Javier Grossati, University of Trieste Emigration from Friuli Venezia Giulia to Argentina and Uruguay 1877 – Agricultural emigration: Friulian settlers in the Argentine countryside The first agricultural community with a considerable number of Friulian peasant farmers was not very far from Reconquista, in the north of the province of Santa Fe. The first ten Friulian families got to “Estrella de Italia” (Star of Italy) on 6 November 1877. The Italian entrepreneur Vincenzo Gaetani had recruited the families to work in the potash factory he had set up, the first of its kind in Argentina (in fact the area is known today as ‘Potash’). Gaetani intended to bring over about fifty families who would be given a free plot of land and the guarantee of a job in the potash factory. He had received financial backing from the national authorities who were interested in populating the area. Another ten families arrived at “Estrella de Italia” some time later: overall there were 85 in the group (50 male and 35 female). The group settled in the area called the North Frontier, practically along the line of military outposts set up to resist incursion by the native Indians. The initiative, however, was not successful and in the first months of 1879 the Friulian settlers asked Colonel Manuel Obligado, the commanding officer of the North Frontier of Santa Fe, Cordoba and Santiago del Estero if they could be transferred to the recently created national colony “Presidente Avellaneda”1. The experience of the “Estrella de Italia” and that of the “Tres de Febrero” or “Brago” (today it is called San Benito) in the province of Entre Rios was different from the other main agricultural communities occupied by the Friulians because it was an attempt at populating by private individuals. The majority of “Italian” and “Austrian” Friulian settlers went to Argentina between the end of 1877 and the early 1880s attracted by the promise offered by Law n. 817 on Immigration and Colonisation, the so-called Avellaneda Law, passed in 18762. Among the advantages of the law was the chance, provided by art. 85, for the first hundred heads of families, among the settlers in every section in which the territories to be colonised were divided, to get land free or at least to be able to buy it at a good price (art. 86). This was the clause which pleased the Friulian and Italian farmers the most. In actual fact the handing over of state-owned land and its administration, the cost of the journey, a house, food, animals for work and for breeding, seeds and agricultural equipment, paid in advance for at least a year (art. 88) were measures which had already been tried occasionally and systematically by other Argentine provinces (the first being Santa Fe) to help the influx of settlers above all from Europe3. In the case of Law n. 817, the lack of available public resources and the network of opposing interests (particularly with regard to the land concessions) often impeded the actual carrying out of the norms provided by the law4. As in the case of those following, this first group of “Italian” and “Austrian” Friulians were recruited by the Argentine authorities to populate the agricultural communities of the interior. Between the 18th and 19th centuries the settling of unpopulated lands favoured, on the one hand, the opening up of the frontier of the 1 With regard to the agricultural community “Estrella de Italia” cf. Colonia Estrella de Italia, in Memoria de Inmigraciòn, Buenos Aires, Ministerio de Agricoltura, 1878, p. 24; Manuel H. Roselli, La Estrella de Italia, Reconquista. 1978; Manuel I. Cracogna, La Colonia Nacional Presidente Avellaneda y su tiempo. Historia de la colonia, con sus antecedentes, fundaciòn y evoluciòn politica y socio econòmica, priluera parte, Avellaneda, Municipalidad de Avellaneda, 1988, pp. 82 and 120; Victor J. Braidot, Avellaneda en el tiempo, Avellaneda, Municipalidad de Avellaneda, 1995, pp. 42-47; Eno Mattiussi, Los friulanos, Buenos Aires, Asociacién Dante Alighieri, 1997, p. 93. 2 Cf. Graciela M. De Marco — Raùl C. Rey Balmaceda — Susana M. Sassone, Extranjeros en la Argentina. Pasado, presente y futuro, in “Geodemos”, 2 (1994), pp. 399-4 13. 3 Cf. Informe de la Comisiòn de Còrdoba correspondiente al anno 1876, in Memoria de Inmigraciòn, Buenos Aires, Mmisterio de Agricoltura. 1876. pp. 76-77. 4 Cf. Fernando J. Devoto, Politicas migratorias argentinas y flujo de poblaciòn europea (18 76-1925), in Id., Movimientos migratorios: historiografla y problemas, Buenos Aires, Centro Editor de América Latina, 1992, pp. 7 1-72. pampas, and on the other, the development of an export economy for Argentina based on agricultural products (wheat, maize, flax, rye and barley)5. The propaganda campaign carried out in Europe by consuls and special agents employed by the Argentine government to promote the arrival of settlers was already active before 1876 and even anticipated Law n. 817 (arts. 4 and 5) which were the outcome of it. The first colony populated by the Argentine government based on the Avellaneda law was Libertad (which today is Chajari) in the north east of the province of Entre Rios. In December 1875, the government in Buenos Aires charged their emigration agent Pablo Stampa “para traer 50 familiaas lombardas y tiroleseas, y en Abril de 1876 estaba aqui con la mitad de las familias, viniendo las damas poco despues”6 (to bring 50 Lombard and Tyrolese families, and in April 1876 he was here with half the families, while the remaining ones arrived shortly after”). The Friulian settlers reached Libertad between 1877 and 18787. Domenico Ellero, for example, wrote from Villa Libertad on 27 June 1878 to a fellow villager from Artegna: The soil here is more fertile than in your villages, the settlers who are already here only have to break the earth with a plough, sow the seeds and then wait for the harvest, there is nothing else for them to do, work out for yourselves whether it is better or not than yours, there is not a twig to impede the plough which, with a couple of oxen attached, runs smoothly. If you are thinking of coming here, come and you will be happy at least for the last years of your life without working too hard8. But natural disasters seem to give the lie to Ellero, because on 29 September 1878 a swarm of locusts destroyed nearly the whole crop, “Los collonos han trabajado sin cesar, plantando el maiz y papas, hastas tres veces, y gracias a estos esfuerzoa podran mantenerse, pero difficulto que puedan pagar la primera cuota que les correspondia por los adelantos recibidos”9 ("the settlers have worked without stopping, planting corn and potatoes, sometimes three times, and thanks to these efforts they will be able to survive, although I doubt they will manage to afford the first instalment they owe for the loans received). In 1879 there were 197 families at the Libertad colony (of which 178 were foreign, mainly Italian), a total of 982 people. Between 1877 and 1878 more contingents of Friulian smallholders disembarked at Buenos Aires. On Wednesday 27 December 1877 the Buenos Aires newspaper “La Prensa” reported the arrival of 700 immigrants from Genoa aboard the steamer “Sud America”. There were many Friulians among them who only a few weeks later, on 17 January 1878, were transferred to Resistencia in the province of Chaco10. There were about 250 Friulians (38 or 39 families) who disembarked at the port of San Fernando, in Chaco, on 26 (or 27) January. 44 of the families came from Fagagna11. In the Cronaca dell’emigrazione”(The Emigration Chronicle) which appeared in the “Bullettino dell’Associazione Agraria Friuliana” (Friulian Agrarian Society Bulletin) in 1878 Gabriele Luigi Pecile noted: 5 Cf. Ezequiel Gallo, Frontiera, stato e immigrati in Argentina 1855-1910, in “Altreitalie”, 6 (1991), pp. 13-23. 6 Cf. Libertad, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 14. 7 Cf. César M. Donadio Varini, La colonia oficial italiana mas antigua del pais: Villa Libertad, in Francesco Citarella, Emigrazione e presenza italiana in Argentina. Acts of the International Congress in Buenos Aires 2-6 November 1989. Rome, National Council of Research, 1992, p. 266. 8 Cf. Gabriele L. Pecile, Cronaca dell ‘emigrazione, in “Bullettino della Associazione Agraria Friulana”, v. I (1878), pp. 170-171. 9 Cf. Libertad, in Memoria de... op. cit. p. 15. 10 Cf. Seferino A. Geraldi, Los quepoblaron la Secciòn Resistencia, Resistencia, Banco del Chaco, 1979, p. 20. 11 On the Friulians from Fagagna who arrived in Resistencia cf. Gino e Alberto di Caporiacco, 1877-1880 Coloni friulani in Argentina, in Brasile, Venezuela, Stati Uniti, Reana del Rojale, Chiandetti Editore, 1978, pp. 96-106. The raising of numerous cattle and pigs, the abundance of pastures, the cultivation on a large scale of alfalfa and clover had brought Fagagna to a commendable level of agriculture. There was not a single place unrented, not a small piece of land, no matter how stony, which was not sought after. There were no real poor people and even these were helped. What persuaded many families to emigrate to Argentina was not poverty, but the fear of poverty. Emigration to Germany had ceased to be profitable. The harvest for two years had been poor; taxes were going up, and that on grist was unbearable; instead of finding something left over at the end of the year they saw themselves reduced to using up the savings of the previous years […] With things in this state they found it easy, that last autumn, to listen to the people who had emigrated to Argentina, to listen to their news and all their tales. 33 passports for 93 people of all ages were applied for. Of these 63 left, 30 were left behind because they did not have the means to pay for the journey. […] Most of those from Fagagna found themselves on the Rio Negro, near Chaco, at the Resistencia colony, which had 600 people of various nationalities12. The first to cross the ocean, as much for Argentina as for Brazil, were smallholders, those who could scrape together the money needed for the journey: by giving up their land or selling what was left of their household goods, tools and animals if they were sharecroppers or settlers13. Farm hands, with the exception of a few, could not emigrate. “In the end the conditions of life became insupportable for many farm hands and many smallholders, but only the latter, for the moment, had the means to leave: the biggest emigration came from the pre alpine region, the foothills and the hill areas because that was where most of the smallholdings were […] it was a region already used to temporary emigration of considerable proportion”. In the 1870s, however, “temporary exodus, on a mainly seasonal basis, was no longer enough: the capacity to take on workers in the countries of Central Europe was no longer sufficient for the numbers looking for work, the demand for labour from 1874-1876 declined considerably”14. The condition of these emigrants, although not exactly desperate, was confirmed by Juan Dillon, the commissar general for immigration for the Argentine government : En los primeros meses de 1878, comenzaron a venir muchas familias agricultoras, que habjan pagado su pasaje, y trajan algunos ùtiles de agricultura, y mucho equipaje lo que denotaban pertenecer a una clase medianamente acomodada, es decir, que no eran de los que en su pas se consideran destitujdos de recursos. Pero no tenjan los suficientes para establecerse por su cuenta y crejan poder contar con los adelantos que harja el Gobierno, al ménos, asj lo habjan entendido, leyendo el art. 88 de la ley [Avellaneda]. Pasado el tiempo de la cosecha, no es fàcil encontrar colocacién a familias con mucha prole, y sobre todo, cuando vienen en nùmero considerable [se] ordenò que se diera cumplimiento a la ley del Honorable Congreso, poblando los terrenos de Caroya, en la Provincia de Cérdoba y la Colonia Resistencia que se habja trazado en el Chaco frente a Corrientes, la Colonia Sampacho en la Provincia de Cérdoba y que se mandasen màs familias a la de Villa Libertad en la Provincia de Entre Rjos15 12 Cf. G. L. Pecile, Cronaca dell’emigrazione, in “Bullettino della Associazione Agraria... op. cit., pp. 92-93 13 In the area of Sacile, for example, the first departures for Brazil in July 1877 left from communities where the number of property owners among the population was higher; cf. Javier Grossutti, Da Vallegher oltreoceano. Emigranti canevesi in Brasile fine Ottocento, in Gian Paolo Gri (edited by), Caneva, Udine, Società Filologica Friulana, 1997, pp. 367-384. 