Document Sample
					The Danish NGO Impact Study

A Review of Danish NGO Activities in
Developing Countries


Andrew Kiondo
Rukia Hayata
Andrew Clayton
Oxford, UK

September 1999

Study Commissioned by Danida
  and Danish NGOs


Chapter 1 :    COUNTRY STUDY APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY                   6

Chapter 2 :    TANZANIA: THE NATIONAL CONTEXT                           12

Chapter 3 :    ANALYSIS OF PROJECT PERFORMANCE                          21

               TAN 1: Renovation of Secondary Schools Project (ADRA)
               TAN 2: Arusha Beekeeping Project (DBF)
               TAN 3: Popular Culture and Sports Project (DGI)
               TAN 4: Restoration of Lugala Hospital (DLM)
               TAN 5: Renewable Energy Mini Projects (DMS)
               TAN 6: Health Care Project on HIV/AIDS in Kagera (DRC)
               TAN 7: Family Life Education Project(DRC)
               TAN 8: Support to Self Help Groups (HSH)
               TAN 9: Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre (MS)
               TAN 10: Sengerema Teachers Resource Centre (MS)
               TAN 11: Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights (MS)
               TAN 12: Semezana (MS)
               TAN 13: Ifakara Women Weavers Project (MS)

Chapter 4:     ANALYSIS OF THE CROSS-CUTTING ISSUES                     92

               4.1 Gender
               4.2 Environment
               4.3 Poverty
               4.4 Sustainability
               4.5 Democratisation
               4.6 Partnership

Chapter 5:     REVIEW OF METHODS USED IN THE STUDY                      109

Chapter 6 :    OVERALL ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS                         114

Bibliography                                                            121

This study has only been possible due to the cooperation and support provided by the Danish NGOs
and their partners in Tanzania. During the project visits they showed us much hospitality and
assistance which were greatly appreciated. We would like to thank all those with whom we had
contact during the course of the study, both in Tanzania and in Denmark. We are also grateful for all
those who gave us their comments on the first draft of this report. In addition, we would like to
thank the many people we met at the community level who were willing to give us their time and
share with us their experiences. Finally we would like to thank Rose Kihulya who worked as a
research assistant for the team and provided us with invaluable support.

Andrew Kiondo
Rukia Hayata
Andrew Clayton

ASSESSMENT        The opportunity for both women and men, who have been involved in
                  and benefited from the project, to give their views on the project’s

DEMOCRATISATION   The involvement of previously excluded groups in national political
                  debate or activities; the extent to which a development project has
                  been able to broaden the basis of community participation in
                  development activities.

EFFECT            The immediate tangible and observable improvement(s) or
                  change(s)in people’s lives change(s) which have been brought about
                  as a direct result of project activities.

EFFECTIVENESS     The degree to which a development project is able to implement what
                  it sets out to do and to achieve progress towards its objectives.

EFFICIENCY        The extent to which a development project is able to maximise the use
                  and the potential of its resources and      to      optimise    their
                  potential effect and impact.

IMPACT            The long term and sustainable changes brought about by a
                  development project. Impact can either be anticipated in relation to
                  the project’s objectives or unanticipated.

KEY INFORMANTS    Individuals who have no formal relationship with the project but who
                  have accompanied its development and are able to comment on its
ALLEVIATION       The degree to which poor people and their families are able to access
                  the resources they need in order to meet their basic livelihood needs.
                  It can also encompass issues of knowledge and the extent to which
                  poor people can freely exercise their social and political rights.

RELEVANCE         The extent to which a project intervention is appropriate and can be
                  seen as being a useful and acceptable       contribution to locally
                  perceived development needs.

SUSTAINABILITY    The potential of a project to continue its developmental momentum
                  and to produce benefits which are valued by        its beneficiaries.



ABA       Arusha Beekeepers Association
ABESO     Arumeru Beekeepers Society
ADRA      Adventist Development and Relief Agency
DANIDA    Danish International Development Assistance
DBF       Danish Beekeepers Association
DCA       DanChurchAid
DGI       Danish Gymnastics and Sports Association
DKK       Danish Kroner
DIF       Danish Sports Federation
DLM       Danish Lutheran Mission
DMCDD     Danish Missionary Council Development Department
DMS       Danish Missionary Society
DRA       Adventist Development and Relief Agency
DRC       Danish Red Cross
DW        Development Worker (from MS)
ELCT      Evangelical Lutheran Church of Tanzania
HDC       Hai District Council
HSH       Help for Self Help
IWWA      Ifakara Women Weavers Association
KCCR      Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights
MS        Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke
MS TCDC   MS Training Centre for Development Cooperation
NGO       Non-governmental Organisation
TAG       Tanzania Assemblies of God
TANGO     Tanzania Association of NGOs
TC        Teachers Resource Centre
TRCS      Tanzania Red Cross Society
TCRS      Tanganyika Christian Refugee Service

