HUANG-LU RICE IN CHINESE HISTORY

                                             ZENG, Xiongsheng
       Research Institute of History in Natural Science, Scientifica Sinica, Beijing PR CHINA
    (Agricultural Archaeology 1998(3):292-311. Transl./interpreted by W. Tsao, Ph.D. 10/10/01; ed. by B. Gordon)


        The pronunciation of huang-lu (yellow rapid-ripening rice), an historic Chinese variety,
suggests it existed in northern Wei Dynasty (386-543), but was not very popular until Song
Dynasty (960-1279). Since then, the southward economic shift saw many new land uses like
paddies and dikes, but due to natural conditions and human activities were weak; e.g., liable to
waterlog and flood. But huang-lu‟s fast ripening and water resistance permitted proper ripening,
surpassing actual need. It could also use the limited time before and after flooding to complete
growth from sowing to harvesting. These traits met economic needs and natural conditions; e.g.,
land reclamation from water. Hence, huang-lu promotion and popularity played an important
role in grain supply and population growth after Song Dynasty. I compare the famous early
ripening drought-resistant champa rice introduced by Song Emperor Zhen Zong (998-1022) from
Fujian in the year 1012, and suggest huang-lu influence in Chinese history exceeds champa. This
is because paddy fields were larger than mountain ones, and flood resistant varieties are better in
cultivation than dry ones after Song Dynasty.

                          INTRODUCTION: A not-yet-noticeable rice variety

        Though recorded in “Qi min yao shu”, huang-lu (huang=yellow; lu=fast-ripening)* is a
rice variety whose pronunciation appears to have attracted general attention only after Song and
Yuan Dynasties The most noticeable Song Dynasty variety is none other than zhan-cheng
(champa in Japanese), first introduced by Song Dynasty Emperor Zhen Zhong in 1011. History
states “As Yangtze, Huai and east and west Zhejiang paddy rice always suffered severely under
drought, Emperor Zhen Zhong sent envoys to Fujian to retrieve 30,000 hu** of zhan-cheng seeds,
so-called dry paddy rice(1)”, which was planted in higher fields. Its promotion by the Emperor
was well recorded in history and popularized in folklore. In addition to its historical implication,
zhen-chang rice also met the needs of rice production methods. The production of early season
xian rice also paved a solid foundation for the development of dual-season rice(2).

       Song and Yuan Dynasty agricultural books on southern rice production say zhan-cheng
was less influential than huang-lu; e.g., 138 years after importing zhan-cheng, Chen Fu‟s “Nong
Shu” (Nong=agriculture; Shu=book) written in Shao Xing 19th year (1149) indicates he was
“dwelling in seclusion as an hermit” and “farming by his own hands” in Xishan. He also
mentions he once visited Hong Xinzhu in Yiezhen. After the book was finished, some scholars
believed he lived in Xishan, Yangzhou(3) (Jiangsu Province), while others believed Xishan,
Hangzhou(4) (Zhejiang Province), due to his description of mulberry tree cultivation in Anji
 For huang-lu the Kang Xi Dictionary uses the Chinese character lu as an infrequent classical word denoting plants
started later but ripening earlier than others; jiu as a kind of medicine grass; qui as general grain crop –note by WT.
   hu is a corn measure nominally holding 10 dou or pecks used in terrace development, altering dry land for paddy,
etc., and natural (dry) southern conditions - note by WT.

County, Zhejiang(5). No matter in Jiangsu or Zhejiang, both are where zhan-cheng was promoted
by Emperor Zhen Zhong, and zhan-cheng is absent in his book. Does this mean there was no
need for it in his limited living environment? Apparently not, because zhan-cheng is suitable for
higher fields. Although he states he was cultivating “dry paddy rice” in “high fields”(6) in Xishan,
its growing period of “5-6 months (150-180 days) from planting to harvest” does not match true
early-variety(7) rice. As we know zhan-cheng has a “growing period of 100-110 days and is a
popular variety in Zhejiang, Fujian and Huainan(8)”, it is evident his dry paddy rice in high fields
is not zhan-cheng.

        Zhan-cheng is also recorded in Song and Yuan Dynasty‟s “Wang Zhen Nong Shu”
showing southern rice production concerns a variety of dry paddy rice. It says “As zhan-cheng is
suitable for cultivating in higher Fujian fields, farmers call it hen zhan (hen=dryland; zhan=first
word of zhan-cheng). Except for its big tasty grain making a good early-variety, data on place of
import, suitable fields for cultivation, etc., appear to be quoted from previous books. However,
“Song History, Section of Food and Merchandise” shows it “compares to typical Chinese rice,
but zhan-cheng has longer spikes and awnless, with little difference in grain size”. Two possible
reasons exist for grain size discrepancy in both books: (1) obvious error by Wang Zhen, author
of “Wang Zhen Nong Shu”; and (2) rice imported from Fujian is another zhan-cheng variety,
which was only in Fujian when Wang was writing his book. Obviously, neither “Chen Fu Nong
Shu” nor “Wang Zhen Nong Shu” recorded the famous zhan-cheng imported by Emperor Zhen
Zhong of Song Dynasty.

         The long lost agricultural book “He Pu” (He=growing grain crop; Pu= clan record) has
the first record of zhan-cheng in Section “San Bian” (San=three; Bian=to distinguish): “Now,
Xichang has early and late Zhan he (Zhan=first word of zhan-cheng; he=growing grain crops),
originating from Zhan Cheng State in Nanhai, imported to China 40-50 years ago”(9). As “He
Pu” was completed between 1086 and 1094, 70-80 years after zhan-cheng importation, this
matches the timing of zhan-cheng cultivation in Xichang (now Tahe, Jiangxi Province). Of the
44 rice varieties in “He Pu”, chi mi zhan he is likely the only one belonging to zhan-cheng.

       In Song and Yuan Dynasty, agronomists are relatively more familiar with huang-lu, their
southern agricultural books detailing its seeding, harvesting, suitable area and biological traits,
making it more important than zhan-cheng at that time. It‟s different names in various areas
imply cultivation throughout Jiangnan, the main rice production area.

       Unfortunately, as huang-lu research is far less than zhan-cheng this paper emphasizes the
former, starting with its name, biological traits, historic implications based on land development,
food production and population growth. It unavoidably compares it with zhan-cheng.

