Saggio Nevola

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					Fabrizio Nevola                                  Lots of Napkins and a Few Surprises:
                                                 Francesco di Giorgio Martini’s House, Goods and Social
                                                 Standing in Late-Fifteenth-Century Siena



1. Siena, Piazza del Battistero. The house
of Francesco di Giorgio Martini (centre)
and the Palazzo ‘del Magnifico’ Pandolfo
Petrucci (right). Note the nineteenth-century
portrait bust of Francesco di Giorgio on the
building previously identified as the artist’s
house (photo Lensini).




                                                 Francesco di Giorgio Martini (1439-1501) is          vitation from his foreign patrons that still sur-
                                                 without any doubt the most influential artistic      vive in the Archivio di Stato in Siena3. Indeed,
                                                 figure to have emerged in the second half of the     these letters were more often than not directed
                                                 fifteenth century in Siena1. As is well-known, his   at the city’s government, and indicate that the
                                                 reputation and standing as an architect and engi-    architect’s skills were considered a precious com-
                                                 neer were such that from the late 1470’s, for a      modity, the ‘export’ of which required formal
                                                 quarter century, he was active throughout Italy,     authorisation4. Again, this should come as no
                                                 called to the service of major patrons such as the   surprise, in view of Francesco di Giorgio’s well-
                                                 Duke of Urbino, the Duke of Calabria, the King       known specialisation in military architecture; to
                                                 of Naples, the Duke of Milan and a number of         hire the architect was to hire an individual whose
                                                 popes. Even Vasari, who clearly knew little of the   knowledge of numerous fortifications amounted
                                                 artist-architect’s works, recognised and acknowl-    to state secrets.
                                                 edged his “honoured memory”, and conceded                Considering how much we know about
                                                 that he was the most important architect of the      Francesco di Giorgio’s activity abroad, and how
                                                 century, after Brunelleschi2.                        many projects – religious, military and domestic
                                                     Francesco’s skill and reputation emerge as       – are attributed to him across the entire Italian
                                                 motivating factors in the numerous letters of in-    peninsula, from as far south as Otranto, to the

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   18-19|2006-07 Annali di architettura
                                          Rivista del Centro internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio di Vicenza            www.cisapalladio.org
                    north at Pavia, it is all the more surprising that      whose loggia and cornice can be compared to
                    so little is known of the architect’s career in         other examples constructed in Siena during the
                    Siena. This short article does not aim to set the       1480s. On Vicolo delle Carrozze, to the rear of
                    balance straight for his artistic output, but rather    the building, a simple brick barrel vault connect-
                    it considers new evidence for the architect’s final     ed the latter house to a smaller building across
                    years in Siena, and testamentary wrangles that          the alley, much as is outlined in the 1477 docu-
                    followed upon his death, late in 15015.                 ment. Finally, the inventory of the contents of
                                                                            Francesco’s home at the time of his death pub-
                    Francesco di Giorgio’s Sienese Residence                lished here (Appendix, doc. 3), describes a series
                    and Wealth (1470-1502)                                  of residential rooms distributed on two storeys,
                    A nineteenth-century monument on Piazza San             which coincides with the arrangement of this
                    Giovanni, opposite Siena’s baptistry, marks the         building.
                    site that has traditionally been identified as the          Through Francesco’s residence it is possible to
                    house of Francesco di Giorgio Martini. That             reassemble his fiscal obligations to the Sienese tax
                    this identification is more or less correct can be      office of the lira, from which it emerges that al-
                    confirmed from a number of documents, which             ready in 1478 he filed a report from the San Gio-
                    refer to his home as being in the district of San       vanni area, in which he is recorded as a “dipin-
                    Giovanni, and that the building faced onto the          tore”, and valued his estate at 625 lire10. This con-
                    “via comunis” (Via del Pellegrino-Piazza San            stitutes rather a low value for the district (among
                    Giovanni) on the front, backed onto the narrow          the poorest 20% of residents), which saw a con-
                    alley called Vicolo delle Carrozze, and Via Diac-       centration of wealthy citizens and a high average
                    ceto to the south6. Francesco lived in this house       wealth of around 2000 lire; however within the
                    from as early as 1477, when he petitioned to the        larger picture of urban wealth, Francesco’s taxable
                    civic officials in charge of maintaining and im-        value was above average, and was considerably
                    proving the city’s built fabric, in order that he       higher than that of other artists and artisans11. In
                    might link his house on Piazza San Giovanni to          1481 he was still taxed in the area, although two
                    a smaller property he owned across Via Diacce-          years later he disappeared from the tax register12.
                    to, by means of a bridge7. The architect had evi-       In 1483, Iacomo Cozzarelli filed a tax return in
                    dently moved to the house quite recently, as tax        which he recorded his absence from Siena for
                    records of 1472 had him resident in the less pre-       work reasons, stating that he was with Francesco
                    possessing Via di Salicotto, behind the Piazza del      di Giorgio in Urbino13. Indeed, it was in this same
                    Campo8. It can perhaps be assumed that the              year that Francesco wrote to the Sienese authori-
                    move to San Giovanni represented a step up in           ties to claim his innocence with respect to charges
                    the architect’s social ambitions, and coincided         made against him of treason for having designed
                    closely with his first employment at the court of       fortifications for Sienese enemies; his removal
                    Federigo da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino. In-            from the tax lists suggests that he had been exiled
                    deed, the 1477 petition was sent from Urbino,           from the city, and his property expropriated14.
                    whence he promised to “use his intelligence to              While this is not the place for a prolonged
                    make a very beautiful restoration”9.                    analysis of Siena’s political vicissitudes during the
                        Observation of the extant site confirms that        1480s, it is fair to say that Francesco di Giorgio
                    the concession was granted and Francesco di             was reluctant to settle back in Siena during the
                    Giorgio did indeed erect a bridge to link the two       years between the departure of Alfonso, Duke of
                    properties; it is nonetheless difficult to assess the   Calabria, from Siena in 1482 and the regime
                    quality of any possible architectural intervention      change of 21 July 1487, which saw the establish-
                    on the facade, since the building has undergone         ment of a new Novesco oligarchy15. It is indeed no-
                    a number of changes in the intervening period.          ticeable that within ten days of the Nove’s return,
                    The facade marked with the nineteenth-century           Francesco was contacted also to return to Siena,
                    memorial sculpture is quite plain, shows signs of       and is documented as present on a number of
                    a series of modifications to an original medieval       sites before the close of the year16. In January
                    structure, but may have originally been decorat-        1488 Francesco di Giorgio was offered a financial
                    ed with sgraffito plaster. Rather more distin-          incentive of 1,000 florins, on condition that he
                    guished is the neighbouring house, which still          return to Siena with his family, and that same
                    reveals an open three bay arcaded loggia on the         year he reappeared on the city’s tax records, this
                    top storey, as well as a simple egg and dart al-        time as an “ingegniere”17. It is clear that he re-
                    l’antica cornice. While the documents do not            turned to his former home on the Piazza San
                    make it possible to distinguish which of the two        Giovanni, and remained resident there until the
                    houses belonged to Francesco, the 1477 petition         time of his death in 150118. Francesco was not on-
                    reveals that the artist had plans for the improve-      ly resident in Siena, but was active in local gov-
                    ment of his house, which supports the sugges-           ernment, finance (through various business part-
                    tion that it is the latter of the two buildings,        nerships) and diplomacy19. Thus, if during the