The involvement of Danish NGOs in Tanzania goes back 50 years to the period after the Second
World War. Following the expulsion of German missionaries from the Tanganyika, Danish
missionaries, among others, were invited to take over German missionary activities. Central to the
mission work was the provision of educational, health and other basic services, which has continued
until this day. From the 1960s onwards, other Danish NGOs started working in Tanzania on a range
of development projects. Of particular note here is MS, which began sending Danish volunteers to
Tanzania in the 1960s and has continued to maintain a large programme in the country ever since.

There is a very broad range of Danish NGO interventions in Tanzania, from large, multi-million
DKK projects to very small scale projects. There are currently 20 different Danish NGOs running a
total of 73 distinct projects or other interventions in Tanzania. This represents the largest number of
projects in all of the three countries covered by the Impact Study, and spread over the greatest
geographical area.

The Danish NGOs working in Tanzania work through local partners and are not operational. The
only Danish NGO with an office in Tanzania is MS which has a large Country Office in Dar es
Salaam and a regional training centre in Arusha, the Training Centre for Development Cooperation
(TCDC). MS does not implement its own projects but rather works through local partners. There are
about 30 MS Danish Development Workers in Tanzania all of whom are placed with a partner
organisation. All the other NGOs work through local partners directly from Denmark and have no
permanent in-country presence. There are Danish personnel working in Tanzania within local
church structures on development interventions supported by the various Danish missionary

In selecting which projects were to be included in the Impact Study, it was considered important to
ensure that those projects selected were representative of the diverse types of activity. One key
consideration was to ensure that there was adequate coverage of large, medium and small Danish
NGOs. It was decided not to include DanChurchAid in the matrix, primarily because the In-depth
Study in Tanzania had decided to focus on a large DanChurchAid integrated rural development
project at Kibondo. Furthermore, DanChurchAid projects were included in both the Bangladesh and
Nicaragua Country Studies. Instead, the Tanzania Country Study would focus on two other large
Danish NGOs with large programmes in Tanzania - MS and the Danish Red Cross. It was also
considered important to include projects which covered service delivery, income generation and
support to local NGOs.

An initial matrix of 16 projects was drawn up after meetings between the INTRAC Researcher and
Danish NGOs in Denmark in November 1998. This was a large number of projects to cover with
complex logistical and methodological requirements.
However, the team felt that it was important to include this number of projects in the study in order
to ensure that the full range of Danish development interventions were covered. It would not be
possible to build up an overall picture of the impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania by concentrating
on a small number of projects. It was also important for some of the larger NGOs to include

different types of activities. This was particularly the case with MS which supports a wide range of
interventions which the study has tried to capture.

While the need to represent the diversity of Danish NGO interventions in Tanzania was of primary
consideration, the study team had also to consider more practical issues of project location. Given
the size of Tanzania, it was decided to focus on projects in five regions - Morogoro, Kagera,
Mwanza, Arusha and Kilimanjaro. These were the regions with the highest concentration of Danish
NGO interventions and it was anticipated that the team would need to establish a number or
different bases during the course of the research.

Representatives from each of the partner organisations were invited to a three day introductory
workshop held by the Impact Study team at TCDC, Arusha at the beginning of February. The
workshop was timed to take place at the start of the country study in Tanzania. Altogether 28 people
attended including the four members of the Impact Study Team, the 2 Researchers from the In-depth
Study, and representing 13 different partner organisations.

Unfortunately, representatives from four organisations included in the original project matrix who
were unable to attend the workshop - ULD 80 Vocational Training Centre, Karagwe, Ilaranatak
Lolkonerei (an MS partner), Arusha Bee Keepers, and Popular Culture and Sports Project, Mwanza
(DGI/MS). It was possible to include the Beekeeping project and the Popular Culture and Sports
Project in the Study but due to limitations on time the team decided not to include the ULD 80
project or Ilaranatak Lolkonerei. The study team also had to leave out the Women’s Training Centre
at Morogoro which was supported by the Danish Moravian Mission and was included in the original
project matrix. Although someone from this centre attended the workshop he was new to the centre
and the DMM project had finished 6 years previously. Despite visits by the Study team to the centre
it was not, in the end, possible to find someone who actually knew about the project.

