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Taiwanese people ???
Notable Taiwanese: Chien-Ming Wang · Ang Lee · Jay Chou · Chu Mu-yen Sadaharu Oh · Steve Chen · A-mei · Lee Teng-hui
Total population 24 million Regions with significant populations Republic of China (Taiwan) 23,007,737 overseas Taiwanese populations in: United States (Taiwanese American) Canada (Taiwanese Canadian) Australia (Taiwanese Australian) Philippines South Korea Languages Predominantly Taiwanese Mandarin, Taiwanese Minnan and Hakka; significant minorities practice Indigenous Taiwanese languages or other Chinese languages Religion predominantly Mahayana Buddhism and Taoism; minority Christianity, background of Confucianism and Chinese folk religion. Related ethnic groups Chinese people, Austronesian people 529,147 160,774 24,368 22,213 20,981   
Taiwanese people (traditional Chinese: ??? also ???; simplified Chinese: ???; pinyin: Táiwān rén; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Tâi-oân-lâng) may refer to individuals who either claim or are imputed cultural identity focused on the island of Taiwan and/or the lands and territories which have been governed by the Republic of China
since 1945. At least three competing (occasionally overlapping) paradigms are used to identify someone as a Taiwanese person: a nationalist criteria, self-identification (including the concept of "New Taiwanese") criteria, and socio-cultural criteria. These standards are fluid, in keeping with an evolving social and political milieu. The complexity resulting from competing and evolving standards is compounded by a larger dispute regarding Taiwan’s identity crisis, the political status of Taiwan, and its potential de jure Taiwan independence or political integration with the People’s Republic of China. According to official governmental statistics, 98% of Taiwan’s population is made up of Han Chinese, while 2% are Taiwanese aborigines. The composite category of "Taiwanese people" is often reputed by many Taiwanese to include a significant population of at least four constituent ethnic groups: the Hoklo (70%), the Hakka (15%), Mainlander (13%), and Taiwanese Aborigines (2%) (Copper 2003:12-13);(Hsiao 2004:105). Although the concept of the "four great ethnic groups" was a deliberate attempt by the Hoklo dominated Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to diffuse Taiwanese-Mainlander tensions, this conception has become a dominant frame of reference for dealing with Taiwanese ethnic and national issues (Makeham 2005:4-5). Despite the wide use of the "four great ethnic groups" in public discourse as essentialized identities, the relationships between the peoples of Taiwan have been in a constant state of convergence and negotiation for centuries. The continuing process of cross-ethnic mixing with ethnicities from within and outside Taiwan, combined with the disappearance of ethnic barriers due to a shared sociopolitical experience, has led to the emergence of "Taiwanese" as a larger ethnic group (Harrell/Huang 1994:14-15).
Definitions of Taiwanese
Although group identity is often claimed on the basis of race and culture, for Taiwanese specifically, it is held together by a common socio-political experience (Corcuff 2000). Any
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connection Taiwanese may have with one another is purely subjective, based on the shared belief in a common destiny stemming from the very real parameters of daily life, including government, economy, education, popular culture and mass media (Anderson 1983; Hsiau 2000:10-14). However, political leaders often attempt to manipulate and fix identities for political gain, by assigning an essentialist identity to a community. It should also be noted that identities are not fixed, but fluid and change with time and memory or in response to a changing environment rather than stemming from a primordial or authentic source (Bhabha 1994:1; Brown 2004:5). New identities are continually emerging based on individuals’ perceptions of commonalities and differences as the patterns of local communities, kinship and language pattern usage change with economic, cultural and demographic change, and on the national experience (Harrell 1996:5).
colonized and the colonizer polarized the two groups (Fujii 2006:70-73). The concept of "race" was utilized as a tool to confirm and facilitate Japanese political policies. A system of household registers based on the notion of race to separate and define groups of subjects. From within the group of "non-Japanese" the government divided Han citizens into "Han" and "Hakka" based on their perception of linguistic and cultural differences. The Japanese also maintained the Qing era classification of Aborigines as either "raw" or "cooked" (Brown 2004:8), which to the Japanese embodied the social ramification of ethnic origin and perceived loyalty to the empire (Wolf & Huang 1980:19).
