RESUMES by pengtt


									                                       UNESCO Seminar
                           in partnership with UFRGS and FAPERGS
                                     29/30 January 2001

                                Democracy and Global Governance :
                                what challenges for the 21st century ?

Bionotes and Summaries of each participant

Guillermo R. Aureano
Bionote : Guillermo Aureano is currently under a post-doctoral research programme at the Institut
d‟Etudes Politiques (Sciences Po Paris) and is also associate researcher within the Research Group on
International Security (University of Montreal). Email: Main
research themes: the quality of democracy and the drugs war. Main publications: La construction
politique du toxicomane dans l‟Argentine post-autoritaire (1999) and ¿Extraña pareja? Canadá,
México y la cooperación bilateral antidrogas (sous presse).
Summary of the paper : Different actors, different issues ». This article examines two issues in which
two initiatives aimed at creating a public space on the planetary scale in the domain of the fight
against drugs are examined: The Special Session of the United Nations on the World Problem of
Drugs and the Experts‟ Meeting of the Dialogue Group created within the framework of the American
Summits. The first is of international scope and the second regional; and both emphasize the limits
and potential of cooperation between two multilateral organisms, governments and non-
governmental organizations. They also underline the fact that the formulation and implementation of
fairer and more equitable international anti-drug policies are tributary to a non-complacent debate on
legitimacy, involving the attributions and responsibilities of all the NGOs.

Paul Nkwi
Paul Nchoji Nkwi is professor of anthropology at the University of Yaounde I, Cameroon, He is president of the Pan African Anthropolohgical Association. He
coordinates the Unesco/Most project « Ethnonet Africa », a comparative research network of African
scholars working on ethnicity and monitoring ethnic conflict. His most recent edited book is entitled
"The Anthropology of Africa; Facing the Challenges of the 21st Century", Icassrt Publication, 2000.
Summary of the paper : Democratization emerged as one of the megatrends at the close of the
twentieth century. This brought to the center stage concepts as such as civil society, governance
and freedom of the press. Since the West had served as the laboratory for their development, these
posed a serious problem for Africa where different forms of social relations and governance existed.
Because of its specificty, there were calls for the indigenization of these concepts whose proponents
argued that this would help to liberalize liberal democracy. There was no consensus on this issue as
some even doubt the probability of their "enracination" . Focus on context deserves more than a
cursory emphasis as the forces unleashed by globalization are at work. This should augur well for the
chances of democratic consolidation in Africa. New actors such as non-governmental organizations
committed to promoting Western democracy have been introduced into the arena. Though an
accurate assessment of this dynamics can be carried out only in the long term, present trends can
also begin to reveal what the future portends. Presently, there is a consensus that African
democracies must possess certain universals, dealing mostly with the finer aspirations of people, for
example, the guarantee of human rights, freedom of speech and due process before the law.
Jaime Preciado Coronado
Bionote: Jaime Preciado is Professor and Researcher at the Department of Ibero-Latin American
Studies at the University of Guadalajara. Email: Main research themes:
political geography, local governance, decentralisation, social policies, poverty, geopolitics in Mexico
and Latin America. He is a member of the Scientific Committee College of the Social Sciences PhD
Programme, and the National Research System. Former director of the “Centro de Estudios Ibéricos y
Latinoamericanos”, and the “División de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad”.
Summary of the paper:
Following the fall of the PRI State party régime, rooted in corporatist and neo-corporatist cleavages
which ensured government control, the challenge put forward to the Fox administration is the
democratic governance in Mexico. Despite increasing acceptance of the legitimacy of the Fox
leadership, its relationship with the political system and the party that brought it to power – the PAN
– is not sufficient to ensure the cohesion of the political class. Furthermore, the social conflict
privileges the entrepreneurs for obtaining a governing consensus while distancing themselves from
the intermediate social groups and creating a certain ambiguity with public non-governmental
organizations. The Fox government has opted for “total quality”, transparency, “accountability” and
anti corruption, resulting in international recognition; however the main decision-making is centred
on economic policy, i.e. sustainable growth, a social policy ensuring the redistribution of revenue to
combat poverty and a definitive solution to the Chiapas conflict. Thus, democratic governance in
Mexico depends on overall pluralistic legitimacy, on obtaining civil society‟s consensus and efficient
decision-making which is both redistributive and useful to the international market.