A total of 13 different projects in all were actually included in the Impact Study. These are listed in
the following matrix:

Final Project Matrix

Ref.       Project Title          Partner              Danish NGO           Size of      Project
                                  Organisation                              Project      Period
TAN 1      Secondary Schools      ADRA Tanzania        ADRA Denmark         11,225,802   1993-5
TAN 2      Beekeeping Project     ABA/ABESO            Danish               2,800,000    1994-7
TAN 3      Popular Culture and    NSCT/ RCO            DGI/DIF/MS           4,648,000    1989-2000
TAN 4      Lugala Hospital        ELCT - Ulanga        Danish Lutheran      6,250,000    1993-97
           Rehabilitation         Kilombero            Mission (DLM)
TAN 5      Renewable Energy       ELCT - North         Danish Missiona-     1,056,000    1992
           Mini Projects          West/ Karagwe        ry Society (DMS)
TAN 6      HIV/AIDS               Tanzania Red         Danish Red Cross     45,145,000   1989-99
           Prevention Project     Cross                (DRC)
TAN 7      Family Life            Tanzania Red         Danish Red Cross     24,300,000   1986-2000
           Education Project      Cross
TAN 8      Income Generation      Help for Self Help   Help for Self Help   1,100,000    1993-97
           Activities                                  (HSH)
TAN 9      Teachers Resource      Hai District         MS                   2,091,000    1991-8
           Centre, Mbweera        Council
TAN 10     Teachers Resource      Sengerama            MS                   1,095,000    1998-2001
           Centre, Sengerama      District Council
TAN 11     Kuleana Child Rights   Kuleana              MS                   1,046,000    1994 -
           Centre                                                                        present
TAN 12     Semezana               TANGO                MS                   757,000      1993 -
TAN 13     Ifakara Women          IWWA                 MS                   6,163,000    1983 -
           Weavers Project                                                               present

The three main researchers each took primary responsibility for a number of different projects and
divided the projects up on a regional basis. Andrew Kiondo focused on projects in Morogoro
Region and Dar es Salaam, Rukia Hayata in Kagera and Mwanza Regions plus one project in
Arusha, and Andrew Clayton in Arusha and Kilimanjaro Regions. The division by project was as

         Andrew Kiondo - TAN 4, TAN 7, TAN 12, TAN 13
         Rukia Hayata - TAN 3, TAN 5, TAN 6, TAN 8, TAN 10, TAN 11
         Andrew Clayton - TAN 1, TAN 2, TAN 9.

Research assistance for the whole period of the study was provided by Rose Kihulya, and additional
research assistants were taken on temporarily during the Kagera and Mwanza fieldwork to help with
interviewing project beneficiaries.

The Country Study set out to understand impact from a number of different perspectives. The
starting point was to examine impact in terms of individual projects or interventions; secondly, the
study examined the impact of Danish NGOs in relation to a number of key issues, notably poverty,

gender, environment, sustainability, democratisation and partnership. Finally, the study made an
analysis of the national context, with a particular focus on poverty in Tanzania and the development
of civil society in order to see how relevant and effective Danish NGOs have been at the macro

The need to look at impact from so many different angles proved an interesting and challenging
methodological exercise. The team had to look at impact at various levels from the micro to the
macro, in relation to a number of key cross-cutting issues and in 14 different projects spread across
6 regions, and all within a three month time period. The very complexity of the task has demanded a
very systematic approach to gathering information on impact from these different projects and on
different issues. The basic approach used by the Tanzania study team was to follow the guidelines
set out in the paper on ‘Approach and Methodology for Country Studies’ which was developed
during the Copenhagen meeting of the Country Study teams in August 1998. All of the country
study teams from Bangladesh, Nicaragua and Tanzania gathered together for a week to plan out the
study. This paper sets out a systematic approach to pulling together information on each project in
the following key areas:

          inputs
          outputs
          relevance
          efficiency and effectiveness
          effect and impact
          cross-cutting issues: gender, poverty, environment, sustainability, democra-tisation and

Information on each of these issues was to be obtained from project staff, project beneficiaries and
key informants. The actual methods used for collecting this information was decided upon by
Country Research teams as appropriate to both the context of each project and the time available.

The Approach and Methodology Paper sets out key questions for analysing outcomes and impact of
project interventions in relation to different types of project (service delivery, production, support
for civil society) and for the cross cutting issues. Although these are not the questions actually asked
in the discussion groups and interviews, they provided clear guidelines on the sort of information
that should be obtained.