                                           1. The Name

        Huang-lu (yellow-fast-ripening) is first mentioned in “Qi Min Yao Shu” (ca. 620 AD) by
Jia Sixie of north Wei Dynasty, with lu (land) having a different Chinese character (* page 1):
“Now, we have rice varieties huang-weng (yellow-jar), huang-lu (yellow-land), qing-bai
(green-tar), Yuzhang qing-dao (Yuzhang green rice), wei-zi (purple-tail), qing-zhang
(green-stick), fei-qing (flying dragonfly), chi-jia (red-shell), wu-ling (black-hill), da-xiang

(great-fragrant), xiao-siang (small-fragrant), bai-di (white-ground); dual-season gu-hui
(mushroom-ash) and you-shu (high-glutin)”(10). As huang-lu (yellow-land) biological traits are
ignored, scholars believe it is the same huang-lu (yellow-fast-ripening) popular in Jiangnan in
Song and Yuan Dynasty, based on its similar pronunciation(11). “Xing Tang Shu” (New Tang
Dynasty Book) states huang-lu mi (mi=rice grain) and wu-jie mi(12) were two articles of tribute,
with the same huang-lu mi also mentioned in famous Tang poems(13). The character lu in “Xing
Tang Shu” resembles that in huang-lu (yellow-land), but has the he (grain) radical, the latter
having the “fu” (hill) radical. The character lu in huang-lu mi and huang-lu (yellow-early ripe)
differ but are interchangeable in classical literature. Mi can be da mi or xiao mi (big or small
grain), but in the classical jiu gu liu mi (jiu=nine; gu=grain; liu=six; mi=rice grain), only the first
6 of 9 (millet, panicle millet, rice, sorghum, gourd, soybean, hemp, cardamom) bear grain. As the
dominant Yangzhou clay is suitable for cultivating rice, huang-lu mi is likely huang-lu. Another
huang-lu record is in “Ji ji” (Ji=worshiping; ji=story) by Xu Chang: “When lu rice ripens,
farmers worship it on the 9th day of the 9th month”(14). As huang-lu traits described later
emphasize lu, its above use is obviously identical to huang-lu.

         “He Pu” (1086-1093) by Zhen Anzi of north Song Dynasty was the first to record
huang-lu (yellow-fast-ripening) in Song and Yuan Dynasty: “Early Jiangnan huang-lu is
harvested on the July 23Dashu festival, with a second crop planted immediately and harvested
on October 23 Shuangjiang festival”(15). Huang-lu (rapid-ripening) was later written in Chen
Fu‟s “Nong Shu” (pre-1149) as huang-lu (yellow-green) rice: “the Zhou Li (Zhou=Zhou
Dynasty; Li=doctrine) book says it „grows in swampy areas and planted at Mangzhong‟, with
dual meaning of the latter. Zhen State used mangzhong as seed (zhong) with awn (mang), as in
huang-lu (yellow-green) rice; the other refers to planting after Mangzhong (June 6). As heavy
rain falls between Xiaoman (May 21) and Mangzhong festivals, huang-lu is planted in paddies at
Xiazhi (June 21), taking 60-70 days from sowing to harvesting, and allowing planting after early
flooding”(16). Huang-lu (yellow-fast-ripening) rice records also occur in local south Song
Dynasty topographies: Kuaiji in Jiatai 1st year (1201) says: “A variety planted in the 7th month
and ripening at the first frost is called huang-lu (yellow-fast-ripening, the word lu like the word
„land‟ but with a he radical)”. In one of the most complete character books, “Shuo Wen”
(shuo=discussion; wen=written character), lu refers to late-sown early-ripening plants”(17).
Besides Chen Fu‟s use of huang-lu (yellow-fast-ripening) rice in “Nong Shu”, it is twice
mentioned in Yuan Dynasty‟s Wang Zheng “Nong Shu” (1300), showing it was suitable for low
flooding fields, taking ca. 60 days from sowing to harvesting to avoid early season flooding”(18).

       Briefly, four ways to write huang-lu are: huang-lu he (yellow-fast-ripening plant),
huang-lu gu (yellow-green rice grain), huang-lu dao (yellow-fast-ripening rice) and huang-lu
dao (yellow-fast-ripening, lu resembling land but with he radical). While absent in official Ming
and Qing Dynasty agricultural papers(19), it has many name variations in local topographies
(Table 1).

        Why does huang-lu have so many name variations? Where did he and gu originate? How
can different lu be used for the same variety? These are confusing questions needing answers.

    (note by translator WT)

                                       Table 1. Various Names for Huang-lu Rice

       Name*                Distribution                            Remarks                                       Source
 huang-lu dao         Songjiang (Jiangsu)       Also chan-ming (cicada singing) dao, ban-xia       Songjiang local topography, Vol. 6,
 (lu=land)                                      (half-summer) dao etc., based on local dialects    (1631)
 huang-lu gong        Fengyang (Anhui)          Also huang-hua (yellow-flower) dao                 Di Xiong Ji lue, Vol. 3 (1599)
 huang-lu gong        Fengyang (Anhui)          In market, also zhang po ke (swell to break        Fengyang New Book, Vol. 5 (1621)
 (lu=six)                                       shell)
 huang-lu gong        Wuhe (Anhui)                                                                 Wuhe County Topography, Vol. 2
 dao(20) (lu=egret)                                                                                (1673)
 huang-lu gong        Luan (Anhui)                                                                 Luan Prefecture Topography, Vol.
 (lu=dew)                                                                                          1(1555)
 huang-long dao       Wuli, Jiasan, Pinghu,     Xian rice, like reed (lu) is able to grow in       Huzhou Prefecture Topography, Vol.
 (long=dragon)        Huzhou (Zhejiang)         flooded place, also called lu xian                 32 (1874)
 huang-long           Yueqing, Pingyang         Rice with black awn is called wu mang long, red
 (long=dragon)        (Zhejiang)                awn as hong mang long, etc.,
 huang-lu he          Yugan (Jiangxi)           Field dries after the 7th month, for late rice,    Yugan County Topography, Vol. 2
 (lu=six)                                       huang-lu, wu-gu, etc. are more suitable            (1669)
 Lu-he (lu=six)       Sien (Guangxi)            Lu-he, also called lu-hong glutinous rice(22)      Laibing County Topography, Vol. 1
 huang-lu             Jiangdu, Ganquan,                                                            Jiangdu County Topography of Keng
 (lu=fast-ripening,   Dongtai, Tongzhou.                                                           Xi period (1662-1722)
 as land )            (Jiangsu)
 huang-lu dao         Xiaoshan (Zhejiang)       Planting in 6th month and harvesting in 8th        Xiaoshan County Topography, Vol. 3
 (lu=fast-ripening,                             month                                              (1557)
 as land))
 huang-lu             Dinghai, Pujiang          For planting in high areas, seeding in early 4th   Pujiang County Topogarphy, Vol. 9
 (lu=fast-ripening)   (Zhejiang)                month and harvesting at end of 5th month           (1776)
 huang-lu geng        Ningguo (Zhejiang)        Also called xiang geng, hong-lu geng, etc.         Ningguo County Topography, Vol. 3
 (lu=fast-ripening)                                                                                (1812)
 Lu-he                Sien (Guangxi)            Dry land rice planting early, in 4th month, and    Sien Prefecture Topography, Imported
 (lu=fast-ripening,                             ripening early, in 7th month                       from Jiangnan
 as land)
 Lu gu                Sien (Guangxi)            Seeding in late 3rd month and harvesting in 7th    Sien Prefecture Topography, Imported
 (lu=fast-ripening)                             month                                              from Jiangnan

