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Cato Institute

Cato Institute
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Established Chairman President Faculty Staff Budget Location Address Website

1977 Robert A. Levy Edward H. Crane 46 100 $29 million Washington, D.C. 1000 Massachusetts Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20001

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The Cato Institute is a libertarian think tank headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Institute’s stated mission is "to broaden the parameters of public policy


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
debate to allow consideration of the traditional American principles of limited government, individual liberty, free markets, and peace" by striving "to achieve greater involvement of the intelligent, lay public in questions of (public) policy and the proper role of government." Cato scholars conduct policy research on a broad range of public policy issues, and produce books, studies, op-eds, and blog posts. They are also frequent guests in the media. The Cato Institute is non-partisan, and its scholars’ views are not consistently aligned with either major political party. For example, Cato scholars were sharply critical of the Bush administration on a wide variety of issues, including the Iraq war, civil liberties, education, health care, agriculture, energy policy, and excessive government spending. However, on other issues, most notably Social Security,[1][2] global warming,[3][4] tax policy,[5] and immigration,[6][7][8][9][10] Cato scholars had praised Bush administration initiatives. During the 2008 U.S. presidential election, Cato scholars criticized both majorparty candidates, John McCain[11][12] and Barack Obama.[13][14]

Cato Institute
Rothbard was a founding member of the institute’s board and is credited with suggesting the name. He later came into sharp disagreement with other members, resulting in his dismissal in 1981.[15][16] Cato relocated to Washington, D.C. in 1981, settling first in a townhouse on Capitol Hill.[17] The Institute moved to its current location on Massachusetts Avenue in 1993. In November 2002, shortly after Cato’s website was named the "Best Advocacy Website" by the Web Marketing Association, the Alexa ratings service issued a report saying that it was "the most popular think tank site over the past three months," receiving a total of 188,901 unique visitors during the previous month of September.[18]

The Cato Institute publishes the periodicals: Cato’s Letter, Cato Journal, Regulation, Cato Supreme Court Review, Cato Policy Report, policy studies. Some of Cato’s books include Social Security: The Inherent Contradiction, In Defense of Global Capitalism, Voucher Wars, You Can’t Say That!: The Growing Threat to Civil Liberties from Antidiscrimination Laws, Peace and Freedom: A Foreign Policy for a Constitutional Republic, Restoring the Lost Constitution, and Reclaiming the Mainstream: Individualist Feminism Reconsidered.[19][20] Cato published Inquiry Magazine from 1977 to 1982 (before transferring it to the Libertarian Review Foundation), and Literature of Liberty from 1978 to 1979 (before transferring it to the Institute for Humane Studies, where it was ended in 1982). They also had a monograph series called "Cato Papers".


Cato Institute building in Washington, D.C. The Institute was founded in San Francisco, California in 1977 by Edward H. Crane and initially funded by Charles G. Koch. The Institute is named after Cato’s Letters, a series of British essays penned in the early 18th century by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon expounding the political views of philosopher John Locke. The essays were named after Cato the Younger, the defender of republican institutions in Rome. Libertarian Murray

The Cato Institute’s work is rooted in the classical liberal tradition of John Locke and Adam Smith. Cato scholars base their work on a variety of philosophical and religious perspectives. Three Nobel Laureates have been particularly influential to the Cato Institute’s work. Milton Friedman first proposed the concept of school choice, which is now


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
promoted by Cato’s Center for Educational Freedom. He also was an influential advocate for a number of policy proposals supported by Cato scholars, including monetarism and the end of the draft and the drug war. F.A. Hayek’s ideas about spontaneous order and the importance of the price mechanism have been fundamental to Cato scholars’ work on a wide variety of topics. And James M. Buchanan’s work in public choice economics have been fundamental to Cato scholars’ critiques of many government programs. Many strands of thought have influenced the work of various Cato scholars. For example, a 2005 pamphlet by Dan Griswold, Cato’s director of trade policy studies, made the case for individual liberty from a Christian perspective.[21] Cato policy analyst Will Wilkinson has argued that the case for liberty can best be made by combining key insights of Friedrich Hayek and John Rawls, a political philosopher whose egalitarian ideas are often thought of as antithetical to libertarianism.[22] Ayn Rand’s philosophy of Objectivism has also had a particularly strong influence on the Cato Institute. Objectivists share with other libertarians a respect for individual liberty, free markets, and limited government. In 1997, David Boaz, Cato’s executive VP, wrote of his belief that all Objectivists are necessarily libertarians.[23]