The table below summarises the people met during the project visits by the research team.

Summary of people met during project visits

Project   Beneficiary Assessment                     Management    Staff   Key
          Groups          Families   Individuals
          Female   Male              Female Male
TAN 1     20       5      -          1         8     3             2       5
TAN 2     5        2      -          -         -     1             4       1
TAN 3     10       11     -          2         8     2             3       3
TAN 4     6        2      3          5         3     1             4       5
TAN 5     13       22     22         12        18    8             2       2
TAN 6     41       32     -          3         2     4             9       17
TAN 7     9        6      5          22        20    -             4       5
TAN 8     17       5      -          1         3     3             3       9
TAN 9     4        3      -          1         -     3             2       1
TAN10     17       16     -          -         2     2             5       3
TAN11     -        -      -          -         -     2             4       3
TAN12     1        3      -          2         -     1             3       -
TAN 13    8        7      13         12        -     1             5       13
TOTAL     151      114    43         61        65    31            50      67

It was made very clear to the staff of the NGOs included in the study that the study was not an
evaluation of each project. It was important to stress this since many of the partners were under the
impression that their projects were being evaluated in detail by the Impact Study team and that the
team would then make recommendations to DANIDA over whether or not to continue funding. One
of the researchers was even introduced as the ‘DANIDA Inspector’. Rather, the team emphasised
that the purpose of visiting the project was to make an overall assessment of the impact of Danish
NGOs in Tanzania, and that in order to do so it was essential to build on the experiences of staff and
beneficiaries in individual projects; while the team would not make recommendations on specific
projects, the lessons emerging from each project would enable the team to make more general
conclusions and recommendations about the role of Danish NGOs in Tanzania. This report must be
read in this context.

The structure of this report is built around the examination of these 13 different projects. These
project reviews form the basis from which this assessment has been made of the impact of Danish
NGOs in Tanzania. The analysis of each of each of the projects included in the Impact Study is
given in Chapter Three. In Chapter Four, an analysis is made of the overall contribution of these
projects to a number of broad, cross-cutting issues: gender, poverty, environment, sustainability,
democratisation and partnership. Chapter Five discusses the methods used by the team in
undertaking the impact study. It also reflects on the lessons for Danish NGOs and partners
themselves for undertaking their own impact studies in the future. Finally Chapter Six presents the
overall conclusions of the Impact Study team on the impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania. Before
moving into the detail of specific projects however, the next chapter sets out the broader national
context within which these projects have taken place.

Summary of Key Activities, 25 January - 31 May 1999

Week 1         Preparation for Workshop
Week 2         Workshop in Arusha

Week 3      Study planning and initial meetings
Week 4      Review of documents
Week 5-7    First phase of field work - Morogoro and Kagera Regions
Week 8-10   Write up project reports
            Visit to Tanzania of Team Leader of Overall Impact Study
            Dar es Salaam field work
Week 11-13 Second phase of fieldwork - Mwanza, Arusha/Kilimanjaro and
            Visit to Tanzania by DANIDA NGO Technical Adviser
            Preparation of national context chapter
Week 13-14 Writing up of project reports
Week 15     Visit to Denmark by Study team
Week 16-18 Finalisation of draft report.



Danish NGO interventions in Tanzania have taken place in the context of broad national processes of
social and economic change. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a brief overview of the
Tanzanian national context, looking in particular at poverty and the development of civil society.
These wider social, political and economic factors all have a direct bearing on the impact of Danish
NGO activities in Tanzania.

Since independence, Tanzania has experimented with several strategies of political and economic
development. At independence in 1961, the country inherited from the British a multi-party political
system within the framework of a market economy. During the socio-political turmoil that took
place between 1965 and 1967, however, the country abandoned market-economics completely and
adopted a self-reliant, socialist, development strategy. Under the Arusha Declaration the multi-party
political system was also abolished, in favour of a single-party system.

From the late 1960s, Tanzania pursued a statist economic development strategy. This changed in
1986, when the country signed a financial agreement with the IMF/World Bank. The signing of a
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) dismantled socialist economics, through a process of
market-liberalisation which signalled an end to statist economic policies and the re-insertion of
free-market policies. In the early 1990s this process was contiguous with a movement to return to
multi-party politics, which was formally re-introduced in July 1992.

The period of statist politico-economic development in Tanzania did see considerable
improvements in the country's social indices. Towards the end of the 1970s, however, the country
experienced a sharp deterioration in the economy - which continues today. This has meant that from
the 1980s onwards, the social gains of the 1970s have significantly eroded. For example, in terms of
national health, the 1985-1990 infant mortality rate of 91 deaths per 1000 births rose to 93 by 1996.
Similarly, the average life expectancy at birth of 51 years from 1985 to 1990, fell to only 50 years
by 1996.