*no variation exists in huang (yellow) in various names, while lu is phonetically identical. When a third character exists, dao=
general rice plant; gong=lord (respecting rice); he=growing grain plant; geng=stem (representing plant). While gu translates as
“valley”, it represents another character gu meaning cereals-note by WT.

        Geographic philologists explain why dao is also gu or he in local history and geography.
The latter were used in southern dialects before Chinese language unification; e.g.s, gu is
preferred in local dialects in upper Yangtze basin, Kunming, Quging, Zaotong, and Wenshan in
Yunnan, Huajie and Guanlin in Guizhou, and Guanxian and Zhongxian in Sichuan. He is
preferred on the SE coast, Zhangle and Puchen in Fujian, Wenzhou, Ningbo, and Jiaxing in
Zhejiang, Shanghai, Suzhou in Jiangsu, Dengmai and Qiongshan on Hainan Island, Yangshan,
Taishan, Xinghuai, Guangzhou and Maixian in Guangdong, Tongxing, Qingzhou, Yueling,
Guiping and Zhongshan in Guangxi, Genxhou, Jian and Nanchang in Jiangxi, Shanghong,
Zhangding, Jianning and Shaowu in Fujian, Hengyang, Xiangxiang and Changsa in Hunan, etc.
Northern dialects prefer dao(23). As “He Pu”s author was born in Xichang, Jiangxi, it is
reasonable to believe the varieties popular there also occur in the book, the same reason why a
book noting varieties is called “He Pu” (He=growing grain crop; Pu= clan record), and huang-lu
dao also occurs as huang-lu he. It is unimportant whether Chen Fu, author of “Chen Fu Nong
Shu” farmed in Xishan in Jiangsu or Zhejiang because gu is preferred in both, as are names like
huang-lu gong (lu=land), huang-lu gong (lu=six), huang-lu gong (lu=egret) transferred from
huang-lu gu. Further, long in huang-long dao is dragon, stressing this rice‟s water adaptation,

with the long sound like lu. While “Wang Zheng Nong Shu”s author was from east Shandong, he
once served as a southern court official but preferred the northern dialect, his mother tongue. His
book covers north and south agricultural businesses, but is in official language, using huang-lu
dao instead of huang-lu he or huang-lu gu. As geng was used often to represent rice, huang-lu
geng was also used in certain places.

         One must understand why lu changed from “rapid-ripening” to “green” in “Chen Fu
Nong Shu”, and to “land” with a he radical, “six”, “ergot”, etc., in local topographies. I believe
the so-called lu (6) varieties in the “Nong Shu” section: “Conditions suitable for lu (6)
varieties”(24) are actually lu or dryland crops; and with some reservations(25) my teacher, You
Xiuling agrees...##. Chen Fu also says: “this book was completed in Shao Xing 19th year (1149),
with unavoidable mistakes after years of reprinting”(26). Could lu variation be an unnoticed
mistake in the final print(27)? If this went unnoticed by renowned scholar Chen Fu, no wonder
other similar sounding characters occur in local topographies; e.g.s, lu (6) he, lu (rapid-ripening)
he, lu (rapid-ripening) gu, etc., on the same variety in Guangxi Province(28); Wan-lu (late land)
dao in Yong Zheng period (1723-1736), but wan-lu (late 6) dao in Dao Guang peiod
(1821-1851) for the same variety in Liuzhou(29). This is because only the word‟s phonetic sound
occurred when local topographies were completed.

                                                              2. Huang-lu Traits

        Although its name varies, huang-lu traits are unique, reflecting on the word lu. Lu was
used in crop variety names as early as the Book of Odes(30) (31). “Mao Heng Zhuan” (Mao Heng=
person‟s name; Zhuan=biography) states: zhi is a grain crop planted earlier than others, zi later
than others, zhong ripening slower than others, and lu ripening faster than others. “Zhou Li” says:
“Last spring, the queen gathered all the servants in the palace to plant Zhong-lu variety, offering
the harvest to the King as a gift”(32). While Zhong-lu is recorded together in local topographies, it
is actually two different rice varieties, zhong and lu. According to “Shuo Wen” lu ripens rapidly,
indicating huang-lu is a fast-ripening variety, its biological traits listed below.

(1) Timing of late sown huang-lu coincides with local conditions and cultivation. Before its
introduction, historic data shows it was usually seeded in late 3rd-early 4th lunar month (Table 2).

                   Table 2. Rice Seeding Dates Recorded in Ancient Agricultural Documents

          Source                                                 Text                                                    Equivalent dates
     Lan Sheng Zi Shu             Sowing starts 100-110 days after “winter solstice”.                                 ca. April 10
     Si MinYue Ling               Planting keng (japonica) rice in 3rd month                                          mid April-mid May
     Qi Min Yao Shu               3rd month is considered best for sowing, first part of 4 th month                   mid/late March-early
                                  average, and post-mid 4th month inferior                                            April
     Song Hui Yao Gao             As 2nd & early 3rd month southern soil is warm, ca. 2” high                         Early to mid March to
                                  seedlings are transplanted. This is delayed in colder Huainan                       early April
     He Pu                        Planting early varieties at the beginning of spring and                             Early varieties planted
                                  harvested under slight to high warmth (festivals). Imported                         ca. beginning to mid
                                  early variety in Jiangnan is planted in 1st and 2nd month                           February; late ones
                                                                                                                      planted in early April.

     for philological variation, You and Zeng‟s opinion of lu is not directly relevant to this article and is omitted–note by translator WT).