Cato Institute
budgetary spending, and neoconservative foreign policies. Cato scholars have also been strongly critical of the expansion of executive power under President George W. Bush[26], and his management of the Iraq War.[27] In 2006 and 2007, Cato published two books critical of the Republican Party’s perceived abandonment of the limited-government ideals that swept them into power in 1994.[28][29] For their part, only a minority of Republican congressmen supported President George W. Bush’s 2005 proposal to partially privatize Social Security, an idea strongly backed by the Institute. And in the 109th Congress, President Bush’s immigration plan—which was based on a proposal by Cato scholar Dan Griswold[30]—went down to defeat largely due to the eventual opposition of conservative Republican congressmen.[31] Cato President Ed Crane has particular scorn for neoconservatism. In a 2003 article with Cato chairman emeritus William Niskanen, he called neoconservatism a "particular threat to liberty perhaps greater than the ideologically spent ideas of left-liberalism."[32] As far back as 1995, Crane wrote that neoconservatives "have a fundamentally benign view of the state," which Crane considers antithetical to libertarian ideals of individual freedom.[33] Cato’s foreign policy team have frequently criticized neoconservative foreign policy.[34]

Relationship with conservatism
In the years immediately following the Republican Revolution, the Cato Institute was often seen as a standard-bearer of the U.S. conservative political movement. Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan, credited with reshaping and rejuvenating the Republican Party, and key contributors to the late-20th century conservative movement, were heavily influenced by libertarian ideals. Despite this, the Cato Institute officially resists being labeled as part of the conservative movement because "conservative smacks of an unwillingness to change, of a desire to preserve the status quo".[24] Such tensions have become increasingly evident in recent years, as the Institute has become sharply critical of current Republican leaders.[25] The growing division may be attributable to Republican officeholders’ growing support of policies promoting government intervention in the economy and society, increased

Relationship with progressives
As with the conservative side of the political spectrum, there are some similarities between progressives and libertarians, including their shared skepticism of war, tolerance for non-traditional lifestyles, and commitment to civil liberties. Interest in such possibilities has increased as a result of disillusionment with the Bush administration and the Iraq War. However, there has been continuing disagreement over the basis on which such co-operation might take place. Cato’s scholars advocate positions that are appealing to many on the left-hand side of the American political spectrum, including support for civil liberties, liberal immigration policies, equal rights for gays and lesbians [35] [36], and peace. An early example of this effort was the launching of Inquiry Magazine, which was aimed at liberals who shared libertarians’ skepticism about concentrated state


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power. Similarly, Cato scholars advance many positions that those on the left do not favor, such as smaller government, school choice, and second-amendment rights. More recently, in 2006, Markos Moulitsas proposed the term Libertarian Democrat to describe his progressive position, suggesting that libertarians should be allies of the Democratic Party. Replying, Cato vice president for research Brink Lindsey agreed that libertarians and liberals should view each other as natural ideological allies[37], but noted continuing differences between mainstream progressive views on economic policy and Cato’s "Jeffersonian philosophy". The Jeffersonian philosophy that animates Cato’s work has increasingly come to be called "libertarianism" or "market liberalism." It combines an appreciation for entrepreneurship, the market process, and lower taxes with strict respect for civil liberties and skepticism about the benefits of both the welfare state and foreign military adventurism.[38] However, there remain significant differences between progressives and libertarians on issues such as taxes, gun ownership, and school choice. As a consequence, the Cato Institute has criticized a number of decisions made by President Obama, just as it has regularly criticized decisions made by former President Bush.