14 Cf. Antonio Lazzarini, Campagne venete ed emigrazione di massa (]866-]90Q), Vicenza, Istituto per le ricerche di storia sociale e di storia religiosa, 1981, pp. 182-185. 15 Cf. Juan Dillon, Familias agricultoras de Italia y del Tirol austriaco, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. il. ("In the first months of 1878, many farming families who had paid for their journey, started to arrive, bringing with them some tools and a great quantity of luggage, which suggested they belonged to a reasonably comfortable class, meaning that they were not considered, in the country they belonged to, destitute people. Nevertheless, they did not have enough means to settle down on their own and though they could count on the loans that the government would provide according, at least as they had understood, to article 88 of the law [Avallaneda]. Once harvesting time has passed, it is not easy to find a place for families with many children, specially when they arrive in large numbers, it was decided to implement the law of the honorable congress, allowing settlement in the lands of Caroya, in the province of Cordoba and in Resistencia, the colony established in Chaco in front of Corrientes, the Sampacho colony in the province of Cordoba, and to send more families to Villa Libertad in the province of Entre Rios.") Without doubt, commissar Dillon was referring to the Friulian settlers who disembarked between 1877 and 1878. The situation awaiting the settlers at the Resistencia colony was not without its problems either : Esta Colonia establecida en el Chaco, en el lugar denominado San Fernando, a principio de 1878, ha sido muy contrariada; primero por las lluvias torrenciales que sobrevinieron cuando aun los colonos no estaban bien alojados, siendo tan contjnuas que no se poda contar con dos djas buenos. Al mismo tempo tuvo lugar una inundacién como no se habja visto desde el siglo pasado. Estos colonos estaban costantemente con los piés y ropas mojadas de cuyas resultas la mayor parte fueron postrados por el chucho, interrumpiéndose la censura. Apenas pasaron estos inconvenientes, los colonos se dedicaron al trabajo, pero después vino la langosta y una especie de gusano que destruyé los sembrados, particularmente a los maizales que fueron sembrados hasta tres veces. A pesar de estos inconvenientes la Colonia por su situacién, clima, fertilidad de la tierra y riqueza de sus producciones, serà en breve una de las màs prosperas16. ("This colony, established in Chaco at the beginning of 1878, in a place known as San Fernando, has been ravaged; first by the torrential rains that started to fall before some settlers were properly housed, which were so continuous that one could not count on two dry days. At the same time there was a flood of such force that had not been seen for a century. These settlers constantly had wet clothes and feet, as a result the majority were weakened by the flu, interrupting the census. As soon as these problems had passed, the colonizers got to work. However, locusts soon arrived and a worm species that destroyed plantations, particularly the corn ones, which were planted up to three times. Despite these inconveniences, thanks to its position, climate, richness of soil and of products, the colony will soon become one of the richest".) A second contingent of Friulian families arrived in Buenos Aires on 14 January 1878: the 458 Friulians were divided into two groups, the largest was sent to the recently formed national colony “Presidente Avellaneda” in the north of the Santa Fe province, whilst the remaining 16 Cf. Colonia Resistencia, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 17 e pp. LX1V-LXXX; for the history of the colony see also Ottorino Burelli — Sergio Gervasutti, Friuli nella Pampa, Udine, Ente Friuli nel Mondo, 1978, pp. 112-118. families stayed at the Hotel de Immigrantes in Buenos Aires until 12 March when they were finally taken to Caroya colony in the province of Cordoba17. It is likely, therefore, that the group which went to Avellaneda left the Argentine capital at the same time as the other group, which had arrived in Buenos Aires two weeks earlier, got to Resistencia. The first months for those who went to Avellaneda were difficult not only because of the climatic conditions, above all the rain (which made the rivers flood) but also because of malaria. Within a few short months, in the first days of June, some of the families who had arrived in Avellaneda asked to be transferred to the colony of Caroya, where they arrived at the end of July. The conditions of the colony established at Avellaneda do not seem to have been very different from those of Resistencia. It would therefore not be too much to hazard that, as was referred to in the Memoria de Immigraciòn of 1878, the desire of some of the Avellaneda settlers to get to Caroya was due to the fact that “estàn lejos de los parientes que les pueden atender y que han venido con ellos, y no se integran al resto de los colonos” (“they are far away from relatives who can care for them and who have arrived with them, and they do not integrate with the rest of the settlers”). Obviously the group had been divided. After the first 60 families (about 300 people) arrived at Caroya colony (at first this was called San Martin colony) on 15 March 1878, a further 7 families followed on 13 April, then the families from Avellaneda in July, others from other colonies in September and December, whilst in the month of February 1879 a further contingent of 40 families arrived. Many of the families which founded Caroya came from the area around Gemona, Campolessi, Taboga and Campagnola18, whereas only a few came from Austrian Friuli and the Italian Tyrol (Trentino)19. No fue un clima acogedor el que encontraron los colonos que llegaron a Caroya. El afio anterior, habja sido realmente agobiante por la sequa, que se prolongò durante 245 djas. En aquel afio de 1878, la ùltima lluvia se produco el 8 de abril y a partir de entonces, comenzò a hacerse sentir la sequa, durante 183 djas y recién el 8 de octubre lloviò poco màs de treinta miljmetros [...] en 1879 la seca volviò a hacerse presente durante 195 djas, habiendo cajdo la ùltima lluvia de aquel otolio el 16 de abril. Tendrjan los habitantes de Colonia Caroya cierto aliciente en 1880, para volver a padecer en 1881 el mismo fenòmeno, a partir del 27 de abril, durante 166 djas. También la sequa se hizo presente en 1882, 1884, 1887, 1888 y afios siguientes, y una de las oportunidades en que màs se mostrò implacable fue en 191620. “The settlers arriving in Caroya did not find a welcoming climate. The previous year had been extremely trying because of the drought, which lasted 245 days. In that year, 1878, the last rains fell 8 April, after that the drought set in, lasting 183 days, it rained 8 October, but little more than thirty millimeters [...] and in 1879 drought hit once again for 195 days, as the last rains to fall that autumn had been on 16 April. The inhabitants of the 17 Cf. Marta Nunez, Colonia Caroya cien aios de historia, Cordoba, Editoria! TA.P.AS., 1978, p. 101. 18 Cf. Luigi Ridolfi, I friulani nell ‘Argentina, Udine, Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1949, p. 19; Matteo Ermacora, Coloni e pionieri gemonesi nelle Americhe. Note sulle partenze nei primi anni della “grande emigrazione” (1877-1888), in Enos Costantini (edited by), Glemone, Udine, Società Filologica Friulana, 2001, pp. 191-206. On the historic evolution of the colony and the keeping of original cultural traces cf. also Nora L. Prevedello, Identidad étnica de la comunidad caroyense de origen friulano. in Trinidad Bianco de Garda (edited by). Presencia e identidad de los italianos en Còrdoba,, 1999, pp. 101-122; Silvia Gerosa -- Silvia Cattoni, El immaginario colectivo en un grupo de inmigrantes del noroeste cordobés: Colonia Caroya, in T. Bianco de Garcia (edited by), Presencia e identidad... op. cit., pp. 123-141. 19 Cf. Colonia Caroya, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. XLV. 20 Cf. Efrain U. Bischoff,…. Y ellos forjaron un pueblo. Historia de Colonia Caroya. Còrdoba, Talleres Graficos “La Docta”, 1968, p. 67. colony of Caroya would have a break in 1880, only to suffer drought once more in 1881, beginning 27 April, lasting 166 days. More would follow in 1882, 1884, 1887, 1888 and following years, while one the most catastrophic droughts was that of 1916.” In fact the lack of water for irrigation was the most difficult problem that the Friulians at Caroya colony had to face. The building of the n° 1 canal “Huergo”, completed in 1930, was the first decisive intervention to solve the problem. It was planned and built completely by the settlers. The canal runs through underground tunnels, about a meter wide and two meters high, for 700 meters, collecting water from the subsoil. The effort made by the settlers was considerable “Cada metro lineal de canal representaba màs de cien metros cùbicos de tierra que los colonos debieron mover una, dos, tres, cuatro y en algunos casos hasta cinco veces para dejarla definitivamente en su nuevo lugar21” (“Every meter of canal corresponded to more than a hundred cubic meters of soil that the settlers had to move one, two, three, four and sometimes five times in order to leave it in its definitive final place”). The improvement in the conditions of life of the settlers was due to a large extent to the spread of viticulture. “The importance of this colony is represented by the cultivation of vines, from 1,140,000 plants, 7,200 Bordeaux producing 200 litres each were produced in 1894” observed Augusto Margueirat, Inspector of Soils and National Colonies22. Viticulture, the cultivation of wheat and maize, the production of apples, peaches, pears, black cherries and vegetables in general (which were sold at Jesus Maria and in some provinces in the north of the country), animal husbandry and the production of bricks (in 1887 there were 12 brick kilns in the colony) constituted the most important resources of Caroya. Some decades further on the progress of the colony and the promotion of agricultural techniques were evident. In 1908, Giosuè Notari, the Italian consul at Cordoba, on his way to the province of Tucumàn noted: After leaving the municipality of Cordoba and the countryside which is green from the irrigation of the waters from the San Rocco basin, the land begins to get dusty with stunted vegetation, where few herds graze, and the occasional rancho (a mud hut covered with plants called paja) attests to the presence of man. After about 50 kilometers, the flat, monotonous tableland is interrupted by some hills, and then, like an oasis in the desert, the colony of Caroya appears, where more than 4,000 Italians, fighting the lack of water, have cultivated vines and vegetable gardens23. According to Emilio Zuccarini, Caroya, “kept like the most important colony of the Republic”, was the only point in Argentina where “the settlers practise intensive cultivation”24. The 21 Friulian families who left Genoa on 10 November 1878 and arrived in the port of Buenos Aires on 28 December were destined to repopulate the “President Avellaneda” colony and arrived there on 18 January 1879. They came from “Austrian” Friuli and were recruited in Italy by the Argentine consul in Genoa, Eduardo Calvari, who had, for some years, been discussing with the national government the possibility of introducing 2,000 families for agricultural work25. 21 Cf. Santiago C. Rizzi, Nuestra Colonia Caroya de ayer in El Cooperativista , 27 June 1959, p. 6. 22 Cf. Emilio Zuccarini, Il Lavoro degli Italiani nella Repubblica Argentina dal 1516 al 1910, Buenos Aires, La Patria degli Italiani, 1910, p. 273. 