Rosaleen Smyth film and modernization in Africa by binalong

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The film as an instrument of modernization and social change in Africa; the
long view.
                       Rosaleen Smyth: Ruaha University College, Tanzania
       (Paper delivered at Revisiting Modernization Conference, University of Ghana,
       Legon, 27th - 31st July 2009)

Social message films, videos, DVD‘s and TV dramas and documentaries aimed at effecting
social and behavioral change are a feature of late 20th and early 21st century modernization
efforts in Africa. They are being facilitated by local regional and international organizations,
and nearly all are getting some funding from the international community through UN
agencies, foreign government development agencies as part of their public diplomacy
outreach, NGOs, foreign academic institutions and philanthropic organizations. This is the
social message film dynamic in the age of globalization, a combination of local, regional and
international initiatives and partnerships: the glocalization of the social message film.

Most are steeped in the latest developments in social science theories related to
modernization and communication theories which have been developed in American and
other universities from the middle of the last century. And they are also heavily influenced in
their production and promotional activities by the strategies of the advertising and marketing
industries, in areas such as issues management, agenda setting, social marketing and media
advocacy that have developed in lockstep with the advance of capitalism. Watching and
commentating on the modernization process are a whole phalanx of interested stakeholders
who assemble at conferences like this to examine the entrails of modernization in the age of

This paper takes the long view of the use of the social message film as a change agent in
Africa to document its usage before and after the birth of the academic study of
modernization and development communication theories in the second half of the 20th
century, with a particular focus on British colonial development films. In doing so I will
highlight the superficiality and rootlessness of the orthodox modernization meta-narrative as
exemplified by this 2002 report for the Rockefeller Foundation:

    Development communication has its origins in post-war international aid programs to
    countries in Latin America, Asia and Africa that were struggling with poverty, illiteracy,
    poor health and a lack of economic, political and social infrastructures. Development
    communication commonly refers to the application of communication strategies and
    principles in the developing world. It is derived from theories of development and social
    change that identified the main problems of the post-war world in terms of a lack of
    development or progress equivalent to Western countries. 1

The first social message films in Britain‘s African colonies were made sans ‗theory‘ by
health officials in Kenya and Nigeria, who were confronted with local health problems and
seized on the new media of film to get across what they saw as vital health messages to
people who were illiterate. In 1926, Dr A.R. Paterson of the Kenya Department of Medical

and Sanitary Service made a 16mm amateur film to introduce and record a campaign against
hookworm on the Kenya coast. Paterson‘s film was probably inspired by the film Unhooking
the Hookworm produced by the International Health Division of the Rockefeller Foundation
in 1920 in the American south and subsequently shown in many countries around the world,
including some African colonies2) In 1929 William Sellers, a health official with the Nigerian
Government, made a film to combat the outbreak of plague in Lagos and in 1931 introduced
a specially designed mobile cinema van. After receiving a grant from the Colonial
Development Fund in 1932 he went on to produce 15 health films on such topics as infant
welfare work in Lagos, anti-malaria fieldwork, school sanitation and village improvements.
By the mid-1930s he had developed a health propaganda unit within the Nigerian Health
Services Department which combined film production, mobile film shows, exhibits, school
services and field days.3

Meanwhile in London development films began to feature on the Colonial Office radar. The
Advisory Committee on Native Education in Tropical Africa established in 1923 and the
Colonial Films Committee established in 1929 both showed an interest in the potential of film
as an instrument of adult education in the colonies. In 1929 the Advisory Committee sent
Julian Huxley, a noted biologist, Fabian and member of the London Films Committee, to East
Africa to test African reactions to instructional films. In his 1930 report to the Colonial Office
Huxley was enthusiastic about the potential of film in schools and for adult education: ‗For
the latter purpose they will in the present state of tropical Africa be much the most powerful
weapon of propaganda which we have at command.‘ 4 Also in 1929 the British Institute of
Adult Education and the Association of Scientific Workers, set up the Commission on
Educational and Cultural Films in order to undertake the first thorough investigation of the
film in education. Its highly influential report The Film in National Life was published in
1932 with the assistance of a Carnegie United Kingdom Trust grant. This is a key point as
American philanthropy has played a seminal role from the start of development
communication in Africa. The report recommended that a national film institute be
established to encourage the development and use of the cinema as a means of entertainment
and instruction in both Britain and the Empire. The result was the British Film Institute (BFI)
founded in 1933. In 1934 the BFI set up a number of advisory panels including the
Dominions, India and Colonies Panel on which the Colonial Office was represented. The
Panel appointed a sub-committee to investigate the question of providing instructional films
for Eastern Africa and Dr Paterson was invited to submit a plan for an experiment. The plan
failed to secure financial support.5

It was members of the emerging international community with an interest in the impact of
western capitalism on traditional African society, the International Missionary Council (IMC)
and the Carnegie Foundation, that kick-started the first major attempt to use film as an
instrument of social change in British Africa. In 1932 J. Merle Davis, Director of the
Department of Social and Industrial Research of the IMC (later the World Council of
Churches) had gone to the Northern Rhodesian Copperbelt to lead an inquiry into the effect
of industrialization on African society. The Carnegie Corporation financed the investigation
and the results were published in 1933 in Modern Industry and the African. 6 Merle Davis

and his team found that the mines of the Copperbelt had profoundly altered the pre-industrial
society of Central Africa. He recommended the use of the cinema to help the illiterate African
to adjust to the coming of western capitalist society with its alien social and economic
standards and drew up a plan for a film experiment on behalf of the IMC. The experiment
would study the use of cinema as an instrument for ‗educational and cultural adjustment‘.7

 The IMC‘s interest coincided with a plan being put forward by Major L.A. Notcutt and G.C.
Latham which they called the Bantu Educational Kinema Experiment (BEKE). Both men had
had African experience. Notcutt was an engineer who, inspired by reading Huxley's Africa
View (1931), had begun to experiment in making home movies with African actors whilst he
was managing a group of sisal plantations in Eastern Africa. Latham had earlier been
Director of Native Education in Northern Rhodesia.