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                    years 1482-87 correspondence repeatedly con-            Francesco di Giorgio’s widow, that she was fail-
                    firms that Francesco was based in Urbino, from          ing to observe the obligations of her husband’s
                    the late summer of 1487 his frequent visits to          will, and fined her ten lire for this25. Three
                    oversee or advise on projects throughout Italy          months later, Agnese was again contacted by the
                    witness him setting off from Siena. Evidently, his      officials as she continued to ignore her duties,
                    expertise was employed in the service of govern-        was fined and also charged costs for the drawing
                    ment interests, much in the same way as the bet-        up of an inventory of all goods contained in the
                    ter-documented “cultural diplomacy” of Lorenzo          house26. Agnese presumably stalled on handing
                    de’ Medici had operated in the previous decade20.       over property to her children in a bid to secure
                    It seems plausible, therefore, to suggest that          restitution of her dowry, which had been fixed at
                    Francesco’s interests closely coincided with those      300 florins in 146927.
                    of the Nove, and that his return to Siena was mo-           In the meantime, at least one of Francesco’s
                    tivated by the favourable political and patronage       adult offspring, Lucrezia, filed a complaint with
                    situation resulting from the government regime          regard to the fact that 60 florins remaining owed
                    change of 1487.                                         to her as part of the dowry, brought to her mar-
                        From the tax report of 1488, Francesco di           riage with Giovanni di Francesco Bernardi Bal-
                    Giorgio Martini was described as an ‘engineer’          loncini, had remained unpaid at her father’s
                    resident in the district of San Giovanni, suggest-      death28. It thus seems likely that it was Francesco’s
                    ing that it was principally as a contractor of ma-      heirs, as much as the officials of the Curia del
                    jor civil works (such as fortifications, dams,          Placito, that pressed for the resolution of the is-
                    bridges and mining) that he defined his profes-         sue. This becomes increasingly clear as a long
                    sional activity21. Such a professional distinction      drawn out legal wrangle, involving a number of
                    does not appear to have improved his finances as        Francesco’s children, dragged on through nearly
                    he was taxed considerably less than he had been         twenty years.
                    in 1481; nonetheless, this might be explained by            Francesco di Giorgio had married Agnese di
                    crony accounting practices, which frequently            Antonio di Benedetto Landi dal Poggio in 1469,
                    skewed the taxable value of Novesco or Petrucci         and they had at least nine children; with the ex-
                    allies in order to reduce their tax obligations22. In   ception of Girolamo (b. 16 September 1494), it is
                    addition to many major fortification projects in        not clear which survived, nor yet which were mi-
                    the Sienese contado, foreign consultancy work of        nors in 150229. Polisenna, known as Laura, was
                    various sorts, and a large-scale mining enterprise      probably the eldest (b. 1470) and had married a
                    in the Colline Metallifere around Massa Maritti-        goldsmith in Urbino, Giovanbattista di Pieranto-
                    ma, Francesco managed important and lucrative           nio. As has been mentioned, her sister Lucrezia
                    artistic commissions, such as that for the re-          had also married in Urbino, while another sister
                    ordering of the Duomo high-altar precinct with          called Cornelia had married Alessandro di Gio-
                    cast-bronze sculptures of angels (spiritelli)23. In-    vanni di Britio (Brizi) in Siena in 149430. A fur-
                    volvement in projects such as these, the large          ther daughter, Antonia, had taken the name Eu-
                    sums of money that passed through his hands as          frosina, and was a nun in the Sienese convent of
                    contractor, as well as considerable salary award-       San Girolamo in Vallepiatta, indicating a possible
                    ed for his actual services, indicate that he was        devotion on the part of Francesco to Saint
                    probably better off than the tax records let on.        Jerome, given that the son born in 1494 was also
                        So what can we say about the material wealth        given the name Girolamo31.
                    of this not-at-all ordinary Renaissance artist and          The first phase of the legal battle that sur-
                    technical specialist? At the time of his death late     rounded Francesco’s estate was played out
                    in 1501, Francesco di Giorgio Martini was the           around the goods that remained in the San Gio-
                    owner of a house in central Siena and a rural           vanni house at the time of his death, and are list-
                    property at a location called San Giorgio a Pap-        ed in the inventory32. It is unfortunately not clear
                    paiano, outside the city walls. He left a number        what happened to the items listed, whether they
                    of offspring and a widow, who was reluctant to          were simply divided among the heirs, or if an
                    observe her testamentary obligations, the result        auction was held to monetarise the assets; when
                    of which is a rich post-mortem paper trail that in-     we come to consider the items involved it will
                    cludes a detailed inventory of the movable items        become clear that this fact is somewhat frustrat-
                    in the artist’s house at the time of his death24.       ing. Certainly, sale was the fate that was eventu-
                                                                            ally reserved for Francesco’s real estate, so it
                    Property and Movable Goods: the Inventory of 1503       seems possible that this was also the solution de-
                    The 1503 inventory was drawn up by Antonio di           cided upon for his movable goods. Furthermore,
                    Ludovico Docci, who served as public notary to          the fact that Lucrezia sought liquidation of part
                    the Curia del Placito, an office that supervised the    of her dowry at this time, seems to argue in
                    rights of orphaned minors. As early as 9 February       favour of the fact that the movable assets were
                    1502, the Curia del Placito had notified Agnese,        monetarised through sale33.

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2. Hillside with the church of San Giorgio,
3 km East of Siena, where Francesco
di Giorgio Martini’s country property
was located.




                                                  Some years after the 1503 inventory had been      the proceeds of the sale were shared between
                                              drawn up, Francesco di Giorgio again emerges in       claimants in the measure that still remained out-
                                              the archives as Pandolfo Petrucci, virtual signore    standing to them39. With this last sale, it can fair-
                                              of Siena, sought liquidation from Francesco’s         ly be said that Francesco di Giorgio Martini
                                              heirs of a loan of 389 lire made to him34. With the   made his exit from Sienese society, almost fifteen
                                              consent of Francesco’s heirs, a public auction was    years after his actual death40.
                                              held for the sale of the Piazza San Giovanni              A little less than 1,000 florins was raised from
                                              house, agreed to by the city’s financial adjudica-    the sale of Francesco’s two properties; it is now
                                              tors of the Mercanzia, and publicised by town         worth returning to the 1503 inventory, to con-
                                              criers. The house was sold to an intermediary on      sider the contents of the San Giovanni house at
                                              30 August 1509, at a price agreed at 230 florins,     the time of his death. Inventory records are an
                                              part to be paid direct to Pandolfo as creditor, and   invaluable source for the history of collection,
                                              the rest to Francesco’s heirs; when the transac-      the identification of items that made up the in-
                                              tion eventually went through, the option was tak-     ternal furnishing of domestic interiors, and for a
                                              en up by Bastiano di Domenico da Cortona, one         general understanding of the material culture of
                                              of Pandolfo’s familiares35.                           historical periods, places and social groups41.
                                                  A few years passed before the last of             Naturally enough, the finding of an inventory of
                                              Francesco’s assets were sold off, again as a result   the contents of an important artist’s house at the
                                              of conflict between Francesco’s heirs and their       end of the fifteenth century is of considerable in-
                                              mother. In 1513, a new law suit was opened by         terest, although it is also important to note that
                                              Lucrezia’s notary husband against his mother in       the abbreviated reference made to objects makes
                                              law, regarding property in the “comune di San         it a frustrating document to work with, as it is so
                                              Giorgio a Pappaiano, luogho detto Volta di            difficult to match possible items with extant ob-
                                              Fighille”36. It seems that the ten year delay which   jects42. Francesco di Giorgio’s inventory is to be
                                              separates this case from the death of Francesco       found in one of a series of thick volumes of mis-
                                              di Giorgio is to be understood as being the result    cellaneous papers, which include numerous oth-
                                              of the death of Francesco’s only male heir, Gui-      er similar inventories for the homes of a broad
                                              do, and the consequent claim of Guido’s three         cross-section of Sienese society43. Unlike the
                                              sisters on their respective shares of his inheri-     careful inventories drawn up by in-house offi-
                                              tance37. In July 1515, the dispute entered into its   cials, secretaries or librarians, this is an institu-
                                              final phase, as the nuns of Vallepiatta, where Eu-    tional document drawn up by a public notary
                                              frosina resided as a nun, also voiced their claims    that was concerned with listing things, rather
                                              to their share38. By November 1515, a flurry of       than precisely detailing their quality or author-
                                              notarial papers detail the transactions that in-      ship and provenance.
                                              volved the San Giorgio property, and seem to              That said, Francesco di Giorgio’s inventory
                                              close the long litigation between Francesco’s         reserves some surprises. A summary overview of
                                              heirs and widow. The conclusion of this complex       the document suggests that none of the invento-
                                              case was that “la Volta di Fighille” was sold for     ried rooms served as a workshop, since the con-
                                              the comparatively high price of 675 florins, and      tents are largely domestic and either functional

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   18-19|2006-07 Annali di architettura
                                        Rivista del Centro internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio di Vicenza              www.cisapalladio.org
                    or decorative. It is also interesting to note that     within a tabernacle, and another diminutive
                    the most valuable possessions, contained in a          “Madonnuccia”. Devotional images of this sort
                    large chest, were not in the San Giovanni house        were not uncommon in domestic interiors by this
                    at all, but were “i’ nelle Povare”, indicating that    period; in Siena it was indeed thanks to workshop
                    the chest was left for safe-keeping in the nun-        partnerships such as that between Francesco di
                    nery of San Girolamo di Vallepiatta44. The San         Giorgio and Neroccio di Bartolomeo, that high
                    Giovanni house is described as being arranged          levels of production were able to satisfy a grow-
                    on two floors; the first contained a sala, which       ing demand for such works50. It seems fair to con-
                    appears to have been a kitchen with a large din-       jecture that the paintings mentioned here were
                    ing table in it, a camera that was probably a bed-     by Francesco di Giorgio himself, a possibility
                    chamber and another stanza, that may have func-        that is supported by a number late-dated works of
                    tioned as a study45. Upstairs was a somewhat           this sort51. Furthermore, the “quadro dipinto bel-
                    grander bedroom, which also contained chests           lo con tabernaculo” also suggests analogies with
                    filled with copious quantities of linen, and an-       known works by the master, who produced a
                    other room which contained both foodstuffs and         number of Madonna and Child paintings or ter-
                    a large chest filled with cloth and some metal         racotta low-reliefs set into elaborate papier-
                    items. Such an arrangement of rooms coincides          mâché or wood and stucco all’antica tabernacles,
                    with that of the San Giovanni property.                again designed for private devotional use52. A
                        Moreover, it can be assumed that the two           “wooden frame” also found in the house, indi-
                    floors described were above a ground floor, which      cates that production of such works still contin-
                    was either a workshop, or may have been let as         ued in Francesco’s workshop53. By contrast, mar-
                    commercial shop space, while there was a service       ble (presumably low-relief) Madonnas were of
                    building to the rear of the house46. The absence of    significantly greater value, and such items are not
                    technical implements and small number of unfin-        to be found in catalogues of Francesco’s late
                    ished paintings listed in the inventory would          works, as he seems to have worked prevalently in
                    seem to indicate that neither Francesco di Gior-       the media of bronze or wood54.
                    gio’s workshop nor the warehouse behind his                Certainly, any attempt to identify works
                    house were inventoried. By 1500, as tax records        mentioned in the inventory is fraught with diffi-
                    show, Francesco was largely identified as an ‘en-      culties for a number of reasons. The degree to
                    gineer’, and the distilling bell which is itemised     which private devotional images of the Madonna
                    evidently had some professional use; clearly how-      were “mass produced” constitutes a first prob-
                    ever, very little in the way of professional effects   lem, while the summary inventory description of
                    were in the architect’s residence. On one hand,        the works leaves no clues for iconographically-
                    this might be explained by the fact that an archi-     based deductions. Furthermore, the majority of
                    tect required less professional tools than a           surviving paintings of this sort have no clear
                    painter, but it seems obvious that implements of       provenance, which might otherwise connect
                    his profession (that continued to span accross all     them to the owner-artist. Much the same can be
                    the arts) were kept elsewhere47. Thus for example,     said for the items of painted furniture in the
                    no evidence is provided for the whereabouts of         artist’s house, which included two benches with
                    Francesco’s many drawings, sketchbooks and ver-        foliage decorations, two “painted” spalliere, two
                    sions of his treatises, an artistic inheritance that   painted beds and a couple of “old” painted
                    has been the focus of much speculation on the          chairs55. Again, such items were widely produced
                    part of historians48. This issue still remains to be   in Siena, although less attention has been lav-
                    solved, but it might be conjectured that as well as    ished upon them in the secondary literature than
                    items in a personal workshop, Francesco di Gior-       for their Florentine equivalents.
                    gio may also have kept materials in the Opera del          Two “drawn framed pictures” are so generic
                    Duomo workshop, a few metres up the hill from          as to defy identification, but it might be hazard-
                    his home. Here his assistant Giacomo Cozzarelli        ed that such finished pieces could have been
                    served as capomaestro, and operated a foundry          ‘presentation’ or ‘contract’ drawings. By con-
                    where the bronze angels for the High Altar of the      trast, a “carta disegniata della guerra et della pa-
                    Cathedral were forged49.                               cie” is rather more intriguing. In Siena, such a
                        Beyond the seemingly endless supply of             casual iconographic reference most obviously re-
                    sheets, tablecloths, napkins, pillows, towels and      ferred to a copy of Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Sala
                    other sundry items of used and new cloth, the in-      dei Nove frescoes in the Palazzo Pubblico,
                    ventory makes some sense of the artist’s resi-         which were frequently described in precisely
                    dence, although it is of course difficult to gauge     these terms56. However, it is equally possible that
                    whether the number of ‘painted’ works was ex-          the drawing was some form of graphic rendering
                    ceptional in this household. There were thus a         of a contemporary battle, or even a tactical sur-
                    number of images of the Madonna and Child,             vey of some campaign. After all, Francesco di
                    two sculpted in marble, one painted, another           Giorgio is known to have been involved in nu-

