203 who wanted to move beyond feudal boundaries to do so within the spacious framework of a larger community. If it was the aesthetic net- works that allowed their members to exchange their political identities for citizenship in a common world, then it is hardly remarkable that aes- thetic identities were so influential in shaping the minds of Tokugawa people. 204 8 Poetry and Protest: The Rise of Social Power During the late Tokugawa period, economically advanced regions of Japan saw the phenomenon of proto-industrialization: the vigorous rise of cottage industries that produced commercial goods such as textiles, sake brewing, potteries, and fertilizers. Commercial agriculture flourished in many regions, which increased the flow of cash to some rural people. As Tokugawa Japan entered the nineteenth century, the signs of the national- scale market activities and commercialization were observed everywhere. Such socio-economic transformation was accompanied by the rise of pop- ular literacy and the spread of elementary education through private com- munity schools called terakoya. It was under these conditions that the network of cultural associations became deeply enmeshed with the so- cial and economic networks of Japanese society. Aesthetic publics' ability to generate alternative realities sometimes provided a jumping board for mobilizing people's contentious actions in local communities. The experience of people switching their identities to those of poets or artists was coupled with a temporary suspension of their formal feudal identities. People experienced a periodic alteration of their personal iden- tities because they enjoyed a different quality of social relations in these circles. Since the state's disciplinary strategy demanded the categorical segregation of people, the trespassing of feudal categorical boundaries in the aesthetic circles constituted a form of latent protest to the Tokugawa order. However, the linkage of poetry and protest did not end only with the categorical reformulation and mentality transformation. When the rise of aesthetic networks coincided with the socio-political transformation of Tokugawa society and the changing nature of local communities, the rise of aesthetic publics and their networks of voluntary associations began to have a different meaning. Although Tokugawa Japan at this stage can still be described with a label of "civility without civil society," given the fact that civil liberty was not codified and protected by the neo-feudal 205 Tokugawa regime, this society was curiously well-equipped with networks of various types of people that had developed an ability to decide and assert their own social and political matters. When networks of artists and poets came to enmesh with socio-political and economic networks in communities, qualities of social relations in communities were also in transition. Among all sundry collections of regional, occupational, and status groups that were incorporated into the decentralized yet integrated Toku- gawa national hierarchies, village communities had been historically the most powerful base for political protest. The revenue of grain taxes was the main source of income for the shogunate and the local daimyo polities; villages collectively had the responsibility of paying grain taxes, and in doing so they kept some negotiating power with the samurai author- ities. Villager-organized contentious actions of ikki also peaked in the nineteenth century. Unlike the medieval ikki leagues that I discussed in Chapter 4, Tokugawa ikki did not include the samurai. Tokugawa ikki were usually based on village organizations (remember the fact that the samurai were no longer living in villages during this period). Vil- lagers sometimes formed networks of contentious actions that crossed the boundaries of political domains. This phenomenon can be called the rise of social power. The remarkable developments of networks of aesthetic circles and traveling art professionals further expanded spheres of social interactions that were invisible and uncontrollable from the viewpoint of the state authorities. Thus, from the late eighteenth to the nineteenth cen- turies, with the development of proto-industrialization, the rise of social power and aesthetic publics often overlapped in a new way. The strong presence of aesthetic networks in local communities was a cause as well as a consequence of the transformation of communities. The Rise of Cultured Rural People Toward the nineteenth century, Tokugawa local communities were en- dowed with intersecting networks of production, commerce, and aesthetic circles. Although these different kinds of networks never conflated each other, together they made social relations of communities much more flexible and open-ended. In particular, the authorities were disturbed by the fact that these activi- ties were enjoyed not only by the elite villagers but by the common people as well. Although the activities themselves were generally tolerated, the idea of peasants partaking of too many cultural activities was disgusting to the authorities, who feared their consumptive lifestyle might decrease their tax-paying abilities. One of those officials wrote a report to the authorities 206 in the early nineteenth century that stated, "The most recent findings are that people's lifestyles have deteriorated." This officer was the magistrate in charge of supervising provinces in the Kanto (the Kanto torishimari deyaku) responsible for the order and security of towns and villages of the eight provinces comprising the area surrounding Edo. Provinces were under the shogun's direct rule. He noted in his report in 1826: Performing artists of various types go out from Edo to visit dif- ferent areas in the Kanto and