The BEKE was carried out under the auspices of the IMC and organized in London under the
general direction of Merle Davis. Advice was given by an advisory council representing
missionary, educational, mining and Colonial Office opinion, with Lord Lugard as Chairman.
The BEKE won the endorsement of the IMC and the Carnegie Foundation came forward to
be the principal financial backer. Other financial sponsors were the Roan Antelope, Rhokana,
and Mufulira copper mining companies, the Empire Cotton Growing Corporation and the
academically oriented International Institute of African Languages and Culture (now the
International African Institute) which itself had been established in 1926 with a grant from
the Rockefeller Foundation. In 1936 additional funds were acquired from the Colonial
Development Fund and from the governments of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika (with the
proviso that the latter part of the experiment should be devoted to the production and
distribution of agricultural instructional films). A very modern model of a development
project funding mix.

The production side of the experiment started at Vugiri in the Usambara Mountains in
Tanganyika. Later films were sometimes made outside the Vugiri studio. The producer,
Notcutt had a staff of 5 Englishmen and a number of African assistants. The BEKE
organizers were emphatic about the ‗Africanness‘ of their films. 8 Merle Davis stressed that
the BEKE ‗ had not gone into Africa with a predetermined line of films that people in
London have decided are ―good for the African.‖‘ Rather they would be guided by African
advice and reactions on the spot. African advice was solicited during filming on matters of
content and effectiveness and Africans were trained in all aspects of production and

The films, processed locally were 16mm and silent, but used sound on disks which meant that
recorded sound could be provided in the languages of many of the areas visited. Where an
area‘s language was not on disk, a narrator was used. The BEKE produced 35 films ranging
from 1 to 7 reels: nineteen on agriculture and six on health. Latham drove 9000 miles
showing films from the back of a lorry to about 80,000 people during 95 performances in
Tanganyika, Kenya, Northern Rhodesia, Nyasaland and Uganda.10 Subsequent films were
influenced by feedback solicited from the audiences. Some films were strictly instructional,
like Hides which demonstrated the correct methods of tanning and Tea which explained how

tea is grown and prepared. Many had story formats, early examples of the contemporary
edutainment film. The Chief dramatized the conflict between the old and the new in the
village: the protagonists were the sick chief, the witch doctor and the medical doctor. Post
Office Savings Bank was one of the earliest uses of the Mr Wise and Mr Foolish theme. Mr
Foolish buries his money in the ground and it gets stolen. Mr Wise puts his money in the
bank. The BEKE‘s founders had hoped that the experiment would lead the establishment of a
permanent unit with the financial backing of the East and Central African governments. The
only positive response came from Northern Rhodesia, the experiment went no further.

Mass Education, Colonial Development and WW2
The use of mass communication as an instrument of persuasion took a great leap forward in
the colonies as elsewhere in WW2. As in WW1 war propaganda became a top priority. The
new Ministry of Information established the Colonial Film Unit under the direction of Sellers,
the pioneering producer of health films in Nigeria; the Colonial Office had an advisory role.
Mobile cinema vans showed films like This is an Air Raid Warden, This is a Barrage
Balloon, Mr English at Home and West African Chiefs Visit London as did static cinemas in
some villages. Van visits were often associated with army recruiting drives. In 1942 the
Colonial Office included some development films with the aim of ‗raising the primitive
African to a higher standard of culture.‘ 11 To provide African content the CFU resorted to
using some of the pre-war films as well as providing cameras and film to Colonial
information officers to make their own films with some guidance from London under the
‗raw stock scheme‘. One product of the scheme was Jonathan Builds a Dam (1944), later
retitled as A Kenya Village Builds a Dam in which Jonathan, after obtaining the blessing of
the chief and the district commissioner, inspires his village to cooperate to build a dam for the
provision of water during the dry season.

WW2 also saw a sea-change in the British attitude to the role of government with the
adoption of the idea of the welfare state in Britain as famously espoused in the Beveridge
Report and a development and welfare policy in the colonies. Before WW2 colonial
administrations were primarily concerned with the maintenance of law and order. But the
mentality of the times was changing. The League of Nations had put into the international
firmament the idea of a mandate; that colonial powers should be responsible for the welfare
of their subject peoples. A number of reports critical of Britain's colonial administration
appeared on the eve of the war providing ammunition for the United States in its campaign
against imperialism and for German war propaganda. Lord Hailey‘s African Survey (1938),
funded by the Carnegie Corporation had identified a wide variety of social needs. Following
the war Britain embarked on social engineering at home; and the implementation of a new
development policy in the colonies funded by the Colonial Development and Welfare Act
(1940) and subsequent acts.

In tune with this new development approach there was also great stress placed on the need to
accelerate adult education; to this end the Advisory Committee on Education in the
Colonies produced the report Mass Education in African Society (1944). Mass education was
nowhere specifically defined but emerged as meaning education for the betterment of the

community to improve the quality of life of the people. A crucial aspect was that the
community should be active participants and, if possible, the initiators of improvement
schemes. The term ‗mass education‘ was replaced after the war by ‗community
development‘ with UNESCO preferring ‗fundamental education‘. Mass education was
thought to have an unfortunate political resonance hinting at ‗an inferior kind of education
specially designed for primitive peoples‘.12

The Mass Education Report noted the great popularity of films and acknowledged that they
were ‗the most popular and powerful of all visual aids‘ while noting also that they could not
supplant the teacher; they were no ‗magic bullet.‘ The report further urged that documentary
films be used to extend the horizons of villagers and help them to adjust to changing political,
economic and social conditions and that news films could help to develop a ‗national‘
outlook. Films could explain new types of organizations like trade unions and cooperatives
and new techniques and processes like crop rotation, sanitation and making brick kilns.13

The social message films of government film units in British Colonial Africa.
In the spirit of Mass Education in African Society, the CFU was reorganized as a
development film organization after the war with crews operating in East and West Africa
under the directorship of European filmmakers and the overall leadership of Sellers. To
assist in the enterprise the CFU in London produced a quarterly magazine, Colonial Cinema,
trained colonial officials on leave in film production techniques and in the case of West
Africa, organized the local training of African technicians. In Central Africa, there was a
different system because of the political activism of white settlers who already had legislative
control in Southern Rhodesia and were now campaigning for a federation of Northern
Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland to perpetuate the white ascendancy. In 1948 the
Central African Council a precursor to the Federation established in 1953, set up the Central
African Film Unit. Development films produced for Africans in the three territories were paid
for out of Colonial Development and Welfare funds.