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                    merous military campaigns, and in 1479 he is             and social standing within the city. Francesco’s
                    thought to have made and brought a military              house was centrally located and adjacent to the
                    map of the battle of Colle Val d’Elsa (part of the       residence of one of the most powerful citizens of
                    Pazzi War) from Iacopo Piccolomini to Pope               late-fifteenth-century Siena. The site of the
                    Sixtus IV, in Rome57. It is not possible to say what     artist’s house expressed visually a relationship
                    purpose such an image – or even a classicising           with Pandolfo Petrucci that operated on a num-
                    image of war and peace – might have had in the           ber of levels, economic, cultural and political.
                    domestic interior, nor yet identify any extant           Furthermore, the central residence implied high
                    painting of this sort58.                                 social standing; this was perhaps a matter of pro-
                        At least in terms of their function, the two         fessional achievement, but also a question of so-
                    “books for women with silver bindings” are more          cial ambition. After all, Francesco’s 1469 wed-
                    easily identifiable: they are almost certainly small     ding had been to Agnese de’ Landi dal Poggio,
                    manuscript devotional books, or books of hours,          who came from an office-holding Novesco fami-
                    that were probably in part illuminated59. The            ly, while it also created a familial alliance with
                    books were probably used by Francesco di Gior-           his business associate Neroccio di Bartolomeo,
                    gio’s daughters and wife, and the elegant and            Agnese’s cousin65.
                    costly binding goes some way to confirm the sta-             By a surprising coincidence, given the gener-
                    tus and wealth of the family, although there is no       al rarity of surviving artists’ inventories for this
                    reason to suppose that they were produced by             period, a complete inventory of Neroccio di
                    Francesco di Giorgio or his workshop60.                  Bartolomeo’s property was also drawn up follow-
                        A few final comments must be reserved for            ing his death on 26 November 150066. Neroc-
                    the other books itemised in the inventory. First         cio’s inventory was not compiled by a public of-
                    of all, a “libro di Scto. Girolamo con le tavole” is     ficial, but rather by a notary who was employed
                    surely a book that belonged to the artist, on ac-        by Neroccio’s heirs to oversee the execution of
                    count of the fact that, as has been mentioned, he        his testament; the document is thus far more
                    evidently nurtured a special devotion for the            comprehensive than that surviving for Francesco
                    saint, having named one of his sons Girolamo,            di Giorgio. A comparison of the two inventories
                    and enclosed a daughter in a convent dedicated           reveals that Neroccio’s assets were comparable
                    to him61. While the book was evidently illustrat-        to those of his former associate; in addition to
                    ed (“con le tavole”), it is not clear whether this       his residence, he had a small house in the north-
                    was a manuscript or a printed work with wood-            ern district of Siena, a plot of land to the west of
                    cut plates. Initial surveys of late-fifteenth-centu-     the city and owned a third of a brick-kiln in the
                    ry manuscripts of the works of St. Jerome in             Pian delle Fornaci. However, although Neroccio
                    Siena offer few clues in this direction.                 was registered with a higher taxable value than
                        Much the same can be said for the small              Francesco in 1481 (975 lire as opposed to
                    group of four illuminated or illustrated books, in-      Francesco’s 500), he lived in the far less prepos-
                    cluding an unspecified work by Pliny (“4 libri con       sessing district of San Marco, and his country
                    tavole plinio et altri libri”). Much recent specula-     property was little more than an allotment, in
                    tion has centred around Francesco di Giorgio’s           contrast to Francesco di Giorgio’s Piazza San
                    scholarly and ‘humanist’ pursuits, and it has been       Giovanni home and suburban estate67.
                    argued that the artist’s developing interest in Vitru-       Neroccio shared his house in San Marco with
                    vian studies was fostered in Urbino during the           his own family, his brother (and his family) and
                    late 1470s and 1480s62. Such a view should be            their mother, and their tax return was filed col-
                    counterbalanced by our growing understanding             lectively, suggesting that the property was also
                    of the cultural and intellectual environment of          held in common. The inventory thus concen-
                    Siena in during the mid-fifteenth century63.             trates on movable goods specifically belonging
                    Nonetheless, the five books mentioned in the in-         to Neroccio, and somewhat charmingly lists
                    ventory cannot be said to constitute a library, and      items “in camera di Neroccio” to identify the
                    as such offer little indication of Francesco’s intel-    physical space in the home that was exclusive to
                    lectual development; St. Jerome was a scholar-           the individual (and his wife Lucrezia, and son
                    saint much beloved by humanists, while owner-            Antonio)68. The room was filled with furniture,
                    ship of what was almost certainly Pliny’s Naturalis      linen and other household items, but included
                    historia confirms some interest in classical texts       also a sword (perhaps a sign of noble status), as
                    relevant to Francesco’s inquisitive mind64.              well as a painting of the Madonna, but no books.
                                                                             In addition to this room, items are listed in the
                    Social and Workshop Networks:                            kitchen where valuables, which included some
                    Preliminary Comments                                     jewellery, were stored; it is noticeable that most
                    The inventory of 1503, as well as the sales that         objects of value were pawned. Finally, a “scrip-
                    were made of Francesco di Giorgio’s property,            toio” is described, which most closely resembles
                    provide us with a good idea of the artist’s wealth       a workshop, where goldsmith’s tools as well as

