sheets printed. A viable solution would be (for the period 1600-1800) to assume standard editions of about 800 copies; the number of sheets a title needed per copy could be deduced from format and page numbers. It is not clear whether it would be technically possible to use the ESTC data to create such a statistic. [47] Numbers follow the ESTC classification of "fiction" and have to be seen as arbitrary identifications of "fictions". Searching for dubious histories and works written in what is today perceived as the literary style of novels one is likely to arrive at higher numbers. [48] Ian Watt’s, The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding (London, 1957) set the phrase and inspired a number of ensuing publications. Major titles are here John J. Richetti, Popular Fiction before Richardson. Narrative Patterns 1700-1739 (1969), Lennard J. Davis, Factual Fictions: The Origins of the English Novel (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), J. Paul Hunter, Before Novels: The Cultural Contexts of Eighteenth-Century English Fiction (New York: Norton, 1990), Margaret Anne Doody, The True Story of the Novel (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1996), and the volumes Eighteenth Century Fiction brought out under the title "Reconsidering The Rise of the Novel" (the first of them appeared in January-April 2000, the second is supposed appear in 2009). Research in

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Aphra Behn, Dealrivier Manley and Eliza Haywood has changed the picture since the 1970s with a focus on the two generations of female authors who dominated the stage into the 1720s. Major studies and text editions have been provided here by Patricia Köster, Ros Ballaster, Janet Todd and Patrick Spedding. A compound story is here Josephine Donovan, Women and the Rise of the Novel, 1405-1726 revised edition (Palgrave Macmillan, 2000). [49] See the statistics Inger Leemans offers for the Dutch and French production, Het woord is aan de onderkant: radicale ideeën in Nederlandse pornografische romans 1670 - 1700 (Nijmegen: Vantilt, 2002), S.359-364. See also for an overview of the German and English early 18th-century production: [2] [50] "We owe (I believe) this Advantage to the Refinement and Politeness of our Gallantry; which proceeds, in my Opinion, from the great Liberty which the Men of France allow to the Ladies. They are in a manner Recluses in Italy and Spain; and separated from Men by so many Obstacles, that they are scarce to be seen, and not to be spoken with at all. Hence the Men have neglected the Art of Engaging the Tender Sex, because the Occasions of it are so rare. All the Study and Business there, is to surmount the Difficulties of Access; when this is effected, they make Use of the Time, without amusing themselves with Forms. But in France, the Ladies go at large upon their Parole; and being under no Custody but that of their own Heart, erect it into a Fort, more strong and secure than all the Keys, Grates, and Vigilance of the Douegnas. The Men are obliged to make a Regular and Formal Assault against this Fort, to employ so much Industry and Address to reduce it, that they have formed it into an Art scarce known to other Nations. ’Tis this Art which distinguishes the French from other Romances, and renders the Reading of them so Delicious, that they cause more Profitable Studies to be neglected." Pierre Daniel Huet, The History of Romances, transl. by Stephen Lewis (London: J. Hooke/ T. Caldecott, 1715), p.138-140.

Novel
[51] See for the following: Christiane Berkvens-Stevelinck, H. Bots, P. G. Hoftijzer (eds.), Le Magasin de L’univers: The Dutch Republic as the Centre of the European Book Trade: Papers Presented at the International Colloquium, Held at Wassenaar, 5-7 July 1990 (Leiden/ Boston, MA: Brill, 1992). [52] See also the article on Pierre Marteau for a profile of the European production of (not only) political scandal. [53] See George Ernst Reinwalds Academienund Studenten-Spiegel (Berlin: J. A. Rüdiger, 1720), p.424-427 and the novels written by such "authors" as Celander, Sarcander, and Adamantes at the beginning of the 18th century. [54] The standard study, though problematic with its theory of historical delays, is here Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry Into a Category of Bourgeois Society [1962], translated by Thomas Burger (MIT Press, 1991). [55] The Entertainments of Gallantry: or Remedies for Love. Familiarly discours’d, by a society of persons of quality (London: J. Morphew, 1712) celebrate how easy it has become for private individuals to write little novels—the entire book wants to prove this in the End. For criticism of the new production see the Entertainments p.74-77, Jane Barker’s preface to her Exilius (London: E. Curll, 1715), online edition, and George Ernst Reinwalds Academien- und Studenten-Spiegel (Berlin: J. A. Rüdiger, 1720), p.424-427. [56] See for a European perspective: Hugh Barr Nisbet, Claude Rawson (eds.), The Cambridge history of literary criticism, vol. IV (Cambridge: UP, 1997); for greater detail Ernst Weber, Texte zur Romantheorie: (1626-1781), 2 vols. (München: Fink, 1974/ 1981) and the individual volumes of Dennis Poupard (et al.), Literature Criticism from 1400 to 1800: Critical Discussion of the Works of Fifteenth-, Sixteenth-, Seventeenth-, and Eighteenth-Century Novelists, Poets, Playwrights, Philosophers, and Other Creative Writers (Detroit, Mich.: Gale Research Co, 1984 ff.). [57] See: Siegfried Seifert, "The learned periodical as the medium of current literary criticism and information in