23 Cf. Giosue Notari, Le provincie argentine di Tucuman, Salta e Jujuv in relazione all immigrazione italiana, in Ministero degli Affari Esteri - Commissariato dell’Emigrazione, Emigrazione e Colonie. Raccolta di rapporti dei rr. Agenti diplomatici e consolari, v. III, America, p. TI, Argentina, Roma, Cooperativa Tipografica Manuzio, 1908, p. 137. 24 Cf. E. Zuccarini, Il Lavoro degli Italiani op. cit., p. 273. 25 On emigration in Austrian Friuli cf. Francesco Micelli, L’emigrazione dal Friuli orientale, in Furio Bianco — Maria Masau Dan (edited by), Economia e società nel Goriziano tra ‘800 e ‘900. Il ruolo della Camera di Commercio (1850-1915), Mariano del Friuli, C.C.I.A.A.-Edizioni della Laguna, 1991, pp. 173-190. Many among these were the Friulians who had decided to leave regardless of the official signing of the agreement between Calvari and the Argentine government which was finalised on 27 March 1878. In art. 1 of the agreement , undersigned by Juan Dillon and Eduardo Calvari, the Argentine Government authorised the consul in Genoa to recruit “in Italy, Switzerland, Savoy and the Austrian Tyrol, three hundred farming families to put in the colonies of the Republic”. In Memoria de Inmigracion in 1878, it was noted that: a las familias se les ha dado colocacién segun las érdenes de V. E.; estableciéndose una nueva colonia en el territorio nacional del Chaco, en la màrgen izquierda del Arroyo del Rey [Avellaneda], robusteciéndose la colonia Resistencia también en el Chaco, y las de Sampacho y Caroya, teniendo en vista el fomento de los ferrocarriles nacionales, y por fin el ùltimo grupo se remitirà a Formosa, sitio designado por V. E. para la nueva capital del Chaco, o bien al territorio de Misiones, segun lo disponga V. E. cuando sea llegado el caso26. (“families have been allocated according to the orders of V.E; establishing a new colony in the national territory of Chaco, on the left side of the Arroyo del Rey [Avellaneda], reinforcing the colony of Resistencia, also in Chaco, and those of Sampacho and Caroya, keeping in mind the development of national railways, and finally the last group will be sent to Formosa, designated by V.E as the new capital of Chaco, or possibly to the territory of Misiones, depending on V.E's decision when the case presents itself”). The settlers were accompanied across the ocean by Emilio Zuccheri from Cormons who as they wrote in Genoa on the eve of their departure “is coming with us on the steamer Pampa and will keep us company as far as Buenos Aires (South America) to check on the truth of the emigration and colonisation laws and to find out if the earth is as fertile as they have told us”. In the same declaration, reported by the emigration agent Giacomo Modesti and published by “Giornale di Udine” on 18 April 1879, the 21 families who got to Avellaneda declared that they had found “a very pleasant place with all that was needed for a colony, and not a short distance away we have the beautiful and navigable Rio Arrojo del Rey as well as beautiful woodlands and enough wood to meet the needs of any family, what is more we are only a half hour away from the town of Reconquista, which if we ever need anything, such as a doctor, medicine or whatever we can go there, the earth is very fertile”27. This statement, speaking extremely highly of the colony, was not fortuitous and was all part of the lively debate going on between those who were in favour of emigration (in the case of an emigration agent) and those, on the other hand, such as the exponent of the Committee for the Friulian Agrarian Association who protected the Friulian farmers who had emigrated to South America, Gabriel Luigi Pecile, who maintained that “whoever leaves his homeland should at least know what is waiting for him, and should ensure before leaving, as far as is possible, the conditions which will be offered him”28. The debate was interspersed by the publication of a number of letters from emigrants trying to dissuade others; these were opposed by a few letters with the opposite intention, which were published, upon payment, by the “Giornale di 26 Cf. Familias agricultoras de Italia y del Tirol austriaco, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 13. 27 Cf. Comunicato, in “Giornale di Udine”, 18 April 1879. 28 Cf. G. L. Pecile, Cronaca dell ‘Emigrazione, in “Bullettino della Associazione Agraria Friulana”, v. 1(1878), p. 8. For an analysis of the political debate on overseas emigration between the 19th and 20th centuries cf. F. Micelli, Emigrazione friulana (1815-1915). Liberali e geografi, socialisti e cattolici a confronto, in “Qualestoria”, 3 (1982), n. s., pp. 5-38. Udine”29. The statement from a group from Cormons who went to Avellaneda does not in fact seem completely sincere. The Memoria de Inmigracion of 1878 noted that: La falta de comunicaciòn directa con los centros populares, serà un motivo de retraso para esta y otras colonias que se funden en el Chaco. Para remediarlo en lo posible se hace indispensable la limpieza del arroyo del Rey, y el que la Colonia sea dotada de un vaporcito para el remolque, de 25 a 30 toneladas de carga y dos pequefias embarcaciones de poco calado, para el transporte de pasageros y equipajes desde la boca del arroyo hasta el puerto de la Colonia30 (“The lack of direct communication with central areas will be a cause of underdevelopment for this and other colonies established in Chaco. In order to reduce this the cleaning of the affluent of the Rey river was fundamental, as well as equipping the colony with a towing steamer, with a 25 to 30 ton capacity, and two small boats with a low draft, to transport passengers and goods from the mouth of the river to the port of the colony”). Despite the difficulties of the first years the colony developed quite quickly: “In 1910”, Luigi Ridolfi observed, “there were more than 3,000 inhabitants. They began swarming in and new colonies at Villa Ocampo and Malabrigo were started, in the same district as General Obligado31. While one part (about 130) of the 300 families, recruited by the Argentine consul of Genoa who crossed the ocean in 1879, were assigned to the colony of Avellaneda, the rest of the settlers were destined to strengthen Resitencia, Caroya and Sampacho. In the end the last group was taken to the colony of Formosa. The evolution of the Gobernador Rodriguez (Sampacho) colony in the department of Rio Cuarto (province of Cordoba) was very troubled. The first hundred Italian families, coming from the South, reached the area on 5 March 1875. The devastation of the crops, above all those of wheat and beans, by locusts, the lack of water and the harshness of the weather led about thirty families to leave the community. To strengthen the colony, the Argentine government decided to take about 50 families from Trentino there; they arrived at Sampacho on 19 November 1878. Antonio Donda and GioBatta and Francesco Bressan were part of the group, they were probably originally from “Austrian” Friuli. The first numerous contingent of Friulians (about 35 families), however, reached the colony on 18 March 1879: towards the end of the year the population of the colony had reached 814, of whom 159 were Argentine, 13 French, 5 English, 6 Chilean and 621 Italians and Tyrolese (from Trentino)32. In 1905, the consul Notari, wrote a different version about the creation of the community of Sampacho which included Friulians among its founders. The colony of Sampacho - he wrote - was founded by the provincial government and its first inhabitants were 130 families from southern Italy and Friuli. For the first ten years this colony suffered many sad ups and downs: 29 On this point see for example Emilio Franzina, Merica! Merica! Emigrazione e colonizzazione nelle lettere dei contadini veneti in America Latina 1876-1902, Milano, Feltrinelli Economica, 1979; G. e A. di Caporiacco, 18 77- 1880 Coloni friulani in... op. cit., pp. 107-175. 30 Cf. Colonia Presidente Avellaneda, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 18. 31 Cf. L. Ridolfi, I friulani... op. cit., p. 24. 32 Cf. (Various Authors), Album de recuerdos en el centenario de Sampacho 1875 5 de mayo 1975, Sampacho, Municipa1idad de Sampacho, 1975, pp. 15-17, while the incursions of the Indios kept the colonists continually agitated, there was prolonged drought, sometimes torrential rains flooded the crops, the locusts and other plagues made conditions very difficult. Hail fell so frequently that insurance companies stopped insuring them […] I wanted to question one of the older settlers, whose wicker carriage, a memento from his native Friuli, was waiting in front of his door to take him to mass. The old settler was 68, and he had come to America 35 years ago: he understood Italian quite well, and I spoke to him, even though he preferred to talk in his native dialect. When he had arrived in Sampacho, in 1875, the Andes train only ran once a week33. According to Notari’s observations therefore it would seem that Sampacho was the first agricultural community populated by Friulians in Argentina. With the arrival of new contingents of peasant farmers from Trentino and Friuli by horse between 1878 and 1879, the situation in the colony considerably improved: La mejor animacién reina entre los pobladores, que hasta el presente arreglan sus diferencias pacificamente, sin intervencién de mas autoridad que la del comisario. A ello contribuye mucho la presencia de un sacerdote que los acompafia desde la fundacién de la colonia y para el cual he de pedir a V. E. una subvencién mensual por un tiempo determinado. La plantacién de una escuela mjsta es reclamada con mucha urgencia. El terreno es fertiljsimo34. (“The best of moods reigns amongst the settlers, who until this moment have settled their differences peacefully, without the intervention of any authority other than that of the commissioner. The presence of a priest, who has been with them since the foundation of the colony and for whom I have to ask V.E for a monthly allowance for a determinate period, has much contributed to this. The opening of a mixed school is requested with great urgency. The land is extremely fertile”). All the colonies requested a teacher, but above all a priest and therefore a church and a school. “La iglesia y la escuela son elementos indispensables para el progreso y desarrollo de una colonia, y su falta es causa de nostalgia en los colonos, lo que les impide trabajar y radicarse con entusiasmo estando siempre dispuestos a mudarse a otra parte”35. (“A church and a school are essential elements for the progress and the development of the colony, and the lack of them is a cause for nostalgia amongst the settlers, which stops them from working and settling down enthusiastically, as they are always ready to move somewhere else”). The founding of the Formosa colony, in the so-called central Chaco, followed the verdict of the US President Rutherford B. Hayes, who in 1878, resolved the territorial dispute between Argentina and Paraguay after the war between the two countries (1865-1870). To complete the populating of the Formosa colony the Argentine government took three contingents of Friulians and Italians there between April and July 1879. 33 Cf. G. Notari, La provincia di Còrdoba (‘Repubblica Argentina) e alcune delle sue colonie agricole, in “Bollettino dell’Emigrazione”, 22 (1905), pp. 1810-1812 (partly modified, il Rapporto del Console cav. G. Notari was subsequently published in the Foreign Ministry’s — Commissariato dell’Emigrazione. Emigrazione e Colonie. Raccolta di rapporti dei rr. Agenti diplomatici e consolari, v. III, America, p. TI, Argentina, op. cit., pp. 19-135). 