        “Lan Sheng Zi Shu” and “Qi Min Yao Shu” describe sowing dates for northern varieties,
usually ca. 3rd lunar month, with mid-late 4th lunar month not ideal. It is sown much earlier under
southern warmer climate, with possible dual-harvests. Earlier varieties are usually sown in 1st or
2nd lunar month, 1-2 months earlier than northern rice. Those sown in 3rd lunar month are not
considered true early varieties, and there is absolutely no early variety sown in 4th lunar month.
Historic records show late varieties usually sown in early 4th lunar month in the south, with
huang-lu dao sowing “after Mangzhong festival (ca. June 6)” until “weeding is finished at Dashu
festival (ca. July 23)”; 2-5 months later than other varieties. As huang-lu dao can be sown later,
it was usually considered and treated as late-season. Possible derivatives are hong lu wan dao(33)
(hong=red, lu=fast-ripening, wan=late, dao=rice), popular in Zhejiang in Ming and Qing
Dynasties, and wan lu he(34) (wan=late, lu=six, he=growing rice plant) popular in Guangxi in
Qing Dynasty.

(2) Lu means early-ripening (p.1 footnote). Huang-lu dao grows quickly and can be sown late,
with harvest at the same time or earlier than other varieties. “Chen Fu Nong Shu” says huang-lu
dao can be harvested 60-70 days after sowing, with “Wang Zhen Nong Shu” saying even faster at
<60 days. Growing periods for this variety in other documents are given below (Table 3).

                           Table 3. Growing Period of Huang-lu Rice

      Sowing date      Harvesting date           Growing days                 Source
    Da Shu festival, Shuang Jiang festival,     90                  He Pu
    July 22 -24      October 23-24
    7th lunar month First frost                 90                  Xiaoshan Topogarphy,
                                                                    Jiajin (Ming dynasty)
    Early June         August                   60-90               Xiaoshan Topography,
                                                                    Jiajin (Ming dynasty)
    Early April        End of May               60                  Pujiang Topography,
                                                                    Qianlong (Qing dynasty)

      It appears huang-lu dao growing period is 60-90 days, very short compared with Song
and Yuan Dynasty or modern varieties. Historically, huang-lu dao has probably the shortest
growing period of all varieties.

        Many classics show Song Dynasty varieties are usually harvested around Shuangjiang
festival (October 23-24), except huang-lu dao; e.g.s: “harvesting rice in 10th month”(35) in Book
of Odes; “harvesting rice after Shuangjiang”(36) in “Qi Min Yao Shu”; and “rice grain like new
pearls in paddies at the end of each 10th month”(37) in a Tang Poem. If rice was generally sown
in 3rd month, it took ca. 200 days before harvest in 10th month. The classic “Za Yin Yang Shu”
says rice growth is >150 days: “Rice begins germination simultaneously as willow buds, flowers
ca. 80 days later and ripens 70 days after”(38). North Song Dynasty (960-1126) records say
growth is 150-165 days for early varieties and 180-200 days for late ones(39). As early south Song
Dynasty (1127-1278) “Chen Fu Nong Shu” says “early rice growth in high fields takes 5-6
months”, it took much longer than huang-lu dao.

        One must stress the true meaning of lu is fast or early-ripening, not late-planted. Zhi in
the Book of Odes means late-planted when used with lu; but lu began implying late-planted and
early-ripening to stress fast-ripening in later farming. Thus, Song Dynasty huang-lu dao was
mostly planted after flooding as a replacement or late-planted crop. It was called true early
variety due to environmental and economic change. Yuan Dynasty Wang Zhen‟s “Nong Shu”
records it as early-crop before predicted flood (40), and some Ming and Qing Dynasty farmers
valued it together with famous dai li gui (dai=to bring; li=plough; gui=return)(41), also called “60
days”, and “sown in 3rd month and harvested in 5th month”(42) as early variety, or “early autumn
planting”(43) as late variety due to its fast-ripening.

(3) Huang-lu dao grows well in high groundwater or permanently submerged fields. It is also
called huang-long dao (yellow-dragon rice) because dragon represents rain mythologically, lu
xian(45) (reed rice) or lu zhong(46) (reed variety) because the reed (Phragmites communis) grows
well in submerged areas. As xian implies early ripening(47), lu xian was called early-ripening
variety in local topographies(48). Huang-lu dao can also endure drought, as seen in Pujiang
topography: “Pujiang is a hilly area often experiencing drought due to lack of irrigation,
implying huang-lu or tuo li gui is suitable for planting in higher places”(49).

       From the above, huang-lu dao is fast-growing and ripening, flood and drought resistant
and sewn after early variety harvest for famine-relief. It also has these special traits: (1) direct
sewing as restorative crop, (2) yellow to beige color; later bred to red to black(50) (51) and (3)
obvious awn.

                                      3. Varieties like Huang-lu

        When huang-lu dao gained popularity in Song and Yuan Dynasty, similar varieties also
appeared; e.g.s, “60 Days”(52), “80 Evenings”(53), “100 Days”(54), etc.(55) also had short growing
periods or were named by color (black or red), early ripening (lu), obvious awn (mang dao) or
direct sowing (sa miao; sa=broadcast; miao=seedlings). While having different names, all had
specific huang-lu dao traits or the same variety with different names; e.g.s, typical wu gu
(wu=black; gu=rice grain) and hong dao (hong=red; dao=rice).

        Wu gu is also called wu gu zi (gu zi=rice grain), wu kou dao(56) (kou=mouth; dao=rice),
leng shui jie (leng=cold; shui=water; jie=bearing seed), leng shui dao (cold water rice), hei dao
(hei=black; dao=rice) or wan wu dao (wan=late; wu=black; dao=rice)(57). First reported in south
Song Dynasty(58), it was popular in various places in Jiangsu(60) (61) (62) (63), Zhejiang(64), Jiangxi(65)
and Hubei. Typically, it was “black shelled with noticeable awn” and sown very late in 7th lunar
month or early to mid autumn according to local topographies. Based on its typical late variety
9th-10th harvest months, wu gu growth was 60-90 days, and thus valued like “60 Days”, a variety
like huang-lu dao in some local topographies(66). Wu gu was often used as second crop in
dual-cultivation for its late sowing quality and as restorative after autumn flood for water
resistance. He jiao wu (he=crane; jiao=leg; wu=black) is like wu gu with huang-lu dao traits and
was popular in Jiangsu(67) in Qing Dynasty. To distinguish color difference but with other trait
parallels, it was often cited in local topographies together with huang hua dao (huang=yellow;
hua=flower; dao=rice), a huang-lu dao synonym.

        Although wu gu is named from its black awn, its red grain inspired it also as “red rice” or
chi mi (chi=red color; mi=rice grain). Song Dynasty records show red rice or chi xia mi (chi=red;
xia=rosy clouds; mi=rice) is not top grade, but was planted “in higher fields because it ripened
rapidly and endured dryness”(69) (70) like wu ou dao.