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18th-century Germany", Transactions of the 7th International Congress on the Enlightenment, 2 (1988), p.661-63. [58] Ian Watt’s The Rise of the Novel (London, 1957) established the standard connections between Defoe, Richardson and Fielding and the 19th-century emergence of literary realism. J. Davis’s, Factual Fictions: The Origins of the English Novel (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983) and J. Paul Hunter’s Before Novels: The Cultural Contexts of Eighteenth-Century English Fiction (New York: Norton, 1990) substantiated the connection. Feminist research on Defoe’s precursors, research on female authors from Aphra Behn and Delarivier Manley revised the picture and coincided with research in the market of French late 17th century (fictional) memoirs and histories. See e.g. Gustave Reynier, Le Roman réaliste au XVIIe siècle [1914] (Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1971), Roger Francillon, "Fiction et réalité dans le roman français de la fin du XVIIe siècle", Saggi e ricerche di letteratura francese, vol. XVII, (1978), p.99-130, and Günter Berger, "Histoire et fiction dans les pseudo-mémoires de l’âge classique: dilemme du roman ou dilemme de l’historiographie?", Perspectives de la recherche sur le genre narratif français du XVIIe siècle, actes du colloque de Pavie (octobre 1998), Pise-Genève, Edizioni Ets–Éditions Slatkine n° 8 (2000). p.213-226. [59] See on connections between the heroical romance and French historical fiction: Camille Esmein, "Le roman héroïque (1640-1680), première théorisation d’un roman historique" in Fiction narrative et hybridation générique dans la littérature française ed. by Hélène Baby (L’Harmattan, 2006). [60] See the serious political review of Manley’s New Atalantis the Deutsche Acta Eruditorum (1713), vol. 9, p.771-779, and vol. 14, p.112-115. online edition [61] See Benjamin Wedel, Geheime Nachrichten und Briefe von Herrn Menantes Leben und Schriften (Cologne: Oelscher, 1731, reprint: Zentralantiquariat der DDR, Leipzig 1977).

Novel
[62] Jean Lombard, Courtilz de Sandras et la crise du roman à la fin du Grand Siècle (Paris: PUF, 1980). [63] Compare John Howell, The life and adventures of Alexander Selkirk: Containing the Real Incidents Upon which the Romance of Robinson Crusoe is Founded (Oliver & Boyd, 1829) and Diana Souhami, Selkirk’s Island: The True and Strange Adventures of the Real Robinson Crusoe (Harcourt, 2002). [64] See George Alexander Starr, Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography (Princeton: University Press, 1964). [65] See Wilhelm Füger, Die Entstehung des historischen Romans aus der fiktiven Biographie in Frankreich und England, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Courtilz de Sandras und Daniel Defoe (Munich, 1963). [66] See: The French Inquisition: or, The History of the Bastille in Paris [...] written by Constantin de Renneville (London: A. Bell/ T. Varnham/ J. Osborne/ W. Taylor/ J. Baker, 1715), fol. A2r-v. [67] See Crusoe’s own preface to the third volume of his work. [68] Volume 1 was reprinted in The Original London Post, or Heathcot’s Intelligence, numbers 125-202 (London: 7 October 1719 - 30 March 1720), volume 2 followed with numbers 203-89 (London, 1 April - 18 October 1720). The advertisement for W. Taylor’s edition of the second part in no. 202 implies that this was no pirated edition. It is rather likely that Taylor and Defoe allowed the serialization to the disadvantage of the rival pirate publishers. [69] See Wyatt James Dowling, Science, "Robinson Crusoe", and judgment: A commentary on Book III of Rousseau’s "Emile" [Boston College Dissertation] (2007). online edition. [70] See the beginning of the 19th-century chapter for a look back onto the process and for secondary literature. [71] The statistic includes a small number of plays that came out as "novels" or "romances" whilst both words also stood for genres of stories. [72] See the preface to her Exilius (London: E. Curll, 1715), online edition [73] See the preface to his third volume published in 1720 where he attacks all who said "that[..] the Story is feign’d,