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                    the instruments and materials of a sculptor and        joint ventures with Francesco di Giorgio, and
                    painter were to be found, in addition to numer-        described these in the influential treatise, Della
                    ous partly-finished works, and a few plaster-casts     Pirotechnia, published in 154077. Furthermore,
                    of antiquities69.                                      expert witnesses were called to corroborate the
                        It is widely agreed that Francesco di Giorgio      evidence presented in the 1513 trial, and these
                    Martini and Neroccio di Bartolomeo de’ Landi           included Francesco di Giorgio’s most significant
                    emerged as artists in their own rights within          associates, such as Antonio Barili, Iacomo Coz-
                    Lorenzo Vecchietta’s workshop70. From at least         zarelli and again Biringucci78. Such continued as-
                    1469 the two artists worked as partners, al-           sociation of these artists with their long-dead
                    though in 1475 the formal agreement between            master provides some indication of his lasting
                    them was broken; there is evidence of collabora-       importance in Siena during these years.
                    tion after this date, but it seems that Francesco           The long dispute surrounding Francesco di
                    di Giorgio’s autonomous career was established,        Giorgio’s inheritance sheds much light on his so-
                    while Neroccio remained closer to his master71.        cial, political and professional status. While the
                    Indeed, at Vecchietta’s death, on 14 November          1503 inventory and other documents give us a
                    1480, Neroccio acquired an unfinished painting         good sense of the artist’s material wealth, the in-
                    from his workshop, and was also awarded the            dividuals that continued to be associated with
                    usufruct on his master’s workshop on the Piazza        Francesco after his death are perhaps a more sig-
                    Duomo, for which a life lease from the Spedale         nificant testament to his importance in the life of
                    di Santa Maria della Scala was renewed72. By this      the city. Thus, for example, the fact that Pandol-
                    time, Francesco di Giorgio was in Urbino,              fo Petrucci intervened in the sale of Francesco’s
                    where he managed what was probably rather a            house to one of his familiares is an indication of
                    large workshop (which included a number of             the probable close ties that bound Francesco to
                    Sienese artists), and already owned the San Gio-       his powerful patron and neighbour. Similarly,
                    vanni house in Siena.                                  while it is assumed that Iacomo Cozzarelli
                        While Neroccio’s material wealth suggests a        served as Francesco’s most trusted assistant, and
                    degree of success that allowed him to accrue a         indeed seems to have operated on his behalf in
                    certain amount of luxury goods, Francesco di           dealings with the Opera del Duomo from 1494,
                    Giorgio seems to have been more ambitious – as         the documents published here confirm the de-
                    well as being considerably more talented in a          gree to which he remained associated with his
                    broad range of fields – even if his house was less     master in the years after his death79. Francesco di
                    richly appointed. Having said that, it is also clear   Giorgio also seems to have been bound to his
                    that Neroccio’s house was so densely packed with       neighbourhood, as not only was his principal pa-
                    things because he had been forced to abandon his       tron resident nearby, but his daughter Antonia
                    workshop (and perhaps also his home, as opposed        was a nun in the convent of the Gesuate at
                    to his fiscal residence in San Marco) when Gia-        Vallepiatta. Not only were the master’s most
                    coppo Petrucci requisitioned it and numerous           valuable possessions kept in the convent, but his
                    other items of property in order to build his new      name has long been associated with the original
                    palace on the corner of Piazza Duomo, from Au-         design for the church of San Sebastiano in
                    gust 148973. In this respect, it could be said that    Vallepiatta, next door to the convent80.
                    Neroccio was a passive victim of the new Novesco            Sadly, of course, while the continued associa-
                    regime that took power in 1487, while Francesco        tion of Cozzarelli, Barili and Biringucci all testify
                    di Giorgio was an active member of it.                 to close relations between these artists and
                        Indeed, perhaps the most interesting aspect        Francesco di Giorgio Martini, the evidence here
                    of the 1513-15 property disputes outlined above,       presented does not clear up the issue of the artist’s
                    is that Giorgio Vieri and Vannoccio di Paolo           intellectual inheritance, and more specifically
                    Biringucci with his brother Francesco, were            what happened to the items contained in his
                    guarantors to the transactions, while parts of the     workshop, which would almost certainly also have
                    sums involved in the sale went to liquidate loans      included his architectural drawings. Nonetheless,
                    contracted with the bank of Alessandro Bichi74.        it is clear that by the time of his death, Francesco
                    All these individuals were powerful members of         di Giorgio had acquired an unusual position
                    the Novesco oligarchy that still controlled Siena,     within the Sienese oligarchy, of which he was a
                    and Bichi indeed rose to rule Siena for a few          member politically, economically and profes-
                    months in 152475. On the other hand, Vannoccio         sionally. While this observation cannot stand
                    Biringucci’s father had been closely associated        alone to support attribution of buildings to the
                    with Francesco di Giorgio, having been named           master, it is nevertheless important to assess the
                    his legal procurator as early as 149076. As is well    dynamics of the patronage system of which he
                    known, Vannoccio inherited much of his father’s        was a part, in order to be able to question the ev-
                    skill and knowledge in mineral extraction and          idence more carefully with respect to his career
                    foundry, surely in a large measure developed in        as an architect in Siena81.

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Appendix                                                 In camera                                         Uno libro di donna miniato fornito dargiento
                                                         Una lettiera dipenta.                             Uno capellaio da sparbierei
All documents are previously unpublished, unless         Uno letto vergaro di piuma                        Una paniera
otherwise noted.                                         Uno matarazo et uno sachone                       Una altra paniera cuperchiata
Abbreviation: ASSi = Siena, Archivio di Stato            Una colma biancha                                 Una carta disegniata della guerra et della pacie
                                                         Uno panno biancho                                 Una segarella a una mano
1                                                        Una trabachac et uno pezzo di tenda               Uno fortiere grande
Francesco di Giorgio Martini’s tax return of             Uno paio di lenzuola                              Una campana da distillare
1488                                                     Duo capezali                                      Dua cassettine
ASSi, Lira, 216 (1488), TC, Porta Salaria                Una camicia di lana                               Una culla et uno paio di treppieri
(cited, but not transcribed by Milanesi, Documen-        Una camicia                                       Una lectiera in pezi vechia
ti…, cit. [cf. note 3], III, 294; Weller, Francesco di   Una gonneletta senza maniche                      Duo targoni vechi
Giorgio…, cit. [cf. note 14], p. 363; Chironi, Reper-    Uno cappello di velluto anticho                   Una padella grande
torio…, cit. [cf. note 3], p. 476 [doc. 89])             Uno scaldaletto di rame                           Uno paiuolo ragnuolo bandone e l’agresto
                                                         Uno capucciaio di legno                           Una scuraccia
Dinanzi da voi S. alliratori sopra affare la nuova li-   Duo scigatoii                                     Una tavola da mangiare in due pezzi
ra, diciesi per me, Francesco di Giorgio, vostro         4 goffani                                         Duo panieretti piccholi e usi
minimo servidore, dicie et expone avere gli infra-       Una lucernaia                                     Una sella da mula senza fornimento
scripti beni, et prima:                                  Una madonnuccia
Una casa della mia abitazione posta in San Gio-          XI libre d’acciad grossa biancha                  [fol. 3] In un altra stanza
vanni, la stima della quale rimetto nele vostre Si-      4 libre d’accia fina, sottile et mezzana          Una tavola da mangiare
gnorie. Et deo a’eredi Ghalghano di Meo di Mo-                                                             Duo nappieri
ne, lire Trecento incircha.                              Inprima altra stanza                              Duo banche
Truovomi 6 figliuoli, 4 femmine e due maschi.            Uno fortiere dipento con scripture                Una sedia dipenta anticha
Rachomando loro et me ale vostre Signorie.               Duo spalliere riuse                               Duo banchetti di duo braccia
                                                         Uno paiuolo                                       Uno letto di penna
2                                                        Uno caldaroncello                                 Una me[s]cirobba di stagno
Francesco di Giorgio Martini’s tax entry for             Dua banche                                        Uno sudario con telaio
1491                                                     Una sedia bucharata da malati                     Uno sedione di legnio con cerchi di ferro
ASSi, Lira, 98 (1491-95), TC, San Giovanni (Li-          Duo conche da bochatae                            Uno goffanetto di legnio
bri della lira), fol. 48r                                Duo sedie grandi                                  3 cassoni da farina
                                                                                                           Uno lettuccio da farina da pane
Francesco di Giorgio Ingigniere, lire trecento, li-      [fol. 2] Inprima camera di sopra                  Duo madie, una nuova una vecchia
re 300                                                   Una lectiera di penta anticha                     Duo madonne di marmo
                                                         Uno letto di piuma et uno matarazo                Una bigoncellaj et uno quarto
3                                                        Uno capezale                                      4 sete da camurrek
Francesco di Giorgio Martini’s tax entry for             5 5 guancialetti sfodarati                        3 botti da vino
1498                                                     Uno sachone                                       Una banchetta
ASSi, Lira, 106 (1498), TC, San Giovanni (Libri          Uno quadro dipinto bello con tabernaculo messo    3 tavoliere
della lira), fol. 35r                                    a [o]ro                                           Uno quadro di legniame
(cited, but not transcribed by Chironi, Repertorio…,     Una tavoletta da riscapare                        Una sedia con bracciuoli
cit. [cf. note 3], p. 481 [doc. 172])                    Una sedia con capucciaio dipenta anticha
                                                         Una coltre dipinta biancha                        In uno forziere i’ nelle Povarel
Mº Francesco di Giorgio ingignieri, lire quatro-         4 lenzuole use                                    El forziere di pento uso
cientovinticinque, 425.                                  Una tela bambagina invermichata                   Cinquanta quattro pezzi di stagno fra grande et
                                                         Uno pezo di tenda                                 picholo
4                                                        Uno lenzuolo uso                                  4 piategli di stagno grandi
Inventory of the items found in Francesco di             Una tovaglia vecchia                              viii [8] candelieri di ottone
Giorgio Martini’s house on piazza San Gio-               Duo tovagliolini mezani                           4 mi[s]cirobbe d’ottone
vanni, at the time of his death in December              3 coppi da oglio                                  3 baccini d’ottone
1501                                                     3 pommi da sparbieref                             Uno paio di mi[s]cirobbe di stagnio
ASSi, Curia del Placito, 649: 1503                       Duo gerlleg                                       [fol. 3v] Uno papafichom di bigio di londra bicono
                                                         X pezzi di rama fra scudelle e scudellini         4 tovagliolini alla parigina nuovi in peza
[fol. 1r]a In nomine Domini Amen. Hec est de-            Duo goffani dipenti                               xi [11] tovagliolini in peza alti e schietti
scriptio seu futurum inventarium omnium bono-            3 goffani dinanzi a letto                         viii [8] tovagluole in peza nostrane
rum mobilium existentium in domo heredum                 Una rosta di pani pavoni [?]                      xviii [18] tovagliolini parigini nuovi
Francisci Georgii et dictorum heredum sita Senis         Uno scannello di legnio                           xvi [16] braccia di tovaglie nuove alla parigina
in T. S. C. et populi Scti. Iohannis, descriptum per     4 libre di lino concio                            Uno paio di maniche di velluto nero use
me Antonium Ludovici de Docis, notarium et               Una letiera dipenta usa                           4 tovaglie di lenzo mezzane
coadjuvantum curie pupillorum.                           Uno sachone riuso                                 27 braccia di tovaglia alla parigina
                                                         Uno capezale uso                                  vii [7] lenzuola sottili nuove paie converghe
In prima in sala.                                        Uno matarazo uso                                  Una camorruccian da fanciulla di cambellotto con
Una credenziera quasi nuova.                             [fol. 2v] Duo goffanetti di legnio                maniche di velluto alisandrino
Uno paio di capi fuochi con 3 vergoni.                   Una bolgettah                                     4 canavacci tagliati nuovi
Una catena et uno paio di molli.                         Una coltre biancha                                Duo banchali a verzura figurati
13b sedie di stianccie                                   Uno vaso di rame                                  2 tovaglioli e 9 tovagliolini
II [2] sedie di legnio da uprire et serrare              Una sedia con bracciuoli di legno                 Uno scrigno vergaio
Una tavolaza da mangiare                                 Una mi[s]cirobba di stagno                        Uno paio di tenduccie di lenzo lavorate
Duo banchere                                             4 libri con tavole plinio et altri libri          Due paia di guanciali di lenzo lavorato
Uno rifrescatoio di terra bello                          Un quadro con una nostra donna                    3 fodare da guancciali lavorati di lenza
3 piattelletti di terra begli                            Una saccuccia di panno lino                       Uno scigatoio da battezare
4 scudelle de maiolicha                                  X libre d’accia sottile cucita                    3 sciugatoi da cappucciaio
Uno mortaio et una padella.                              Una sachuccia di panno lino con lino da pezuole   Uno sciugatoio nuovo grande
[fol. 1v] Uno libro di Sancto Girolamo con le ta-        di libre 3                                        Duo lenzuolella da culla
vole                                                     Duo quadri disegnati                              Due scigatoi da capucciaio