34 Cf. Colonia Sampacho, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 19 e pp. LVIII-LXIII 35 Cf. Colonia Resistencia, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 17. Hayes’ verdict, on 12 November 1878, assigned the disputed part of northern Chaco to Paraguay, and so the Argentine authorities had to leave the area of Villa Occidental, the then national territory capital of Chaco. Formosa was chosen as the new capital and was officially occupied on 8 April 1879. The following weeks saw the authorities involved in moving the inhabitants of the town of Villa Occidental which was then handed over to Paraguay on 14 May 1879. With the intention of completing the populating of Formosa, then known as Vuelta Hermosa, the Argentine government decide to create an agricultural community (which was at first called Monteagudo) and between April and July of the same year (11 April, 30 May and 9 July) three contingents of Friulians and Italians were taken there (about 160 people). The Memorie de Inmigraciòn refers to it as follows: Habiendo V. E. dispuesto que la capital del Chaco se traslade a este punto [Vuelta Hermosa], acordé también que se trace una Colonia y que se envien familias de las que el Gobierno està obligado a prestar asistencia, y en cumplimiento de lo dispuesto, he enviado recientemente trece familias con un personal de 74 individuos. Segùn todos los informes, Vuelta Hermosa es uno de los mejores puntos para colonizar. El terreno cultivable arranca de la misma arranca, a la que pueden atracar los vapores de mayor porte que surcan el rjo Paraguay, siendo el sitio de arribo forzoso para los buques de vela, e indispensable para los vapores: de manera que la colonia estarà en comunicacién directa y continua con la Capital, y los colonos tendràn oportunidad de entretener un pequefio commercio con sus productos de corral, huerta y lecherja, lo cual entra por mucho en la prosperidad de una colonia36. “As V.E. had established that the capital of Chaco should be moved to this point [Vuelta Hermosa], I decided a colony should be created and that those families to whom the government is obliged to provide assistance should be sent there and, so as to comply therewith, I have recently sent three families with a staff of 74 individuals. According to all reports, Vuelta Hermosa is one of the best areas to colonize. Fertile land begins from the very point where the largest steamers sailing the Paraguay river can dock, a hazardous point for sailing boats to dock and fundamental for steamers: in this way the colony will be in constant and direct communication with the capital, and settlers will have the opportunity to trade meat, agricultural and dairy products, which can be of great help to the prosperity of a colony” The difficulties connected with settling almost virgin territory and the droughts which effected the area at the beginning led some settlers to abandon the area and go to other parts of Argentina, but on the whole the majority stayed at Formosa37. The married couple Ursula Pernochi and Giuseppe Vicentini (originally Visintin), for example, got to Formosa on 11 April 1879; they came from Austrian Friuli, and would leave the colony in 1883. On 18 September 1887, Visintin, born in Gorizia in 1853, together with other inhabitants of Estaciòn Espinillos, in the province of Cordoba, wrote a petition sent to the Government Minister for the Province of Josè del Viso. In it the settlers requested that the place be declared “Villa y con el nombre de Marcos Juàrez en vista del progreso de esta localidad que apenas cuenta dos afios de existencia y tiene ya ochenta y seis casa, todas de material cocido y formas de azotea; un molino en construccién que molerà doscientas fanegas de trigo diarias, cuyos edificios ocuparàn un millén y doscientos mil ladrillos; doce casas de negocio, algunos de bastante importancia y 25 à 30 casas à construirse tan pronto que se tenga material”38. 36 Cf. Nueva Colonia en Vuelta Herinosa, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 18 37 Cf. Alejandro Cecotto, Historia de Formosa y episodios atinentes, Formosa, Tip. J. M. Cecotto, 1957, pp. 17-23. 38 Cf. Villa Marcos Juarez, in “El Interior”, 20 October 1887. (“Villa and with the name of Marcos Juarez [...] in light of the progress of this city that was barely founded two years ago and already has eighty six houses, all of baked materials and terraced shapes; a windmill under construction that will press two hundred fanegas of flour daily, whose buildings will require the use of one million two hundred thousand bricks; twelve trading houses, some of considerable importance and 25 to 30 houses to be built as soon as materials are available”). Giuseppe Visintin, who signed the petition as Cosè Vicentino, would appear to have been the leader in the founding of two places: Formosa in 1879 and Marcos Juàrez in 188739. Among the agricultural communities founded by provincial governments and populated by the Friulians that of Reconquista (in the province of Santa Fe) deserves to be remembered. It is situated on the right bank of the Arroyo del Rey, opposite Avellaneda. The first inhabitants were eleven Welsh families, three French and one Swiss family recruited in 1875. Four years later, on 21 February 1879, the Argentine government took another 49 (about 300 people) there, 36 families from Friuli. The population of Reconquista thus reached 1,900 inhabitants40. The “Tres de Febrero” or “Brugo” colony (today known as San Benito) is about 9 km from the city of Paranà, and was one of the two communities started by private individuals and populated by Friulians41. The first eight families, coming mainly from “Austrian” Friuli arrived at Paranà between 11 and 13 April 1879, but probably only managed to occupy the land assigned to them in the colony by July. A French traveller, Alejo Peyret, who visited the province of Entre Rìos in the month of March 1888 described the arrival of the Friulians in the colony “Tres de Febrero”: La base de esta colonia fueron ocho familias austrjacas o furlanas, que los empresarios [Brugo] tomaron del Hotel de Inmigrantes [di Buenos Aires]. Todas estas ocho familias fueron perfectamente instaladas en la colonia, proporcionàndoseles casa donde vivir, arados de primera clase, bueyes, caballos, lecheras, manutencién por un aflo. Un avez instaladas dichas familias, estas comunicaron a Europa, por intermedio de la empresa, su arribo al pas, el buen trato que han recibido e instalacién completa para emprender los trabajos de las tierras; esto aparte de otros detalles que se omiten y que produjeron muy buen efecto entre las familias que deseaban emigrar a este pas. El resultado de estas comunicaciones fue inmediato, puesto que a los pocos meses la empresa fue invadida por cuarenta y cinco familias, sin previo aviso, todas ellas emparentadas y amigas de las primeras familias fundadoras; y as sucesivamente fueron llegando familias hasta que la empresa tuvo que decir:basta42. (“The basis of this colony were eight Austrian or Friulian families, which the businessmen [Brugo] took from the Immigrants Hotel [of Buenos Aires]. Each of these eight families was perfectly settled into the colony, providing them with a house to live in, a plow of the best quality, oxen, horses, a dairy, and a year’s worth of maintenance. Once settled, these families, through the company, communicated their arrival in the country back to Europe, the excellent treatment they were given and all the equipment to start working the land; this along with other omitted details had a great effect on those families 39 Cf. Marcelo Vicentini, Historia de la Familia Vicentin. De Gorizia a Formosa y Marcos Jurez, in http ://sunwc .cepade.es/vicentin 40 Cf. Colonia Reconquista, in Memoria de... op. cit., p. 21; E. Mattiussi, Los friulanos, op. cit., p. 68 41 On the colony of “Tres de Febrero” (built as a parish with the name of San Benito in 1887) cf. Anibal J. Gonzalez, Semblanzas de San Benito. Colonizaciòn friulana, v. I, Nogoyà, Ediciones del Cié, 2000, pp. 57-82 42 Cf. Alejo Peyret, Una visita a las colonias de la Republica Argentina, v. I, Buenos Aires, 1889, p. 177 that wanted to emigrate to this country. The result of this flow of communication was immediate, as only a few months afterwards the company was invaded, with no prior notice, by forty-five families, all related to or friends of the first founding families; many other families arrived in this way, until the company was forced, finally, to say: no more”). In the month of December 1879 about a hundred settlers reached Paranà; for the most part they were Friulians, many were related to, or friends of, those who had arrived in April43. They were put in the recently created Municipal colony, on the edge of the town, not far from the “Tres de Febrero” community: “Estas dos colonias Alejo Peyret commented in 1888 - en realidad son una — sola” (“these two colonies are really just one”). Other agricultural communities set up by private individuals and populated by Friulians were for example Ortiz colony (founded in 1885 about 20 km north of the town of Rosario), the Ricardone colony (created in 1890 about 25 km from San Lorenzo) and the Jesus Maria colony in the province of Santa Fe44 (not far from Rosario where five families from Martignacco settled in 1878). In the last years of the 1870s and the first years of the 1880s, however, individuals, families and groups of Friulian settlers could be found all over the Argentine countryside, but most of all in the province of Santa Fe, Cordoba, Entre Rìos, Chaco and Buenos Aires. “Caroya, Resitencia with its ramifications in Chaco, Avellaneda with Ocampo, Malabrigo, Reconquista and San Benito were the classic, historic colonies of the Friulians. They well deserved their accolade as excellent settlers and their undisputed claim to moral integrity, for which our small ‘homeland’ should feel indebted for the never-ending recognition and the high esteem earned by these heroic pioneers. But we must not forget the minor settlements and more recent communities and the families of Friulian agricultural workers in the provinces and territories of the Republic of Argentina”, observed don Luigi Ridolfi in 1949. The Friulian chaplain who, among the agricultural colonies populated by the Friulians, omitted, however, Sampacho and Formosa, noting instead, Ceres, Armstrong, Rafaela, Elortondo and Las Rosas (in the province of Santa Fe); Santo Tomé (in the province of Corrientes)45. The news and the letters of Friulian settlers coming from Argentina and published in 1878 in the “Bullettino della Associazione Agraria Friuliana” (The Bulletin of the Friulian Agrarian Association) are helpful in identifying other areas of settlement: for example, Luigi Basso from Arzene and Nani Partenio from Pozzo di San Giorgio della Richinvelda wrote from Rosario di Santa Fe; a certain Panizzut, originally from Budoja, wrote from Gualeguaychù (Entra Rios); Giuseppe Coletti from Fagagna wrote from San Lorenzo (Santa Fe) and Giovanni Stremis from Faedis wrote from Candelaria (a private colony in the province of Salta). Table 1 - The following is a list of those removed from the register of the province of Udine and divided according to their destination abroad (1876-1914) and those repatriated from Argentina to the province of Udine (1905-1914). Repatriates Total Europe Argentina from Argentina 1876 17.561 17.561 43 Among the settlers who arrived in November there were also a few Slovene families from the area of Gorizia. cf. Carlos C. Bizai, Crònica de una familia eslovena en Entre Rios (157 anos de historia, 122 anos en la Argentina), Buenos Aires, Editorial Dunken, 2001, pp. 39-71. 44 Cf. E. Mattiussi, Los friulanos, op. cit., pp. 92-93. 45 Cf. L. Ridolfi, I friulani. op. cit., p. 26. 