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that the Names are borrow’d, and that it is all a Romance; that there never were any such Man or Place..." [74] The terminological fixation cannot be dated. John Howell used the word "romance" in 1829 in the title of his The life and adventures of Alexander Selkirk: Containing the Real Incidents Upon which the Romance of Robinson Crusoe is Founded (Oliver & Boyd, 1829). The word "novel" had by that time referred to Robinson Crusoe on the very same ground with the publication of Providence displayed: or, the remarkable adventures of Alexander Selkirk [...] whose adventures was founded the celebrated novel of Robinson Crusoe (Bristol: I. James etc., 1800). [75] The interpretation of worldly fictions was a novelty. Huet had gone, however, into this direction with a longer preparation. His De interpretatione libri duo, quorum prior est de optimo genere interpretandi alter de claris interpretibus (1661) had by 1670 become one of the greatest works in the field of theological interpretation. [76] See the extended excerpt of Stephen Lewis 1715 edition at Traitté de l’origine des romans (1670) for the collection of these statements and further literature. [77] The Works of T. Petronius Arbiter [...] second edition [...] made English by Mr. Wilson, Mr. Burnaby, Mr. Blount, Mr. Tho. Brown, Capt Ayloff, and several others (London: S. Briscoe/ J. Woodward/ J. Morphew, 1710). [78] The Works of Lucian, translated from the Greek, by several eminent hands, 2 vols. (London: S. Briscoe/ J. Woodward/ J. Morphew, 1711). [79] See The Adventures of Theagenes and Chariclia [...] written originally in Greek by Heliodorus Bishop of Tricca, in the Fourth Century, 2 vols. (London: W. Taylor/ E. Curll/ R. Gosling/ J. Hooke/ J. Browne/ J. Osborn, 1717). [80] A tongue in cheek reference to Huet can be found in The German Rogue: or, The Life and Merry Adventures, Cheats, Stratagems, And Contrivances of Tiel Eulespiegle [...] Made English from the High-Dutch (London, 1720), a German chapbook offered in the new design of a classic according to Huet.

Novel
[81] August Bohse’s (alias Talander) preface to the German edition starting in 1710 offers the link between the Arabian Nights and Huet. See: Die Tausend und eine Nacht [...] erstlich vom Hrn. Galland, der Kön. Academie Mitgliede, aus der arabischen Sprache in die frantzösische, und aus selbiger anitzo ins Teutsche übersetzt: erster und anderer Theil. Mit einer Vorrede von Talandern (Leipzig: J. L. Gleditsch/ M. G. Weidmann, 1710). [82] See for novels teaching strategies: Vera Lee, Love and strategy in the eighteenthcentury French novel (Schenkman Books, 1986), Anton Kirchhofer, Strategie und Wahrheit: Zum Einsatz von Wissen über Leidenschaften und Geschlecht im Roman der englischen Empfindsamkeit (München: Fink, 1995). online edition and the two first context chapters in Olaf Simons, Marteaus Europa, oder Der Roman, bevor er Literatur wurde (Amsterdam, 2001), p.200-207 and p.259-290. [83] The elegant and clearly fashionable edition of The Works of Lucian (London: S. Briscoe/ J. Woodward/ J. Morphew, 1711), would thus include the story of "Lucian’s Ass", vol.1 p.114-43. [84] Aphra Behn’s Love-Letters Between a Nobleman and His Sister (1684/ 1685/ 1687)—with her heroine becoming a high-tier prostitute—had explicit sex scenes and nonetheless became a classic that male and female readers of taste could openly praise. [85] See Robert Darnton, The Forbidden BestSellers of Pre-Revolutionary France (New York: Norton, 1995), Lynn Hunt, The Invention of Pornography: Obscenity and the Origins of Modernity, 1500-1800 (New York: Zone, 1996), Inger Leemans, Het woord is aan de onderkant: radicale ideeën in Nederlandse pornografische romans 1670 - 1700 (Nijmegen: Vantilt, 2002), and Lisa Z. Sigel, Governing Pleasures: Pornography and Social Change in England, 1815-1914 (January: Scholarly Book Services Inc, 2002). [86] See for the 17th- and 18th-century philosphical novel: The chapter "The Spinozistic Novel in French", in Jonathan Irvine Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity 1650-1750 (Oxford: UP, 2002),