Bunker Roy
Bionote: Bunker Roy has been living and working from a village called Tilonia since l971.He started
the Barefoot College in l972.He is married for the last 30 years.His wife Aruna Roy is involved in a
mass organisation that spearheaded a campaign on the Right to Information in India.
Summary of the paper :
So called because 29 years ago a group of young people coming from an urban area believed there
should be a centre of learning and re-learning only for the poor. The knowledge, skills and practical
wisdom of the poor needed to be respected and applied on a wide scale for their own development
without being dependent on urban trained paper qualified „experts‟. It was to be located in a small
village called Tilonia and called Barefoot because millions of the rural poor in India walk barefoot
without feeling ashamed and work on the floor without shoes. The Barefoot College was to
demonstrate the powerful universal application of the ideas and thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi, who,
after 50 years after Independence, is misunderstood and devalued in India today.

Jean-Pierre Razafy Andriamihaingo
Bionote: Jean-Pierre Rafazy-Andriamihaingo is a lawyer in the Court of Paris and teaches in several
French universities. He also works a consultant at the Intergovernmental Agency for French speaking
countries in juridical and judicial cooperation. Prior to this, he was in charge of seminars for
international civil servants on the subject of good governance at the Institut des Hautes Etudes pour
la Francophonie in Paris. Email : He is the author of several articles
published in the French press related to laws and political institutions in China and Japan and has
written reports on the system of justice in French speaking countries.
Summary of the paper : Good governance, at the legal and institutional level, means more space for
freedom, democracy and development. This implies the promotion and reinforcement within each
State of those institutions and mechanisms which contribute to greater protection under the law
(legal fabric/structure), to a greater degree of political and civil democratisation and to the
protection of fundamental human rights. It is a question both of facilitating the establishment of a
legal and institutional environment, which encourages competitiveness, economic restructuring, and
the growth of viable economic partnership networks. An example would be the legal protection of
business transactions, which itself can only be the consequence of suitable legal instruments that are
easy to use and whose application is coherent and meets the legitimate needs of the greatest
number. The quality of democracy is measured also by the degree of mobilisation freely accepted
by the population and by the emergence of new partnerships between public and private
undertakings capable of mobilizing all those fighting for democracy and human rights. But, because
there is no single blueprint for democracy, the forms in which it expresses itself vary from one
country to another, since they must conform to their respective historical and cultural and social
realities and peculiarities. For example, certain countries in Asia which have a different vision of
freedoms based more on a system of behavioural norms than on rights put forward a conception of
democracy at variance with the liberal model. Does this mean less political diversity and less
enjoyment of rights of every kind, civil and political, economic, social and cultural and their
guarantees that the liberal model - which appears to be inherent in the phenomenon of globalization
- implies? Whatever the case, these distinctions are themselves evidence of the concern felt in many
countries to improve the quality of democracy by adapting it to their particular societal needs and on
this basis develop an ethic of their own. However, this does not imply a seeking out of particular and
specific features which would counter the universality of human rights and democracy. In this
respect, a comparison between experiments currently taking place within the Francophone
movement is instructive. In an attempt to attain a better form of democracy, these experiments
integrate – and attempt to internalise – various legal and institutional traditions as well as the
universal principles set out in international instruments. The international legal instruments
themselves evolve to keep pace with democratic process and can be classified in four “generations”:
libertarian at the outset (Declaration of the Rights of Man), they took the form of “fundamental
rights” (bringing in constitutional guarantees), then of economic, social and cultural rights
characterized as "credit rights" as distinct from the "freedom rights" of the two preceding
generations, and finally took the form of solidarity and development rights. To improve democracy
is also to make sure, over and above the mobilisation mentioned earlier, of the acceptance of
inherent rights and values - on the assumption that the different social orders will play an active role,
to take into account the socio-cultural and political/economic context, and to set up appropriate
public and private institutions as well as protective judicial and non-judicial mechanisms of control,
appeal, mediation, and intervention. Here again, the experience of countries in Asia and in the
Francophone movement, by which it is possible to gain a perspective of an intercultural nature in
particular, is instructive.