generally wander around. These people include masterless samurai, Confucian scholars, painters and calligraphers, haikai masters, ikebana teachers, and masters of igo or shogi games. They organize meetings, get permits from the local village officials, and earn good money from wealthy people in the area, and encourage luxurious spending. As a re- sult, the peasants get lazy and neglect farming because of their bad influence.... I recommend the prohibition of those wander- ing people visiting villages. Luxurious consumption is not good for the good people.1 The report continued to criticize rural cultural activities. The villagers were not only enjoying those activities, but they were also engaging in swordsmanship, and "fencing masters were also wandering around villages.... Even with previous prohibition, it has not stopped." The provinces of the Kanto were dominated by commercial agriculture in this period and were also developing flourishing cottage industries such as cotton and silk weaving. The hosts of the visiting performing and martial artists from Edo were village executives and gamblers (bakuto) who were local bosses. They helped artists and poets schedule meetings in towns and villages and facilitated the mobilization of villagers. The presence of com- mercial capital in villages clearly helped them to support many traveling cultural professionals. The official's report is one of many indications that the economically advanced regions of rural Japan had developed networks of amateur en- thusiasts by the end of the eighteenth century that were capable of hosting traveling intellectuals and artists across an array of fields. Of the many amateur associations in the rural areas, the haikai circles were again the most typical, and they constituted the space of publics able to host visitors from the outside. The spheres of publics that were created by provincial amateur associations were usually organized by the more affluent and influential members, but they remained open to outsiders as well as to the less successful members of the community. The remarkable rise of the rural cultured people could not be fully understood from a viewpoint of increasing economic capital accumulated in local towns and villages. 207 Without the presence of the local amateur networks, it is doubtful whether rural communities would have had the structures or mechanisms to wel- come such varieties of professionals, intellectuals, poets, painters, dancers, Kabuki actors, musicians, and igo and shogi players.2 The sociological notion of social capital — readily available social re- sources in the form of social networks — helps us to understand the dy- namics of a new situation facing rural Japan during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The rural society of Tokugawa Japan was not simply accumulating economic capital that in turn attracted a variety of hobby teachers. In fact, rural Japan became endowed with networks of people that for the first time reached beyond traditional kinship ties or communal neighborhood ties. Hobbyist circles were organizing people within villages and extending into the outside world. In other words, these rural villages entailed "network-rich" communities that encouraged people to act on their own behalf by taking advantage of those networks. Therefore, it appears that once social capital is invested in society, the network relations begin to function in unexpected ways that may in fact depart dramatically from the original context of the relationship. For example, friendships formed among a group of college classmates may become an effective business or political network if one of the members of the circle invites the others to invest in a new business or help out in a campaign for public office. Structures embodied within relationships can function as resources for individual actors and can be combined with other forms of capital to produce different social outcomes. Individuals can use social networks as resources for their own ends and can combine them with other forms of capital — economic, political, and cultural — to produce different social outcomes. The policing official of the shogunate was frustrated because he observed the rise of uncontrollable "social power," power derived from networked people who effectively functioned outside state control. People often overlapped their participation in these various circles. Si- multaneous membership in a number of different groups was not confined to purely aesthetic interests and activities. In fact, as will be discussed later, the haikai networks in the agricultural provinces from the late Tokugawa to the early Meiji periods often overlapped with the political networks of the contentious movements.3 The regions of Japan with a high level of grassroots participation in political mobilization before and after the Meiji restoration correspondingly had a high density of haikai networks. This combination of poetry and politics was not without its irony, considering the fact that the Tokugawa civilizing process entered through the back door, so to speak, as a private arena deemed inferior to the public (oyake, ko) forum. The question then arises: How could the development of networks of amateur poets signify, as well as catalyze, the emergence 208 of social power — in other words, a network capacity for political mobi- lization outside the state? The Haikai Network in Japan's Snow Country Since the wide proliferation of the Tokugawa poetry groups even into rural areas is unusual in the history of any country, a closer look at a specific example of these amateur circles may convey the flavor of their activities. I have chosen to focus on Echigo province, a rural area of Japan, rather than on Edo or another large