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p.591-599, Roger Pearson, The fables of reason: a study of Voltaire’s "Contes philosophiques" (Oxford: UP, 1993), Dena Goodman, Criticism in action: Enlightenment experiments in political writing (Cornell: UP, 1989), Robert Francis O’Reilly, The Artistry of Montesquieu’s Narrative Tales (University of Wisconsin., 1967), and René Pomeau and Jean Ehrard, De Fénelon à Voltaire (Flammarion, 1998). [87] In-depth studies are here Jürgen Fohrmann’s Das Projekt der deutschen Literaturgeschichte (Stuttgart, 1989), giving the stucture of the following: Olaf Simons, Marteaus Europa, oder Der Roman, bevor er Literatur wurde (Amsterdam/ Atlanta: Rodopi, 2001), p.85-95, and p.116-193 and Lee Morissey’s, The Constitution of Literature. Literacy, Democracy, and Early English Literary Criticism (Stanford UP, 2008). For the conceptual change see: Rainer Rosenberg, "Eine verworrene Geschichte. Vorüberlegungen zu einer Biographie des Literaturbegriffs", Zeitschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Linguistik, 77 (1990), p.36-65, Richard Terry, "The Eighteenth-Century Invention of English Literature: A Truism Revisited", Journal for Eighteenth Century Studies, 19.1 (1996), p.47-62. [88] See Mark Rose, Authors and Owners: The Invention of Copyright 3rd ed. (Harvard University Press, 1993) and Joseph Lowenstein, The Author’s Due: Printing and the Prehistory of Copyright (University of Chicago Press, 2002) and, with a special perspective on the censor’s interest to establish copyright laws and thus to fix responsibilities: Lyman Ray Patterson, Copyright in Historical Perspective (Vanderbilt University Press, 1968). [89] See for the connection of criticism and the (early) modern nation building: Thomas Docherty, Criticism and Modernity: Aesthetics, Literature, and Nations in Europe and Its Academies (Oxford University Press, 1999) and Terry Eagleton, The Function of Criticism [1984] (Verso, 2005). [90] See for the project of a German "Nationalliteratur": Peter Uwe Hohendahl, Building a National

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Literature: The Case of Germany, 1830-1870 transl. by Renate Franciscono (Cornell University Press, 1989). [91] See Ian Hunter, Culture and Government. The Emergence of Literary Education (Basingstoke, 1988). [92] See on the politics of the 19th and 20th century canon building: John Guillory, Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation (University of Chicago Press, 1993) and Mihály SzegedyMaszák, Literary Canons: National and International (Akadémiai Kiadó, 2001). [93] See Susan Esmann, "Die Autorenlesung – eine Form der Literaturvermittlung", Kritische Ausgabe 1/2007 PDF; 0,8 MB. [94] See: Jürgen Fohrmann, Das Projekt der deutschen Literaturgeschichte (Stuttgart, 1989). [95] .Hippolyte Taine, Histoire of English Literature [French 1863] (1864) online edition [96] See: Edwin M. Eigner, George John Worth (hrsg.), Victorian criticism of the novel (Cambridge: CUP Archive, 1985). [97] See for the English market: Richard Altick and Jonathan Rose, The English Common Reader: A Social History of the Mass Reading Public, 1800-1900, 2nd ed. (Ohio State University Press, 1998) and William St. Clair, The Reading Nation in the Romantic Period (Cambridge: CUP, 2004). [98] See: James Engell, The committed word: Literature and Public Values (Penn State Press, 1999). [99] See: Sebastian Neumeister und Conrad Wiedemann (eds.), Res publica litteraria: Die Institutionen der Gelehrsamkeit in der frühen Neuzeit (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1987) and Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Cornell University Press, 1996). See also Lee Morissey, The Constitution of Literature. Literacy, Democracy, and Early English Literary Criticism (Stanford: Stanford UP, 2008). [100] ene H. Bell-Villada, Art for Art’s Sake & G Literary Life: How Politics and Markets Helped Shape the Ideology & Culture of Aestheticism, 1790-1990 (University of Nebraska Press, 1996). [101] ee for the following Gerald Ernest Paul S Gillespie, Manfred Engel, and Bernard