David Westendorff
Bionote : David Westendorff is a research co-ordinator at UNRISD, the United Nations Research
Institute for Social Development in Geneva, Switzerland. E-mail: His
current research areas are urban governance and civil society and social movements. He is guest
editor of the May 2001 issue of the Oxfam journal Development-in-Practice.
Summary of the paper :
Partnership, even more than collaboration, is the word most often heard today connecting the words
„local authorities‟ and „civil society organizations‟ or „NGOs‟. Relationships – situations in which
interaction is likely -- between these entities do exist in different cities and towns around the world in
a broad range of domains. Among the most common domains of interaction are service delivery,
policy formulation, advocacy, research and capacity building. However, recent research conducted
by UNRISD and by other institutions and researchers suggests that genuine partnerships that stand
the test of time are far rarer than public discourse would suggest. Indeed it may be that true
partnerships are less likely to occur as long as international agencies, NGOs and governments
continue to abuse the term by pretending that power, responsibility, resources and accountability are
being shared in an equitable manner. What is needed, among other things, is for each of the parties
involved in these „partnerships‟ to allow a more dispassionate evaluation of the factors constraining
and promoting more positive interactions among these actors at the local level. International
organizations have a responsibility themselves to support and promote such efforts as part of their
wider mandate to make local governance more democratic, responsible and effective throughout the

Guy Hermet
Bionote : Director of studies at the Institute of Political Studies in Paris, and recently appointed to the
international chair at Brussels University, Guy Hermet previously taught at Lausanne University and
at the Institut Universitaire des Hautes Etudes Internationales in Geneva. He created the Instituto de
altos estudios para el desarollo in Bogota and was the vice-president in the NGO Doctors without
borders. Specialised in the issues of the emergence of civic culture and transitions to democracy,
particularly in Latin America, he has published a number of books in French, Spanich and other
languages (Culture et Développement, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po/BID, 1999, and Le passage à la
démocratie, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 1996).
Summary of the paper :
A preliminary explanation is necessary concerning relations between the State, the IGOs and the
NGOs in the case of emerging countries. In these countries, the States have only recently donned
their democratic attire. It is therefore important that the large international agencies do not use this
immaturity to practise a global governance which would weaken them even more.                          The
democratisation of the emerging States has certainly only had limited effects. However, as the
progress of all of them depends much more on their own resources than on the ever contentious
intervention of external “development promoters”, these outside agents cannot put their States in
quarantine by delegating too many of their attributions to the NGOs or private institutions which are
perceived to be more reliable. On the other hand, these States have to be brought to fulfil their
functions, and if need be force them to assume their role as the State.