The big problem facing the white men who directed the colonial development films was the
cultural disconnect between them and the people for whom they were making the films. The
frequent repetition of the word ‗primitive‘ underscores what the mindset of many of the
operators may have been. Attempts were made in some cases to solicit African input,
particularly in West Africa and feedback was frequently sort from African audiences but two
–way communication featuring systematic feedback, scientific research and the sharing of
meanings there was not. This problem was recognized from the start by some Colonial Office
officials and film experts. One Colonial Office official minuted his objection to the
patronizing tone:

     Colonial peoples want sympathy, not films on soil erosion, humanity not lectures on how to kill
     bed bugs. Can we not discard this pose of instructional superiority and get down to learning
     from people as well as teaching them?14

At the British Film Institute's conference ‗The Film in Colonial Development' in 1948, the
conference chair, MP, Aidan Crawley, expressed his irritation at the ethnocentric tone of
smugness he had noted in discussions on colonial development: 'Over and over again the phrase has
come up that we have to adjust films for primitive people...' He agreed with John Grierson, then
Film Controller at the Central Office of Information, the post war successor of the MOI, that film-
makers should also be concerned about what 'other cultures can teach us'.15 Grierson wanted to see
the Colonial Film Unit 'putting the film into the Africans' own hands as an instrument for
their own development‘.16 George Pearson seemed to be endorsing this view when he said:
'What aim could be of more potential value than Films for Africans, with Africans, by
Africans.‘ 17

Colonial Film Unit in West Africa
In West Africa the first film to be made was Fight TB in the Home (1946) demonstrating
practices to be followed in the home to take precautions against the disease. Swollen Shoot
(1946) was made at the request of the agriculture department to fight a disease then attacking
the cocoa plant by demonstrating the symptoms and methods that could be used to attack the
problem. In Weaving in Togoland (1946) students from Achimota College in cooperation
with the chief demonstrated more advanced methods of weaving to increase productivity and
quality using a wider, more modern loom. Through demonstrating superior methods the
Achimota students persuade the villagers to adopt new methods. Spinning and weaving become
a full-time industry. According to the commentary more cotton is grown and there is more
work for dyers. Material prosperity follows. Before the new looms there were less than one
hundred children at the village school, but now there are two hundred - there are more
teachers, bigger buildings and a new infant school. Diet is improved as more varieties of food
become available at the local market and better quality stone houses are built. Better Pottery
(1948) has a similar theme: factory methods substantially increase the number of pots that
can be produced and so lead to greater prosperity. Good Business (1947) promoted the work
of the co-operative societies of West Africa following the stages through which Lawani's
cocoa harvest passes from picking to marketing and export.

Village Development (1948) was set in the Udi Division of eastern Nigeria where the district
officer, E.R. Chadwick had introduced a number of social services: a leper colony, roads and
bridges, successful campaigns in mass literacy, co-operative shops, dispensaries and
maternity homes, and finally water supplies which were planned and carried out by various
villages. The idea was to promote development projects such as road building by sparking
village competition. 18 Chadwick‘s role is pivotal as Chadwick is shown consulting with
village elders and chiefs to find out what development projects the local people wanted.
Village Development had several sequels highlighting what had been done in other areas
including Ahoada (1950), Okigwi (1951) and Awka Divisions (1951) and was the inspiration
for the Crown Film Unit‘s dramatized documentary, Daybreak in Udi 1948). A reviewer
commented that 'without Mr Chadwick, one feels, nothing would have happened and the
communal effort would have fallen off as soon as he left'.19 On the other hand a Belgian
delegate at a conference on the cinema in Africa south of the Sahara held in Brussels in 1958,

argued that an element of paternalism was inevitable in the genre; if one accused the
instructional film of paternalism, then one would have to bring a similar charge against all
systems of mass education.20

Some progress was made in the training of African technicians in West Africa. Since 1943
Fela Sowande, had been the CFU‘s musical director. In 1946, Oxford–educated Joseph
Odunton joined the Gold Coast Cinema Branch to assist in film-making; the Branch had an
African camera assistant. In 1949 a film training school conducted in Accra was attended by
7 trainees from the Gold Coast and Nigeria The training scheme was successful to the extent
that the Gold Coast Film Unit was organized on a professional basis in 1949 immediately
following the course. A Nigerian film unit followed a year later. It was not till 1965,
however, that a production of the Federal Film Unit in Nigeria was handled entirely by
Nigerians. 21

Smallpox (1950) was the first major production of the news Nigerian Film Unit; it was 40
minutes in length and had two Nigerian production assistants. The edutainment format was
used to get the vaccination message across. ‗Foolish Alabi‘ who refuses to get vaccinated in
his own village visits his friend Tijani in another village where smallpox is rampant and
catches the disease. He tells the doctor in his own village about the outbreak on his return and
after treatment recovers in hospital. Tijani hides when a vaccination team is sent in and goes
blind. Odunton criticized the simplistic Mr Wise and Mr Foolish format saying films:

      must speak not only through the local idiom and traditions, but also reflect the social
      and cultural aspirations of their audience. Patronising commentaries which do not
      credit the illiterate African with at least some degree of intelligence or shrewd
      discernment are not likely to leave any mark.
Odunton, however, commended the Gold Coast Film Unit production, Amenu's Child (1950)
   because in its structure it attempted to overcome the problem of the patronizing
commentaries and simplistic plots of many CFU films. Amenu's Child, written and produced
by Sean Graham, was made for the Medical Department's campaign to reduce infant
mortality and formed the centre-piece of a mass education campaign to train village leaders in
child welfare. The film uses the traditional idiom of storytelling which was a popular art form in
the Gold Coast. Before the titles a drummer beats two talking drums as the narrator says,
'Listen and gather round...' The most ambitious of all the post-CFU films was the Gold Coast
Film Unit‘s The Boy Kumasenu (1952), the first full length feature film to be made by a
government film unit in West Africa. A boy fisherman abandons his village for the excitement
of Accra and in economic desperation embarks on a life of petty crime. He is rescued from
delinquency by an African medical doctor who arranges for Kumasenu to be apprenticed to a
driver of motor boats. He is reunited with his family and as a fisherman using a motor boat -
in a heavy piece of symbolism - combines the old world and the new. The film was praised
by Jean Rouch for not presenting the intrusive western culture as 'synonymous with progress '
to the detriment of African traditions.23

In Nigeria the first generation of filmmakers trained by the Federal Film Unit (which grew
out of the CFU and its training school held in Accra in 1948) and later the film units of the

various regions and states, played a crucial role in nurturing film in Nigerian television and
providing technical assistance to the new generation of independent feature filmmakers that
arrived in the 1970s. English-speaking West Africa has had a more enterprising post-
independence film production scene than the former British colonies in East and Central

Colonial Film Unit in East Africa
In East Africa the Colonial Film Unit had a very short career. It was really only fully
operational for a year when it was financed from the Colonial Development and Welfare
Fund with the idea being that the East African Governments would then take over financial
responsibility—which, as in the case of the BEKE, they declined to do.