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Dieterle, Romantic prose fiction (John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2008). [102] ee Geoffrey Galt Harpham, On the S Grotesque: Strategies of Contradiction in Art and Literature, 2nd ed. (Davies Group, Publishers, 2006). [103] he early reviews immediately argued in T this direction. See John Wilson Croker’s criticism in his article "Waverley; or, ’tis Sixty Years since", Quarterly Review (November 1814), 354-77. [104] or the wider context of 19th century F encounters with history see: Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: John Hopkins University, 1977). [105] ee Scott Donaldson and Ann Massa S American Literature: Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (David & Charles, 1978), p. 205. On the publishing history of Uncle Tom’s Cabin: Claire Parfait, The Publishing History of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, 1852-2002 (Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2007). [106] ee D. Bruce Hindmarsh, The S Evangelical Conversion Narrative: Spiritual Autobiography in Early Modern England (Oxford University Press, 2005), Owen C. Watkins, The Puritan Experience: Studies in Spiritual Autobiography (Routledge & K. Paul, 1972). [107] ee Gustav Seibt, Goethe und Napoleon. S Eine historische Begegnung (München: C. H. Beck, 2008). [108]ohn Barth "The Literature of J Exhaustion" (1967) [109] lvin Kernan, The Death of Literature A (Yale University Press, 1990). [110] he entire English book production from T 1473 to 1700 became available to experts through Early English Books Online and the production from 1700 to 1800 through Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gallica France provides similar services for all French readers. Google is currently scanning massive numbers of 19th-century books. Html databases such as Project Gutenberg offer classic fiction. Modern Internet fiction exists on numerous platforms, with a special emphasis on graphic novels. [111] s of June 2008, the Potter series has A sold more than 400 million copies and

Novel
has been translated into 67 languages. Guy Dammann (June 18, 2008). "Harry Potter breaks 400m in sales". The Guardian (Guardian News and Media Limited). http://www.guardian.co.uk/ business/2008/jun/18/ harrypotter.artsandentertainment. Retrieved on 2008-10-17. [112]an-Pieter Barbian, Literaturpolitik im J "Dritten Reich". Institutionen, Kompetenzen, Betätigungsfelder, new edition (Stuttgart: dtv, 1995). [113] ee the chapters on the war production S of the most important German publisher of the period in Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann (eds.), Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 2002). See also: HansEugen and Edelgard Bühler, Der Frontbuchhandel 1939-1945. Organisationen, Kompetenzen, Verlage, Bücher (Frankfurt am Main: Buchhändler-Vereinigung, 2002). [114] ee: Sabrina Hassumani, Salman S Rushdie: a postmodern reading of his major works (Fairleigh Dickinson Univ Press, 2002). [115] ee e.g. Malise Ruthven, A satanic affair: S Salman Rushdie and the rage of Islam (Chatto & Windus, 1990), Girja Kumar, The book on trial: fundamentalism and censorship in India (Har-Anand Publications, 1997) and Madelena Gonzalez, Fiction After the Fatwa: Salman Rushdie and the Charm of Catastrophe (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2005). [116] ee: Donovan R. Walling, Under S Construction: The Role of the Arts and Humanities in Postmodern Schooling (Bloomington, Indiana: Phi Delta Kappa Educational Foundation, 1997). [117] ee Paul Brian, Modern South Asian S Literature in English (Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press, 2003). [118] ee for the rise of postcolonial S literatures Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, Helen Tiffin (eds.), The empire writes back: theory and practice in post-colonial literatures, 2nd edition (Routledge, 2002). [119] ee: Kjell Espmark, The Nobel Prize in S literature: a study of the criteria behind the choices (G.K. Hall, 1991), Julia Lovell, The politics of cultural capital: China’s quest for a Nobel Prize in