Martial law era
In 1945, Taiwan entered the political sphere of the Republic of China (ROC). Shortly after the armistice with Japan, many people in Taiwan simply referred to themselves as "Chinese". Shortly following the Kuomintang’s arrival, however, social conflict erupted in the midst of rampant government corruption, soaring inflation and an increasing flow of immigrants from mainland China. The latter were preferred for jobs in the civil service as opposed to Taiwanese who were regarded as "untrustworthy"(Phillips 2003:8-9). Recurrent violent suppression of dissent also played an important role in enforcing a separate sense of "Taiwanese-ness" (Gates 1981:253-275). Under the Kuomintang’s structure, "Taiwanese" became a strong "regional" identity. The term has often been used synonymously with benshengren, a term which covered both Hoklo and Hakka whose ancestors arrived in Taiwan before the Japanese restrictions on immigration in 1895. "Taiwanese" was used in contrast with waishengren (mainlanders), who included the people who followed the KMT to Taiwan between 1945 and 1949 and their descendants. The government tended to stress provincial identities, with identification cards and passports issued until the late 1990s displaying one’s ancestral province and county. During this period the terms "cooked" and "raw" Aborigines disappeared. The former "raw" Aborigines were termed Shandi Tongbao, Gaoshanzu (Mountain Race) or Gaoshan Tongbao (Mountain Compatriots).
The history of Taiwanese identity
The earliest notion of a Taiwanese group identity emerged in the form of a national identity following the Qing Dynasty’s ceding of Taiwan to Japan in the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895 (Morris 2002:3-6). Prior to Japanese rule, residents of Taiwan developed relationships based on class solidarity and social connections rather than ethnic identity. Although Han often cheated Aborigines, they also married and supported one another against other residents of the same ethnic background. Taiwan was the site of frequent feuding based on ethnicity, lineage and place of origin Lamley 1981; Harrell 1990; Shepherd 1993:310-323.
In the face of the Japanese colonial hierarchy, the people of Taiwan were faced with the unequal binary relationship between colonizer/colonized. This duality between "one" and "other" was evident in the seven years of violence between the Japanese and groups of united anti-Japanese Han and Aborigines (Katz 2005). Only later did the Japanese attempt to incorporate Taiwanese into the Japanese identity as "loyal subjects", but the difference between the experience of the
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southeast Asia, the Philippines, Europe, the Americas and the Pacific Islands. The increasing number of marriages between Taiwanese and other countries creates a problem for the rigid definitions of ethnic identity used by both the ROC and the PRC when discussing Taiwan (Harrell 1995). In one-fourth of all marriages in Taiwan today, one partner will be from another country and one out of every twelve children is born to a family of mixed parentage. As Taiwan’s birthrate is among the lowest in the world, this contingent is playing an increasingly important role in changing Taiwan’s demographic makeup.
With Taiwan’s political liberalization in the 1970s and 1980s, encouraged by Taiwan’s changing international status, the concept of a "Taiwanese people" became politicized by opponents of the KMT. The "tang wai" movement deployed concepts of "Taiwanese identity" against the authoritarian KMT government, often using extreme tactics to build a short-term ethno-centric opposition to the KMT (Edmunson 2002:34-42). The campaign saw resonance with the people of Taiwan and the term "Taiwanese" has been used by politicians of all parties to refer to the electorate in an effort to secure votes. The concept of a separate Taiwanese identity has become such an integral factor to the election culture in Taiwan, that identifying as a Taiwanese has become essential to being elected in Taiwan (Corcuff 2002:243-249).
In a 2002 poll by the Democratic Progressive Party, over 50% of the respondents considered themselves "Taiwanese" only, up from less than 20% in 1991 (Dreyer 2003). In a poll released in December 2006 by the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF), 57% of people on Taiwan consider themselves to be Taiwanese. 23% Chinese and 20% both Chinese and Taiwanese (China Post, 2006). In June 2008, according to a poll from a Taiwanese mainstream media TVBS, when the respondents are not told that a Taiwanese can also be a Chinese, 68% of the respondents identify themselves as "Taiwanese" while 18% would call themselves "Chinese".  The sense of a collective Taiwanese identity has continued to increase despite fluctuations in support for pro-independence political parties. This has been cited as evidence that the concept of Taiwanese identity is not the product of local political manipulation, but an actual phenomenon of ethnic and sociopolitical identities (Corcuff 2002:137-149, 207; Hsiao 2003:157-170).