1877 17.169 16.769 400 1878 18.036 15.395 2641 1879 16.740 15.194 1546 1880 17.507 16.538 969 1881 19.776 19.439 337 1882 20.816 20.292 513 1883 27.839 25.987 1.820 1884 28.491 25.387 3.104 1885 25.711 23.699 2.012 1886 27.042 25.744 1.298 1887 32.774 29.292 3.482 1888 35.917 31.422 4.495 1889 38.148 34.186 3.962 1890 39.134 38.001 1.133 1891 36.961 36.480 481 1892 39.785 38.754 1.031 1893 43.008 42.121 887 1894 48.323 47.550 773 1895 43.729 42.866 863 1896 42.122 41.398 724 1897 45.563 44.706 857 1898 51.036 50.571 465 1899 55.898 55.485 413 1900 43.428 43.256 172 1901 50.082 49.448 634 1902 45.631 45.069 562 1903 49.761 49.251 510 1904 24.370 23.660 710 1905 36.155 35.567 588 304 1906 32.958 30.943 2.015 455 1907 32.816 31.531 1.285 599 1908 30.815 30.247 568 624 1909 28.598 26.911 1.687 656 1910 32.138 30.751 1.387 623 1911 34.183 33.270 913 847 1912 36.331 35.763 568 867 1913 37.179 33.473 3.706 1.097 1914 42.462 42.208 254 945 Source: The Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce, Statistica dell’Emigrazione Italiana, (Statistics of Italian Emigration) for the years 1876-1914; the Commissariat General of Emigration, Annuario statistico dell’emigrazione Italian dal 1876 al 1925 (The annual statistics of Italian emigration from 1876 to 1925), Rome, 1926 pages 831-867. N.B. The data concerning those repatriated have been calculated only from 1905. Departures between 19th and 20th centuries: urban destinations After the 1880s, there were fewer arrivals and with the turn of the century the whole phenomenon took on a different aspect. The Friulians preferred the capital Buenos Aires, and to a lesser extent the other capitals of the provinces such as Cordoba or those expanding rapidly such as Rosario in the province of Santa Fe. This fact emerges, among others, from the replies that the mayors at the time, of the province of Udine, gave to the questions about “The reasons and aspects of emigration proper”, that is to say, definitive emigration. The enquiry, set up in 1884 and 1888 by the Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce, investigated the exact number of expatriate Friulians at that time and went into the reasons for their emigration, and the economic conditions of the emigrants both in their homeland and abroad. The country which occurs most frequently among those where “the emigrants, in general, settled advantageously” was Argentina, while the most frequent destinations were Buenos Aires, Rosario, Còrdoba and Santa Fe. Very few Friulians, on the other hand, went to Uruguay. In 1885, for example, in the various insurance companies of the capital, Montevideo, the number of those insured coming from Veneto, the Tyrol and Friuli was only 4% of the total46. In the survey for the year 1888, the mayors of Friuli also gave information about the kind of jobs the emigrants were doing overseas. Brick-layers, furnace workers, carpenters, stone masons, metal workers and smiths and tailors had now joined the agricultural workers, showing that the cities had now taken the place of the countryside as the destination of emigrants. According to the mayor, in 46 Cf. Giosuè E. Bordoii, Montevideo e la Repubblica dell ‘Uruguay Descrizione e statistica, Milano, Fratelli Dumolard, 1885, p. 95; Silvia Rodriguez Villamil — Graciela Sapriza, La inmigraciòn europea en el Uruguay Los italianos, Montevideo, Ediciones de la Banda Oriental, 1983, pp. 101-102. On the characteristics of Italian emigration to Uraguay in the period before the great depression of the 1930s cf Maria Magdalena Camou – Adela Pellegrino, Dimensioni e caratteri demografici dell’immigrazione italiana in Uruguay, 1860-1920, in (Various Authors) L ‘emigrazione italiana e la formazione dell ‘Uruguay moderno, Torino, Edizioni della Fondazioni Giovanni Agnelli, 1993, pp. 37-75; Juan Antonio Oddone, La politica e le immagini dell’immigrazione italiana in Uruguay, 1830-1930, in (Various Authors), L’emigrazione italiana e la formazione... cit., pp. 77-119. the area of Codroipo, for example, 18 emigrants from Rivolto were going to Buenos Aires “as porters in the wood warehouses, and settlement was easier and more lucrative for brick-layers, metal workers and smiths and furnace workers”; the carpenters from Bertiolo, on the other hand, “found work easily and advantageously” at Rosario in Santa Fe47. These Friulians had no intention of joining their compatriots who had settled ten years previously in the agricultural communities, they filled the job sectors most in demand in a growing city. At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century therefore, urban settlement and jobs connected to the building industry were more and more in evidence. The disembarkation lists of the port of Buenos Aires (Lista de immigrantes: entrada de ultramar Immigration lists: overseas arrivals) provide useful information regarding the groups of Friulians. The lists, compiled by the navigation companies, signed by the captain, and seen by the immigration authorities, are in chronological order, according to the date of the arrival of the ship at the port of Buenos Aires. The passengers, divided according to class, were written down as family groups; the “observations” column noted whether the passenger was an immigrant or not, if they had used a pre-paid ticket and if they were going to disembark at a different port than Buenos Aires. Complete data about the ship was also included: the name, the flag, the registration number, the tonnage, the name of the captain and doctor aboard and the crew. Up until 1914 the forms were handwritten, whether in Spanish, Italian, French, English or German, and sometimes the languages were mixed (mainly where the spelling of the names was concerned). Interpretation problems about names, surnames and even occupations were thus very frequent48. However we have a document, full of information, which, if we link it to that in Italy, from the registry offices in Friuli, enables us to identify the point of departure, the time spent travelling overseas and the existence of particular chains or networks of migration. The Argentine authorities began to systematically note the place of birth of any immigrant only from 1923. For 1920, however, the Centro de Estudios Migratorios Lationamericanos (CEMLA) (The Centre for Latin-American Migratory Studies) in Buenos Aires (which made an inventory and catalogue of the documents) was able to provide the birthplace of any immigrant. The name and surname, relations, age, sex, civil status, occupation, religion, education, class occupied on board ship, port of disembarkation, identification code of the ship and date of arrival of every passenger was written down. According to the details of CEMLA, 270 Friulians disembarked at Buenos Aires in 1910, 171 of whom were from places in the province of Udine and 99 from that of Pordenone. In both cases there were more men (210) than women (60). From among the 185 people whose occupation was known there were more brick-layers (55) followed by farm labourers (39), smallholders (24), labourers (18), day labourers (6), stone cutters and masons (5). Those occupations connected to the building trade were thus most numerous. Of those whose birthplace was known those from Artegna and Montenars (in the Alpine foothills in the Giulia region) and Cordenons (in the Pordenone plain) are most numerous, being 21, 17 and 18 units respectively. 47 Cf. Ministry of Agriculture Industry and Commerce, “Statistica dell’emigrazione italiana all’estero”, in Bianca M. Pagani, L’emigrazione friulana dalla metà del secolo XIX al 1940, Udine, Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1968, pp. 134- 153. 48 Cf. Luigi Favero, Le liste di sbarco degli immigrati in Argentina, in “Altreitalie”, 7 (1992), pp. 134-135. TABLE 2 – Italian immigrants to Argentina and Uruguay according to geographical area of origin (1882-1901) 1882—1886 1887—1891 1892-1896 1897-1901 Region Arg. % Urug. % Arg. % Urug. % Arg. % Urug. % Arg. % Urug North West 87.414 57% 2.313 42% 101.035 41% 4.627 45% 77.100 41% 2.413 45% 61.118 28% 865 Italy East and 27.120 18% 276 5% 65.456 27% 1.595 16% 41.260 22% 311 6% 42.252 20% 376 Central Italy South Italy 38.761 25% 2.884 53% 79.943 32% 4.038 39% 69.124 37% 2.614 49% 111.702 52% 3.960 and the Islands Total 153.295 100% 5.473 100% 246.434 100% 10.260 100% 187.484 100% 5.335 100% 215.072 100% 5.20 Source: Statistics Department – Emigration Statistics, Rome 1883-1902. North West Italy: Piedmont. Lombardy, Liguria. East and Central Italy: Veneto, Emilia Romagna, Marche, Lazio, Umbria, Tuscany, Molise, Campania South Italy and the Islands: Basilicata, Calabria, Sardegna, Puglia, Abruzzo. From La emigracion italiana a Argentina y Uruguay en el siglo X1X. Un enfoque comparado, in Id., by Fernando Devoto. Estudios sobre la emigracion italiana a la Argentina en la segunda mitad del siglo X1X, Naples, Italian Scientific Edition, 1991, p.37. In the three cases, the predominance of brick-layers is obvious: Artegna (7) and Cordenons (6) they are exactly a third; and Montenars two thirds (13). A good number of brick-layers (27) from the pre-Alpine region embarked together at Genoa and arrived in Buenos Aires on 22 April 1910 on board the ship “Principessa Mafalda”49. It is likely that the brick-layers from Montenars and Artegna decided to go to Argentina to compensate for the lack of work which hit Central Europe just in those three years from 1909 to 1911. This hypothesis could be collaborated by the percentage of males among those who embarked. In the two villages, seasonal work (male) in Germany had been the most widespread migratory habit since the 1880s and the decision to go to Argentina could have been an alternative choice, linked to the particular economic circumstances. This would help to explain how, at the beginning of the 20th century, it is possible to take into consideration two types of temporary emigration: one that was near and more familiar (to Germany and Austro- Hungary), and one that was further and more rewarding (to the United States, Canada but also Argentina)50. With regard to the latter country the initial temporary stay became, on occasions, permanent. Similar hypotheses could be put forward for Clauzetto and for Vito d’Asio (in pre- Alpine Carnia): in 1910, 10 (including 8 brick-layers and 1 labourer) and 8 (4 brick-layers and 4 stonemasons) left respectively for Argentina, all aboard the “Principessa Mafalda”51. The case of Cordenons, on the other hand, merits special reflection because, between the 20s and 30s, more people emigrated from this Friulian village to Argentina than from anywhere else. The first years of the 20th century saw the movement of the first post-war emigrants towards Latin America. From this point of view the conflict did not seem to represent a break, even if the flow of emigrants to Argentina involved emigrants with different professional skills52. And vice versa, the temporary emigration towards European countries saw a complete change in geographical destination, but the seasonal behaviour of the emigrants changed much more slowly53. In Cordenons the preference shown for Argentina by the aspiring emigrants became clear only at the beginning of the 20th century. Guido Picotti, inspector of the Provincial Employment office in Udine, who, between 1909 and 1910, carried out a series of enquiries on the characteristics and problems of Friulian emigration, put Cordenons with the municipalities in the plain of the River Tagliamento as “providing a more or less strong contingent of emigrants for North and South America, according to different occupations”54. According to Picotti, in the case of those from Cordenons, the most common occupation was that of a bricklayer55. Luigi Bidinost, from Cordenons, for example, who became a building entrepreneur after emigrating, arrived in Buenos Aires in 1911. With the company Fratelli Bidinost and by himself in the early 1940s he carried out numerous works in the 49 The “Principessa Mafalda” was built in Italy in 1909. A luxury steamship, like the other ships of Lloyd Italy, emigrants were in the third class. On 25 October 1927 the “Principessa Mafalda” caught fire and sank off the coast of Brazil: 314 people died including passengers and crew, many of whom were Italian emigrants. 50 Cf. F. Micelli, Stagioni, luoghi e parole: le lettere di un emigrante temporaneo (1905-1915), in Adriano D’Agostin — Javier Grossutti, Ti ho spedito Lire cento. Le stagioni di Luigi Piccoli, emigrante friulano. Lettere famigliari (1905-1915), Pordenone, Edizioni Biblioteca dell’Immagine, 1997, pp. 26-27. 