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Duo mocigliario di lenza                                       m. Vocabolario Universale Italiano, cit., V, p. 45, a rough
5 scigatoi di uno braccio da capo                              head-covering against wind and rain.
[fol. 4] 28 br. di reticella da lenzuola
Uno libriciuolo di donna fornito dargiento                     n. Ibid., III, p. 420, “gammuruccia”, a loose shirt.
5 scigatoi da tenere al collo                                  o. Ibid., IV, p. 412, “handkerchief”.
Una cassettina di oro cipresso
Uno scudo di broccato d’oro
Uno fodarone di bigio di londra
Uno paio di maniche di paonazzo da donna

5
Neroccio di Bartolomeo de’ Landi’s tax return
of 1481
ASSi, Lira, 191, fol. 83 (1481)

Dinanzi da voi spettabili aliratori exponsi per noi
Neroccio e Pietro di Bartolomeo di Benedetto, di
Neroccio dipintore e Pietro Mº di legname, avere
le infrascritte cose.
In prima due caselle nel borgo a S.cto Marco per
nostro abitare.
E due terzi d’uno pezo di terra nel piano della for-
nacie del quale n’aviamo di pigione fl. 11 l’ano, e
di questo siamo ubligati a farne le spese.
Item una vigna posta a S.cto Pollinare, costò fl.
180, la quale comprò Pietro detto de la sua dote.
Item una buttigha posta dal vescovado, per mio ha-
bitare, la quale comprai per mia vita da lo spedale,
fl 50, il quale habito ali presenti, io Neroccio.
Item haviamo debito fl. 20 in piu persone e debiti
10 co lo spedale di Sancta Maria della Schale.

6
Neroccio di Bartolomeo de’ Landi takes up a
life lease from the Spedale della Scala of Loren-
zo Vecchietta’s workshop on piazza Duomo,
near the Archbishop’s palace. Subsequently sold
by Spedale della Scala to Giacoppo Petrucci
ASSi, Spedale Santa Maria della Scala, 172, fol. 90
(1479)

Neroccio di Bartolomeo di Benedetto di Neroc-
cio dipentore debba usufruttuire tutto il tempo de
la vita sua solamente una chasa posta insula piazza
delo Spedale, la quale già tenne per sua vita Mº
Lorenzo Vechietta et di poi la venderono l’uso e
l’usufrutto di detta chasa a Misser Antonio Alber-
ti, 14 Novembre 1480 […].


a. Margin note, “Inventarium Heredum Francisci Georgii”.

b. Perhaps 3.

c. Vocabolario Universale Italiano, ed. Tramater and co.,
Napoli 1829-40, VIII, p. 177, a camp tent.

d. Ibid., I, p. 85, a type of linen or hemp.

e. Ibid., II, p. 341, a large concave bowl for laundry.

f. Ibid., VI, p. 475, “sparviere” is a canopy for a bed.

g. Ibid., II, p. 451, “gerla” is a rough basket with a flat
base.

h. Ibid., I, p. 662, “bolgia” is a pouch such as was used by
couriers.

i. Ibid., VI, p. 474, hood for bird used in falconing.

j. Ibid., I, p. 641, a large wooden vase, used also by buil-
ders for carrying water.

k. Ibid., III, p. 420, “gammurra”, a women’s shirt.

l. This almost certainly indicates that the chest was kept
in the nunnery of San Girolamo di Vallepiatta.