The operation started in 1949 with a 35mm unit stationed in Nairobi and three film officers
making 16mm films attached to the Public Relations Offices in Uganda, Kenya Tanganyika,
and later in Zanzibar. The CFU did some research on the types of films that would be
required and were informed that East African audiences were less 'advanced' than in West
Africa. 'In East Africa in general, and Tanganyika in particular, the sophistication of the rural
peasant is low'. 24 This lower level of educational attainment was also advanced as the reason why
a training school for African technicians along the lines of that conducted in West Africa should not
be conducted. The dominant position of the white settler community in East Africa probably had
not a little to do with the lack of support for this scheme.

Films made by Norman Spurr in Uganda were: A Challenge to Ignorance (1950), Dysentry
(1950), Murrum Block-Making (1950) and Why Not You (1950). A Challenge to Ignorance is a report
on the work of a demonstration team in Mangalo in Uganda. Demonstration teams were a
feature of community development work then as now. The film shows a demonstration team
originally recruited from Mangalo, performing a sketch using the Mr Wise and Mr Foolish
theme to demonstrate better methods of cotton growing and a comedy skit to show the right
and wrong way to ride a bicycle. Dysentery shows how Yusuf becomes ill with dysentery
through lack of hygiene. Yusuf nurses a bare-bottomed baby, but does not wash his hands
before eating bread which the flies have crawled over. Both Murram Block-Making and Why
Not You are attempting to diffuse an innovation by demonstrating how to build a hut with
murrum blocks.

Some of the films made in Tanganyika under the direction of Rollo Gamble had greater
sophistication and more elaborate story formats. Cattle Thieves (1950) shows the tracking
down of some Masai cattle rustlers by the diligent Anatoli, an inspector in the Tanganyika
Police Force. Marangu (1948) shows the benefits for the people of the Chagga chieftainship
of Marangu near Mt Kilimanjaro when they apply themselves to the production and export of
coffee through a co-operative marketing association ‗under the wise guidance of their chief.‘
Four environmental films made in Eastern Africa during this period - like the war-time
Jonathan builds a dam – addressed the water problem. These were: Protection of Springs
(Uganda, 1950), Scarcity of Water, (Kenya, 1950), Water for Tomorrow (Tanganyika, 1951)

and Trees for Muputi (Kenya, 1951). The last-mentioned demonstrated the effect on water
supplies of the destruction of forested areas in the Wakambo Reserve.

In 1950, just over a year after its optimistic beginnings, unable to convince the Eastern
African governments of the viability of its operations, the decision was taken to withdraw the
production units from Eastern Africa. In Uganda the Public Relations and Social Welfare
Department set up its own film unit under its own cine-photographer.25 Kenya, re-established
a film unit which had been attached to its information office during the war.

The Central African Film Unit
The Central African Film Unit (CAFU) made instructional films in the Central African
territories of Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland with Colonial
Development and Welfare funding between 1948 and 1956. 26As this was the time of the
push towards and beginning of the white settler dominated Federation of Rhodesia and
Nyasaland, Africans were not given the same opportunities on the film production side as
they were by the Colonial Film Unit in West Africa. The content of these films gives a good
overview of key aspects of the post war mass education/community development programs
and campaigns promoted by the Colonial Office. In Nyono Gets A Letter (1950) Nyono‘s
wife is about to give birth to her first child at a time when Nyono has to leave the village and
go to work on road construction for the Northern Rhodesian Public Works Department. A
mass literacy instructor arrives in the village and Agnes learns to read Mutende (the
government newspaper for Africans) to the other patients and to write to her worried husband
to announce the birth of their child. Husbands and Wives (1950) describes a community
development project – the area school at Katete in Northern Rhodesia – where residential
schools were given in carpentry, road-building and mass literacy supervision; the wives had
classes in beadwork, knitting and home craft. Lusaka Calling (1949) is a promotional film for
the ‗Saucepan Special‘, designed to enable the Africans of Northern Rhodesia, Southern
Rhodesia and Nyasaland to listen to Lusaka‘s Central African Broadcasting Station (CABS),
the first radio station in Africa which was addressed specifically to Africans. The CABS staff
(both European and African) put together a series of experimental programs designed to
encourage African music and drama, as well as engage in mass education and the promotion
of government policy. In 1950, inspired by the greatly enlarged radio audiences the Northern
Rhodesian Information Department using all the media at its disposal: newspapers, posters,
pamphlets, film and broadcasting, launched a five-year mass education campaign. The
campaign concentrated on six areas which included improved hygiene, education for girls
and better agriculture.

Another type of CAFU film was the ‗Profile Film‘, in the Africans in Action series: real-life
success stories about individual Africans: farmers, a welfare officer, a midwife, a home
demonstrator- who had managed to bridge ‗the gap between the commercial and industrial
world and the primitive tribal life‘. 27In No. 5 in the series, Herbert Gondwe – Welfare
Officer (1952), Gondwe who operates in the Dowa district of Nyasaland is shown riding
around on a motor-cycle organizing the building of a welfare hall, the repair of a bridge, the
acquisition of a film projector and editing a district newspaper.