Cato Institute
worked for years to improve relations between Objectivists and libertarians.[41]

Cato positions on current political issues
Following its motto, Cato scholars advocate policies that advance "individual liberty, limited government, free markets, and peace.” They are libertarian in their policy positions, typically advocating diminished government intervention in domestic, social, and economic policies and decreased military and political intervention worldwide. Specific policy proposals advanced by Cato scholars include such measures as abolishing the minimum wage,[42] reforming illegal-drug policies,[43] eliminating corporate welfare and trade barriers,[44] diminishing federal government involvement in the marketplace[45] and in local and state issues,[46] enhanced school choice,[47] abolishing government-enforced discrimination, including both traditionally conservative racial profiling and traditionally liberal affirmative action, and abolishing restrictions on discrimination by private parties.[48]

On Social Security
The Cato Institute established its Project on Social Security Privatization in 1995, renaming it the Project on Social Security Choice in 2002. The change sought to emphasize that its proposals would allow Americans to opt in or out of the program. Like other organizations supporting the "personal healthcare savings accounts" concept, Cato scholars now avoid using the word privatization in describing such policies, due to the presently unpopular sentiments that the public associates with it.[1] Cato’s Social Security proposal involves giving workers the option of investing half of their contributions (6.2 per cent) into individual accounts, in return for forgoing the accrual of any future Social Security entitlement benefits. For workers selecting this option, future claims on already-accrued Social Security benefits could be sold as bonds, allowing the workers to re-invest those funds in higher-yielding securities, if desired. However, for these workers, past and future payroll tax contributions to Social Security, nominally made on behalf of the employer, would go to funding the Social Security

Relationship with Objectivism
Relations between the Cato Institute and Objectivist organizations have not always been cozy. Ayn Rand scorned the nascent libertarian movement[39], and her intellectual heir, Leonard Peikoff, has followed her lead, refusing to associate with libertarian organizations, Cato included. Other Objectivist organizations, notably the Atlas Society, have been friendlier. At an October 2007 event to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Atlas Shrugged, Cato President and Founder Ed Crane stated that he and all the senior leadership of the Cato Institute consider themselves Objectivists.[40] He emphasized that Objectivists and other libertarians are natural allies, and encouraged Objectivists to become more involved in the libertarian movement. Cato Institute leaders have


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benefits of people remaining in the traditional system. Cato scholars have emphasized that the present Social Security system is unsustainable, and will necessitate future tax hikes and benefit cuts to make ends meet. Because of the "pay as you go" nature of the system, present workers are taxed to support past ones (i.e., current retirees). As the ratio of workers-to-retirees drops, workers will bear an increasing payroll-tax burden. Cato scholars also emphasize the benefits of inheritability. Unlike the status quo, Cato’s plan would allow workers who die before reaching their (variable) retirement age to leave the assets in their personal accounts to legal heirs. In 2003, the Cato Institute said that Bush’s social security privatization plan could be funded if funding for corporate welfare were reduced.[2]

Cato Institute
position as an unrivaled superpower tempts policymakers to constantly overreach and to redefine ever more broadly the "national interest." [50] Cato policy experts have been similarly critical of recent perceived infringements upon American’s civil liberties. They sharply criticized then-Attorney General Janet Reno’s 1993 raid of the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas. More recently, they have opposed the USA Patriot Act, the imprisonment of socalled unlawful enemy combatants like José Padilla, and the second Bush Administration’s aggressive assertions of unilateral executive authority.

On other domestic issues
Cato has published strong criticisms of the 1998 settlement that many U.S. states signed with the tobacco industry.[51] Among other laissez-faire policies, Cato scholars have argued for allowing immigrants to work in the U.S.[52] The Cato Institute published a study proposing a Balanced Budget Veto Amendment to the United States Constitution.[53] This would, according to the study’s author, act as a self-enforcing mechanism to reduce deficit spending by the U.S. government. In 2003 Cato filed an amicus brief in support of the Supreme Court’s decision in Lawrence v. Texas, which struck down the few remaining state laws that made private, non-commercial homosexual relations between consenting adults illegal. Cato cited the 14th Amendment, among other things, as the source of their support for the ruling. The amicus brief was cited in Justice Kennedy’s majority opinion for the Court. Domestically, Cato scholars have been sharp critics of current U.S. drug policy,[43] and the perceived growing militarization of U.S. law enforcement.[54] Additionally, there is a strong objection to "nanny" laws such as smoking bans and mandatory seatbelt use.