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I am grateful to Philippa Jackson for giv-        teenth-century monument, a bronze                  stitutes in Florenz”, XXXVII, 1993, pp.          Campansi (off Via Camollia), the convent
ing me the reference to the inventory             portrait bust by Fulvio Corsini, has re-           235-256; also, M. Tafuri, Ricerca del Rina-      of San Girolamo “delle Povare di Vallepi-
(Appendix, doc. 4) that forms the basis           cently been discussed by L. Scelfo in Il           scimento. Principi, città, architetti, Torino    atta” is to be identified as a Gesuate foun-
for the research presented in this article,       segreto della civiltà: la mostra dell’Antica       1992, pp. 94-96.                                 dation adjacent to the church of San Se-
as well as new information regarding              Arte Senese del 1904 cento anni dopo, ex-                                                           bastiano in Vallepiatta; see A. Liberati, Le
Francesco di Giorgio’s family. Petra Per-         hibition catalogue (Siena, Palazzo Pub-            21. Such activities are indeed document-         Gesuate di Vallepiatta (Siena), in “Bulletti-
tici and Maria Assunta Ceppari kindly re-         blico, Museo Civico, 18 December                   ed, see Chironi, Politici e ingegneri…, cit.     no Senese di Storia Patria”, XL, 1933, pp.
viewed my transcription of the docu-              2005-5 March 2006), eds. G. Cantelli,              [cf. note 19] and N. Adams, Architecture         411-418. On the confraternity dedicated
ments, and Christa Gardner von Teuffel            L.S. Pacchierotti, B. Pulcinelli, Siena            for Fish: The Sienese Dam on the Bruna           to Sts. Girolamo, Francesco and
read an earlier version of the paper and          2005, p. 448, with no discussion as to             River - Structures and Designs, 1468ca.-         Bernardino, see note 61 below.
made a number of helpful comments.                the motivation for the original posi-              1530, in “Technology and Culture”, 25,
Dates are rendered in modern style (the           tioning of the bust.                               4, October 1984, pp. 768-797.                    32. Francesco also owned a country
Sienese year began 25 March).                                                                                                                         property at San Giorgio a Papaiano at
                                                  8. Chironi, Appendice documentaria…, cit.          22. Moreover, Francesco di Giorgio had           the time of his death, but no inventory of
Abbreviation: ASSi = Siena, Archivio di           [cf. note 3], p. 402 (3 July 1472).                a large family and many daughters,               that has been found to date.
Stato.                                                                                               which qualified him for tax deductions,
                                                  9. ASSi, Concistoro, 2125, fol. 137: “inge-        that may in part have contributed to the         33. ASSi, Notarile Antecosimiano, 709, [no
1. From a vast bibliography, the two              gnerà fare assai bello acconcio”.                  rather low alliramenti of 300 lire (1491)        fol. refs.] (5 March 1501-02).
exhibition catalogues of 1993 constitute                                                             and 425 lire (1498).
a useful starting point, see F.P. Fiore, M.       10. ASSi, Lira, 69 (Libri della lira: 1478),                                                        34. Ibid., 893 (notary, Francesco Marti-
Tafuri (eds.), Francesco di Giorgio architet-     TC, Porta Salaria, fol. 17v: “Francesco di         23. F. Fumi, Nuovi documenti per gli ange-       ni), 11 October 1509, refers to Pandolfo’s
to, Siena-Milano 1993, and L. Bellosi             Giorgio di Martino depintore, lire sei-            li dell’altar maggiore del Duomo di Siena, in    first requests of October 1508, and de-
(ed.), Francesco di Giorgio e il Rinascimento     centoventicinque, 625”.                            “Prospettiva”, XXVI, 1981, pp. 9-25.             scribes the sale procedure. On Pandolfo
a Siena, Siena-Milano 1993. Also France-                                                                                                              Petrucci, see G.A. Pecci, Memorie storico-
sco di Giorgio alla corte di Federico da Mon-     11. General conclusions drawn from a               24. See Appendix, doc. 4.                        critiche della città di Siena che servono alla
tefeltro: atti del convegno internazionale di     survey of tax records for 1481. A tax re-                                                           vita civile di Pandolfo Petrucci, I-IV, Siena
studi (Urbino, 11-13 October 2001), ed.           turn of 625 lire places Francesco di Gior-         25. ASSi, Curia del Placito, 171, fol. 8v (9     1755-60 (repr. I-II, Siena 1988) and most
F.P. Fiore, I-II, Firenze 2004.                   gio among the top 45% of population by             February 1501-02); Milanesi, Documen-            recently, C. Shaw, L’ascesa al potere di Pan-
                                                  wealth; artisans (painters, stone and              ti…, cit. [cf. note 3], II, pp. 464-466 (fol-    dolfo Petrucci, ‘il Magnifico’, Signore di Sie-
2. Giorgio Vasari, Le vite dei più eccellenti     woodworkers, sculptors) have an average            lowed by Weller, Francesco di Giorgio…,          na (1487-1498), Siena 2001.
pittori, scultori ed architettori, ed. G. Mila-   taxable wealth around 200 lire.                    cit. [cf. note 14], p. 395), cites the wrong
nesi, Firenze 1906, III, pp. 69-75, p. 70.                                                           provenance for this document, which was          35. ASSi, Gabelle dei contratti, 332 (1508-
                                                  12. Chironi, Appendice documentaria…,              neither published nor discussed by him.          09), fol. 119v. The paper trail of these
3. Numerous documents of this sort                cit. [cf. note 3], 403 (ASSi, Lira, 186, fol.      Chironi, Repertorio…, cit. [cf. note 3], pp.     two documents confirms references to
were published by G. Milanesi, Documen-           70: value, 500 lire). He does not appear           481-482 (doc. 188), was also unable to           this sale, which were in part mentioned
ti per la storia dell’arte senese, Siena 1854,    in the tax records for 1483, see ASSi, Li-         trace this document, nor those that follow.      with incorrect archival references, by F.
II; and are usefully brought together in          ra, 201 and 203 (for the districts of San                                                           Donati, Francesco di Giorgio in Siena, in
G. Chironi, Repertorio dei documenti              Giovanni and Porta Salaria).                       26. ASSi, Curia del Placito, 171, fol. 26r       “Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria”,
riguardanti Mariano di Iacopo detto il Tacco-                                                        (10 May 1502); Milanesi, Documenti…,             1902, pp. 149-185, 182 n. 3 and cited,
la e Francesco di Giorgio Martini, in Prima       13. P. Bacci, Commentarii dell’arte senese.        cit. [cf. note 3], II, pp. 464-466, cites        without further checks, by A.S. Weller.
di Leonardo. Cultura delle macchine a Siena       I. Il pittore, scultore e architetto Iacopo Coz-   wrong provenance. For the birth of Gi-
nel Rinascimento, exhibition catalogue            zarelli e la sua presenza in Urbino con Fran-      rolamo Mamigliano, see ASSi, Biccherna,          36. The long drawn out case was opened
(Siena, 1991), ed. P. Galluzzi, Milano            cesco di Giorgio Martini dal 1478 al 1488,         1133, fol. 642v.                                 in April 1513 and is fully documented in
1991, pp. 470-482, and supplemented               in “Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria”,                                                            an un-numbered fascicule of ASSi, Curia
with G. Chironi, Appendice documentaria,          XXXIX, 1932, pp. 110-111.                          27. Chironi, Repertorio…, cit. [cf. note 3],     del Placito, 659 (wrongly cited and never
in Fiore, Tafuri (eds.), Francesco di Gior-                                                          p. 472 (doc. 5).                                 since traced, in Nuovi documenti per la sto-
gio…, cit. [cf. note 1], pp. 400-411.             14. Milanesi, Documenti…, cit. [cf. note                                                            ria dell’arte senese, eds. S. Borghesi and L.
                                                  3], II, pp. 400-402; A.S. Weller, Francesco        28. ASSi, Notarile Antecosimiano, 709, [no       Banchi, Siena 1898, p. 259). An identifi-
4. This prohibition of free movement              di Giorgio, 1439-1501, Chicago 1943, p.            fol. refs.] (5 March 1501-02); Milanesi,         cation of the rural site is in E. Repetti,
outside Sienese territory was formalised          14, for a loose translation of the letter.         Documenti…, cit. [cf. note 3], II, p. 466,       Dizionario geografico fisico storico della
by the Balia in February 1497 (see Chi-           On treatment of exiles, see C. Shaw, The           again cites the wrong provenance.                Toscana, Firenze 1841, IV, 55, who iden-
roni, Repertorio…, cit. [cf. note 3], p. 480      Politics of Exile in Renaissance Italy, Cam-                                                        tifies the suburban area to the North-
[doc. 161]).                                      bridge 2000, pp. 110-120.                          29. Milanesi, Documenti…, cit. [cf. note 3],     East of Siena, although I have been un-
                                                                                                     II, pp. 464-466, reports the marriage date       able to pinpoint the building.
5. The date of Francesco’s death is cited         15. The most accurate survey of the po-            and names of seven children (Antonia,
from a lost document that records his bur-        litical development is C. Shaw, Politics           Cornelia, Federigo, Lorenzo, Guido [d.           37. ASSi, Curia del Placito, 659, fols. 11-
ial at San Bernardino dell’Osservanza on          and Institutional Innovation in Siena              1508], Polisenna/Laura, Lucrezia), to            13, emerges from the proceedings of the
29 November 1501 (see Chironi, Reperto-           (1480-98), in “Bullettino Senese di Storia         which should be added the names of               hearings. It is also clear that the two sis-
rio…, cit. [cf. note 3], p. 481 [doc. 186]). A    Patria”, CIII, 1996, pp. 91-102, and CIV,          Girolamo and Maddalena. Birth docu-              ters resident in Urbino had little contact
death date late in 1501 is confirmed by           1997, pp. 194-307.                                 mented are: Polisenna Mariana (ASSi,             with their Sienese relatives, as they did
new documents presented in this article,                                                             Biccherna, fol. 353v [355v]; 9 December          not even know of their sister in the nun-
see below. A more substantial treatment of        16. Milanesi, Documenti…, cit. [cf. note           1470), Cornelia Philippa (ibid., fol. 369; 8     nery (see ibid., fols. 17-18).
Francesco’s late career in Siena will be          3], II, pp. 416-418.                               March 1473), Polisenna Mattea (ibid.,
published in chapter 9 of my Siena: Con-                                                             1133, fol. 616v; 21 September 1492). Mi-         38. Ibid., 662: [no number], 14 July 1515.
structing the Renaissance City, New Haven-        17. Chironi, Appendice documentaria…,              lanesi mentions that Federigo died before
London 2007 [forthcoming].                        cit. [cf. note 3], p. 476, doc. 91 (23 Janu-       his father. Further documents for                39. The principal documents are ASSi,
                                                  ary 1488).                                         Francesco di Giorgio’s marriage (and an          Notarile Antecosimiano, 1244, fols. 70 (5
6. Principal evidence is a description of                                                            earlier wedding to Cristofana Tadei, who         November 1515) and 72 (5 November
the site in a sale document, discussed be-        18. Appendix, docs. 1, 2 and 3.                    died soon after the wedding of 1467) are         1515); additional details can be found in
low, of 1509, ASSi, Notarile Antecosimiano,                                                          reported in Weller, Francesco di Giorgio…,       draft documents, surviving ibid., 1236,
893, act of 11 October 1509, drawn up             19. These issues are pursued at greater            cit. [cf. note 14], pp. 3 and 339 (docs. 3-5).   fols. 70 (5 November 1515), 72-73 (4 No-
by the notary Francesco Martini.                  length in chapter 9 of my forthcoming                                                               vember 1515), 79 (5 November 1515).
                                                  book, Siena…, cit. [cf. note 5]; see also G.       30. Recorded by Milanesi, Documenti…,
7. ASSi, Concistoro, 2125, fol. 137 (docu-        Chironi, Politici e ingegneri. I Provveditori      cit. [cf. note 3], II, p. 464.                   40. A final document, cited by Chironi,
ment dated 8 November 1477). Cited by             della Camera del Comune di Siena negli an-                                                          Appendice documentaria…, cit. [cf. note 3],
Chironi, Appendice documentaria…, cit.            ni ’90 del Quattrocento, in “Ricerche Sto-         31. For Antonia/Eufrosina, see full listing      p. 409, and ASSi, Balia, 70, fol. 31v (4
[cf. note 3], p. 403, and P. Pertici, La cit-     riche”, XXIII, 1993, pp. 375-395.                  of the convent community in legal claims         January 1519[20]), reports that charges
tà magnificata: interventi edilizi a Siena nel                                                       for inheritance in ASSi, Notarile Ante-          of tax evasion, against Francesco’s heirs,
Quattrocento, Siena 1995, p. 135 (doc.            20. As documented in correspondence                cosimiano, 1244, fol. 70, 5 November 1515        for the ‘Volta di Fighille’ property were
137). It seems probable that in the fif-          published in D. Carl, Giuliano da Maiano           (rough copy, ibid., 1236, fol. 70, 5 Novem-      revoked on the grounds of the 1515 sale
teenth century the distinction between            und Lorenzo de’ Medici. Ihre Bezeihung im          ber 1515). Such devotion to St. Jerome           (documented here), to Niccolò Bogini.
Vicolo delle Carrozze and Via Diacceto            Lichte von zwei neugefundenen Briefen, in          was by no means unusual. While there
was less clear than today. The nine-              “Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen In-            was also a convent of San Girolamo in            41. Inventories survive more often for the