The term "New Taiwanese" (????) was coined by former President of the Republic of China, Lee Teng-hui in 1995 to bridge the ethnic cleavage which formed following the February 28 Incident in 1947 and characterized the frigid relations between waishengren and benshengren during forty years of martial law. Although the "xin Taiwan guan" (????; New Taiwanese Concept) or "xin Taiwan lun" (????; The debate on the new Taiwanese identity) was originally aimed at the successive generations of Taiwanese with mainlander ancestry, it has been further articulated by Lee and other political and social leaders to refer to any person who loves Taiwan and is committed to calling Taiwan home. Although critics have called the "New Taiwanese Concept" a political ploy to win votes from benshengren who regarded the KMT as an alien regime, it has remained an important factor in the dialectic between ethnic identities in Taiwan. Despite being adopted early on by former Provincial Governor James Soong (1997) and later by, then Taipei mayoral candidate Ma Ying-jeou (1999), the term has since been dropped from contemporary political rhetoric (Corcuff 2002:186-188).
History of the major socio-cultural groups
According to the Republic of China government, the majority of Taiwan’s 23 million population consist of 98% Han Chinese (GIO 2004) with a minority Austronesian population of less than 500,000. Migration to Taiwan from southern Asia began approximately 12,000 BCE, but large-scale migration to Taiwan did not occur until the 18th to the
In contemporary Taiwan the phenomenon of mixed marriages between couples comprising different ethnic groups has grown to include people from the Indian subcontinent,
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beginning of the 20th century as a result of political and economic chaos in China (Shepherd 1993; Bellwood 2000; Blust 1988). The first large scale migration occurred as a result of the Manchu invasion and conquest of China, overthrowing the Ming dynasty and establishing the Qing dynasty, which was established in 1644 and remained until 1911. In 1624, the Dutch East India Company, with on the suggestion of the Ming Court, established an outpost in Tainan in southern Taiwan. The Dutch soon realized Taiwan’s potential as a colony for trading deer hide, venison, rice, and sugar. However, Aborigines were not interested in developing the land and transporting settlers from Europe would be too costly. Due to the resulting labor shortage, the Dutch opted to hire Han farmers from across the Taiwan Strait (Andrade 2006). Migration of male laborers from Fujian steadily increased into the 18th and 19th century. In time, this migration and the gradual removal of ethnic markers(coupled with the acculturation, intermarriage and assimilation of plains Aborigines with the Han) resulted in the wide spread adoption of Han patterns of behavior making Taiwanese Han the ethnic majority. It was not until the Japanese arrival in 1895 that Taiwanese first developed a collective Taiwanese identity in contrast to that of the colonizing Japanese (Morris 2002). When the Chinese Civil War broke out between Kuomintang nationalists and the Chinese communists in 1945, there was another mass migration of people from China to Taiwan fleeing the communists. These migrants are known as the Mainlanders. The descendants of Hoklo, Hakka and plains Aborigines who have lived together on Taiwan for over four hundred years and have come to be known as benshengren, or native Taiwanese.
A group of Taiwanese Aborigines over much of the island’s rugged central mountain range and concentrated in villages along the alluvial plains. Today, the bulk of the contemporary Taiwanese Aborigine population reside in the mountains and the major cities. The total population of Aborigines on Taiwan is around 458,000 as of January 2006, (CIP 2006) which is approximately 2% of Taiwan’s population. The cities of Yilan, Hualien, and Taitung are known for their aboriginal communities. In the 1990s several groups of recognized indigenous tribes, which had traditionally viewed themselves as separate, united under the singular ethnonym ’???’ or ’Aborigines’ (Stainton 1999).
The Hoklo communities in Taiwan originated from male laborers from Fujian (hired by the Dutch), some of whom married into Lowland Taiwanese aborigine communities. Official statistics show that Aborigines make-up less than 2% of Taiwan’s population, they are often referring to those citizens who the government identifies as Aborigines and may not reflect actual identification or hybridity. There are fragmented populations of lowland Aborigines who still acknowledge their identity and heritage throughout Taiwan. Others have assimilated to a degree where their descendants speak Taiwanese and identify with the Hoklo majority, and it is possible to find families where the older members still identify themselves as lowland aborigine, while the rest of the family may identify as Hoklo. Among the Hoklo, the common idiom, "has Tangshan father, no Tangshan mother" (????? ????) refers how the Han people crossing the Taiwan Strait were mostly male, whereas
Taiwanese Aborigines or Aboriginal peoples (Chinese: ???; pinyin: yuánzhùmín; WadeGiles: yüan2-chu4-min2; Taiwanese Pe̍h-oē-jī: gôan-chū-bîn, literally "original inhabitants") are the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. Their ancestors are believed to have been living on the islands for approximately 8,000 years before major Han Chinese immigration began in the 1600s (Blust 1999). Taiwan’s Austronesian speakers were traditionally distributed
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their offspring would be through marriage with female Taiwanese aborigines.