city, precisely because the existence of poetry groups in outlying areas or farming villages would be unusual from a comparative viewpoint. Echigo province was economically backward and has been called the "snow country" of Japan because in winter the houses are often covered by ten or more feet of snow. In 1800, a young tradesman named Suzuki Bokushi (1770-1842), living in Shiozawa-mura, a village in Uoniwa County, made a promise to himself to organize a literary project in his province on an unprecedented scale. He decided to set up an "Open Haikai Poetry Competition with Ten Judges" in Echigo. Poetry contests of this sort were very popular at the time. Suzuki himself was a small-scale trader in chijimifu, a kind of cloth made of hemp. Chijimifu was the basis of a regional cottage industry — it was produced primarily by farm women in their homes, particularly during the long winters. The local traders in this commodity were middlemen who purchased the chijimifu from the farm families and carried the cloth on their own backs for trading. The expansion of the Japanese commercial market economy during the sev- enteenth and eighteenth centuries increased the numbers of these local traders, whose networks connected the snow country to the national con- sumption centers. He was known as a hard worker, a successful trader who made his living honestly. Throughout his life, he was devoted to his family business as well as to art and literature.4 He later described his commitments as follows: "Although I enjoyed the world of refined ele- gance, I was also exceptionally diligent in keeping up with my business concerns.... Even in snow storms I often ate my lunch on my feet, while I was carrying my goods on my shoulders." Suzuki Bokushi organized his literary project with his characteristic energy, carefulness, and perseverance. He began by circulating a one- page announcement of the competition through various local networks. Contestants were asked to submit the customary application fee of 16 mon per entry — about the cost of a bowl of noodles. Suzuki and his associates probably distributed the announcements during their trading trips. Within eight months, 4,022 haikai entries had been submitted by 209 men and women from different status groups. Most of the submissions came from haikai circles in the villages closest to Bokushi's home, but others were sent from circles in the provinces of Joshu and Bushu, which formed part of the chijimifu trading route to Edo. Bokushi's hard work did not end with the distribution of his handbills. He made ten meticulous copies of each entry — over 40,000 copies in all — and sent them to ten famous haikai poet-instructors who had agreed to serve as judges. These judges were scattered all over Japan, from such large cities as Edo and Osaka to towns in Sanuki province on the island of Shikoku; all were far removed from Echigo. The ten judges then gave points to each entry on a 1-to-9 scale. After the organizer computed the to- tal points for each entry, 299 poems were chosen as winners. The winners' poems were printed, and a special haikai-making party was organized in celebration. The winners' haikai were inscribed on two wooden panels that were dedicated at the local Shinto shrine. The extensiveness of the network resources that this young trader was able to mobilize is remarkable. The surprisingly large number of entrants from these largely agricultural provinces is clear evidence of a rich endow- ment of communicative networks. "Ten-Judge Competitions" were an es- tablished popular style of haikai competition during this period, which Bokushi simply emulated. The practices of such competitions were made possible only by the dense and extended networks of the haikai circles. The intricate and efficient haikai network that was involved in Bokushi's contest was by no means unusual. There were many haikai circles and other types of amateur artistic groups in both the cities and rural areas of Tokugawa Japan that included samurai, priests, merchants, artisans, and farmers. The reader can imagine that if the agricultural provinces supported literary activities with such enthusiasm, the larger cities must have been extremely lively centers for artistic and literary circles. Careful examination of the evolution of the large-scale popular haikai networks around Kyoto, Osaka, and Edo proves, as a matter of fact, that the haikai network in the snow country was not only usual but was built on a cen- tury of previous institutional development that had stimulated the growth of haikai networks throughout Japan. Complex Overlapping Networks The local communities of Japan in this period had networks based on three major organizing principles. The first was network relationships based on kinship, probably the fundamental type of network in many so- cieties. The second type included networks based on political structures. The Tokugawa villages were connected to the upper reaches of the political 210 system by basic units of administration. The rural villages were governed semi-autonomously by the villagers themselves because the samurai lords were obliged to live in castle cities during this period. This pattern, of course, meant that the villagers had to form political networks among themselves in order to handle their day-to-day internal affairs. The third type of network included economic and commercial relationships. The economic system of the Tokugawa farming communities had originally been contained within the framework of local grain production. This relatively undeveloped agricultural economy produced barely enough sur- plus to pay the grain taxes due the samurai authorities. As the commercial- ization of the Tokugawa economy moved outward from the cities, how- ever, the