On foreign policy and civil liberties
In recent years, Cato’s non-interventionist foreign policy views, and strong support for civil liberties, have frequently led Cato scholars to criticize those in power, Republican and Democrat. Cato scholars opposed President George H. W. Bush’s 1991 Gulf War operations, President Bill Clinton’s interventions in Haiti and Kosovo, and President George W. Bush’s 2003 invasion of Iraq. As a response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Cato scholars supported the removal of al Qaeda and the Taliban regime from power, and are against an indefinite and open-ended military occupation of Afghanistan. Ted Galen Carpenter, Cato’s Vice President for Defense and Foreign Policy Studies, criticized many of the arguments offered to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq. One of the war’s earliest critics, Carpenter wrote in January 2002, "Ousting Saddam would make Washington responsible for Iraq’s political future and entangle the United States in an endless nation-building mission beset by intractable problems." Carpenter also predicted, "Most notably there is the issue posed by two persistent regional secession movements: the Kurds in the north and the Shiites in the south."[49] Cato’s Director of Foreign Policy Studies, Christopher Preble, argues in The Power Problem: How American Military Dominance Makes Us Less Safe, Less Prosperous, and Less Free, that America’s

On environmental policy
Cato scholars have written extensively about the issues of the environment, including global warming, environmental regulation, and energy policy. The Cato Institute lists "Energy and the Environment" as one of its 13 major "research issues",[55] and global warming is one of six sub-topics under this heading.[56] The Institute has issued over two


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dozen studies on energy and environmental topics in recent years, which is on par with Cato’s other research areas.[57] Some left-of-center groups have criticized Cato’s work on global warming. [58] Cato has held a number of briefings on global warming with global warming skeptics as panelists. In December 2003, panelists included Patrick Michaels, Robert Balling and John Christy. Balling and Christy have since made statements indicating that global warming is, in fact, related at least some degree to anthropogenic activity: No known mechanism can stop global warming in the near term. International agreements, such as the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, would have no detectable effect on average temperature within any reasonable policy time frame (i.e., 50 years or so), even with full compliance.[3] In response to the World Watch Report in May 2003 that linked climate change and severe weather events, Jerry Taylor said, It’s false. There is absolutely no evidence that extreme weather events are on the increase. None. The argument that more and more dollar damages accrue is a reflection of the greater amount of wealth we’ve created.[4] Three out of five "Doubters of Global Warming" interviewed by PBS’s Frontline were funded by, or had some other institutional connection with, the Institute.[59] Cato has often criticized Al Gore’s stances on the issue of global warming and agreed with the Bush administration’s skeptical attitude toward the Kyoto protocols. Cato scholars have also been critical of the Bush administration’s views on energy policy. In 2003, Cato scholars Jerry Taylor and Peter Van Doren blasted the Republican Energy Bill as "Hundreds of pages of corporate welfare, symbolic gestures, empty promises, and pork-barrel projects."[60] They have also spoken out against the president’s calls for larger ethanol subsidies.[61]

Cato Institute

The Cato Institute is classified as a 501(c)(3) organization under U.S. Internal Revenue Code. The institute performs no contract research and does not accept government funding. For revenue, the institute is largely dependent on private contributions. According to its annual report, the Cato Institute had fiscal year 2008 income of $24 million. The report notes that 77% of Cato’s income that year came from individual contributions, 13% from foundations, 2% from corporations, and 8% from "program and other income" (e.g., publication sales, program fees).[62]

Foundation support
The Cato Institute has been supported by dozens of foundations [63] including: • Atlantic Philanthropies • Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation • Earhart Foundation • JM Foundation, founded by Jeremiah Milbank • John M. Olin Foundation, Inc. • Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation • Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation • Castle Rock Foundation (formerly known as The Coors Foundation) • Scaife Foundations (Sarah Mellon Scaife, Carthage) • Ford Foundation • Ploughshares Fund • Marijuana Policy Project

Corporate support
Like many think tanks, Cato receives support from a variety of corporations, but corporations are a relatively minor source of support for the Institute. In fiscal year 2008, for example, corporate donations accounted for only two percent of its budget.[62] According to Cato supporters, the relative paucity of corporate funding has allowed the Institute to strike an independent stance in its policy research. In 2004, the Institute angered the U.S. pharmaceutical industry by publishing a paper arguing in favor of "drug re-importation."[64] A 2006 study attacked the Digital Millennium Copyright Act.[65] Cato has published numerous studies criticizing what it calls "corporate welfare", the practice of public officials funneling taxpayer money, usually via targeted budgetary