Unlike, the Hoklo and Hakka of Taiwan, who felt excluded by the new government, the mainlanders and their families supported the nationalists and embraced the official "culture" as their own, with "national culture" being taught in school (Wilson 1970). The mainlanders used their embrace of Nationalist culture to identify themselves as the authentic Chinese people of Taiwan. People identifying themselves as "mainlanders" can now be found in all parts of Taiwan, and through government agriculture and construction campaigns of the 1960s, "mainlander" communities or mixed marriage communities have been established in the high mountains and along the east coast.
The Taiwanese Hakka communities, although arriving to Taiwan from Eastern Guangdong and the mountains of Fujian, have also likely mixed through intermarriage with lowland Aborigines as well. Hakka family trees are known for identifying the male ancestors by their ethnic Hakka heritage while leaving out information on the identity of the female ancestors. Also, during the process of intermarriage and assimilation, many of the lowland Aborigines and their families adopted Hoklo and Hakka family names. Much of this happened in Taiwan prior to the Japanese colonization of Taiwan, so that by the time of the Japanese colonization, most of the population that the Japanese classified as "Chinese" Hoklo and "Chinese" Hakka were in truth already of mixed ancestry. Physical features of both Taiwanese aborigine and Chinese can be found amongst the Taiwanese mainstream today.It is also believed by many scholars that the Hakka of Taiwan are mainly the descendants of Hakka assimilated ethnic Shi people from the mountainous area between Fujian and Guangdong, with linguistic relations to Min nan speakers (Norman 1988).
Both Chinese and Taiwanese nationalists have often tried to validate their political claims based on biology and implied ancestry. Despite the advancement of genetic research and diaspora studies of human populations around the globe, there is no clear evidence to suggest any correlation between genetic or biological similarities or differences, and political or national identities. The Hoklo and Hakka linguistic groups, which statistically make up the majority of Taiwan’s population, can trace some of their historical cultural roots to Minnan- and Hakka-speaking peoples come from what is now China, predominantly the southern provinces of Fujian and Guangdong. Much of the original migrations from mainland China were largely male, so there was considerable intermarriage with local plains aboriginal groups. The human leukocyte antigen typing study and mitochondrial DNA analysis performed in recent years show that more than 88% of the benshengren population have some degree of aboriginal origin (Sim 2003). The lack of a definite genetic record of plains Aborigines, or conclusive understanding of their proto-Austronesian roots, further complicates the use of genetic data (Blust 1988). A study of the depletion of Asian and Pacific Islanders demonstrates a noticeable difference between Han in mainland China and on Taiwan (Stone 2000:351-357). A Mahalanobis generalized distance survey of 29 male groups categorized Taiwanese as a separate subgroup of Northern Asian different from Mongolia, Korea, Shanghai, Nanjing and Hangzhou, associating Taiwanese closer to
The descendants of mainlanders settled first within the heart of large urban centers in Taiwan such as Taipei, Taichung, or Kaohsiung. High numbers of government officials and civil servants who followed the KMT to Taiwan and occupied the positions of the colonial government moved into the official dormitories and residences built by the Japanese for civil servants. The ghettoization of mainlander communities exacerbated the divisions imagined by non-mainlander groups, and stymied cultural integration and assimilation into mainstream Taiwanese culture (Gates 1981). Nationalization campaigns undertaken by the KMT established an official "culture", which reflected the KMT government’s own preference for what it considered authentic Chinese culture. This excluded many of the local Taiwanese practices and local cultures, including the diverse cultures brought to Taiwan by the mainlanders from all parts of China (Wachman 1994).
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groups from Hainan, Japan, Ainu and Atayal (Pietrusewsky 2000:400-409).