51 From the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, emigration from the Pre-Alpine region of Carnia in West Friuli mainly headed towards the countries of Central Europe. In 1909 Picotti, noted: “There are only the communities of Meduno, Tramonti di Sotto, Polcenigo and Barcis in the hill area above Pordenone which have emigration worthy of note for America. And even from these communities only some emigrants from some villages are going overseas. In other communities, except for the odd exceptions who have been tempted by letters and hopes of making a fortune in the New World, the mass of emigrants head for the countries of Europe”. cf. Guido Picotti, Le caratteristiche dell’emigrazione d’oltre il Tagliamento, “La Patria del Friuli”, 10 September 1909. On the migratory experiences of the Val d’Arzino and the Val Colvera in the pre-Alpine region of Carnia cf. respectively J. Grossutti, L’emigrazione dal comune di Vito d’Asio nel secondo dopoguerra, in Manlio Michelutti (edited by), As. int e Cjere, Udine, Società Filologica Friulana, 1994, pp. 247-258; J. Grossutti, Le comunità di Frisanco all ‘estero. Traccia per un ‘anagrafe, in Novella Cantarutti (edited by), “Commun di Frisanco “. Frisanco Poffabro Casasola, Maniago, Comune di Frisanco, 1995, pp. 277-294. 52 Cf. F. Devoto, Italiani in Argentina: ieri e oggi, in “Altreitalie”, 27(2003), pp. 4-17. 53 Cf. J. Grossutti, Le scelte migratorie a Tavagnacco, Feletto Umberto e Pagnacco: tra Francia e Argentina (1919-1939), in J. Grossutti — F. Micelli (edited by), L’altra Tavagnacco. L’emigrazione friulana tra le due guerre, Atti della giornata di studio Feletto Umberto 24 March 2000. Udine, Comune di Tavagnacco. 2003. pp. 99-161. 54 The articles on the problems of Friulian emigration written by Guido Picotti, appeared in the newspaper “La Patria del Friuli” between July 1909 and March 1910; cf. J. Grossutti, L’emigrazione dal Friuli. Saggio bibliograjìco, in Adriano D’Agostin — Javier Grossutti, Ti ho spedito Lire cento... cit., pp. 294-296. 55 Cf. G. Picotti, Le caratteristiche dell’emigrazione d’oltre... op. cit. fields of industrial fridges, textiles, perfumeries, paper as well as bridges and roads in the area of Chacabuco in the province of Buenos Aires. However, what distinguished Luigi Bidinost was the fact that his company took on and attracted many people from Cordenons who had arrived in Argentina in the early 1920s. 1910 A photograph of the community from Venezia Giulia The check carried out by the Centro de Estudios Migratorios Latinoamericanos (CEMLA) on those who disembarked in the port of Buenos Aires in 1910 has enabled us to identify a small number of emigrants from Venezia Giulia: about 12 people originally from Gradisca d’Isonzo, Trieste and Gorizia56. The check by CEMLA, like the conclusions some recent studies have reached on the migratory characteristics of Venezia Giulia in the period preceding the Great War, confirm the reduced number of migrants from this area to overseas and to Argentina in particular. In fact Venezia Giulia, in the period of the Austro-Hungarian empire, witnessed a period of development and was an area of immigration even for the Friulians (especially as regards Trieste and subsequently, but to a lesser extent, the industrial areas of Gorizia and Monfalcone and the port of Fiume – now Rijeka), it became an area of emigration only after the First and Second World Wars: in both cases the main reasons for emigration were political. Emigration in the years 1920-1930 The end of the Great War gave the Friulians once again the choice of emigration. Argentina across the sea and France in Europe welcomed a large number of Friulians after 1919. Some villages such as Pantianicco and Cordenons poured out a substantial number of their population to countries in South America, recreating large and well-organised communities which would be a reference point for those who emigrated after World War II57. Between the 20s and 30s the flow of migrants increased. “As soon as overseas communications began again, South America began immediately asking for our work force; many Friulians left for Argentina from middle and lower Friuli, in particular from the area west of the River Tagliamento. The majority of this exodus came from Cordenons, where “from between 1919 and 1920 over 1,000 people left”, observed Onorato Lorenzon and Piero Mattioni58. A high number when you take into account the census of 1921 which put the resident population of the municipality at 9,336 (now there are 8,337). Old and new emigrants settled in the area of Avellaneda, in the suburbs of Buenos Aires, where their presence was tangible. “Going along Riachuelo and along the great Avenida Mitre you saw Impresa Bidinest, Impresa Scian, Impresa Gardonio etc.” observed don Luigi Ridolfi in 1949: these are typical surnames from Cordenons59. “After Cordenons, no village in Friuli had as many emigrants to Argentina as Pantianicco and Bertiolo. Over 1,000 emigrated form Bertiolo and the oldest emigrant to Argentina was perhaps Malisan Alessandro from Bertiolo, who emigrated in 1865 and, for a long time, had a property at La Boca. Between 800 and 900 emigrated from Pantianicco” added don Luigi Ridolfi60. The case of Pantianicco and its emigrants gives much food for thought. On the one hand it allows us to explore structural conditions and contingent factors of emigration by moving the perspective from Friulian Pantianicco to that of Argentina, and on the other hand it enables us to examine a migratory 56 Cf. Alicia Bernasconi, Los giuliani en la Argentina: una inmigraciòn singular. delivered at the conference Storia e caratteristiche dell ‘emigrazione giuliana nel mondo, Trieste 23-24 January 1996, p. 9 (unpublished). 57 Cf. J. Grossutti, L’altra Cordenons. Folpi ad Avellaneda La otra Cordenons. Folpi en Avellaneda, in I. Zannier (edited by), Cordenons Avellaneda. Caratteri e fotografie di un ‘emigrazione, Pordeiioie, E.F.A.S.C.E. — C.R.A.F., l998,pp. 7-11. 58 Cf. Onorato Lorenzon - Piero Mattioni, L ‘emigrazione in Friuli, Udine, Amministrazione Provinciale di Udine, 1962, p. 54. 59 Cf. L. Ridolfi, I friulani. op. cit., p. 29. 60 Cf. L. Ridolfi, I friulani... op. cit., p. 44. experience whose characteristics rarely occur in such defined and exemplary forms. The specific nature of the experience of the inhabitants of Pantianicco, who for decades continued to choose the hospitals in Buenos Aires as their destination point, emerges from the tales the protagonists told their descendants. Luigi Della Picca, born in Pantianicco in 1850, arrived in Argentina for the first time when he was 28. He came back home a few years later and then, in 1887, the registry office in Mereto di Tomba noted his new departure for Argentina. Around 1890 he began working at the Italian hospital in Buenos Aires where he became head theatre nurse. Frequent returns home and departures overseas characterised Luigi Della Picca’s migratory experience and he became a role model for many of his fellow compatriots who arrived in Argentina in the first years of the 20th century and in the 20s and 30s: most of these found work in the Italian hospital, initially as odd-job men but then as qualified nurses. Table 3 – Those cancelled from the register of the Province of Udine: the year and their destination abroad (1919-1938) Europe and the Repatriates Total The Americas Argentina Mediterranean . from Argentina 1919 4.531 3.052 1.470 354 1920 26.587 20.986 5.583 860 1921 15.649 11.293 4.317 1.661 1922 32.268 28.751 3.485 2.256 1923 35.867 28.212 7.623 4.844 1924 36.811 31.156 5.447 3.911 1925 27.356 23.373 3.597 2.445 1926 22.317 16.779 5.251 3.671 1927 16.890 9.149 7.292 5.004 1928 13.654 10.706 2.783 1.598 1929 15.273 13.029 2.125 1.196 1930 28.902 25.852 2.892 2.042 1931 13.422 11.686 1.679 1.125 1932 5.465 4.715 689 426 1933 4.862 4.195 562 322 1934 4.004 3.017 744 445 (overseas) 1935 5.517 3.687 1.830 1936 3.512 2.165 1.347 1937 5.339 3.396 1.943 1938 4.300 3.323 977 Source: 1919-1920: Ministry for Employment and Social Security (Statistica dell’Emigrazione Italiana per l’Estero Italian Emigration Statistics for Abroad); 1921-1925: Commissariat General for Emigration (Annuale statistico dell’emigrazione Italian dal 1876 al 1925, Italian annual emigration statistics from 1876 to 1925; Rome, 1926 page 1404 et seq.); 1926-1938 Central Institute of Statistics (Statistica delle migrazioni da e per l’estero, Migration statistics from and for abroad.). Job specialisation distinguished the Argentine migratory experience until World War I, but especially in the 20s and 30s. Just after the war men attracted their families across the sea: even women began working in the Argentine hospitals and departures became definitive. Compared to the pre-war period the number of emigrants increased considerably. According to the registry office at Pantianicco there were 285 emigrants to Argentina between 1919 and 1932. Between 1921 and 1931 the population decreased by 27.7%, going from 1,222 to 883 (minus 339). Working overseas enabled them to live a fairly reasonable life style, sometimes even a good life style, and in any case certainly better than the one they would have had staying at home. Emigration “for a fixed term and purpose” which seemed to characterise the period preceding World War I, and which presupposed a return to the countryside to work at the end of their experience in the Argentine hospitals, was no longer an option. The difference in lifestyles between town and country, between peasant farmer on the one hand and life in town on the other, kept many emigrants in Argentina in the 20s and 30s. Furthermore the rise of fascism did not encourage the emigrants to return to their homeland. Between the two wars, the range of hospitals where the people from Pantianicco worked extended and included places within the province of Buenos Aires. In the capital, male nurses, but above all female nurses, maintenance workers, odd job men, porters and drivers were at the Italian Hospital, the “Bernardino Rivadavia” Hospital, the Mental Health Institute, the “Ricardo Gutierrez” Children’s Hospital, the “Parmenio Pinero” Hospital, the Tornu Sanatorium and the “Ottamendi Mirali” Sanatorium. Abele Mattiussi (1993: 41) remembered that in the 1920s 154 of the 291 Friulians working at the Italian Hospital in Buenos Aires were from Pantianicco. The other Friulians came mostly from Bertiolo and Beano, villages not far from Pantianicco. The Latin-American countries not only appealed to the people from Cordenons and Pantianicco but also to many other Friulians. However departures were well thought out and not merely for economic reasons. If however, between the two wars France welcomed the majority of Friulians, and many emigrated to the United States and Canada for better earnings, it was Argentina which was the only one to respect their real identity. The arrival in Buenos Aires between the 20s and 30s meant meeting the other Friuli, it enabled them to rebuild and feel protected by a familiar, rural network which did not exist anywhere else. 1924 The founding of the Regina colony. In the 20s some farming communities were set up. In 1924 the Italo-Argentine Colonisation Company, which owned more than 6,000 hectares of land in the province of Rio Negro, in Patagonia, recruited 426 farming families: 90% of them were Italian, of whom a large number were Friulians. The settlement was called the Regina colony (today it is Villa Regina) in honour of the Italian, Regina Pacini, wife of the then president of Argentina, Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear; the settlers were given the task of starting the cultivation of fruit trees61. Between 1920 and 1930 however, it was not only economic reasons which sent the Friulians across the ocean. Many went to Argentina because they could not stand the fascist regime. The geo- morphologist Egidio Feruglio and the musician Rodolfo Kubik, union leaders Giuseppe Tuntar and Luigi Tonet are examples of political emigrants, open opponents of the regime 62. Giovanni Minut, born in Visco in 1895; already secretary of the Provincial Federation of Land Workers, after a short period in Argentina, went to Uruguay: in the 1930s he became technical director of the dairy farming industry “Conaprole” in Montevideo, the biggest private industry in Latin-America63. This political emigration also included those whose previous work experience, in the countries of Central Europe, had given them social and political emancipation which fascism systematically tried to wipe out. Anti-fascism, in some cases hidden, in others militant, found an outlet