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   18-19|2006-07 Annali di architettura
                                           Rivista del Centro internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio di Vicenza                                                  www.cisapalladio.org
later sixteenth centuries onwards. A use-        mestic architecture, see my “Più honorati        Münster 1986, p. 530. Thanks to Christa           sary for the formulation of his treatise ma-
ful checklist is to be found in L. Bauer,        et suntuosi ala Republica”: Botteghe and         Gardner von Teuffel for this reference).          terial and Vitruvius translation (e.g. “toglie
Oil sketches, unfinished paintings and the in-   Luxury Retail along Siena’s Strada Ro-                                                             ogni possibilità di continuare a supporre
ventory of artists’ estates, in H. Hager, S.     mana, in B. Blondé, P. Stabel, J. Stobart,       56. A late-fifteenth-century inventory of         un’origine del lavoro teorico di Francesco
Scott Munshower (eds.), Light on the Eter-       I. Van Damme (eds.), Buyers & sellers. Re-       items in the Palazzo Pubblico listed ta-          di Giorgio anteriore al suo trasferimento
nal City, University Park 1987, pp. 93-          tail circuits and practices in medieval and      pestry copies of the “pace” and “ghuerra”         nella città feltresca” [I, p. 223]). Such a
115. A recently published inventory with         early modern Europe, Turnhout 2006, pp.          frescoes (see G. Cecchini, L’arazzeria            strong resistance to a suitable intellectual
some up-to-date bibliography is J.               59-72.                                           senese, in “Archivio Storico Italiano”,           environment in Siena must be challenged,
Brookes, Santi di Tito’s studio: the contents                                                     CXX, 1962, p. 177 [doc. 7]). Fifteenth-           even if Urbino may have been the place
of his house and workshop in 1603, in “The       47. Francesco’s house might be said to           century appraisal of Lorenzetti’s frescoes        where Francesco’s interests were fostered
Burlington Magazine”, CXLIV, 2002, pp.           span across the status divide between the        is discussed in the ‘Introduction’ of my          by a favourable environment. On these is-
279-288. Our knowledge of artists’ hous-         artisan-residence of the fifteenth century       Siena…, cit. [cf. note 5]; see also D.L.          sues, see also G. Clarke, Roman House- Re-
es is also largely informed by sixteenth-        and the professional display functions of        Kawsky, The Survival, Revival and Reap-           naissance Palaces: Inventing Antiquity in Fif-
century courtly examples, see E. Hüt-            the “artist’s house” as it emerges by the        praisal of Artistic Tradition: Civic Art and      teenth-Century Italy, New York-Cambridge
tinger (ed.), Case d’artista. Dal Rinascimen-    sixteenth century, for which see notes 41        Civic Identity in Quattrocento Siena, Ph.D.       2003, pp. 92-97.
to ad oggi, Torino 1992; R.P. Ciardi, “Lo-       and 42.                                          thesis, Princeton University, 1995, pp.
cus ingenio:” una casa per l’immagine, in                                                         126-138 and 206-216.                              63. For a few comments on this subject,
R.P. Ciardi (ed.), Case di artisti in Toscana,   48. See comments on Francesco’s                                                                    see H. Burns, “Restaurator de ruyne anti-
Firenze 1998, pp. 9-28; also E. Rosen-           sketches from the antique, in H. Burns, I        57. P. Galluzzi, Le macchine senesi. Ricerca      che”: tradizione e studio dell’antico nelle at-
thal, The House of Andrea Mantegna in            disegni di Francesco di Giorgio agli Uffizi di   antiquaria, spirito di innovazione e cultura      tività di Francesco di Giorgio, in F.P. Fiore,
Mantua, in “Gazette des Beaux Arts”, LX,         Firenze, in Fiore, Tafuri (eds)., Francesco      del territorio, in Prima di Leonardo…, cit.       M. Tafuri (eds.), Francesco di Giorgio Ar-
1962, pp. 327-348. However, it is also           di Giorgio…, cit. [cf. note 1], pp. 330-357.     [cf. note 3], p. 31.                              chitetto, II ed., Milano 1994, 151-158.
important to remember the specific               For Baldassarre Peruzzi’s inheritance of                                                           Francesco Patrizi’s Vitruvian studies are
function that inventories served, and            Francesco’s ideas and drawings, see H.           58. Triumphs, battles and other mytho-            examined in chapter 4 of my Siena…, cit.
how these functions might condition              Burns, Baldassarre Peruzzi and sixteenth         logically derived narrative scenes might          [cf. note 5], while Francesco di Giorgio’s
their compilation, as has been pointed           century architectural theory, in Les Traités     be used for furniture (e.g. cassoni and spal-     use of specifically Sienese examples in
out by L. Syson, Representing domestic in-       d’architecture de la Renaissance, papers of      liere), and this piece may ultimately have        the second redaction of the Trattati is
teriors, in At Home in Renaissance Italy, ex-    the colloquium organized by Centre               been intended for such a use.                     considered in chapter 9; see also P.N. Pa-
hibition catalogue (London, Victoria and         d’études supérieures de la Renaissance                                                             gliara, Vitruvio: da testo a canone, in S. Set-
Albert Museum, 5 October 2006-7 Janu-            (Tour, 1-11 July 1981), ed. J. Guillaume,        59. A good surviving Sienese example              tis (ed.), Memoria dell’antico nell’arte ita-
ary 2007), eds. M. Ajmar-Wollheim and            Paris 1988, pp. 205-226.                         (now in the Pierpont Morgan Library,              liana. III: Dalla tradizione all’archeologia,
F. Dennis, London 2006, pp. 86-101.                                                               New York) of this sort of volume has re-          Torino 1986, pp. 28-30, and M. Tafuri,
                                                 49. I thank Monica Butzek for this infor-        cently been published by S. L’Engle, “…           Venezia e il Rinascimento, Torino 1985, pp.
42. Such inventories are rare for such an        mation, soon to be published in the              your worthy servant Felitiana”, in Siena ed       159-161 (related exclusively to a Vene-
early period, see L. Bauer, Oil sketches,        forthcoming volume P.A. Riedl, M. Sei-           il suo territorio nel rinascimento, III, ed. M.   tian context).
cit. [cf. note 41]. The contemporary in-         del (eds.), Die Kirchen von Siena. Der Dom       Ascheri, Siena 2001, pp. 153-158, and al-
ventory of Neroccio di Bartolomeo de’            S. Maria Assunta, I-III, München 2007.           so P. Pertici, Per la datazione del Libro         64. On St. Jerome and humanists, see B.
Landi is discussed below (see G. Coor,                                                            d’ore di Feliziana Bichi, ibid., pp. 161-169.     Ridderbos, Saint and Symbol…, cit. [cf.
Neroccio di Bartolomeo de’ Landi, Prince-        50. The partnership, and its break-up                                                              note 61], pp. 15-40; for Pliny’s circulation
ton 1961, pp. 152-159; see also Filippino        with a document dated 6 July 1475 (Mi-           60. A remarkably lavish cover for the             in the Renaissance, see the useful entry by
Lippi’s inventory of 1504, in D. Carl, Das       lanesi, Documenti…, cit. [cf. note 3], II,       Sienese Franciscan breviary (dated 1460-          A. Grafton, The availability of ancient
Inventar der Werkstatt von Filippino Lippi       465-466), is well known; see, for exam-          80) was linked to Francesco di Giorgio,           works, in The Cambridge History of Renais-
aus dem Jahre 1504, in “Mitteilungen des         ple, L.B. Kanter, Neroccio de’ Landi, in La      although no further connections have              sance Philosophy, eds. C.B. Schmitt and Q.
Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz”,        pittura senese nel Rinascimento, 1420-1500,      been drawn in this direction (see M. Col-         Skinner, Cambridge 1988, p. 87. On
31, 1987, pp. 373-391.                           exhibition catalogue (New York, Metro-           lareta, in Bellosi [ed.], Francesco di Gior-      Francesco di Giorgio’s use of Pliny, see
                                                 politan Museum of Art, 20 December               gio…, cit. [cf. note 1], p. 156).                 Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Trattati di
43. ASSi, Curia del Placito has been little      1988-19 March 1989), eds. K. Chris-                                                                Architettura, Ingegneria e Arte Militare, ed.
used as a source; research on the “material      tiansen, L.B. Kanter and C. Brandon              61. On devotion to St. Jerome in Siena,           C. Maltese, I-II, Milano 1967, ad indicem.
culture” of Sienese working-class homes is       Strehlke, Milano 1989, pp. 342-348, and          see B. Ridderbos, Saint and Symbol: Ima-          Maltese noted the use of Pliny’s Naturalis
being conducted by Paula Hohti.                  Coor, Neroccio di Bartolomeo…, cit. [cf.         ges of Saint Jerome in Early Italian Art,         historia as a memory-based citation in the
                                                 note 42], pp. 4-5 and 16-50.                     Groningen 1984, pp. 71-73; on the                 second version of the Trattati, see
44. The practice of keeping valuables in                                                          major confraternity devoted to the saint,         Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Trattati…,
religious institutions was wide spread,          51. See R. Toledano, Francesco di Giorgio        see C. Alessi, La Confraternita ritrovata.        cit., II, p. 293 and n. 2; it is nevertheless
see, for example, K.J.P. Lowe, Nuns’             Martini: Pittore e scultore, Milano 1987, p.     Benvenuto di Giovanni e Girolamo di Ben-          noticeable from Maltese’s notes that use of
Chronicles and Convent Culture in Renais-        108; also A. Angelini, in Bellosi (ed.),         venuto nello Spedale Vecchio di Siena. The        Pliny is extensive and exclusive to the sec-
sance and Counter-Reformation Italy, Cam-        Francesco di Giorgio…, cit. [cf. note 1], p.     Rediscovered Confraternity. Benvenuto di          ond version of the treatise. Indeed, manu-
bridge 2003, pp. 216-218.                        474.                                             Giovanni and Girolamo di Benedetto in Sie-        scripts Biblioteca Comunale di Siena,
                                                                                                  na’s Spedale Vecchio, Asciano (Siena) 2003        S.IV.4, and Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale
45. Conclusions drawn from contents of           52. For example, see ibid., pp. 410-412.         (Quaderni della Soprintendenza per il             di Firenze, Magliabechiano II.I.141
rooms, as listed in inventory (Appendix,                                                          patrimonio storico, artistico e demoet-           (Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Trattati…,
doc. 4). The bedroom contained a bed as          53. As A. Bagnoli rightly pointed out, it        noantropologico di Siena e Grosseto, 1),          cit., II) are heavily dependant upon Pliny
well as mattresses, sheets and a bed-            is important to bear in mind the probable        with some comments regarding the con-             for the discussion of building materials
warmer; the study contained various dec-         role of Iacomo Cozzarelli or Ventura Tu-         nections between the confraternity and            (ibid., pp. 301-323) as well as other natur-
orated benches (spalliera) and a chest           rapilli in such workshop practice (see           numerous artist members, including                al phenomena, indicating that Francesco
containing papers. A detailed study of           ibid., p. 412).                                  Francesco’s associate, Pietro Orioli (for         had regular access to the text (see, for ex-
Renaissance interiors can be found in D.                                                          which see also A. Angelini, Pietro Orioli e       ample, paraphrase “Recita Plinio nel 31 li-
Thornton, The Scholar in his Study. Own-         54. It is interesting to note that an early      il momento ‘urbinate’ della pittura senese del    bro De naturali istoria […]”, ibid., p. 423);
ership and Experience in Renaissance Italy,      low-relief marble Madonna, now in the            Quattrocento, in “Prospettiva”, XXX,              though it is impossible to know when the
New Haven-London 1997, pp. 77-98; D.             Staatliche Museen, Berlin, is recorded as        1980, pp. 30-43). See now also discussion         Pliny entered Francesco’s possession, evi-
Thornton, L. Syson, Objects of Virtue: Art       having been in the Augustinian her-              in my essay Civic Identity and Private Pa-        dence of this sort seems to support a dat-
in Renaissance Italy, London 2001. See           mitage of Lecceto (near Siena), with an-         trons in Renaissance Siena, in Renaissance        ing of this final version of the Trattati to
now also the exhibition book, At Home in         other low-relief marble Madonna, attrib-         Siena: Art for a City, exhibition catalogue       his final years in Siena.
Renaissance Italy, cit. [cf. note 41], for       uted to Federighi. It might be conjec-           (London, National Gallery, 24 October
careful room-by-room analysis of the             tured that these are the reliefs in ques-        2007-13 January 2008), ed. L. Syson,              65. The political activity of the Landi is
élite residence.                                 tion (see ibid., pp. 196-197).                   London [forthcoming].                             recorded by R. Terziani, Il concistoro della
                                                                                                                                                    Repubblica di Siena (1498-1525), an online
46. It seems evident that this inventory         55. A painted lettiera is depicted, for exam-    62. The central thesis of M. Mussini,             resource [www.storia.unifi.it/PIM/Scrip-
was not concerned with listing workshop          ple, in a panel of the John the Baptist altar-   Francesco di Giorgio e Vitruvio: Le traduzioni    torium/Terziani.htm]; also M. Ilari, Fa-
items, but only the domestic interior            piece by Giovanni di Paolo, now at Mün-          del “De Architectura” nei codici Zichy, Spencer   miglie, località, istituzioni di Siena e del suo
(this explains omission of the Via Diacce-       ster (see Die deutschen, niederländischen und    129 e Magliabechiano II.I.141, I-II, Firenze      territorio, Siena 2002, p. 193.
to rooms, linked to the house as men-            italienischen Tafelbilder bis um 1530, cata-     2003, is that Urbino was the only place
tioned above). Shops or workshops fre-           logue of Westfälisches Landesmuseum für          Francesco di Giorgio could have been ex-          66. The inventory was partially pub-
quently filled ground floor of Sienese do-       Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, ed. P. Pieper,       posed to the humanist environment neces-          lished by Milanesi, Documenti…, cit. [cf.