agrarian villages were incorporated within the dense networks of the national market economy. In particular, the commercialization of textile production and related agricultural products markedly altered the face of the agrarian communities, especially in advanced regions like the Kinai (near Kyoto and Osaka) and the Kanto provinces. The amateur artistic and literary associations, including the haikai cir- cles, clearly added a significant new principle of network organization to the agrarian communities, namely group formation based on shared knowledge rather than ascriptive principles or political reasons. Further- more, in the Japanese experience, the haikai circles were the earliest and most extensive examples of knowledge-based networks in which the in- dividuals who chose to participate constituted the basic units of member- ship rather than their ie or families. This focus on the individual formed a sharp contrast with other principles of network organization during this period. In political networks, for example, the basic unit of administrative jurisdiction was the ie, or house. Each person's formal status was defined on the basis of his or her ie (house). Moreover, it was the ie, and not the individuals within it, that was responsible for tax payments. In economic matters also, the prosperity of a farmer or trader was understood as ful- fillment of responsibility for the well-being of the family business rather than an individual success story. But in the haikai circles, membership was purely a personal matter. This regard for the individual added a new dimension to the network structure of the Tokugawa village communities. We have already noted that the haikai groups had formed three loosely organized tiers by the late eighteenth century: the circles of urban sophisti- cates in Edo, Osaka, and Kyoto; circles at the provincial level, centered in the daimyo castle towns; and circles at the level of the smaller communi- ties. Even in the outlying villages, there were haikai circles within walking distance of almost any member of the community. The important point in this context is that the haikai circles in rural communities often overlapped with the pre-existing networks based on kinship, local self-government, or commercial interests. In the case of the haikai groups, the nature of 211 this poetry simultaneously satisfied people's desire for individualistic self- expression and their desire to retain the spirit of horizontal solidarity within their local communities. Many trading relationships among the rural merchants also acquired a social dimension through the haikai cir- cles. In fact, in several instances, the commercial trading networks that crisscrossed the agrarian communities — such as Suzuki Bokushi's chijimifu trade route — overlapped with the haikai circles' patterns of recruitment. But even though the amateur poetry networks were considered private and personal, they allowed and encouraged free development beyond the boundaries of existing social relationships. Through the socialization that took place in the haikai circles, the political and economic networks some- times intersected and strengthened. For example, parents found brides for their sons through the amateur literary networks. By adding a new orga- nizational principle to the older bases of network formation, the haikai circles raised the density, scale, and dynamics of rural networks to a qual- itatively different level. To be more precise, the circles' ability to link the population of rural Japan and other knowledge-based networks in the outside world qualita- tively changed the cultural capital of the village communities. On the one hand, it is certainly true that even before the Tokugawa economy under- went its rapid expansion in the seventeenth century, the Japanese agrarian communities were never completely isolated. They had always retained certain connections to the rest of Japan via overland trading routes. On the other hand, in terms of knowledge-based networks, the Tokugawa haikai circles and similar artistic networks created more institutional- ized and systematic ways of connecting villagers to the outside cultural milieu. The Haikai Circles and Kokugaku in the Edo Hinterland Let me offer the reader a few more specific examples of how villagers be- came connected to the outside world. A Japanese historian, Sugi Hitoshi, has published a study of the haikai network in Bushu province between Ome station and Ogimachiya, an area that consisted of seven villages strung along a trading route. The published results of a haikai competi- tion that was held in 1846 listed 50 winners in a field of 9,300 entries. The 1846 booklet, which was unusually detailed for a haikai publication, included the names of the winning poets, their official status, their occu- pations, and their other hobbies. The 50 winners included three women and 43 persons officially classified as belonging to the hyakusho (con- ventionally understood as farmers), although 15 of these "hyakusho" were in fact local merchants and owners of cottage industries. The other 212 competition winners included several lesser samurai, Buddhist and Shinto priests, and a medical doctor. With respect to their other cultural pursuits, 18 poets were described as especially ardent devotees of haikai. Apart from haikai poetry, nine winners listed ikebana, another nine mentioned kyoka (humorous waka poetry), three listed fencing, and two were in- terested in waka poetry. Kokugaku (native learning), gesaku (humorous fiction), the tea ceremony, and ukiyo-e prints were each listed by only one person. Sugi speculated on the basis of his findings in the Kanto provinces that the culture enthusiasts in these largely rural areas of Japan included only a minuscule