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Notable Taiwanese people
• Chang Yung-fa, founder of the Evergreen Group • Steve Chen, co-founder and CTO of YouTube • David Chu, founder of Nautica • Hou Hsiao-hsien, renowned Taiwanese cinema director • Takeshi Kaneshiro, half-Taiwanese actor • Ang Lee, award-winning Hollywood film director • Lee Yuan-tze, Nobel Prize-winning chemist • Cho-Liang Lin, famous violinist • Stan Shih, founder of Acer, the third largest computer manufacturer in the world • Chien-Ming Wang, Major League Baseball pitcher for the New York Yankees • Jerry Yang, founder of Yahoo! • Momofuku Ando, also known as Pai-Fu Wu, inventor of instant noodle. • Henry Lee, Chief Emeritus Scientific Services for the State of Connecticut
 Taiwan Ministry of the Interior - List of Taiwan population by month, September 2008  http://www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/ 5-gp/island/  Taiwan independence leader Peng Mingmin, in his memoir A Taste of Freedom recalls: "One day I fell into conversation with two Americans in a jeep beside the road (in early occupied Japan), and in passing explained to them that I was not Japanese, but a Chinese from Formosa. It was something of a shock to find myself for the first time openly and proudly making this distinction" (Peng 1972:45).  Gender Imbalances and the Twisted Marriage Market in Taiwan  "????????????????" (PDF). TVBS. http://www.tvbs.com.tw/FILE_DB/DL_DB/ even/200806/even-20080610175239.pdf. Retrieved on 2008-06-20.
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Political Nationalism in Contemporary Taiwan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Marsh, Robert (2002). "National Identity and Ethnicity in Taiwan" in Stephane Corcuff (Ed.) Memories of the Future: National Identity Issues and A New Taiwan. London: M.E. Sharpe. Martin, Howard (1996). "The Hakka Ethnic Movement in Taiwan" in in (Ed.) Nicole Constable, Guest People:Hakka Identity in China and Abroad. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press Morris, Andrew (2002). Memories of the Future: National Identity Issues and The Search for a New Taiwan. ed. Stephane Corcuff. New York: M.E. Sharpe. Norman, Jerry (1988). Chinese:Cambridge Language Surveys. UK: Cambridge University Press. Peng, Ming-min (1971). A Taste of Freedom:Memoirs of a Formosan Independence Leader. Chicago, New York, London: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Pietrusewsky, Michael (2000). "Metric Analysis of Skeletal Remains: Methods and Applications" in Anne Katzenberg and Shelly Saunders (Ed.) Biological Anthropology of the Human Skeleton. New York: Wiley-Liss, Inc.. Phillips, Steven E. (2003). Between Assimilation and Independence: The Taiwanese Encounter Nationalist China, 1945-1950. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press ISBN 0804744572 Said, Edward (1979). Orientalism. UK: Vintage Books. Sim, Kiantek (2003). Taiwan Xue Tong (Taiwan Blood Types). Taipei: Qian Wei Press. Shepherd, John R (1993). Statecraft and Political Economy on the Taiwan Frontier 1600-1800. Ca: Stanford University Press. Stone, Anne C (2002). "Ancient DNA from Skeletal Remains" in Anne Katzenberg and Shelly Saunders (Ed.) Biological Anthropology of the Human Skeleton. New York: Wiley-Liss, Inc.. Stainton, Michael (1999). "The Politics of Taiwan Aboriginal Origins" in Murray A. Rubinstein (Ed.) Taiwan A New History. New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc. Teng, Emma JinHua (2004). Taiwan’s Imagined Geography:Chinese Travel Writing and Pictures 1683-1895. MA: The Harvard University Asia Center.
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• Wachman, Alan A (1994). Taiwan: National Identity and Democratization. New York: M.E. Sharpe. • Wilson, Richard W (1970). The Political Socialization of Children in Taiwan. MA: M.I.T. Press. • Wolf and Huang, Arthur and Chieh-shan (1980). Marriage and Adoption in China • Wu, David Y.H (2002). "The Construction of Chinese and Non-Chinese Identities" in Susan D. Blum and Lionel M. Jenson (Ed.) China Off Center: Mapping the Margins of the Middle Kingdom. HA: University of Hawaii Press. • • • • • • • • • • •
Taiwanese aborigines Hoklo people Hakka people Mainlander List of Taiwanese people List of ethnic groups in Taiwan Chinese people Han Chinese Political status of Taiwan Taiwanese nationalism History of Taiwan
• The Hakka People • Taiwanese Hakka • Taiwan, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department of State
• Demographics of Taiwan