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                                          Rivista del Centro internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio di Vicenza                                                  www.cisapalladio.org
note 3], III, pp. 7-9 (doc. 2: 27 January       75. On Alessandro Bichi, and his palace,
1469), while a full transcription can be        see M. Quast, Il Palazzo Bichi Ruspoli, già
found in Coor, Neroccio di Bartolomeo…,         Rossi in Via Banchi di Sopra: Indagini per
cit. [cf. note 42], pp. 152-159. Attempts       una storia della costruzione tra Duecento e
to trace the originals of this document         Settecento, in “Bullettino Senese di Storia
have been fruitless.                            Patria”, CVI, 1999, pp. 156-188; also R.
                                                Terziani, Il governo di Siena dal medioevo
67. ASSi, Lira, 191, fol. 83, and Appen-        all’età moderna: la continuità repubblicana
dix, doc. 5. No general survey has been         al tempo dei Petrucci (1487-1525), Siena
made of Sienese artists’ residences, al-        2002, pp. 218-248.
though this could be assembled from the
Lira. Nonetheless, Francesco’s residence        76. Chironi, Appendice documentaria…,
is not the norm. Even the wealthy               cit. [cf. note 3], p. 405. Vannoccio conti-
Sodoma lived in San Donato all’Abbadia          nued to be a major contractor for cultu-
(outside the centre), see Milanesi, Docu-       ral and technological commissions after
menti…, cit. [cf. note 3], III, pp. 181-182     the death of Francesco (see my “el Papa
(doc. 109).                                     non verrà:” The Failed Triumphal Entry of
                                                Leo X de’ Medici to Siena (November 1515),
68. See Coor, Neroccio di Bartolomeo…, cit.     in “Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen
[cf. note 42], pp. 152-154 (items 4-83).        Institutes in Florenz”, 2008 [forthco-
                                                ming]). A series of essays on Vannoccio
69. Ibid., pp. 152-154 (cucina items, 84-       Biringucci are collected as Una tradizione
135). It is curious that so many workshop       senese. Dalla Pirotechnia di Vannoccio Bi-
objects were collected in his residence         ringucci al Museo del Mercurio, papers
(see note below).                               from a conference (Pontignano-Abbadia
                                                San Salvatore, 1992), ed. I. Tognarini,
70. See R. Bartalini, Il tempo di Pio II, in    Napoli 2000, particularly, G. Chironi,
Bellosi (ed.), Francesco di Giorgio…, cit.      Cultura tecnica e gruppo dirigente: la fami-
[cf. note 1], pp. 94-96; Coor, Neroccio di      glia Vannocci Biringucci, pp. 99-130.
Bartolomeo…, cit. [cf. note 42], pp. 16-48.
                                                77. For a mining business venture that
71. Collaboration seems likely in portraits     involved Pandolfo Petrucci, Paolo Sal-
of Federico d’Aragona and Alfonso Duke          vetti, Francesco di Giorgio, Paolo Van-
of Calabria, awarded in 1479, while the         nocci Biringucci and others, see Chironi,
Duke was in Siena (see C.H. Clough, Re-         Politici e ingegneri…, cit. [cf. note 19].
view. Francesco di Giorgio: checklist and hi-
story of manuscripts and drawings, in “Re-      78. ASSi, Curia del Placito, 659, fol. 14v (10
naissance Studies”, VIII, 1994, p. 101).        May 1513) and subsequent testimonies. It
The division document is transcribed by         is widely accepted that Iacomo Cozzarelli
C. Zarrilli, Francesco di Giorgio pittore e     was Francesco’s main assistant, (see F.P.
scultore nelle fonti archivistiche senesi, in   Fiore, Giacomo Cozzarelli, in Dictionary of
Bellosi (ed.), Francesco di Giorgio…, cit.      Art, ed. J. Turner, London 1996, VIII, pp.
[cf. note 1], p. 531 (doc. 23), from ASSi,      100-101). On Barili, S. Fraschetti, Antonio
Notarile Antecosimiano, 610, fol. 1r.           di Neri Barili, in Domenico Beccafumi e il suo
                                                tempo, exhibition catalogue (Siena, 18 Ju-
72. It seems that the workshop was re-          ne-4 November 1990), ed. P. Torriti, Mi-
quisitioned by Giacoppo Petrucci du-            lano 1990, pp. 548-554. The question of
ring the 1490s. The original usufruct           Francesco di Giorgio’s network of assi-
concession is mentioned (without docu-          stants, and his working methods, is ad-
mentation) by Coor, Neroccio di Bartolo-        dressed more extensively in chapter 9 of
meo…, cit. [cf. note 42], p. 6, and can be      my Siena…, cit. [cf. note 5].
documented in ASSi, Spedale Santa Ma-
ria della Scala, 172, fol. 90 (1479), with      79. See Chironi, Repertorio…, cit. [cf.
the rubric “Vendessi a Giacoppo Petruc-         note 3], p. 479 (doc. 141), and Milanesi,
ci”. On the development of Giacoppo’s           Documenti…, cit. [cf. note 3], III, pp. 27-
palace during the 1490s, see my Creating        29; ASSi, Balia, 253, fol. 227 (June 1506),
a Stage for an Urban Elite: the Re-develop-     for continued observation of Francesco
ment of the Via del Capitano and Piazza         di Giorgio’s High Altar project.
Postierla in Siena, in The World of Savona-
rola: Italian Elites in Crisis, conference      80. M. Tafuri, La chiesa di San Sebastiano
proceedings (University of Warwick, 39-         in Vallepiatta a Siena, in Fiore, Tafuri
32 May 1998), eds. C. Shaw and S. Flet-         (eds.), Francesco di Giorgio…, cit. [cf. note
cher, Aldershot 2000, pp. 182-193, esp.         1], pp. 302-317; Mauro Mussolin, how-
pp. 185-186. Vecchietta’s will, which           ever, suggests a later dating for the
makes no mention of the concession of           church and attributes the design (with
his workshop to Neroccio, is transcribed        the exception of the crypt) to Baldassarre
in Milanesi, Documenti…, cit. [cf. note         Peruzzi (see now M. Mussolin, San Se-
3], II, p. 366 (doc. 262 [10 May 1479]),        bastiano in Vallepiatta, in Baldassarre Pe-
and is in ASSi, Spedale Santa Maria della       ruzzi (1481-1536). XX Seminario inter-
Scala, 56.                                      nazionale di storia dell’architettura, eds.
                                                Ch.L. Frommel et al., Vicenza 2001, pp.
73. The acquisition notice, which includ-       95-122. Either way, the San Sebastiano
ed release clauses on a number of life-leas-    commission was closely associated with
es is recorded as ASSi, Spedale Santa Maria     the Novesco group, as also were the Gesu-
della Scala, 528, fol. 94, and had been ap-     ate nuns of the convent in Vallepiatta.
proved with a decision of Spedale Santa
Maria della Scala, 25, fol. 8. Remission of     81. The role of Francesco di Giorgio in the
life-leases can be found in ASSi, Spedale       architecture of late-fifteenth-century Siena
Santa Maria della Scala, 172, fol. 90.          is examined further in chapter 9 of my
                                                Siena…, cit. [cf. note 5].
74. Names mentioned in the document,
ASSi, Notarile Antecosimiano, 1244, fol.
72 (5 November 1515).


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