percentage of persons schooled in the Japanese classics or classic waka poetry — the foundation for learning the Kokugaku. At most, these highly educated persons would have entailed no more than 1-2% of the provincial haikai poets. In Haijima, a town in the Tama region, only one of approximately one hundred known haikai poets in the mid-nineteenth century had some background in Kokugaku and waka poetry. Students of classical learning tended to come from the wealthier families in the region, but these members of the rural cultural elite were connected to the less-educated cultural enthusiasts through the haikai circles.5 Although Sugi's findings and conclusion may seem minor, they have significant implications in understanding the Japanese political revival of the nineteenth century. It is generally accepted by Japanese historians that Kokugaku, or the "School of Native Learning," was a major influence on the grassroots political movements that preceded the collapse of the Tokugawa shogunate and Meiji Restoration in 1868. Kokugaku began as an intellectual movement that claimed to find "true" Japanese sensibility in the national classics rather than in Buddhism or Confucianism. The adherents of this school thus insisted on the necessity of in-depth study of the literary productions of the imperial court. This combination of romantic nostalgia and scholarly research into the sources of the Japanese collective identity evolved into an effective political ideology in the mid- nineteenth century when the shogunate became threatened by the forces of Western imperialism. The Kokugaku's Strategic Position in Networks The School of Native Learning is usually regarded as an intellectual an- tecedent of the Meiji Restoration in that it contributed to the reformu- lated nationalist version of a cultural and political system centered on the emperor. The Meiji Restoration is typically described as a "revolution from above," in which a segment of the samurai-elite rebelled against the 213 shogun and finally ushered in the downfall of the long-lasting Tokugawa bakuhan state. During the process of the Meiji restoration, however, a significant number of the grassroots revolutionaries who claimed to be samurai in fact were not "official" members of the samurai class. They were the members of wealthy upper-class farmer families who apparently were often mobilized through their local Kokugaku networks.6 These data present the historian with a question of interpretation. It is known that none of the branches of the Kokugaku movement ever en- listed a sizable number of disciples. The skills required to read and com- prehend the original texts of the Japanese classics demanded perseverance and commitment, as well as intelligence. The various Kokugaku schools therefore organized a relatively small fraction of the educated population in the various provinces7; the extensiveness of their networking was not as large as the pervasive popularity of the haikai networks. On the other hand, if a Kokugaku student were a key person in his lo- cal community and well-connected via the haikai circles to a wider range of the rural cultured population — as well as to national networks of the Kokugaku and other cultural activities— the Kokugaku movement itself could mobilize a much larger group of political sympathizers in the agri- cultural provinces than the actual number of its enrollees would suggest. One of the famous literary models of the process that carried some young men from haikai circles to Kokugaku classrooms and thence to political mobilization is Aoyama Hanzo, the protagonist of Shimazaki Toson's fa- mous autobiographical novel, Yoakemae (Before the Dawn). The novel's primary setting is Shimazaki's hometown in the Kiso Valley in Nagano prefecture. The area's cultural infrastructure was known to have been first established through the haikai circles that arose there during the late Tokugawa period. Following this development, the Hirata school of Kokugaku was established in the area. It supplied the inspiration that motivated Aoyama Hanzo, a local well-to-do farmer (gono), to join other activists in supporting the Meiji Restoration. Hanzo's idealistic dreams for social renewal were betrayed by the hasty modernization/Westernization policies of the Meiji government. Once the new ruling oligarchy had sup- planted the shogunate, it turned away from inclusive policies, which ex- cluded many grassroots activists (from wealthy farming families) from the political process. These disillusioned local leaders often redirected their energies toward regional renovation movements; some of them eventually joined the "freedom and people's rights" (Jiyu Minken) groups. These in- digenous democratic movements that emerged in the agricultural regions of late nineteenth-century Japan made a remarkable contribution to the history of Japanese democracy. They could only thrive because of the so- cial and cultural capital accumulated by the rural haikai circles of the Tokugawa period. 