By far the largest number of CAFU films were on agriculture; other subjects included health
and hygiene the value of self-help and hard work, the welfare services, law and order, crime
does not pay‘ and road safety. The Story of Petale, a 45 minute mini-feature, like the Gold
Coast Film Unit's The Boy Kumasenu is about an adolescent school boy being caught up in
the vices of town life. Petale‘s life in the Copperbelt town of Chingola is dominated by beer
halls, loose women and petty theft until the European welfare officer and his African staff
manage to divert his energies to sporting activities. One film that prioritizes the participatory
approach is The Wives of Nendi (1948) which chronicled the work of Mai Mangwende, wife
of Chief Mangwende, in forming women‘s clubs throughout the Mangwende reserve – in
spite of the opposition of the headman. The clubs, it was claimed, were responsible for
raising the standards of hygiene, cleanliness, cooking and general housekeeping. Colonial
Cinema argued that The Wives of Nendi:

      was particularly apposite in reinforcing the thesis that among unsophisticated and
      primitive villagers local leadership, self-help and the simplest techniques contribute
      more to the successful creation of community centres, than all the paraphernalia of
      imported technical assistance experts, fellowships, seminars and the like.
Most of the CAFU films followed a rudimentary edutainment format believing as had the
BEKE before them in the efficacy of the dramatic narrative to get a social message across.
The films had their limitations. Towering above all others was the inequitable white-
dominated political structure in which the CAFU operated. Fundamental to Britain‘s post
war development policy was the encouragement of initiative in African society- with the
Colonial Office holding a conference on this theme in London in 1947.28 Development would
not ‗take off‘ if it was imposed from above was the orthodoxy. But this initiative, the
participation in the development process had only a limited amount of room for movement.
CAFU films might show Africans at the community level, deciding to form a co-operative, to
join a farming scheme or form a women‘s club, but when Europeans appear in the films they
are always authority figures and experts: government officials, agricultural advisors, doctors
welfare officers and cooperative society managers. Those made in Southern Rhodesia to
promote better methods of farming, in particularly, are heavily shackled by the Land
Apportionment Act which confined African farmers to the poorer land in crowded reserves
and controls imposed by the state on the production and marketing of commercial crops
which favored the white farmer.

Colonial films in British Africa: the epitaph
Colonial development films presented a deformed and limited vision of development not only
because of racial and colonial constraints but also in keeping with the mentality of the day –
the conception of the role of women. The man is almost always the change agent, the
modernizer. The role of the woman as home-maker is established in the very first CFU film,
Mr English at Home (1939), which documents a day in the life of an English carpenter and
his home-maker wife described by one educated African viewer as ‗a true specimen of a
conscientious and dutiful helpmate.‘ 29 In the CFU film Better Pottery, women were
traditionally the potters before the enterprising male introduces the factory method. The only
films where women are seen as change agents are as initiators of better methods of

housekeeping and child care as in CAFU‘s The Wives of Nendi ( 1949) and Rachel Hlazoe -
Home Demonstrator (1949) or as nurses as in The CFU‘s Nurse Ademola (1943) and
Childbirth Today (1949) . Nurse Ademola show the training at Guys Hospital, London, of the
daughter of the Alake of Abeokuta and in Childbirth Today a Tanzanian chief assembles his
village to congratulate a local girl who had completed her nursing training. Nyono‘s wife
acquires literacy skills so that she can write to her migrant-laborer, husband.

In 1952, the long-awaited experiment to test African reactions to instructional films got
underway in rural Nigeria financed by the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund. The
experiment was led by two Europeans, Peter Morton-Williams, an anthropologist seconded
from the University of Ibadan, and Rollo Gamble of the CFU. Africans participated as
commentators and projectionists. Films of both the CFU and the CAFU were shown. The
principal finding was that films with a familiar background had a greater impact on the
audiences, who quickly adapted to the cinema and remembered a significant amount of what
they saw. But neither understanding nor familiarity was sufficient to get them to alter their
behavior. Morton-Williams found ‗the response in action to the films is disappointing.30He
concluded that films could only alter behavior if they worked upon 'the established interests
of the people'. The final verdict on the CFU films was given by its director Sellers who told
the Brussels conference on the cinema in Africa south of the Sahara in 1958 that films were
more likely to be effective if they were made 'entirely by Africans. 'Though the CFU films
had been 'technically' and pictorially' of high quality, many had aroused 'little emotional
interest in the minds of illiterate rural audiences', which he attributed to the fact that
European film-makers did not have sufficient understanding of the customs and culture of the
people for whom the films were made.31

Social Message films in the post-colonial era
The Modernization Paradigm
We now jump to the post colonial era and the transformation of the geopolitical terrain. Up
above there was the new international relations superstructure presided over by the United
Nations with one of its briefs being to intervene to effect social change and improve the
quality of life of people in less developed countries via the establishment of agencies such as
UNESCO. Then, on the ground, the British Empire had faded into the sunset; and the United
States was spearheading a Cold War on behalf of western capitalism against the communist
Soviet Union and its allies. The US government had a particular interest in promoting social
sciences including mass communications and other behavioral sciences with the funding of
research institutes as it fought with the Soviet Union for the hearts and minds of the Third
World. It was catch-up time, with the transfer of technology to effect the industrialization of
the less developed regions and in this exercise mass education programs were an integral
part. Now was the time for the invention of modernization and development theories in
American universities and the take-off of the social science disciplines with much assistance
from the US Government and American foundations like Rockefeller and Carnegie. These
foundations have been key players in development projects in the colonies before the

building of the theoretical superstructure and the weaving of the modernization meta-
narrative in the second half of the 20th century.

Not only had traditional societies to become industrialized along western lines but the people
themselves had to become achievement oriented and not held back by what were seen as
traditional collectivist values. These goals were articulated in academia in modernization
theory which assumed a linear trajectory: developing counties would become increasingly
industrialized and take off in stages to become more like western countries. The basic ideas
were not new to colonial development policy and practice i.e. using mass media to help
change African mindsets. What was new was that they were now formulated within the
emerging social science industry in the United States in milestone publications like Daniel
Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society (1958), Wilbur Schramm, Mass media and
national development (1964) and David McLelland, The Achieving Society (1961).

Long before the writings of Lerner and Schramm became the bedrock of the post-colonial
modernization paradigm, Modern Industry and the African in 1933 had talked about the
adapting of colonial subjects to western technological and capitalist society. J.H. Oldham of
the International Missionary Council in 1931 wrote about The Remaking of Man in Africa.
Colonial development films are one example of the attempt to promote an achieving society,
diffuse innovations, and replace tradition health practices with western medicine and create
more ‗modern‘, western mindsets.