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literature (University of Hawaii Press, 2006) und Richard Wires, The Politics of the Nobel Prize in Literature: How the Laureates Were Selected, 1901-2007 (Edwin Mellen Press, 2009). [120] ee: Andrew Gurr, Writers in exile: the S identity of home in modern literature (Brighton, Sussex: Harvester Pr., 1981); John Glad (ed.), Literature in exile (Durham: Duke Univ. Pr., 1990); David Bevan (ed.), Literature and exile (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1990); James Whitlark and Wendell Aycock (eds.) The literature of emigration and exile (Lubbock, Tex: Texas Tech University Press, 1992); and Guy Stern, Literarische Kultur im Exil: gesammelte Beiträge zur Exilforschung (1989 - 1997) (Dresden: Dresden Univ. Press, 1998). [121] ata published in The Bookseller and D made available at Book Marketing Ltd. [122] ee the Press Release issued of February S 9, 2009. [123] ee titles like David Cole, The Complete S Guide to Book Marketing 2nd edition (Allworth Communications, Inc., 2004) and Alison Baverstock, How to Market Books: The Essential Guide to Maximizing Profit and Exploiting All Channels to Market, 4th edition (Kogan Page Publishers, 2008). [124] he term was first used by William James T in 1890 and entered the terminology of literary criticism with the discussions of Woolf and Joyce, as well as Faulkner. See Erwin R. Steinberg (ed.) The Stream-ofconsciousness technique in the modern novel (Port Washington, N.Y: Kennikat Press, 1979). On the extra-European usage of the technique see also: Elly Hagenaar/ Eide, Elisabeth, "Stream of consciousness and free indirect discourse in modern Chinese literature", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 56 (1993), p.621 and P. M. Nayak (ed.), The voyage inward: stream of consciousness in Indian English fiction (New Delhi: Bahri Publications, 1999). [125] ee for a first survey Brian McHale, S Postmodernist Fiction (Routledge, 1987) and John Docker, Postmodernism and popular culture: a cultural history (Cambridge University Press, 1994).

Novel
[126] ee Leslie Fiedler’s "Cross the border, S close the gap!" Playboy (December 1969). [127] oland Barthes, Mythologies [1957] R (New York: Hill & Wang, 1987). [128] oland Barthes "The Death of the R Author" [1969] in Image, Music, Text (London: Fontana, 1977). [129] ee Gérard Genette, Palimpsests, trans. S Channa Newman & Claude Doubinsky (Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press) and Graham Allan, Intertextuality (London/New York: Routledge, 2000). [130] ee Linda Hutcheon, Narcissistic S Narrative. The Metafictional Paradox (London: Routledge, 1984) and Patricia Waugh, Metafiction. The Theory and Practice of Self-conscious Fiction (London: Routledge 1988). [131] he statement was allegedly made by T Joyce in October 1921, recalled by Jacques Benoist-Mechin in 1956 before it became a standard with Richard Ellman’s biography, James Joyce (New York: Oxford UP, 1982) p.521. [132] aul Brians in his Notes for Salman P Rushdie,The Satanic Verses (1988) (Version February 13, 2004), p.5.] [133] aymond Federman, Critifiction: R Postmodern Essays, (Suny Press, 1993). [134] ee, for example, Susan Hopkins, Girl S Heroes: The New Force In Popular Culture (Annandale NSW:, 2002). [135] ee: Charles Irving Glicksberg, The S Sexual Revolution in Modern American Literature (Nijhoff, 1971) and his The Sexual Revolution in Modern English Literature (Martinus Nijhoff, 1973). On recent trends: Elizabeth Benedict, The Joy of Writing Sex: A Guide for Fiction Writers (Macmillan, 2002). Very interesting with its focus on trivial literature written for the female audience: Carol Thurston, The Romance Revolution: Erotic Novels for Women and the Quest for a New Sexual Identity (University of Illinois Press, 1987). [136] ee the page Romance Literature S Statistics: Overview (visited March 16, 2009) of Romance Writers of America homepage. The subpages offer further statistics for the years since 1998. [137] he German rediscovery of chapbooks in T the 1840s and their new identification as an extinct though truly original production of "Volksbücher", books the