214 Western scholarship on the intellectual developments leading to the Meiji Restoration thus tends to focus on the study of the School of Na- tive Learning as an intellectual prelude to the Meiji Restoration. That is understandable given the fact that the Kokugaku activists played a role in rallying the restoration. Yet, the development of social networks through the popularity of the haikai poetry and other arts was rarely discussed in relation to the rise of social power. However, unlike the School of Native Learning, which was started originally for the study of waka poetry and other Japanese classics, the haikai was much more popular and suitable for busy people with their own occupations who could not devote much time to in-depth scholarship of classics. A contemporary haikai leader also perceived this situation and claimed that the haikai was the means of expressing aesthetic tastes for people with real works. "Waka may be good for courtiers, wealthy merchants and farmers, Shinto priests, and retired persons" who had a lot of spare time, but the haikai was for every- body who wanted to express "the way of aesthetics and elegance inherent in Japan" ("nihon ni sonaeshi fuga no michi")8 by using colloquial and common vocabulary. Through this process of cultural popularization and dissemination by the haikai networks, the image of an ideal Japan, defined by the cul- tural idioms of an imperial dynasty, captured the popular imagination because the emperor's court symbolized the venerable antiquity, histor- ical continuity, and aesthetic refinement associated with elite culture. A number of different courtly cultural idioms were popularized through relatively inexpensive for-profit publications, as well as the activities of amateur literary and artistic circles. This situation was not without its irony in that the process of Tokugawa dissemination of elite culture was carried out through largely commercial networks within a political frame- work shaped by a ruling class of former warriors — not by the impe- rial aristocracy that had originally defined these cultural standards. At the same time, the dominant samurai class promoted the cultural im- agery of the emperor's household, which became a part of the consti- tutive vocabulary of Japanese collective cultural identities. This cultural development was a prelude to the Meiji restoration of 1868, which united the Japanese people under the revitalized image of the ancient imperial house. Rural Literacy and Haikai Circles To be sure, the activities of the agrarian haikai circles were made possible by a relatively high rate of literacy among the Japanese peasantry. As was mentioned earlier in this book, there is no reliable way of calculating the 215 average rate of literacy in Tokugawa Japan. But it is known that, even in rural areas, it was not unusual for farming families with modest in- comes to send their children to school. One interesting source of relevant data is a survey that was made of the participants in the Chichibu Rebel- lion (also known as the Konmin-to, the "Poor People's Party" Rebellion) of 1884. A number of poor peasants joined the rebels. After this large- scale jacquerie was suppressed, the police tested the participants for lit- eracy and found that about 40% of the 581 questioned were literate.9 Although this incident took place 16 years after the Meiji Restoration, the relatively high rate of literacy reflects the scope of the Tokugawa com- munity education system. When one considers the fact that adult males involved in the 1884 rebellion had been educated in a communal private school system developed during the Tokugawa period, rather than in a modernized system of public education,10 a 40% literacy rate is quite impressive. 11 Other illustrative data regarding rural literacy are derived from the com- memorative records of small rural community schools (terakoya). We may consider as a typical example of a cultured farmer Aizawa Muan, who was active from the late eighteenth to the first half of the nineteenth cen- tury in Kamikoide, a small village in the foothills of the Akagi Mountains in Joshu province. Muan owned an average or slightly larger than aver- age farm, which was cultivated primarily by his family workforce. But he also ran a small private community school in Kamikoide. In this village of 78 farming families, about 60% left records of sending their children to Muan's school, although only 10 of the 135 students were female. The students came from families whose holdings varied in size, but the ma- jority of families had only average- or small-sized farms. Muan used a textbook of his own composition for teaching the students to read; the text derived much of its content from legal and tax-related documents.' Although the data on rural literacy are unsystematic at best, some de- mographers estimate that by the early nineteenth century many farming families saw to it that male offspring received at least some kind of edu- cation. In particular, farmers in the more advanced areas of commercial agriculture were concerned about educating their sons so that they would be able to calculate commodity prices and make similar computations. The rising rate of literacy in the rural communities of Tokugawa Japan was certainly conducive to the proliferation of haikai circles and other cultural activities. In fact, nineteenth-century Japan must have been one of the most literate societies in the world — even before the introduction of modern educa- tional systems. On the other hand, we should not overestimate the level of literacy as a measure of popular cultural power. Among the rural peas- antry, literacy by itself would have been insufficient to constitute a social 216 force. Analysis of popular collective uprisings indicates that peasants who were barely literate could organize effective political actions. In my opin- ion, the level of the combination of cultural capital and social capital is a more interesting and telling index of social force than the rate of liter- acy alone. Those villages that had accumulated a significant amount of cultural capital simultaneously developed extensive sets of culture-based networks extending to the outside world. Muan's case again presents an interesting picture. He was a leader of the local haikai circle as well as a schoolmaster. His circle, which had about 60 members, was a cultural network that drew members from as many as 17 neighboring villages at the foot of Mount Akagi.13 Muan kept abreast of contemporary intel- lectual