outside the homeland, in a country which, at that time, represented a “free country”. In 1929, for example, Giovanni Topazzini, a communist, together with some anti-fascist emigrants who were members of the “Friulian Family” association (set up in November 1927) in Buenos Aires, created the “Friulian Proletariat Alliance”, which was dissolved due to the repressive measures of the military government of José Félix Uriburu and Agustin Pedro Justo in the first years of the 1930s. On 4 August 1932, about forty Friulian emigrants founded the “Friulian Workers’ Union”, which, according to the provisions of article 4 of the Statute “having no ties to any political or religious organisation, and consisting of mainly workers, will support the proletarian anti-fascism of the Italian emigration”64. The Friulian Workers’ Union was among one of the regional associations most involved in anti-fascist propaganda and, in 1935, actively participated in the organisation of the “Congress of Italians abroad against the war in Abyssinia”. Between the two wars, those belonging to the Slovene and Croat minorities of Venezia Giulia made up a considerable part of the emigrants heading overseas, to the United States but above all to Argentina: for these groups the economic reasons for emigration were connected to political reasons, but the latter were often more important65. Around the first half of the 1920s, the fascist measures of denationalisation against minorities pushed many militants and Slovene and Croatian activists to leave Venezia Giulia to escape the persecution to which they were subjected. According to some estimates, in the 20s and 30s, the number of Slovene and Croatian emigrants from Venezia Giulia was between 100,000 and 150,000 people: between 1923 and 1937, about 23,000 are thought to have left for Argentina. Piero Purini observed that, in that period, the reason for which Argentina – the first destination for emigrants from Venezia Giulia – “was so agreeable for non-Italian emigrants was because, as well as there already being Slovene communities there who had settled in Argentina before World War I, international agreements between the Italian government and that of Argentina opened up the country to emigration from Italy, especially that of linguistic minorities. The publicity campaign to push the Slovenes from the Karst region to emigrate was incessant and the Cosulich and Lloyd Triestino fleets offered big discounts on the journey to those who decided to leave”66. 61 Cf. Ottorino Burelli — Sergio Gervasutti, op. cit., pp. 126-138. 62 Cf. Vittorio Balanza, Rodolfo Kubik. Compositor y musico, Buenos Aires, Asociacién Dante Alighieri, 1993; J. Grossutti Una scelta difficile. Egidio Feruglio in Argentine in Id (edited by) Egidio Feruglio L attività scientifica e gli altri doveri verso la Patria (1897-1954). Atti della Giornata di studio nel centenario della nascita, Udine, Comune di Tavagnacco. 1997. pp. 85-115. 63 Cf. Federico Snaidero, Giovanni Minut (1895-1967). L ‘esperienza politica e di lavoro nell‘emigrazione, in F. Cecotti — D. Mattiussi (edited by), op. cit., pp. 129-137. 64 Cf. Marco Puppini, Appartenenza regionale e convinzioni antifasciste nell’emigrazione in Argentina: alcuni documenti sui casi friulano e giuliano, in F. Cecotti — D. Mattiussi (edited by), op. cit., pp. 109-116. 65 Cf. Aleksey Kalc, L ‘emigrazione slovena e croata dalla Venezia Giulia tra le due guerre ed il suo ruolo politico, in “Annales. Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei”, VI (1996), n. 8, pp. 23-60. 66 Cf. Piero Purini, L’emigrazione non italiana dalla Venezia Giulia tra le due guerre, in F. Cecotti — D. Mattiussi (edited by), op. cit, pp. 87-107; by the same author also see, L’emigrazione non italiana dalla Venezia Giulia dopo la prima guerra mondiale, in “Qualestoria”, 2000, n. 1, pp. 33-53 e Analisi dei dati statistici ufficiali italiani riguardanti l’emigrazione dalla Venezia Giulia nel periodo 1921-1938, in “Annales. Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei”, X (2000), n. 20, pp. 17 1-190. Table 4 – A list of those, cancelled from the register, who emigrated to Argentina from Venezia Giulia (1921-1937) Total Fiume Gorizia Pola Trieste Zara Venezia Giulia 1921 183 1922 244 1923 3.001 1924 1.224 1925 - - - - - - 1926 34 689 219 3 945 1927 146 959 642 483 19 2.249 1928 346 2.427 1.918 1.079 11 5.781 1929 326 1.239 1.478 1.070 19 4.132 1930 159 822 998 596 16 2.591 1931 30 266 280 249 8 833 1932 24 89 99 86 0 298 1933 9 88 63 48 0 208 1934 21 105 56 69 1 252 1935 312 1936 222 1937 460 Total 1.095 5.995 6.223 3.899 77 22.935 Source: P.Purini, L’Emigrazione non italiana dalla Venezia Giulia tra le due guerre (Non Italian emigration from Venezia Giulia between the two wars) in F. Cecotti – D. Mattiussi (op.cit. page 101). For the Friulians, therefore, the flow towards Argentina went at alternate rhythms, during the whole of the 1930s, but departures tended to drop after 1931. In the years between 1920 and 1930 there were more emigrants from Venezia Giulia, particularly Slavs: in 1928, for example, about 5,800 left for Latin America, a quarter of all those emigrants in the period 1921-1937 went to Argentina. The fascists discouraged and contained emigration especially after 1927, but this was more in response to the barriers already raised abroad by the receiving countries rather than a strict control of emigration. In Venezia Giulia however, the emigration of non-Italians, was not impeded by the fascist government, which tried in every way to make it as easy as possible. 1945 – Emigration after World War II At the end of the Second World War the Friulians were facing a similar situation to that at the end of the First World War in November 1918. They began emigrating again to the same countries as before such as France, Belgium, Argentina and the United States, but emigration extended to countries such as Canada and to a lesser extent Switzerland which had welcomed a considerable number of emigrants already since the 1880s; moreover, new destinations opened up such as Venezuela, Australia and South Africa. However, not many Friulians went to Uruguay: They came, for example, from Travesio, Cordenons, Chiusaforte, Morsano al Tagliamento, Gemona, Talmassons and Lestizza. In 1951, Guido Zannier, originally from Udine, disembarked at Montevideo, he then became a teacher at the local university and one of the most important professors of Italian in Latin-America67. More people from Venezia Giulia seemed to prefer Uruguay: at the time the biggest groups were from Trieste, Muggia and Fogliano Redipuglia. 1945-1948 – The boom in the Argentine economy encouraged departures The period 1945-1948 corresponded with an economic boom in Argentina, with an annual increase in GDP equal to 6.4%. The favourable economic circumstances, which quickly absorbed the workers available locally, left room to attract foreign immigrants. The industrial growth which occurred in this period was backed by political promotions, helped by the improvement in exchange terms and by the intensive use of productive capacity which had not yet been fully developed and helped by public and private investments in manufacturing activities. The favourable economic conditions, which quickly absorbed the workers available locally left room to attract foreign immigrants. The immediate post-war boom in Argentina changed it into a very desirable destination for many Europeans, who left their homelands because of the economic crisis and political disarray which followed the end of the war – observed Maria Inès Barbero and Maria Cristina Cacopardo. This attraction was the result of a number of factors and, to a certain extent, even the obstacles to immigration imposed by other countries, particularly the United States. Starting from 1946, the Argentine government began a policy of encouraging immigration which, even though there was some selection criteria, was in considerable contrast to that of the 1930s and the years of the war, which had been designed to limit the entrance of foreigners68. 67 67 Cf. Luce Fabbri de Cressatti, Guido Zannier, in Graciela Barrios — Alcides Beretta Curi — Mario Dotta, Estudios humanisticos en memoria al dr. Guido Zannier, Montevideo, Facultad de Hurnanidades y Ciencias de la Educacién Universidad de la Repùblica, 1998, pp. 11-13. 68 Cf. Maria Inés Barbero — Marja Cristina Cacopardo, L ‘immigrazione europea in Argentina nel secondo dopoguerra: vecchi miti e nuove realtà, in Gianfausto Rosoli (edited by), Identità degli italiani in Argentina. Reti sociali. Famiglia. Lavoro, Roma, Centro Studi Emigrazione-Edizioni Studium, 1993. p. 289. On the political opinions about Italian emigration after the war see G. Rosoli, La politica migratoria italo argentina nell‘immediato dopoguerra (1946-1949), in Id. (edited by), Identità degli italiani op. cit., pp. 341- 390. The first agreement between Italy and Argentina to promote immigration was on 21 February 1947: it provided the recruitment of immigrants on the basis of lists compiled by Italian officials according to the requirements indicated by the Argentine government. The emigration treaty signed by the Italian and Argentine governments in January 1948 finally put into effect the propositions agreed upon in February of the previous year (which had not yet been ratified) and it took up again some of the aspects of the Convenio Comercial y Financiero underwritten by the two countries in October 1947. In addition, in the first years of the 1950s, Argentina became part of the Comitato Intergovernativo per le Migrazioni Europee (CIME) (Inter-government Committee for European Migration (ICEM), whose task it was to ensure the transport of needy emigrants and to support European emigration. The different mechanisms of recruitment and assistance promoted by the Argentine and Italian governments did not seem, however, to reach the desired objectives: during the economic boom the majority of European immigrants who got to the country did so through other channels. The existence of numerous groups of European origin, which settled in the country during the period of mass emigration, enabled the system of the “family link” to be a quicker and less bureaucratic route than assisted immigration. The primary networks offered the chance to count on the help of relatives and friends during the settling-in process in the new country69. 1946-1952: The emigration to Argentina of Istrian and Dalmatian refugees The end of the war and the changing of the political borders in Venezia Giulia set emigration in motion once again, this time during the years 1946-1952, with about 300,000 Istrian and Dalmatian refugees. The United States, Canada, Australia and Argentina were the destinations mostly chosen by the refugees, because of the existence of migratory channels arranged in advance by the international organisations (Catholic Relief Service, IRO, ICEM etc.) rather than the choice of the refugees themselves for those countries. In effect, if the Friulian emigrants who reached Argentina in the post World War II period, with a few exceptions, turned to the social networks set up by their fellow compatriots who had emigrated before the war (via “family links” for example), in the case of people from Venezia Giulia the recruitment mechanisms, the way of emigrating and their integration into their new environment were different. The end of the war and the changing of the political borders in Venezia Giulia set emigration in motion once again, this time during the years 1946-1952, with about 300,000 Istrian and Dalmatian refugees. “The United State, Canada, Australia and Argentina were the destinations mostly chosen by the refugees, because of the existence of emigration channels arranged in advance by the international organisations (Catholic Relief Service, IRO, ICEM, etc.) rather than the choice of the refugees themselves for those countries”70. Those who emigrated from Trieste after 1955, that is, after the allied powers had withdrawn, did so because of the difficult economic situation which struck the city, and in many cases they followed already existing migratory paths. 