International Development and the Glocalization of the Social Message Film
In the post-colonial modernization paradigm, as in Mass Education in African Society (1944)
the mass media were seen as essential for the dissemination of western ideas. In the early
years where films were used in development they tended to be made by government film
units. But the social message film really got into its stride in the 1980s as disenchantment set
in with the state directed approach towards development and the emphasis came to be put on
the role of civil society in effecting change. The computer and telecommunications revolution
led to an international approach to development. The new technology gave civil society
access to information and the means to build transnational coalitions and agile social
movements that could organize globally, nationally, regionally and at the grass roots level
and use the media and the Internet to publicize their causes and demand a role in international
development policy-making and practice. African filmmakers have benefitted from this

Today there are an ever multiplying number of organizations involved in the funding,
production, theorizing about and distribution of social message films in Africa with most
local agents being supported by external donors from a very active and committed
international community of state and non-state actors. Included are UN agencies, NGOs such
as Population Communication International, academic institutions such as the Center for
Communication Programs in John Hopkins University‘s School of Hygiene and Public
Health , the development wing of governments such as the U.S. Agency for International

Development (USAID) and the U.K.‘s Department of International Development (DfiD
which use aid as a means of pursuing their foreign policy objectives as well as philanthropic
organizations like the Ford, Rockefeller and Kellogg foundations whose policies are not out
of sync with US and other western government interests. To complicate the development
communication web further many of the civil society actors get funding from government
organizations and the one social message film may source funds from both state and non state

The Internet has made possible a virtual international development community as seen, for
example, in The Communication Initiative Network (http://www/ ) and its e-
magazines, Drum Beat, and Soul Beat, the latter specifically concerned with African
happenings. Strategic and funding support for the Network is supplied by many of the big-
hitters in the international development scene including ( amongst others) the BBC World
Service Trust, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health Center for Communication
Programs, the Ford, Rockefeller and W.K. Kellogg Foundations, USAID, CIDA, DfiD, FAO,

The contemporary international development agenda has come to be framed in such terms as
sustainable development and rights-based development with civil society activists making a
considerable contribution to the writing of the script. Meanwhile development studies courses
have proliferated exponentially at western universities. Amongst the rights that have been
articulated are labor rights, protecting the rights of vulnerable groups such as women and
children, and more recently the connection between HIV/AIDS and human rights. The
Beijing Women‘s Conference of 1995 provided an important impetus for the rights of women
by confirming women‘s rights as an essential basis for sustainable development. The climax
in the global approach to international development thus far has come with setting of the
Millennium Development Goals targeted at 2015 by UN members and other international

The high profile given to these rights has been reflected in the themes of film narratives that
have been sponsored by western donors. The situation has its critics; there are those who are
concerned that post 1980s unaccountable civil society actors have too much power33; and that
sometimes the social message film is donor driven. The big picture is that western
interventionism continues supported by and supporting the aims of western capitalist society,
political, economic, social and humanitarian. We are now witnessing the glocalization of the
social message film. A social message film may be specific to one African country or have a
wider relevance and be distributed by various technologies and in numbers of languages in
different parts of Africa and abroad. Then, again the issue can be global; a global issue with
multinational organization and funding sources but the messages tweaked for local relevance.

Structure, Formats and Target Audiences

Towards the end of the century dramatic technological developments produced a seismic
change in the methods for the delivery of electronic social messages. No longer are we
confined to the basic 16mm film delivering the social message in a static cinema in a village

hall or from the back of a mobile cinema van; now electronic social messages can be
delivered in television documentaries and dramas on local television as well as via global
satellite broadcasters like CNN, BBC and Al Jazeera (access permitting), via video, DVDs
and mobile phones and through the Internet. Many showings are interactive in that after the
film, video or DVD is shown direct feedback is elicited from the audience with the
projectionists being provided with talking points; a technique also used by mobile cinema van
operators in the colonial era.

There has been a similar evolution in formats to accommodate changing political and social
environments, and utilize decades of social science and marketing communications research.
The education-entertainment (edutainment) film format is now also used in television dramas
and series alongside documentaries but informed by extensive formative, socio-psychological
research into the needs, wants, and desires of target audiences, the media they use, their
cultural beliefs and social structures. Key messages are chosen that are most likely to
resonate with target audiences and opinion leaders utilized at the interpersonal level. Films
are frequently used in multi-media campaigns aimed at maximizing the exposure of the

Social Message Films and Social Change

A striking feature of contemporary social message films is the emphasis placed on social
change. Films are not only targeted at individual behavioral change but at changing social
attitudes in communities, impacting public policy through media advocacy campaigns and
mobilizing social movements and grass roots activism. The buzzword is ‗empowerment.‘

In terms of communication theories and marketing communication models, all strategies start
out with a basic two –way communication design in that formative research is done to ensure
that the filmmakers, African and non-African, have an understanding of the peoples and
societies for whom the films are intended and get feedback from target audiences prior to the
production of the film. Social Marketing and Edutainment strategies tend to a more top down
emphasis on the role of the sender of the message as expert while more participatory
approaches have a greater emphasis on social inclusion by running participatory video
projects which encourage the hands- on participation of local communities. Both approaches,
however, come from the corpus of the communication and socio-psychological theories
developed in western universities over the past fifty years. In the participatory strategies that
eschew the much criticized modernization paradigm you still will find western funding and
expertise involved.

Below is a sample of the social message films being made in Africa today, demonstrating a
variety of methodological approaches and organizational structures.

Sampling Recent Social Message Films

One example of how film is being used as an agent of social change in African today can be
seen in the work of the Nigerian NGO, Communicating for Change (CFC), a media
development agency, founded in 1998. The CFC‗s mission is to raise awareness of

environmental and development issues such as women, trade, health, labor and pollution. The
CFC‘s style is to entertain audiences but at the same times ‗shock‘ them into seeing topics
from a different perspective. For this they employ a multi-media strategy using audio, video,
print, media research, theatre, and electronic communications via the Internet. Films have
also been shown on long distance buses across Nigeria as well as in village halls, secondary
schools and universities. Their funding sources are grants, donations, and income generated
from fee-based services. The CFC receives grants from the Ford Foundation, the Norwegian
Human Rights Fund, and the Rockefeller Foundation, and works in partnership with
numerous international organizations including the Television Trust for the Environment
(TVE) and USAID.