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people had brought forth, is symptomatic here. See Karl Joseph Simrock’s edition Sammlung deutscher Volksbücher, 13 vols. (Frankfurt, 1845-67) and Jan Dirk Müller (ed.) in his Romane des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, vol. 1 (Frankfurt a. M., 1990). [138]ohn J. Richetti was the first to point out J the various similarities within the spectrum of genres. See his Popular Fiction before Richardson. Narrative Patterns 1700-1739 (Oxford: OUP, 1969). [139] ee Timothy Melley, Empire of S Conspiracy: The Culture of Paranoia in Postwar America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000). [140] an Brown on his website visited D February 3, 2009].

Novel

Further reading
Contemporary views
• : Paul Scarron, The Comical Romance, Chapter XXI. "Which perhaps will not be found very Entertaining" (London, 1700). Scarron’s plea for a French production rivalling the Spanish "Novels". online edition • : Pierre Daniel Huet, "Traitté de l’origine des Romans", Preface to Marie-Madeleine Pioche de La Vergne comtesse de La Fayette, Zayde, histoire espagnole (Paris, 1670). A world history of fiction. pdfedition Gallica France • : [Du Sieur], "Sentimens sur l’histoire" from: Sentimens sur les lettres et sur l’histoire, avec des scruples sur le stile (Paris: C. Blageart, 1680). The new novels as published masterly by Marie de LaFayette. online edition • : Abbe Bellegarde, "Lettre à une Dame de la Cour, qui lui avoit demandé quelques Reflexions sur l’Histoire" in: Lettres curieuses de littérature et de morale (La Haye: Adrian Moetjens, 1702). Paraphrase of Du Sieur’s text. online edition • : [Anon.] In English, French and German the Preface of The Secret History of Queen Zarah and the Zarazians (Albigion, 1705). Bellegarde’s article plagiarised. online edition • : Deutsche Acta Eruditorum, German review of the French translation of Delarivier Manley’s New Atalantis 1709 (Leipzig: J. L. Gleditsch, 1713). A rare example of a political novel discussed by a literary journal. online edition • : Jane Barker, preface to her Exilius or the Banish’d Roman. A New Romance (London: E. Curll, 1715). Plea for a "New Romance" following Fénlon’s Telmachus. online edition • : [Johann Friedrich Riederer], "Satyra von den Liebes-Romanen", from: Die abentheuerliche Welt in einer Pickelheerings-Kappe, 2 ([Nürnberg,] 1718). German satire about the wide spread reading of novels and romances. online edition • : Henry Fielding, preface to Joseph Andrews (London, 1742). The "comic epic in prose" and its poetics. online edition

See also
Genres of the novel
• Campus • Comic • Crime fiction • Fantasy • Gothic • Horror • Romance • Science fiction • Speculative • Spy • Thriller • Westerns

Novels-related articles
• • • • • • • Byzantine novel Chain novel First novel in English List of best-selling books Lists of books List of historical novels List of novels, the action of which takes place within 24 hours • Live novel • NaNoWriMo • The Internet Book Database

Literature
• Fiction • Novelette • Novella • Romance (genre) • Short story • Fiction writing • List of literary movements • Literature • Street Literature