Sarah Ben Néfissa
Bionote : Bionote: Sarah Ben Néfissa is chargée de recherches at the Institut de Recherche sur le
Développement (IRD, France). Email: As a political scientist whose
specialization is Egypt and the Arab world, she has studied the phenomenon of Islamic welfare
associations in Egypt, and more broadly speaking, Egyptian associations generally. Ms Néfissa has
published a reference work on Egyptian associations and was co-director of a symposium on “NGOs
and Governance in the Arab World” organized jointly with UNESCO (MOST), the CEDEJ and the
Centre      des    Etudes     politiques   et     stratégiques     d‟Al   Ahram,     in     March    2000
( She is also involved in research on the formation and
characteristics of administrative and political framework in Egypt. This is how she came to study the
political nature of the discourse on Islamic law, the political stakes involved in the “informal” systems
of conflict resolution in Egypt, the underlying causes of the disfavour into which Egyptian political
parties have fallen, the dysfunction at the local level of the administrative and political system and,
lastly, the Egyptian legislative elections held in October-November 2000. Her most recent
publications are: Ben Néfissa S and Kandil A., Egyptian Associations (in Arabic), Cairo, Centre
d‟Etudes Stratégiques et Politiques d‟Al Ahram, 967 p., 1995; Ben Néfissa S, Les difficultés d‟une
anthropologie juridique des sociétés musulmanes et la question du dogmatisme, in Boetsh, Dupret,
Ferrié (ed) Droits et sociétés dans le monde arabe. Perspectives socio-anthropologiques. Aix en
Provence. 1997. Presses Universitaire d‟Aix en Provence. Collection: Laboratoire de théorie juridique
: 107-122; Ben néfissa S,” Libéralisation de la vie associative en Egypte: ONG, Etat et société” . in
J.P. Deler, Y.A. Fauré, A. Piveteau et P.J. Roca (eds) ONG et développement. Paris. 1998. Karthala:
465-483; Ben Néfissa S. NGOs, Governance and Development in the Arab World: Discussion Paper.
Management of Social Transformations (MOST-UNESCO), 2000, (46): 1-32; Ben Néfissa S,: “Le „sans
famille‟ entre l‟Islam, la société et l‟Etat: éléments d‟une problématique du lakit aujourd‟hui en
Egypte” in B. Destremeau B, Ireton F, Deboulet A (eds) Dynamique de la Pauvreté au Moyen Orient..
Paris. 2000. Kartala-Urbama (sous presse).
Summary of the paper: The Egyptian legislative elections which took place in October-November
2000 give the appearance of a divergence with regard to the preceeding elections. The fact is, that
for the first time in Egyptian political history the electoral campaign was subject to judicial control
thanks to the decision by the Constitutional High Court last July, which the elected officials
respected. Due to the complex nature of the electoral process and the contradictory results, political
science research is divided between two theses: whether elections are a step in the direction of
democratisation of the regime, or whether they simply represent the end of politics per se in Egypt?
The argument put forward by supporters of the former rests on the relative honesty of the election
procedure, despite certain obvious failings and excesses especially during the third phase. And it is
for this reason that one positive aspect of these elections was to present for the first time a
comparatively true picture of the Egyptian political chessboard and the state of the power struggle
between the different tendencies: fall of the party in power (PND), which only managed to regain its
position of supremacy in parliament by recuperating the majority of the victorious "independents"; a
quite astonishing win by the Muslim Brotherhood; the fall from power of the Wafd (liberal
opposition); and the considerable gains made by the Tagamuu (nationalist left) and the Nasserites.
The aim of the present paper is to try to get away from the division/dichotomy between these two
arguments and try to qualify them on the basis of facts deduced from on-the-spot observations of
voting taking place in a single electoral district, the Achmoun district in the governorate of Ménoufia.
Apart from the fact that the national outcome of these elections is far from devoid of political
significance, the electoral procedure, taking place for the first time under the watchful eye of the
judges, revealed, over and above all, that the Egyptian citizen is not "apolitical" by nature; they did
not participte in preceeding elections because they were doubtful, and justifiably so, of the probity of
the elections process. These last elections have given rise to greater voter participation, as the new
technique of electoral rigging - which consists in preventing voters from casting their ballots or, to be
precise, from entering the voting station -confirmed. It could be said that one of the great political
phenomena revealed by these elections is what could be called the premise of the "birth of the
individual voter" in Egypt as opposed to the phenomenon of the "collective vote" of previous
elections with their endless succession of mediators.