An outstanding feature of the CFC‘s work is the prominence of women‘s issues. Uncut!
Playing with Life presents the problem of female genital mutilation through the eyes of both
Stella Omoregie, a traditional circumciser from the royal family of Benin, and theatre for
development activists who studied her life and profession as research material for a play
against female genital mutilation. Uncut! Playing with Life was released on April 7, 2002 to
mark World Health Day and was shown during prime time by 14 television stations in
Nigeria and at international and national film festivals. 34 (Female genital mutilation has also
been the subject of the harrowing Tanzanian Swahili language drama Mishoni (2000) which
was re-edited in an international version with English subtitles in 2001.) In Till Death Do Us
Part the CFC tackled the problem of the rights of widows, which has also been the subject of
the well-known Zimbabwean drama, Neria. Till Death Do Us Part was part of wider grass
roots activism campaign mounted in Nigeria by groups such as the Widows Development
Organization (WIDO). The campaign led to the passing of the first widows‘ law in Nigeria
in Enugu state protecting the rights of widows. It was also distributed across the world as part
of a series called from Terror to Triumph.35

A different style of African NGO which also promotes social change is the Johannesburg-
based SACOD (Southern African Communications for Development) a regional network of
southern African filmmakers, and film and video production organizations and distributors
established in 1987. SACOD aims to act as an advocacy organization for its members who
come from Lesotho, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Malawi, Angola,
Botswana and Tanzania and Namibia as well as South Africa. To facilitate this it has an
online catalogue and hosts an annual forum where filmmakers, distributors, and related
organizations, gather to screen and debate selected film and video productions The catalogue
brings together social message films covering social, political and developmental issues with
the intention to inform, educate, entertain, motivate and stimulate individual behavioral
change or community action.36

The SACOD catalogue features a number of films produced by Development through Self-
Reliance Inc (DSR) in association with Media for Development Trust a Zimbabwean NGO
and the American NGO, Media for Development International. Neria, mentioned above, and
Everyone’s Child, about the plight of Aid‘s orphans, are examples of the latter. DSR‘s first
offering was the very successful Consequences (1988) highlighting the disadvantage of
teenage pregnancies by showing how 16 year old Rita‘s bright dreams of going on to

university from her secondary school are destroyed when she succumbs to pressure from her
boyfriend to have sex and becomes pregnant. The success of Consequences which was
translated into seven African languages and seen by more than 20 million people, led to The
Yellow Card, filmed in Zimbabwe by Media for Development Trust and directed by John
Riber using the theme of sport and targeted at the risky sexual behavior of young men. The
hero, Tiyane wants to become a professional soccer player. After a one-night stand with his
class-mate Linda he falls in love with Juliet. Linda becomes pregnant, Tyane refuses to
acknowledge he is the father, Linda is expelled from school and after failing to abort the child
she leaves it on Tyane‘s doorstep. Tiyane is forced to face up to the consequence: the end of
his relationship with Juliet and possibly his soccer career. The Yellow Card (2000) has been
shown in theatres in many African countries and has been translated into Portuguese, French,
Swahili and Pidgin English and dubbed in 8 other languages. It was also shown on national
and satellite television as well as on Kenya Airways international flights and released on
video. The film was produced by the international NGO, Pathfinder with support from the
Ford Foundation, USAID, and DfID, a familiar funding mix. Some others who have
contributed to Media for Development Trust films over the years include Anglo-American
Corporation, International Planned Parenthood, SIDA, CIDA, The Canada Fund and NORAD

Southern Africa has the highest rate of HIV/AIDs infections in the world. The films in the
documentary series Steps into the Future (2001) produced by SACOD member Don Edkins
feature films made by filmmakers from around the region to inspire both individual and
community action to combat this social cancer. Here are just three examples: Umuntu
Ngumuntu Ngabantu (A person is not a person without other people) was the first South
African film to have HIV positive people telling their stories. The Sky In Her eyes set in rural
KwaZulu Natal is a very touching eleven minutes in the life of a little girl in a pink dress who
tries to come to terms with her mother‘s death. She is shown walking sadly along a track
dragging her feet as she is passed by a happy band of care-free children and shoved aside by
a couple, the man flicking a switch at her. Inside a dusty hut she takes out a piece of paper
and some crayons and draws a face on it. She goes back with the picture to a field where a
boy is playing with a kite. The boy puts her picture on the kite, unwinds it and it flies in the
air as the girl jumps up and down in delight. For just a moment she has the sky in her
eyes...and maybe feels closer to the spirit of her dead mother. By contrast Night Stop (2002)
directed by Licinio Azevedo, a 52 minute film made at a truck stop in Moatize Town in
northern Mozambique, near the border of Zambia and Malawi, is full frontal. The film starts
with a close up of a girl saying into the camera ‗I support my family with my !!!!‘ before the
titles. That sets the tone as the girls and the truckies spend the night engaged in sexual
transactions in and out of trucks with much coarse dialogue and an awareness of the dangers
of HIV and venereal disease. As one truckie says: ‗They say that in Masama there‘s a woman
who smells very bad. When you go with her you need injections for VD‘. Reality bites.

Another AIDS social message film promoted by SACOD is the poignant Remember Eliphas
(2002). This edutainment film, designed according to social marketing principles, was
supported by the US Department of Defense which helps to fund social marketing programs

aimed at AIDS prevention in the armed forces in 41 countries.38 The film is accompanied by
pamphlets and talking points but the edutainment format personalizing the experience of the
impact on one soldier and his family strengthens the message: Bandura‘s social learning
theory at work. Eliphas is an engaging member of the Namibian Defence Force who sends
money home to his wife in the village. But he is ‗fond of the ladies‘ and is in the habit of
going to the shebeen and relaxing with his mates when off duty and of course there are
attractive girls around...which can lead to one-night stands and other more extended sexual
relationships. Eliphas doesn‘t use a condom because ‗he doesn‘t eat sweats with the wrapper
on.‘ When he hears that a former girl friend has died of AIDS he forces himself to go for the
test, is found positive and then is seen wrestling with his conscience as he faces up to the fact
that he must tell his wife. She meanwhile joyfully welcomes her husband home, and lovingly
prepares the marital bed for the night; a moody Eliphas finally tells her the truth. Angry and
distraught she tells, Eliphas that he has brought ‗shame and fear‘ into the house. ‗From now
on we must use a condom.‘ As the titles go up at the end, Eliphas and his wife are shown
receiving counseling on how to manage the disease. He is told that it is not the end of his life.
Remember Eliphas is reported to have become so popular that armies throughout Africa have
asked for and received copies of the film and two sequels have been produced, Remember
Eliphas 2 (2007) and Remember Eliphas 3 (2009.39

South Africa‘s Soul City Institute for Health and Development Communication (a partner of
The Communication Initiative) and Population Studies International have also collaborated
to produce a series of films aimed at taking a regional approach to halt the spread of
HIV/AIDS. Filmmakers and writers across the region attended an intensive 18-month
accredited training course in script writing and drama film production which resulted in the
production of 9 short edutainment films in the local languages: Untold: Stories in the Time of
HIV and AIDs. The filmmakers worked closely with Soul City‘s local NGO partners so that
each story is grounded in local experience. Issues covered included HIV testing, teacher-
learner relationship abuses, friendship, loyalty, fidelity, gender-based violence, growing up
and making choices, living with HIV, and AIDS orphans. The films were shown on television
stations in the region in 2008.40 The series is sponsored by British Petroleum (BP), Royal
Netherlands Embassy, European Union, DFID, and Irish Aid.