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Novel
• Davis, Lennard J. (1983). Factual Fictions: The Origins of the English Novel. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-05420-3. • Spencer, Jane, The Rise of Woman Novelists. From Aphra Behn to Jane Austen (Oxford, 1986). • Armstrong, Nancy (1987). Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504179-8. • McKeon, Michael (1987). The Origins of the English Novel, 1600-1740. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-3291-8. • Reardon (ed.), Bryan (1989). Collected Ancient Greek Novels. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-04306-5. • Hunter, J. Paul (1990). Before Novels: The Cultural Contexts of Eighteenth-Century English Fiction. New York: Norton. ISBN 0-393-02801-1. • Ballaster, Ros (1992). Seductive Forms: Women’s Amatory Fiction from 1684-1740. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-811244-0. • Doody, Margaret Anne (1996). The True Story of the Novel. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-2168-8. • Relihan, Constance C. (ed.), Framing Elizabethan fictions: contemporary approaches to early modern narrative prose (Kent, Ohio/ London: Kent State University Press, 1996). ISBN 0873385519 • Reconsidering The Rise of the Novel: Eighteenth Century Fiction, Volume 12, Number 2-3, ed. David Blewett (JanuaryApril 2000). • McKeon, Michael, Theory of the Novel: A Historical Approach (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). • Josephine Donovan, Women and the Rise of the Novel, 1405-1726 revised edition (Palgrave Macmillan, 2000). • Simons, Olaf (2001). Marteaus Europa, oder, Der Roman, bevor er Literatur wurde: eine Untersuchung des Deutschen und Englischen Buchangebots der Jahre 1710 bis 1720. Amsterdam: Rodopi. ISBN 90-420-1226-9. A market study of the novel around 1700 interpreting contemporary criticism.

Secondary literature
• Erwin Rohde Der Griechesche Roman und seine Vorläufer (1876) [un-superseded history of the ancient novel] (German) • Lukács, Georg (1971, 1916). The Theory of the Novel. trans. Anna Bostock. Cambridge: M.I.T. Press. ISBN 0-262-12048-8. • Bakhtin, Mikhail. About novel. The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays. Ed. Michael Holquist. Trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist. Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1981. [written during the 1930s] • Watt, Ian (1957). The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding. Berkeley: University of Los Angeles Press. ISBN 0-520-23069-8. Watt reads Robinson Crusoe as the first modern "novel" and interprets the rise of the modern novel of realism as an achievement of English literature, owed to a number of factors from early capitalism to the development of the modern individual. • Burgess, Anthony (1963). The Novel Today. London: Longmans, Green. • Burgess, Anthony (1967). The Novel Now: A Student’s Guide to Contemporary Fiction. London: Faber. • Ben Edwin Perry The Ancient Romances (Berkeley, 1967) review: [3] • Richetti, John J. (1969). Popular Fiction before Richardson. Narrative Patterns 1700-1739. Oxford: OUP. ISBN. • Burgess, Anthony (1970). "Novel, The" – classic Encyclopædia Britannica entry. • Miller, H. K., G. S. (1970) Rousseau and Eric Rothstein, The Augustan Milieu: Essays Presented to Louis A. Landa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970). ISBN 0-19-811697-7 • Arthur Ray Heiserman The Novel Before the Novel (Chicago, 1977) ISBN 0226325725 • Madden, David; Charles Bane, Sean M. Flory (2006) [1979]. A Primer of the Novel: For Readers and Writers (revised ed. ed.). Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. ISBN 0-8108-5708-1. Updated edition of pioneering typology and history of over 50 genres; index of types and technique, and detailed chronology. • Spufford, Magaret, Small Books and Pleasant Histories (London, 1981).

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
• Inger Leemans, Het woord is aan de onderkant: radicale ideeën in Nederlandse pornografische romans 1670 - 1700 (Nijmegen: Vantilt, 2002). ISBN 90-75697-89-9. • Price, Leah (2003). The Anthology and the Rise of the Novel: From Richardson to George Eliot. London: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-53939-0. from Leah Price • Rousseau, George (2004). Nervous Acts: Essays on Literature Culture and Sensibility (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004). ISBN 1-4039-3454-1 • Mentz, Steve, Romance for sale in early modern England: the rise of prose fiction

Novel
(Aldershot [etc.]: Ashgate, 2006). ISBN 0-7546-5469-9 Schultz, Lydia, "Flowing against the traditional stream: consciousness in Tillie Olsen’s ’Tell Me a Riddle.’" Melus, 1997. Rubens, Robert, "A hundred years of fiction: 1896 to 1996. (The English Novel in the Twentieth Century, part 12)." Contemporary Review, December 1996. Anderson, John Dennis, "Student Companion to William Faulkner". Greenwood Publishing Group, 2007. ISBN 0313334390 To view three contemporary experimental novels, see http://bradmusil.kramernet.org

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