trends while contributing his own firm viewpoints to large-scale cultural networks. In short, he played a key role in at least three different village networks. His position as the local schoolmaster made him influ- ential in the transmission of knowledge inside and around the village. He was also a central figure in the regional haikai networks. Because of the respect that Muan commanded within the haikai circuit, his reputation and connections with others extended far beyond the range of his immedi- ate surroundings. The presence of a cultured person like Muan in a rural area reflects the expanding cultural and social power of the Tokugawa villages. Put somewhat differently, the local haikai circles and other groups of amateur cultural enthusiasts mediated the accumulation of cultural and social capital in the rural areas of Tokugawa Japan. Furthermore, the reader should note that the activities of rural culture enthusiasts like Muan had no official connection with the samurai authorities. His contributions were all voluntary, and he did not receive any government funding or recognition. In other words, Muan's cultural and educational networks were social spheres that operated outside the state's control and beneath its notice. These autonomous spheres of publics created a space filled with the potential of increased social power for the rural population. Poetry Circles and Freedom and People's Rights Movements The links between the agrarian haikai circles and the Jiyu Minken, or "freedom and people's rights" movements, in the Tama region illustrate the explicit connection between popular literary networks and the rise of social power. The Tama region lies in the Edo hinterland and had grown prosperous from the introduction of commercial agriculture during the late Tokugawa period. The area has had a reputation for silk and textile production and trading since the late eighteenth century. Complex and 217 extensive networks of village haikai groups developed in this area along the routes of the silk traders. The Tama region is also known to Japanese historians as the center of the Jiyu Minken Undo (the freedom and peo- ple's rights movements) after the Meiji Restoration in 1868.14 The vigor- ous democratic movements in this region were supported by grassroots activities and have become an icon of Japanese popular democracy through the definitive studies of Irokawa Daikichi, a Japanese historian. The symbol of Tama's politicized cultural energy was the composition of the so-called Itsukaichi Constitution (1881), a draft version of a national constitution written by the people of Itsukaichi. This private draft of a modern constitution, which included progressive provisions for human rights and civic freedom, was planned and sponsored by local cultural circles called "The Itsukaichi Lecture Group.”15 Areas like Tama that were known as centers of popular agitation for democracy and people's rights also had reputations, in most cases, as re- gions with a high concentration of haikai circles in the late Tokugawa era. Recent excavation of primary sources has shed further light on the contributions of local cultural networks to political mobilization in the Tama region. For example, in the small city of Fukuu, the Matsubara-an school had a succession of haikai circles with extensive networks in the area since the late Tokugawa period. The amateur poetry networks over- lapped with the silk and textile trading networks that supported the re- gion's economy and extended both cultural and economic connections as far as Edo and Yokohama. In the immediate vicinity of Fukuu, the haikai circles not only included the well-to-do farmers and merchants but also the less prosperous farmers, as well as the Shinto priests and other local intellectuals.16 Some names of famous political and intellectual leaders of the democratic movements of the 1880s, such as Ishizaka Masataka, ap- pear in the regional haikai publications of the 1870s. The haikai circles in part also overlapped with amateur groups interested in Chinese-style po- etry and several different upper-class literary genres. Taken together, these groups comprised a kind of local cultural public by the mid-nineteenth century. The strength of the amateur haikai circles lay in their ability to recruit the politically influential residents of the area across national party lines.17 The circle participants also organized lecture groups and shogakai, which were open exhibitions of painting and calligraphy in which famous pro- fessionals demonstrated their skills on the spot.18 The participants in the haikai circles and shogakai included the most distinguished local activists for the freedom and people's rights movements. The leaders of these grass- roots political action groups had enjoyed long-standing social ties with one another through their various cultural activities prior to the wave of political enthusiasm that swept over the region in the 1880s. These 218 cultural and social networks had laid the groundwork for such remark- able activities as the draft of the "Itsukaichi Constitution," as well as other local initiatives for political change. The Haikai Networks and the Poor People's Party Rebellion The connection between the culture of the haikai groups and political mobilization is even more apparent in the case of the so-called Chichibu Rebellion, or Konmin-to (Poor People's Party) Rebellion, a large-scale peasant uprising against the Meiji government in 1884. Chichibu is a mountainous region that was also known for silk production in the nine- teenth century. By the time of the Meiji Restoration, silk had become the main Japanese export, a driving force behind the modern nation-building that had begun less than two decades earlier. A sudden sharp