The aim of theorists and practitioners behind the participatory video movement is to
empower people at the grass roots, to provide them with the technology so that they can
employ the potent medium of film to advocate for change; not as a one-off happening but as
a continuing process. Film Africa, for example, runs participatory training projects in Ghana
and Zambia with the support of the NGO, CAMFED International. Groups of about twenty
women and young girls have been trained in film production and advocacy work. One
product, Guide Children, screened at FESPACO in 2007 addresses the plight of blind
beggars on the streets of Tamale in Northern Ghana. 41 In Tanzania in 2006, the U.K. based
Insight collaborated with the Tanzanian office of the White Ribbon Alliance for Safe
Motherhood (WRA) in the production of Play Your Part. The film addresses mother and
child health issues central to saving lives and achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
Five midwives and a local doctor were trained in the production of a video which contains

personal stories and interviews with health workers, government officials, as well as mothers,
fathers, and children. The intention was that by training the health workers and by giving
them the opportunity to produce the film, they would also build the health workers‘ capacity
to advocate for change at the government level, within their communities, and at a global
level. Play Your Part has been shown at national and international conferences and on
Tanzanian television and succeeded in persuading the Tanzanian Minister of Health to
increase the midwives‘ budget by 50 per cent. The film has become a global model with the
World Bank, funding a similar project in Burkina Faso. Funding for Play Your Part came
from the UK‘s DfiD. 42 Flashback: in 1949 the CFU‘s Childbirth Today set on the
Tanganyika coast was made to encourage village women to use the pre-natal and maternity
services at the district hospital.

Conflict resolution in Kenya
To end on a contemporary note and reinforce the glocal nature of the social message film
today, let‘s look at The Team, a 26 –part television series which began being broadcast on
Citizen-TV in Nairobi Kenya on 21 May 2009. In the edutainment format it is a response to
the communal violence that engulfed Kenya after the disputed elections in 2007. The series
is designed to promote a local message that has global relevance: although conflicts are
inevitable; violent responses are not. Here the theme is illustrated in the fortunes of the Imani
or Faith Football Club. The players are representative of Kenya‘s diverse demographic mix:
rich and poor, rural and urban; and divided by tribal and ethnic antagonisms. If Imani is to
play as a team and succeed at an international football tournament they will need to overcome
not only individual personality clashes but all the sources of conflict embedded in
contemporary Kenyan society.

The series, developed, written and performed by Kenyans is produced by the NGOS, the
Kenyan-Dutch NGO Media Focus on Africa ( MFAF) and Search for Common Ground, an
international conflict prevention NGO43, and supported by the UK‘s DfiD which is providing
the funding, and USAID. DfiD is also supporting productions of the series in 10 other
countries in Asia and Africa. The Team’s focus on conflict resolution highlights a recent shift
in approach by DfiD from traditional aid areas to conflict prevention targeting fragile states
as seen in the White Paper on International Development, Building Our Common Future. 44
UK International Development Minister Ivan Lewis said:"'The Team‘ is a fantastic example
of how football, and sport in general, is a great uniting force for people around the world.
Using soaps to reach out to the developing world is a fresh way of promoting peace and
overcoming conflict.‘45

To maximize the reach of the message DVDs are being distributed to community groups,
schools, religious groups and universities; a viewers‘ guide is provided for discussion groups;
mobile cinema screenings are planned where television services are limited or not available
with follow-up discussions moderated by a facilitator. There is also a music video
incorporating the theme music of the series and interactive email and SMS feedback. All
bases are covered.46

This paper has taken the long view of the use of the social message film as an instrument of
modernization and social change in Africa from a film about hookworm on the Kenya coast
in 1926 to a television series aimed at conflict resolution in Kenya in 2009. By providing a
factual overview of the content of and policy behind colonial development films I have
provided a weight of historical evidence demonstrating that development communication
did not have its origins in post-war international aid programs. The practice of development
communication was not derived from post war theories of development and social change but
preceded it. However, post colonial development communication strategies and tactics owe
much to the research and theory building of the second half of the 20th century as well as to
the strategic communication planning that is the engine of marketing communications

Re the long view of the role of the international community: from little things, big things
grow. In the League of Nations idea of a mandate, that colonial powers should promote the
moral and material welfare of subject peoples and in the interventions of the International
Missionary Council and American philanthropic foundations we saw the beginnings of the
concept of international development as a cause that would ultimately inspire a multilateral
response from international institutions and state and non state actors.

Now towards the end of the first decade of the 21st century we see the international
community has assumed a central role in international relations and the progressing of
international development. Development is not just the concern of individual nation states,
instead it has become an issue of global concern which has brought together international
institutions, and state and non-state actors in a complex web of partnerships, with groups in
Africa and elsewhere. National governments are increasingly working through ‗deep
coalitions,' in partnerships and through the international community to advance their
particular foreign policy goals. ‗Development‘ says DfiD‘ is not just a moral cause, but it is
in all of our common interests.‘47

In this post colonial world African voices are being heard in the development process. Some,
indeed, are part of the international development system as they work for international
institutions and NGOS and in academia in development studies research and practice. Many
others are engaged in the filmmaking process in Africa behind and in front of the camera,
organize regional conferences and workshops and network across the continent and
internationally. To the concern that donors and foreign development practitioners have too
much say in what happens on the ground, the answer is: that is a question for the participants
in the process to monitor, to manage, to negotiate and discuss. We live in an interdependent
world. There are no simplistic answers. The dialogue will be ongoing. The caravan is
continually moving on.

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(Acknowledgement: I wish thank Tambudzai Madzimure at the Southern Africa Communications for
Development (SACOD) for the great assistance she gave me in my research at the SACOD film
library in Johannesburg.)

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