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spending, to politically-connected corporate interests.[66][67][68][69] For example, in 2002, Cato president Ed Crane and Sierra Club executive director Carl Pope co-wrote an op-ed piece in the Washington Post calling for the abandonment of the Republican energy bill, arguing that it had become little more than a gravy train for Washington, D.C. lobbyists.[70] Again in 2005, Cato scholar Jerry Taylor teamed up with Daniel Becker of the Sierra Club to attack the Republican Energy Bill as a give-away to corporate interests.[71] Still, some critics have accused Cato of being too tied to corporate funders, especially in the 1990s. Critical sources report that Cato received funding from Philip Morris and other tobacco companies in the 1990s, and that at one point Rupert Murdoch served on the boards of directors of both Cato and Philip Morris.[72] Cato received support from 20 corporations in 2007[63] including: • Altria Corporate Services Inc. (Formerly Philip Morris) • American Petroleum Institute • Comcast Corporation • Fedex Corporation • Microsoft • R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company • Visa USA INC. • WalMart Stores Inc. • A number of foreign and domestic car companies

Cato Institute
v. Heller), on the basis of the Second Amendment.[74] • In December 2005, Doug Bandow, a Cato fellow, admitted taking money from lobbyist Jack Abramoff in exchange for writing columns for the Copley News Service favorable to Abramoff clients. The columns did not, however, deviate from Bandow’s own views. Copley suspended his column. Bandow subsequently resigned from Cato on December 15, 2005. He returned to Cato in early 2009. • In 1999, David Platt Rall, a prominent environmental scientist, died in a car accident. Steven Milloy, at the time a Cato adjunct scholar, celebrated Rall’s death on his site, writing: "Scratch one junk scientist who promoted the bankrupt idea that poisoning rats with a chemical predicts cancer in humans exposed to much lower levels of the chemical – a notion that, at the very least, has wasted billions and billions of public and private dollars." Cato Institute President Edward Crane called Milloy’s attack an "inexcusable lapse in judgment and civility," but Milloy refused to apologize. He retained his position with Cato until the end of 2005. Following renewed controversy over the financial support Milloy received from tobacco and oil companies while writing editorial pieces favorable to them, Milloy’s name was removed from the list of Cato adjunct scholars.[75] • In January 2008, adjunct scholar Dominick Armentano separated from the Institute after writing an op-ed piece in the Vero Beach Press-Journal. Cato Executive Vice President David Boaz wrote that “I won’t deny that this latest op-ed played a role in our decision."[76]

Associates in the news
• Several Cato Institute-affiliated scholars have achieved academic distinction, including Nobel laureates F. A. Hayek, Milton Friedman. James M. Buchanan, and Vernon L. Smith. • Cato senior fellow Randy Barnett argued the Gonzales v. Raich case before the Supreme Court in 2004. • Mencken Fellow P. J. O’Rourke is the bestselling author of Parliament of Whores, All the Trouble in the World, and other books. • Cato policy analyst Radley Balko was cited by Justice Breyer’s dissent to the Supreme Court’s 2006 Hudson v. Michigan decision, concerning "no knock" raids.[73] • Cato senior fellow Robert A. Levy personally funded the plaintiffs’ successful Supreme Court challenge to the District of Columbia’s gun ban (District of Columbia

Milton Friedman Prize
Since 2002, the Cato Institute has awarded the Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty every two years to "an individual who has made a significant contribution to advancing human freedom." The prize comes with a cash award of $500,000.

Notable associates

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Past Prize Winners Year 2002 2004 2006 2008 Recipient Peter Thomas Bauer Hernando de Soto Mart Laar Yon Goicoechea[77] Nationality British Peruvian Estonian Venezuelan • Randal O’Toole • Vernon L. Smith • Thomas Szasz

Cato Institute

Policy scholars
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • David Boaz, Executive Vice President Tucker Carlson, Senior Fellow Edward H. Crane, President and CEO Chris Edwards, Director of Tax Policy Studies Jagadeesh Gokhale, Senior Fellow Daniel T. Griswold, Director, Center for Trade Policy Studies Nat Hentoff Andrei Illarionov, Senior Fellow, Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity Robert A. Levy, Chairman and Senior Fellow in Constitutional Studies Brink Lindsey, Vice President for Research Daniel J. Mitchell, Senior Fellow William A. Niskanen, Chairman Emeritus and Senior Economist Tom G. Palmer, Senior Fellow, Director of Cato University Roger Pilon, Vice President for Legal Affairs José Piñera, Co-chairman, Project on Social Security Choice William Poole Senior Fellow, former President and CEO of St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank Alan Reynolds, Senior Fellow John Samples, Director, Center for Representative Government Michael D. Tanner, Senior Fellow Jerry Taylor. Senior Fellow Ian Vásquez, Director of the Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity Will Wilkinson, Policy Analyst Doug Bandow, Senior Fellow