1948 – Friulians in Terra del Fuego The only attempt at assisted emigration which involved a substantial number of Friulians was that set up in 1948 by the entrepreneur Carlo Borsari from Bologna. 69 Cf. M. I. Barbero —M. C. Cacopardo, op. cit., p. 293. 70 Cf. Giorgio Valussi, La comunità giuliana in Argentina. Analisi dei processi di mobilità geografica e sociale, in Francesco Citarella, op. cit., p. 378. Regarding the Slovenes who landed in Argentina between 1947 and 1950 cf. Joseph Velikonja, Las comunidades eslovenas en el Gran Buenos Aires, in “Estudios rnigratorios latinoamericanos”, 1(1985), n. 1, pp. 48- 61. The project, in which 614 people coming from regions in northern Italy joined, intended to develop the city of Ushuaia, in Terra del Fuego71: La empresa Borsari se especializaba en el rubro construcciòn de ljneas ferroviarias, obras edilicias y viales, caminos, obras hidràulicas, puentes, hormigòn armado y tùneles. En 1948 la empresa firmò un contrato de trabajo con el Estado argentino. Refrendaron en corformidad el contrato el contralmirante Mario E. Sànchez Negrete como Director General de Construcciones Terrestres del Ministerio de Marina — Gobernador de Tierra del Fuego y Carlo Borsari empresario italiano. Después de la firma del contrato, el empresario, a través de sus funcionarios, organizò diferentes canales de informacién formales e informales en la zona norte de la pennsula italiana que operaban para el reclutamiento de la mano de obra para trabajar por cuatro aflos, es decir durante el periodo 1948 — 1952. Se seleccionaron ingenieros, técnicos y obreros de la construcciòn. Los mismos fueron calificados en funciòn de criterios de buena salud, capacidades y habilidades. La propuesta migratoria para Ushuaia se articulò en una multiplicidad de aspectos tales como construir una infraestructura para un futuro desarrollo industrial de la region, controlar los recursos primarios, defender la soberanja nacional y poblar a partir de la selecciòn de los inmigrantes72. (“Borsari was a company that specialized in the building of railway lines, houses and roads, streets, hydraulic works, bridges, reinforced concrete and tunnels. In 1948 the company signed a contract with the Argentine government. The admiral Mario E. Sanchez Negrete, as General Director of Constructions for the Navy Ministry, ratified the validity of the contract together with the governor of Tierra del Fuego and the Italian businessman Carlo Borsari. After signing the contract, the businessman, through his assistants, organized different channels of communication, both formal and informal, in the northern area of the Italian peninsula, which were directed to the recruitment of labor that would work for four years, a period spanning from 1948 to 1952. Engineers, technicians and construction workers were selected. These would qualify according to criteria of good health, skills and abilities. The migration project for Ushuaia was articulated in a number of aspects, such as building an infrastructure for a future industrial development of the region, controlling primary resources, defending national sovereignty and population, starting with a selection of the immigrants”). The Friulians (300 according to some authors73) who reached Patagonia with the entrepreneur Carlo Borsari came from Povoletto, Faedis, Nimis and Martignacco; for the most part they were brick- layers and carpenters. After the Second World War, however, the role of the emigration channels in organising emigration and reducing the human and social costs of integration in a new environment 71 Cf. Charles B. Hitchcock. Einpresa Borsari. Italian Settlement in Tierra del Fuego. in “The Geographical Review”, October 1949, pp. 640-648. 72 Cf. Juana Alejandra Coicaud, La migraciòn ‘individual y colectiva’ de los friulanos en Patagonia. Estudio de dos casos: Comodoro Rivadavia y Ushuaia 1948-19 70 (unpublished) 73 Cf. E. Mattiussi, Los friulanos, op. cit., p. 103. were decisive: the areas the emigrants came from were the same as in the 20s and 30s: Cordenons, Pantianicco, Bertiolo, Carpeneto, Pozzuolo del Friuli, Jalmicco, Plaino and Ampezzo74. But if, until the early years of the 1950s, the political and economic situation in Argentina showed no signs of disquiet, after 1953 and the experience of the Peron era the economic formula began to show weaknesses which, as Halperin Donghi maintained “could only serve for periods of prosperity”75. And so the Friulians, despite the existence in South America of a network of relations and compatriots formed from many waves of migration, preferred to emigrate to other places. In 1955 ISTAT (the national statistics office) noted for the first time the numbers of those who left their towns: in the preface to the Yearly Demographic Statistics it states “The new part added refers to the results of an important survey regarding the movement of residents within the national territory, and from and for abroad, carried out on the registrations and cancellations in the registry. The survey provides useful elements for the study of economic and social problems connected to the movement of a population and offers first class material on how to execute, in the succeeding years, new and interesting data processing. In the tables relating to the province the numbers of registrations and cancellations from and for abroad according to countries of origin and destination are reported, for France, Belgium, the Federal German Republic and England as far as regards Europe; Canada, the United States, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela and Australia for those overseas, while no indication is given for the area of the Mediterranean basin. 1967-1968 Repatriates (from Europe) exceed expatriates. More people returned from Germany and Switzerland, which had been the main destinations for temporary emigration, than emigrated. The slow building of a regional work force, confirmed by widespread industrialisation, brought about the end of an emigration movement which had begun in the 19th century. Between 1955 and 1967, the year in which for the first time in Friuli Venezia Giulia there was a positive balance between expatriates and repatriates, registrations and cancellations for Argentina (in the provinces of Udine and Gorizia) total 2,293 and 2,049 respectively. The positive balance between registrations and cancellations is a further confirmation of an exit which, with Argentina, had already considerably reduced before the Institute of Statistics began its survey on the transference of residents from and to abroad. Registrations from South American countries indicate a substantial return of Friulian emigrants in the second half of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s, in a period when other destinations (as much European as overseas) were preferred to that of Argentina. All cases were those of emigrants who, for economic reasons (no job vacancies, loss of employment, economic crisis in the country they had emigrated to, etc.), or for psychological reasons (integration difficulties, homesickness, “disorientation”, etc.), or socio-political reasons (the impossibility of a definitive integration etc.) decided to return to their homeland. During the returns of the 1970s, the percentage of Friulians coming back from Argentina is modest (1.8%): of the 50,000 or so who came back between 1970 and 1979, only 935 arrived in Friuli from Latin- American countries76. Table 5 - Registrations and cancellations from and for Argentina in the provinces of Udine and Gorizia (1955-1967) 74 Regarding the experience of emigration to Argentina from Pozzuolo del Friuli and Carpeneto cf. L ‘emigrazione nel territorio communale di Pozzuolo del Friuli, in J. Grossutti (edited by), Chei di Pucui pal mont. I pozzuolesi nel mondo, Udine, Comune di Pozzuolo del Friuli. 2004. pp. 7-27; for Plaino cf. Id.. Le scelte migratorie a Tavagnacco, Feletto Umberto e Pagnacco: tra Francia e Argentina (1919-1939), in J. GROSSUTTI — F. MICELLI (edited by), L’altra Tavagnacco... op. cit., pp. 99-161. 75 Cf. Tulio Halperin Donghi, Història contemporanea de América Latina, Madrid - Buenos Aires, Alianza Editoria!, 1987, p. 355 76 Cf. Elena Saraceno, L’emigrazione fallita: rientri e carriere professionali dei friulani in Argentina, in F. Devoto G. Rosoli (edited by), L ‘Italia nella società argentina. Contributi sull‘emigrazione italiana in Argentina, Roma, Centro Studi Emigrazione, 1988, p. 125. Registrations Cancellations Bilance 1955 203 213 -10 1956 152 201 -49 1957 148 461 -313 1958 147 91 56 1959 125 110 15 1960 206 153 53 1961 168 56 112 1962 212 457 -245 1963 261 32 229 1964 257 31 226 1965 149 35 114 1966 88 75 13 1967 81 50 31 Source: Istat Movimento migratorio della popolazione residente. Iscrizioni e cancellazioni anagrafiche (The migratory movement of residents. Registrations and cancellations from the registry) Rome, National Institute of Statistics, 1955-1967. 1976 A difficult year to forget. 1976 was a turning point: in Argentina the coup d’état threw the country into the darkest political crisis in its history; in Friuli the earthquake accelerated a process of wealth and change in society never seen before. Emigrants, but above all the descendants of emigrants, sons and grandsons, born in Argentina, paid with their lives a period of terror. In Argentina, in the years between 1960 and 1970 the situation got worse and worse, while in Italy and subsequently in Friuli the economy got better and better. 1976 was the turning point: In Argentina a coup d’état threw the country into the darkest political crisis in its history; in Friuli the earthquake accelerated a process of wealth and change in society never seen before. Emigrants, but above all the descendants of emigrants, sons and grandsons born in Argentina, paid with their lives a period of terror: they were part of the 30,000 “desaparecidos” created by the murderous violence of the military government of the time77. 77 Cf. F. D. M., La libertà? un miraggio, in “La Vita Cattolica”, 22 April 1978; M. M. Cornici, La vite dai furlans, in “La Vita Cattolica”, 22 April 1978; Flavio Vidoni, I friulani d’Argentina abili o fortunati? Desaparecidos ma non troppo, in “Primipiani Friuli Venezia Giulia”, I (1982), n. 6, pp. 11-12; Dodici friulani tra i desaparecidos, in “Il Gazzettino”, 24 February 1990. 1989-1991: the first “anomalous” returns from Argentina In the period 1989-1991 the people returning and immigrants were on the whole, the sons, grandsons and great-grandsons of Italians who had emigrated to Argentina after the two World Wars. The 80s and the arrival in Friuli, between 1989 and 1991, of the descendants of Friulians who had emigrated during the fascist period, but above all after the Second World War, showed the difference between two communities who only knew the stereotype of the other. To Italians and Friulians born in Argentina the towns and villages of parents and grand parents were very different from what had been described to them. These repatriates were different from any previous repatriation from Argentina which concerned Friuli. Those returning from 1989-1991 were on the whole the sons, grandsons and great-grandsons of Italians who had emigrated to Argentina after the two World Wars78. More than a hundred years of emigration to Argentina gaverise to a closeness between Argentina and Friuli that can only be compared to that between Friuli and France; a closeness between regions of departure and those of arrival which is also clear in the case of Veneto and Brazil. Of the total of Friulians who emigrated to the United States, Brazil and Argentina between 1876 and 1965 more than 68% chose the latter79. 78 Cf. J. Grossutti, I “rientri” in Friuli da Argentina, Brasile, Uruguay e Venezuela (1989-1994), Udine. Ente Regionale per i Problemi dei Migranti — Regione Autonoma Friuli Venezia Giulia, 1997; Id., L’immigrazione argentina nella provincia di Udine, Udine, Provincia di Udine — Assessorato alle Solidarietà Sociali, 1998. 79 Cf. Mario C. Nascimbene, Italianos hacia América (1876-1978, Buenos Aires, Museo Roca — Centro de Estudios sobre Inrnigracion, 1994, pp. 20-22.