         Chi mi was still used in Ming and Qing Dynasty, with more names added in Hubei(71),
Guangdong(72) and Jiangsu(73) (74) (75). When introduced to Zhejiang in late Ming Dynasty, chi mi
was called chi xian, chi ban xian (chi ban=red spots) or jiangxi xian and taizhou xian(76) from its
origin. Ming Dynasty agronomist Zhang Luxian said it “is a late-sown early ripening variety”(77),
drought-resistant and once considered a mutant huang-lu dao variety(78) (79). When taken to Japan
chi mi kept its original early ripening suitability for low and wet field growth. Japanese literature
says it was popular coastally under Ming Dynasty contact, with steady production even without
fertilization. It is ancient as it needs only coarse cultivation compared to modern varieties(80).

      Many other rice varieties with huang-lu dao qualities existed in Ming and Qing Dynasty.
Some can be sown directly((81), some planted very late(82), some planted in low fields(83) and some
sown very late directly in lower fields(84) or as a famine-relief crop(85).

                                     4. Huang-lu Popularity

        Huang-lu dao‟s many names suggest its historical popularity, appearing in literature as
early as north Wei Dynasty, but only becoming popular after Song Dynasty when its special
qualities were needed for economic and environmental change.

        China‟s economic and population centre began moving south in Tang and Song Dynasty,
with the northern political centre depending on the south to provide national food needs. Rice
became the most important top-5 grain crop, with Ming Dynasty Song Yinxing saying “70% of
the national population lives on rice and only 30% on wheat, barley, sorghum and millet”(86).

       To meet rice production needs, southern paddy field development became unavoidable.
After years of growth, most southern land suitable for rice was cultivated, leaving only hills and
swamps. Hills were developed using terraces and the popular zhan-cheng (champa) rice, while
swamps were used for huang-lu dao and related varieties.

        In lacustrine and riverine areas farmers first used primitive hu tian (hu=lake; tian=fields),
sa tian (sand fields) or tu tian (road fields) on lake beds, sandbanks or along banks at ebb tide,
then more advanced wei tian (diked fields) or ju tian (boxed fields).

         Seasonal waterlevels in many lakes like Tai and Poyang on the middle and lower Yangtze
change noticeably. Poyang floods in late March-early July, with Gang, Fu, Xing, Yao and Xiu
River feeders submerging in May-June and emerging and resuming inflow in October-March
drought, with dry land in December-January. Modern floodlevels to 22 m increase lake surface
to 2935 km2, while droughts decrease levels by 1 m and surface to 340 km2, a change of 2595
km2 or 88%. The resulting large area comprises a small sandy beach, larger muddy bank and hu
tian, a grassy shoal just above waterlevel that is exposed 250-327 days annually(87).

        Hu tian may include wei tian (diked fields) in some literature(88), but there are
differences. Wei tian is an agricultural field protected by dikes, while hu tian on the dried
lakebed is unprotected(89) (90) and easily flooded, therefore used mainly for growing water
chestnuts, lotus roots and other aquatic crops and not ideal for rice(91).

        Sa tian (sand field) is “a cultivated field formed by river sand on a bank or dried bed,
protected by reeds and found along the Yangtze and Huai Rivers”(92). As these easily flooded
fields change shape and size, their land tax is irregular(93) (94), and farmers must grow
drought-resistant quick-ripening crops. To manage land change, Song Dynasty farmers invented
ji yang (ji=to lodge at; yang=seedling), where “seedlings from rice sown at the beginning of
summer are temporarily kept in high fields until floods subside”.(95) As flooding is hard to predict
and the use of high fields uneconomic, “Shen Si Nong Shu” (Shen‟s Agricultural text) says Tai
Lake farmers had good results by buying seedlings from other areas(96). As this involved much
labor and cost, it was affordable only by rich farmers(97) and was unable to solve late planting
problems, making selection of fast-ripening varieties very important.

        As huang-lu dao was perfect for flood resistance, it was planted in shallows and popular
in hu tian in Wuchen, Jiasan, Pinghu, Tai Lake, etc.(98). Its fast growth allowed ripening before
flood or post-flood restoration(99) in Ming and Qing Dynasty and was regularly grown at Poyang
Lake after flood(100). Similar varieties are wu gu zi (wu kou dao(101), etc.), mian yu dao, chi xian,
mang cai, san miao, etc., also cultivated in Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, Hubei, Zhejiang and Anhui.
Of these, chi xian attracted the most attention from agronomists and topography authors due to
its success in the 1908 flood.

        Chi xian likely originated in Jiangxi, Jiangsu, etc., and taken to Tongxian, Zhejiang in
Ming Dynasty Wanli period (1573-1620) and then to Haining and nearby areas. Records beyond
Haining Topography say: “most Haining rice are late varieties, some with red grain. Official
records state the Wanli 35th year (1608) flood destroyed all rice seedlings. A Jiading official
distributed red xian seeds to farmers…with a good autumn harvest”(103). Other stories exist.

         Hu tian are only used in dry years or after flood. As it has no dike, rice growing always
faces flood danger with no harvest guarantee. The higher tan tian (tan=shoal; tian=field) is
similar and submerges later. Diking around hu tian and tan tian converts them to wei tian and
permanent rice paddy. Chen Fu‟s “Nong Shu”says: “As lower areas submerge readily, farmers
must survey natural features and build dikes at higher points”(105). Similar description is in Yuan
Dynasty Wang Zhen‟s agricultural textbook (106) (108). Ju tian (ju=counter; tian=field) resembles
wei tian but with higher dikes. Wei tian and ju tian are obviously more advanced man-made
fields than hu tian and tan tian.

        Wei tian prolongs hu tian‟s rice growing limitations and provides a chance for huang-lu
dao and other fast-ripening varieties. Some authors exaggerate by saying huang-lu dao “always
has good years and no flood damage”. As diked wei tian developed from hu tian, it remained low
and flood damage persisted. “Luling Liudu Topography” says, “Farmers worried about flooding
but not drought because water can be transported from nearby lakes and rivers, while flood
submerges whole areas…”(109). Wang Guodong, a Qing Dynasty prefecture in Hunan, reported to
the Emperor: “In spring and summer, Dongting Lake waterlevel rises to submerge the whole

area, while in autumn and winter it falls, exposing thousands of hectares of good field. Nearby
farmers build dikes to farm, but flood danger persists because the whole area is low, so they
build stronger dikes”(110), but higher thicker dikes does not guarantee protection. As some wei
tian “readily submerge in flood, farmers only harvest once or twice in ten years”(111); e.g.,
Poyang Lake in Jiangxi(112). As farmers had to construct or repair dikes under flood, a rapid
growth rice was very beneficial.