• • • • • • • • • • • • • Randy E. Barnett James Bovard James M. Buchanan Leon Hadar Steve H. Hanke F. A. Hayek Andrei Illarionov Penn Jillette David Kopel Johan Norberg P. J. O’Rourke Jim Powell Teller

Board of directors
As of the 2007 Annual Report[78]: • K. Tucker Andersen, Senior consultant, Cumberland Associates LLC • Frank Bond, Chairman, The Foundation Group • Edward H. Crane, President, Cato Institute • Richard Dennis, President, Dennis Trading Group • Ethelmae C. Humphreys, Chair, Tamko Roofing Products, Inc. • David H. Koch, Executive vice-president, Koch Industries, Inc. • Robert A. Levy, Chair; Senior Fellow, Cato Institute • John C. Malone, Chairman, Liberty Media Corporation • William A. Niskanen, Chairman Emeritus, Cato Institute • David H. Padden, President, Padden and Company • Lewis E. Randall, Board member, E-Trade Financial Corporation • Howard Rich, President, U.S. Term Limits • Frederick W. Smith, Chairman and CEO, FedEx Corporation

• • • • • • •

Adjunct scholars
• • • • • • • Donald J. Boudreaux Robert L. Bradley, Jr Tyler Cowen Michael Cox Richard Epstein Michael Gough Tibor Machan


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• Donald G. Smith, President, Donald Smith & Co. • Jeffrey S. Yass, Managing Director, Susquehana International Group, LLP • Fred Young, former owner, Young Radiator Company

Cato Institute
[15] "It Usually Ends With Ed Crane", The Libertarian Forum, XIV: 1-2, JanuaryApril 1981 [16] Bryan Doherty. Radicals for Capitalism; a Freewheeling History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement. New York: Public Affairs, 2007. p.413: "Within a couple of years, the Cato Institute would shed the influence that caused National Review’s intemperate attack. Rothbard, his nose ever sniffing out the stink of softness in his comrades’ libertarian hard-core, became disenchanted with his new allies and supporters..." p.417: "After tense months of backroom feuding Rothbard finally declared open war on his funders and coworkers... Rothbard’s fulminations against the Kochtopus increased after he was fired from Cato in March 1981." [17] Doherty, ibidem, p.446: "The Cato Institute had relocated itelf [sic] to Ronald Reagan’s Washington in the early 1980s..." [18] Richard Morin and Claudia Deane, "The Hot New Americans Get Hotter", Washington Post, November 26, 2002, p. A27 [19] "Publications." [1] Retrieved November 12, 2007. [20] "Books." [2] Retrieved November 12, 2007. [21] catosletterv3n2.pdf [22] Will Wilkinson. "Is Rawlsekianism the Future?" Cato at Liberty blog, December 4, 2006.[3] [23] David Boaz, [4] "Objectivists and Libertarians." [24] "About Cato", Cato Institute [25] Clay Risen, "How Bush Lost the Libertarians", The New Republic [26] Gene Healy and Timothy Lynch, "Power Surge: The Constitutional Record of George W. Bush", Cato Institute, May 1, 2006 [27] Christopher Preble, "Exiting Iraq: Why the U.S. Must End the Military Occupation and Renew the War against Al Qaeda", Cato Institute [28] Stephen Slivinski, Buck Wild: How Republicans Broke the Bank and Became the Party of Big Government, August 2006 [29] Michael D. Tanner, Leviathan on the Right: How Big-Government

Former staff and faculty
• Radley Balko, former Policy Analyst, current senior editor at Reason magazine • Dan Greenberg, former Director of Communications, currently a member of the Arkansas General Assembly • Steven Milloy, former adjunct scholar, currently columnist for Fox News • Julian Sanchez, former staff writer, currently Washington Editor of Ars Technica and a contributing editor to Reason magazine