drop in the price of silk, however, had hurt the Chichibu region's economy around this time. The Poor People's Party clamored for government reform and drew several thousand armed peasants into violent demonstrations. The region had supported a flourishing network of haikai circles since the Tokugawa period. Inoue Denzo, one of the leaders of the rebellion, was sentenced to death but escaped to Hokkaido, the northernmost island of Japan. Denzo, who was known as a peasant haikai poet, continued to write poetry for local haikai circles from his hideout in Ishikari, Hokkaido. The historian Moriyama Gunjiro was inspired by Denzo's case to research local shrines in the Chichibu for haikai dedication panels. Haikai circles had developed the custom that after a particularly intense haikai linked-verse meeting or any other noteworthy cultural achievement, the participants would in- scribe a record of the event on wooden panels and dedicate them to the local Shinto shrine. Moriyama's survey reveals a high degree of correlation between the number of panels in community shrines and the extent of the area's in- volvement in the rebellion. The high density of the cultural networks in the mountain villages of Chichibu appeared to be effective in mobilizing the population for political activities. Moriyama found 120 examples of dedication panels in this region; 91 were dedicated by haikai groups, and the remainder commemorated such other cultural activities as martial arts. Although most of the pieces found in the shrine were conventional love poems and comical pieces, some poems clearly whiffed of rebellion. One striking panel, dedicated a few months before the rebellion, was found in the local shrine to Sakura Sogo in Nagaru village. This popular type of Shinto shrine was associated with the cult of Sakura Sago, a 219 legendary leader of a peasant uprising in the Sakura region during the early Tokugawa period. He was supposed to have been executed in the mid-seventeenth century in the course of an attempt to rescue the vil- lagers from the tyranny of a particularly brutal overlord. He is, as Anne Walthall noted, "the archetype of the peasant martyr, a man who de- liberately sacrificed himself on behalf of his community."19 Identifying the presence of a Sakura Sago shrine in a community of the uprising was telling. Moriyama was surprised to find two poetry panels dedicated in this shrine in the very same year of the Poor People's Party Uprising. Apparently, just as the medieval ikki horizontal alliances often had linked-verse sessions before their military actions, peasants in this community had two poetry-making sessions to solidify their dedication to their project of protest. Furthermore, Sakura was the family name of this legendary leader of the rebellion, but it is also a homonym of cherry blossom. The prayer to the god of Sakura was also a prayer to cherry blossoms. As we have seen in Chapter 3, medieval Japan had various kinds of spheres of mu'en (no relation) that provided people with opportunities to uncouple themselves from their feudal network constraints. The aesthetic publics formulated around the za arts, such as Cherry Blossom linked-verse sessions, utilized technologies of producing "mu'en no-relation" to the feudal categorical order by linking to the depth of ethnomentality in Japanese folklore. The symbolism of cherry trees that connected this world to the dead and the involvement of marginal people of mu'en were such examples. The rise of the Tokugawa state, which laid a more integrated system of control over the country, diminished uncontrolled spaces in which freedom created by mu'en technologies could thrive. In an unexpected way, however, the older memory of the symbolism of cherry blossoms as the connection of the world of the living and the dead came to play a role in this late nineteenth-century commemorative session of poetry before the rebellion. In the panel dated April 1884, there are many suggestive pieces of verse such as: Cherry blossoms bloom And you and I bloom To bear fruits and seeds in the future (saita sakura to omai to watashi, sue niya mito naru tane to naru) This poem is taking a convention of a popular love song, but it appears to imply that collective action will do good for the future. The ethno- mentality of poetry and protest evident in the medieval link between the 220 ikki league and linked verse was also thriving in the prayer to the god of Sakura in these poems. There is also such a direct voice of anger: The abolition of the samurai Only brought the misery of conscription; The suffering of parents never ends.20 — Kozo (Buke o haishite chohei sawagi, Oyano kuro ga taewasenu) Shall we pray to the God of Sakura? I will be joined to you forever, dear Sogo! 21 — Baigetsu (ogan kakeyoka sakura no kami e sue wa omai to sogasan) The active presence of haikai networks thus represented the simultane- ous accumulation of significant cultural and social capital in the smaller communities of the late nineteenth century. Although Moriyama did not find the contemporary haikai panels from every village that participated in the Chichibu Rebellion, he sometimes found older haikai panels in these communities. The periods in which these older panels of the haikai were dedicated corresponded to the times of peasant uprisings such as the Tenmei (1781-1789), Tenpo (1830-1844), and Keio (1865-1868) eras. These grassroots cultural activities were primarily carried out through artistic and literary networks that drew upon intuitive and indirect meth- ods of communication. However, once the Tokugawa people had acquired their cultural and social capital, the cultural developments of the late Tokugawa period indicated that they could mobilize their resources in unexpected ways.