        While wei tian did not alter the need for fast-growth drought-resistant rice, its increased
area lead to such varieties. As fields flooded near rivers and lakes, wei tian dikes extended fields,
but flood damage grew more after wei tian if dikes broke. Wei tian was also labor-intense.

        The above is theoretical; the actual situation is much worse. Uncontrolled wei tian growth
lowered reservoir and water conservation capacity, flooding even more. A Song Dynasty
Shaoxing 23rd year (1153) official reported: “Tai Lake originally benefitted a large area of west
Zhejiang, but recently, soldiers built ba tian (ba=dike; tian=fields) on its shore. Water was only
used for irrigating ba tian in drought and unavailable to farmers, while in flood the whole area
submerged, seriously damaging nearby farmland”(115). Thus, Song Dynasty officials debated wei
tian‟s benefits and damages at Tai Lake(114) (115) and other areas(116) (117) (118) (119).

       As riverbed and lakeshore farmland needs rose with increased Ming and Qing Dynasty
population, it even included small ponds(120), their location extending from Tai, Poyang and
Dongting Lakes on the middle Yangtze River, and especially those in Jiangxi, Hunan, and
Guangdong, with expected rise in flood frequency; e.g., Poyang County had 88 floods, 61 in
Ming and Qing Dynasty. Of these, 25 were in 276 years of Ming Dynasty (1368-1644; once
every 11 years) and 36 in 226 years of Qing Dynasty (1644-1875, from Shunzhi to Tongzhi,
once every 6.3 years).

       Ming scholars thoroughly understood the link between flood and wei tian. Famous author
and philosopher Gu Yanwu said: “water conservation is corrupted when farmers covetous of
water benefits occupy emerged land along the river and irresponsible officials profit from it, as
water has nowhere else to go”(121), a situation true in both Yellow and Yangtze basins(122) (123).
Original wei tian enlarged farmland to produce more food for increased population, but
irresponsible planning sometimes caused more damage than benefit, as Gu Yanwu repeated(124).

        Paddy flood damage is not stopped by jia tian (jia=frame; tian=fields) or feng tian (feng=
an aquatic grass; tian=field). Chen Fu‟s agriculture text says: “In deep water areas, farmers work
on flood-impervious wood-framed paddies” floating on feng, the root of aquatic grass gu (now
called jiao bai). After much time, the thick floating root mass became feng tian, first seen in
Tang Dynasty poems(125), but pre-existing in Yizhen, Jiangsu, as early as Jin Dynasty
(265-419)(126). While the grass seed gu mi (gu=aquatic grass; mi=rice) was also eaten, the
cultivated rice, though unspecified in literature, was water-resistant, possibly huang-lu dao or its

         The above historic floods stem from: (1) creation and (2) enlargement of hu tian, wei
tian, etc., which broaden uncontrolled flood; and (3) diking. Their combination increased flood
frequency, replacing drought historically and popularizing huang-lu dao and like varieties.

       The need for wei tian, ju tian, hu tian, sa tian and tu tian differed with rice variety.
Diking to protect farmland changed hu tian‟s vulnerable situation by delaying flood damage and
allowing diked wei tian time for production. Flood-susceptible wei tian not only allowed
huang-lu dao varieties for flood restoration but also an early pre-flood harvest. Generally, the
lower the elevation and earlier the flood, the shorter the growing period of the variety needed.

         Early ripening varieties were sown at spring onset to avoid summer drought and
harvested before the end of summer to avoid autumn flood(127). In pre-1950 Jiangsu, varieties
became particularly popular to farmers in the large area north of Yangtze River (except the
coast) and the Huai-Yang hilly area, where floods occurred frequently due to Huai River
damming(128). In Yangzhou, “…in lower Jiangzhou, farmers plant mostly “40, 50 & 60-day”, qu
qian wu, wang jiang nan and other early varieties”(129). As farmers in low areas like Gaoyou,
Jiangsu, “…can hardly rest during highwater and may lose their homes in autumn, they plant
mostly early ripening varieties…”(130), with only one harvest “before the 1950‟s”(131). In Qing
Dynasty Qianlong period (1736-1796), “40, 50 & 60-day” and 6 other early varieties grew(132),
still inadequate to satisfy need. Another early variety, “30-day”, bred in Daoguang 15th year
(1835)(133), was later grown throughout Jiangsu, and remained a good variety in the 1950‟s(134).

       Although many early rice varieties were successfully bred historically, Song and Yuan
Dynasty huang-lu dao did not disappear, as Ming Dynasty records show this variety was still
grown in fields of Fengyang County, Anhui Province(135).

                                    5. Huang-lu Implications

        He Bingdi‟s Early Ripening Rice Varieties in Chinese History said the 11th century
“agricultural revolution” was a rapid basic population growth initiator, with “dry-resistant
zhan-cheng (champa) rice import the top fast-ripening variety, extending growth to lowland,
valleys, riverbanks and hills…changing land use and doubling rice growing. These varieties
greatly influenced food supply and directly increased population”(136). His point is well

         Zhan-cheng was also suited to highlands, with increased food production and population,
but after Song Dynasty, rice growing rose not only via terraces, but to even lower places (wei
tian, jia tian, etc.); i.e., farmland growth was not confined to land but extended to water. Several
questions are worthwhile. What did terraces offer in China for food supply? Is food produced
more from hilly land or rivers or lakes?

        I think higher food production and population increase is tied mainly to farmland made
from rivers and lakes. While terracing grew after Song and Yuan Dynasty and solved the food
supply for mountain people, terrace rice was minor nationally; e.g., SE hilly Fujian with heavy
terracing did not become a major granary, though “terraces were everywhere and irrigated from
nearby creeks”, such that “not a drop of water was lost nor a single inch of land unused”(138). As
zhan-cheng was first cultivated here, supplementary food came from other provinces(139), and I
therefore conclude zhan-cheng import did not change the fundamental food supply.

        Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasty food sources concentrated around Tai, Poyang and
Dongting Lakes in the middle and lower Yangtze basin. Despite its high population, much food
was sent to other areas, provoking post-Song-Yuan period sayings like “Suzhou and Huzhou
crops ripen, so things will be adequate elsewhere”, and similar ones voiced in Suzhou, the Lake
area and Guangdong. Rice there was mainly on wei tian and not terraces.