[1] ^ Mike Allen, "Semantics Shape Social Security Debate: Democrats Assail ’Crisis’ While GOP Gives ’Privatization’ a ’Personal’ Twist", Washington Post, January 23, 2005, p. A04 [2] ^ "Cutting Corporate Welfare Could Fund a Bush Social Security Plan" by Andrew Biggs and Maya Macguineas, CATO Institute, January 6, 2003 [3] ^ "Global Warming", Cato Handbook for Congress: Policy Recommendations for the 108th Congress, ch. 45, p. 474 [4] ^ "Enviro Trends: Poor to Bear Brunt of Climate Change", 3 May 2003, as cited by [5] Show Me the Money! Dividend Payouts after the Bush Tax Cut [6] Daniel T. Griswold, "Immigration: Beyond the Barbed Wire", Cato Institute, December 7, 2004 [7] America Needs Real Immigration Reform [8] Securing Our Borders Under a Temporary Guest Worker Program | Cato’s Center for Trade Policy Studies [9] Illegal Immigration: Will Congress Finally Solve It? [10] Immigration Reform Must Include a Temporary Worker Program [11] McCain vs. Madison [12] John McCain on Foreign Policy: Even Worse Than Bush [13] Hurting the Rich Important to Obama [14] Obama’s Stale New Deal


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Conservatism Brought Down the Republican Revolution, February 2007 [30] Daniel Griswold, "Willing Workers: Fixing the Problem of Illegal Mexican Migration to the United States", Cato Institute, October 15, 2002 [31] Jim VandeHei and Zachary A. Goldfarb, "Immigration Deal at Risk as House GOP Looks to Voters", Washington Post, May 28, 2006, p. A01 [32] Crane, Edward H.; and William A. Niskanen. "Upholding Liberty in America". Financial Times. June 24, 2003. [33] Crane, Edward H. "The Government Habit". Cato Policy Report. November/ December 1995. [34] Preble, Christopher and Justin Logan. "Neocons Forced to Face Reality". July 26, 2004. [35] pub_display.php?pub_id=4545 [36] pub_display.php?pub_id=3053 [37] Lindsey, Brink. "Liberaltarians". December 4, 2006. [38] "Cato on "How to Label Cato"". The Cato Institute. Cato Institute. Archived from the original on 2007-08-22. 20070822132227/ about/about.html. Retrieved on 2008-02-29. [39] "Ayn Rand’s Q & A on Libertarianism", Ayn Rand Institute [40] "50th Anniversary of Atlas Shrugged: A discussion on Rand’s views on politics, the fight for freedom, and the future of Objectivism", panelists Edward Crane, John Fund, Fred Smith [41] Robert James Bidinotto, [5] [42] William Niskanen, "House Faces the Dumbest Bill of the Year (So Far): A $2.10 Increase in the Minimum Wage", Cato@Libery, 2006-06-14 [43] ^ "Drug War", Cato Institute [44] "Budget and Taxes: Corporate Welfare", Cato Institute [45] "Regulatory Studies", Cato Institute [46] "Constitutional Issues: Federalism" [47] "Education and Child Policy: School Choice", Cato Institute [48] "Civil Rights", Cato Institute [49] pub_display.php?pub_id=3369

Cato Institute
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Cato Institute
Chavez". MSNBC. 24282927/. [78] 2007 Cato Inst Annual Report p. 49 (unnumbered). Retrieved 5/9/09.

External links
• • • • Cato Institute’s official website Center for Trade Policy Studies Project on Social Security Choice Cato Unbound, Cato’s online monthly magazine • Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty • Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity

• Lew Rockwell’s Editorial on the Bandow/ Abramoff controversy • John Fonte, "Dogmatic Libertarians: Over the edge", National Review Online, May 9, 2002 • "The Cato Institute or Anarchism seen through the Multinationals’ Eyes", Voltaire Network • Dana Milbank, "At Conservative Forum on Bush, Everybody’s a Critic", Washington Post, March 8, 2006, p. A02 • "The Promise of Freedom: Is America on Course?" a debate with the Cato Institute’s Executive Vice President David Boaz • Fact Sheet on Cato. (Cato’s reaction: Evil Exxon) • Cato Institute profile at

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