Anik Osmont
Bionote: Annik OSMONT, social anthropologist: Laboratory of Urban Change, France. Email address: Mrs Osmont is co-director of La recherche urbaine pour le développement (Urban
research for development), a research programme which the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs has
entrusted to the scientific research group, GEMDEV (Economie mondiale et développement), France.
Her publications include: La Banque mondiale et les villes (1995); La "gouvernance", concept mou,
politique ferme (1998), Is small so beautiful? (2000).
Summary of the paper: Title: Urban government and local democracy
Under the principles of neo-liberal globalisation development calls for urbanisation, and cities are
considered as existing to serve the interests of market development: they are there to furnish
foreign investors with the most accommodating structures. From this perspective the urban local
regain of importance in developing countries is a sign of an adapted globalisation which requires the
"territorialization" of its actions on the condition that these "locals" form a coherent global
network. Thus, we witness the beginnings of urban gouvernance founded upon a system of logic
which is a direct offshoot of decentralisation and the privatisation of the public services which
accompany the revival of policies promoting the integration of poor but potentially productive urban
populations. Within this movement, can democracy be built up from the grass-roots level? There is
little room for manoeuvre, since good governance tends to become synonymous with local
democracy. However, in concrete situations we see, over the long term, periods of open conflict
(with land occupation) followed by periods of negotiation leading to projects based on compromise
(rehabilitation of neighbourhoods). In order to build a new "localist paradigm", the social actors
(politicians, local groups, ONGs, businesses…) must clarify their role of representation or
participation. This also presupposes that each of them has a serious specialist capacity and can
distinguish clearly between moments demanding passive mediation and those when active mediation
is required.

Dorsala Bazalica (NA)
Bionote : Dorcella Bazalica is in charge of the Human Rights Program in the UNESCO Office in
Bujumbura (Burundi). E-mail address : . She works in programmes related to the
assessment and implementation of the National Program on the Culture of Peace in Burundi. She
took part in the National Commision responsible for organising the first democratic elections in
Burundi, and is still a member of the High Council of the Burundi Magistrature. Her
publications include : Education to Human Rights in the Educational Systems of Burundi, Education to
democracy at the University of Burundi, initiatives undertaken in the field of Peace Education, Human
Rights and Democracy in the formal and informal Education sectors.
Summary of the paper : With regard to the subject of my paper, it would seem to me worthwhile to
cast a glance back to history of Burundi in order to see where we are coming from ; so I propose in
the first chapter an overview of the democratic experience in Burundi (from the precolonial period to
the independance). In a second chapter, I‟ll develop the aspects of culture and democracy in
traditionnal Burundi society. I will investigate the institution of the Bashingantahe (the « wise
men »), Human Rights and the social and cultural values related to democracy. I‟ll try to show the
relations between democracy and ethnic groups. In a third chapter, I will list the different solutions
which have been tried in order to establish a democracy based on consensus in order to reassure all
the ethnic communities. A short conclusion will close this paper.

Anil Gupta
Bionote : Dr Gupta received his PhD degree in management from Kurukshetra University (India) in
1986 after Masters in Biochemical Genetics in 1974 from Haryan Agri. Univeristy, Haryana. He is
currently a professor in the Centre for Management in Agriculture. Biodiversity conservation practices
is the trust in his work. His desire to develop a platform to recognise, espect and reward local
innovators was the stimulus behind the creation of the Honey Bee network. The name Honey Bee
was chosen to reflect how innovations are collected without making the innovators poorer and how
connections are created between innovators. Honey Bee network has demonstrated that by building
upon a resource in which poor people are rich in, that is their knowledge, a new paradigm of
development can be unleashed. To help provide support structures for grass roots innovators and
link formal and informal knowledge systems, SRISTI (Society for Research and Initiatives for
Sustainable Technologies and Institutions), a global initiative and a NGO, to network local innovators
was established in 1993.
Summary of the paper : (NA)

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