           As aforementioned, rapid uncontrolled wei tian growth devastated the original ecology,
enhanced flooding and faced strong opposition. But large scale construction never stopped in
Song Dynasty because it supplied food throughout China. In Chunsi 11th year (1184), 1489 wei
tian or >7200 qing (1 qing=100 mu, or English acre) and >480 li (like English mile) of dikes (140)
(141) (142)
            existed in west Zhejiang.

       Such immense diking needed accurate survey, detailed calculation, large labor force and
material, organized work load and long term governmental planning (143) (144), plus individual

       Ming and Qing Dynasty wei tian expanded further; e.g., 15172 zhang (zhang=ca.10‟) of
dikes and 21000 mu wei tian in Xianyin County, Hunan in 1644, expanded by 1746 to 123766
zhang and wei tian to 167000 mu, providing even more farmland.

        Massive wei tian growth increased rice production, consolidating Jiangnan‟s position in
the national granary(145). Thus, farmland from riverbed and lakeshore was the major factor in
population growth(146).

       Like paddy in dry areas, wei tian cannot escape drought or flood. Thus, fast-ripening
drought-resistant varieties like huang-lu dao are more suited than zhan-cheng for growing in hu
tian and wei tian and played a more important role than zhan-cheng in population increase.


1. History of Song Dynasty, Vol. 173, Zhong Hua Book Store, 1977
2. Zhen, Xiongsen: Influence of Zhen-cheng rice on ancient Chinese rice cultivation, Research
    of Natural History, Vol. 1, p.61-67, 1991
3. Wen, Guoding: Introduction on “Chen Fu Nong Shu”, Agricultural Pub. Co., p.7, 1965
4. Jiang, Yian: Two questions in Chen Fu Nong Shu, Research of Agricultural History, Vol. 4,
    p.108, 1984
5. Chen Fu Nong Shu, 2nd Volume
6. Chen Fu Nong Shu, 1st Volume
7. Rice with 120-130 day growing periods are early or early ripening varieties, 120-160 days
    are mid or mid-ripening varieties, 150-160 days are late or late ripening varieties.
8. You, Xiuling: Questions on Zhen-cheng rice, Essays on Rice Cultivation, Chinese
    Agricultural Technology Pub. Co. p.158, 1993
9. Cao, Suji: Notes on “He Pu”, Chinese Agricultural History, Vol. 3, p. 79, 1985
10. Qi Min Yao Shu, Vol. 2, Chinese Agriculture Pub. Co., p,99, 1982
11. See 9.
12. Xing Tang Shu, Vol. 41, Topography No. 31

13. You Xiuling: History of Chinese Rice Cultivation, p. 85, Agricultural Pub. Co., 1995
14. Xu Chang (unknown period), introduced in “Tai Ping Yu Lan”, p. 3751, Zhong Hua Book
    Store, 1963
15. See 9.
16. See 6.
17. Kuaiji Topography of Jiatai 1st year (1201), Relics in Chinese Agriculture, Vol. 2, p. 206,
    Agricultural Pub. Co., 1993
18. Wang Zhen (Yuan Dynasty): Wang Zhen Nong Shu, p. 188, Agricultural Pub. Co., 1981
19. Xu Guangqi (Ming Dynasty): Complete Book in Agricultural Policy
20. Only the name “huang lu gong” rice was recorded in Wuhe County Topography (1673). In
    the 1893 topography, however, it was said to be “yellow when ripe”. See also 17.
21. Wuqing County Topography (1760), Vol. 2. See also 17. (Reference No. 21 was Not found
    in original Chinese text-Note by WT)
22. To classify Lu-he as glutinous rice is ambiguous, but the variety lu-shi is a true lu variety.
23. You Lujie: Origin and propagation of Asian cultivated rice based on linguistics, Research in
    Agricultural History, Vol. 2, 1983
24. Zhen, Xiongsen: The six ways, the first cultivation and the six varieties, Research of Natural
    History, Vol. 4, p.359-366, 1994
25. Personal communication, 1994
26. See 5.
27. Jiang, Yian: Questions in Chen Fu Nong Shu, Research of Agricultural History, Vol. 1,
    p.101-105, 1991
28. Li, Yanzhang (Qing Dynasty): Early rice varieties in several provinces. See also 17. Vol. 1,
    p. 410-411 & 424-425
29. Guangxi Topography (1733), Vol. 31, See also 28, P.409
30. Book of Odes. Seventh Month
31. Book of Odes. Songs of Lu
32. Zhou Li (Ways of Zhou Dynasty)
33. Wukong County Topography (1550), Vol. 4, See also 17., p. 104 & 193
34. See 28.
35. See 30.
36. See 10., p. 100
37. Complete Collections of Tang Poems, Vol. 398, p. 4465, Zhonghua Book Store, 1960
38. See 10., p.225-227
39. Zhen, Xiongsen: Variations of Jiangxi Rice Varieties in Song Dynasty, Chinese Agricultural
    History, Vol. 3, p. 48, 1989
40. See 18.
41. Pujiang County Topography (1776), Vol. 9, p.247, See also 17.
42. Songjiang Prefecture Topography (1663), Vol. 4, p. 58. See also 17.
43. Jingjiang County Topography (1669), Vol. 6, p. 113. See also 17.
44. Reference Not found in original Chinese text.
45. Huwai Prefecture Topography (1874), Vol. 32, p.140. See also 17.
46. Additional notes of Gangzhi Topography (1935), p. 201. See also 17.
47. Li, Shizhen: Ben Cao Gang Mu (Complete Book of Vegetation), Vol. 2.
48. Shenghu Topography (1874), Vol. 3, p. 37. See also 17.
49. See 41.

50. Zhejiang Geographic Topography (1918), p. 187. See also 17.
51. Xiushui County Topography (1685), Vol. 2, p. 198. See also 17.
52. Qinchuan Topography (1253-1258), Vol. 9, p. 98
53. See 17., p. 206
54. Yufeng Topography (1251), p. 94
55. Wu Yong: Essays on Promoting Agriculture, Shang Wu Printing Co., p. 176-385
56. Huang, Shengzheng (Ming Dynasty): Rice Varieties.
57. Congming County Topography ((1929), p. 76., Also see 17.
58. See 52.
59. Changsu County Topography (1499), p. 98. See also 17.
60. Wu, Chang, and Yuan Counties Topography (1908), p. 89. See also 17.
61. Susong County Topography (1828), p. 296. See also 17.
62. Taiping Prefecture Topography (1673), p. 291. See also 17.
63. Dongtu County Topography (1695), p. 291
64. Topics of Wuqing (1688) , p. 190
65. Yugan County Topography (1669), Vol. 2, p. 308
66. Jinjiang County Topography (1669), Vol. 6, p. 113. See also 17
67. Dongtai County Topography (1816), Vol. 19, p. 130
68. Topics of Emperor‟s Home Town (1599), Vol. 3, p. 300
69. Cheng, Dachang: Yen Fen Lu, p. 66
70. History of the South, Vol. 34, p. 894, Zhong Hua Book Store, 1975
71. Suizhou Topography (1790), Vol. 3, p. 500
72. Zhou, Dajun (Qing Dynasty): New Affairs in Guangdong, Vol. 2, p. 51, Zhong Hua Book
    Store, 1985
73. Jintan County Topography (1683), Vol. 6, p. 117
74. Changzhou Prefecture Topography (1694), Vol. 9, p. 38
75. Danyang County Topography (1750), Vol. 10, p.115
76. Nong Shu-Addendum, Vol. 2, p. 191. See also 17
77. Zhang, luxion: Complete Essays of Mr. Yang Yuan, Vol. 17
78. Jiaxan County Topography (1893), Vol. 12, p. 199
79. Xiaogan County Topography, Vol. 5, p. 489
80. See 13. P. 114
81. Rugao County Topography (1683), Vol. 6, p.133
82. Changde Prefecture Topography (1813), Vol. 18, p. 439
83. Hanyang County Topography (1868), Vol. 9, p. 470
84. Hanyang Prefecture Topography (1747), Vol. 28, p. 487
85. Wuhe County Topography (1893), Vol. 10, p. 304
86. Tian Gong Kai Wu (All things start from heaven), Vol. 1, p. 11, Guangdong People Pub. Co.,
87. Xu, Huailing, Dike construction around Poyang Lake in Ming and Qing Dynasties,
    Agricultural Archaeology, No. 1, p. 202, 1990
88. Hunan Provincial Topography (1757), p. 386
89. Ma, Duanling, Complete Study of Classic Literature, Vol. 6, p. 71, Hongzhou Classic
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90. Huzhou Prefecture Topography (1874), Vol. 22, p. 140
91. Beihu Topography (1808), p. 44

92. See 18., p. 194
93. Er Ya (a classic Chinese literature)
94. See 92.
95. See 86., p. 14
96. Zhang, luxion (Qing Dynasty): Addendum to Notes on Nong Shu, Agricultural Pub. Co., p.
    73, 1983
97. See 96., p. 172
98. Pinghu County Topography (1886), p. 202
99. Zhejiang Provincial Topography (1736), p. 139
100. See 65.
101. Jinguan County Topography (1742), Vol. 11, p. 107
102. Not found in original Chinese text
103. Ningzhi Affairs (1786), Vol. 4, p. 164-168
104. Not found in original Chinese text
105. See 6., p. 25
106. See 18., p. 186
107. See 18., p. 188
108. Yang, Wanli: Chen Xu Ji, Vol. 32, p. 345-1160
109. Luling Liudu Topography (1763), p. 33
110. Survey of water and mineral resources, Vol. 152, p. 3546, Shang Wu Pub. Co., 1937
111. See 88.
112. Not found in original Chinese text
113. History of Song Dynasty, p. 4184
114. See 112,, p. 4188
115. See 112., p. 298-589
116. Xu, Song, Essays on water resources
117. See 112., p. 4183
118. Important Documents of Song Dynasty, Vol. 8, p. 4940, Zhong Hua Book Store, 1957
119. See 118., Vol. 3, p. 4936
120. Yang, Houfu (Qing Dynasty): Policy on not turning lakes and ponds into fields
121. Ri Zhi Lu (On Daily Life), p. 990, Classic Literature Pub. Co., 1985
122. Sun, Xun: Essays on water resources, Vol. 66
123. Gaiyang Topography ((1522-1567), p. 3
124. See 121., p. 777
125. Qin, Xi: Jinghu Old Man‟s House, in The Complete Tang Poems, Vol. 260, p. 2896
126. Li Ji, p. 16
127. Yanchen County Topography (1895), Vol. 4, p. 50
128. Jiangsu Provincial Topography (1926), p. 2
129. Jiangdu County Topography (1921), Vol. 7, p. 124
130. Gaoyou Prefecture Topography (1783), Vol. 1, p. 126
131. Gaoyou Prefecture Topography (1922), Vol. 1, p. 44
132. See 130., p. 125
133. The “30-day” variety was mentioned in several topographies
134. See 133.
135. New Book on Fengyoung (1621), Vol. 5, p. 301

136. He, Bingdi: Fast-ripening Rice Varieties in Chinese History, Agricultural Archaeology,
   No. 1, p. 119, 1990
137. Chang, T. T.: Origin, Evolution, Dissemination and Diversification of Asia and African
   Rice, Euphytica 25
138. Fang, Shao (Song Dynasty): Essays on Water Houses, Vol. 3
139. Yang, Siqi, et al (Qing Dynasty): Essays from Famous Court Officials in Chinese
   History, Vol. 247, p. 94-440, Shang Wu Pub. Co.
140. See 112. Vol. 173
141. See 112. Vol. 173
142. Shen, Gua (Song Dynasty): Chang Xing Ji, Vol. 9, p. 295-297, Shang Wu Pub. Co.
143. Zhen, Xiongsen: Nine Chapters on Mathematics and Agriculture, Research on Natural
   Scientific History, No. 3, p. 214-215, 1996
144. See 142
145. Wu, Jinsheng (Ming Dynasty): Notes on Maps, Internal Edition
146. Bao, Shichen: A Letter to the new Governor of Jiangxi Province (1836), included in
   Agricultural Policy of Prefecture and County, Agricultural Pub. Co., p. 104, 1962
147. Deng, Yunche: Chinese History of Famine Relief, Shang Wu Pub. Co., p. 1-62, 1993
148. Chen, Guanlong & Gao, Fan: Investigation of Agricultural Natural Calamity in Ming
   Dynasty, Chinese Agricultural History, No. 4, p. 9, 1991
149. Zhang, Guoxiong: The Situation of Drought and the Economy of Wei-Tian Development
   in Jiang-Han Plain during Ming Dynasty, Chinese Agricultural History, No. 4, p. 29, 1987
150. See 136.
151. Jin Shu. Biography of Hermits
152. Local dialect “In Jiangnan, keng rice is called xian”
153. Luo, Yuan: Er Ya Yi, see 17.
154. See 8.
155. Wuyi County Topography (1698), p. 246
156. Taiping County Topography (1540), Vol. 2, p. 237
157. Li, Yenzhang: Promoting Rice Planting in Jiangnan
158. See 157.
159. See 86.


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