The deterioration in the educational sector has been even more marked. Adult literacy rates, above
90% in the 1980s, decreased to only 68% in 1996. The primary school enrolment-ratio was 93% in
1980, and now stands at under 67%. These indicators show that the development challenges of the
1990s are not confined to the economy alone, but to the general social well-being of the Tanzanian
people. Those who have suffered from the recent changes in Tanzania continue to be the poorest of
the poor, who are unable to adequately fend for themselves; this takes us to a discussion of poverty
and poverty alleviation strategies in Tanzania.


       Population:                          30.8 Mil. (1996)
       Area:                                945090 sq. km.
       Main Religious Groups                Muslim, Christian, Traditional
       Ethnic Groups:                       More than 130
               Urban:                       24% (1996)
               Annual growth:               2.9% (1992 - 2000)
               Children per woman:          6.3 (1992)
               Life expectancy at birth:    50 Years (1990-1995)
               Infant Mortality rate:              93 per 1000 (1996)
               Under-five Mortality rate:   159 per 1000 (1994)
               Calories consumption:        92% of required intake (1995)
               Access to health services:   80% of population (1990-1995)
               Access to safe water:               50% of population (1990-95)
               Literacy Rate: Male (79)     Female (57) Total: 68% (1995)
               Illiteracy Rate: M (21)      F (43) Total: 32%
               School enrolment (1995)      Primary: M (68) F (66)       Total 67%
                               Secondary: M (6) F (5)       Total 5%
               Per capita GNP:              US $ 140 (1994)
               Annual Growth:               0.8% (1985-1994)
               External Debt:               $7441 Mil., $258 per capita 1994
               Debt service:                20.5% of Exports (1994)
               Development Aid received: $ 949 Mil.
                                            $ 34 per capita
                                            $ 40% of GNP

SOURCE:       The World Guide 1997/98 for figures up to 1994.
              UN Conference on Trade and Development for 1995 and 1996 figures.


The Incidence Of Poverty In Tanzania

Various indicators are used to determine how poor countries are in relation to other nation-states.
Gross National Product (GNP) per capita is an established indicator used by International Financial
Institutions (IFIs), such as the World Bank and IMF. More recently, the UNDP has been
experimenting with two alternative indicators, namely the Human Development Index (HDI), and
the Capability Poverty Measure (CPM).

Whichever indicator is used, Tanzania remains one of the poorest countries in the world. The choice
of indicator can, however, make a significant difference in defining Tanzania's position relative to
other poor countries. For example, the use of GNP per capita places Tanzania third from the bottom
amongst the least developed countries of the world, with Mozambique and Ethiopia positioned in

the last two (World Development Report, 1997). In contrast, using HDI as an indicator of poverty
catapults Tanzania twenty-three places up the rankings (UNDP 1997). Using the CPM as an
indicator lifts Tanzania even further up in the list, with as many as forty three countries said to be in
worse condition.

The level of social service provision can be a very practical measure of poverty. In the past,
Tanzania has performed better in its provision of social services (primary education, basic health
care, drinking water and sanitation) than many other countries within the same level of economic
development. In more recent years, however, the trend has been negative - especially in respect of
the poor who have suffered more from the decline of social services than wealthier groups. A
related, and equally alarming trend, is the widening income gap and inequality that exists between
rich and poor in Tanzania. This fact has affected the rural poor in particular and their poverty is now
more likely to persist compared to urban dwellers, who in aggregate terms seem to be better off.

The gender dimension of the inequality gap has been investigated through expenditure-based
household surveys. The results of this research confirmed the widely held view that female-headed
households are amongst the poorest of the poor. With fewer capital assets (land, livestock, etc.), less
education and a greater number of dependants, female-headed households have remained more
vulnerable to poverty than their male-headed counterparts at all income levels. Such households
constitute 27% of all households in Dar es Salaam, whilst the national average in urban areas is 16%
(World Bank, 1996 Vol. 1).

In summary, Tanzania ranks amongst the poorest countries in the world in terms of its national
economic indicators. In terms of human welfare and the social capabilities of its citizens, however,
the country fares better than many other countries with more favourable macro-economic indicators.
Two alarming trends indicate that although the incidence of poverty in Tanzania declined between
1983 and 1993, it has risen from 1993 thereafter. Related to this worrying pattern, it is also clear the
inequality gap between rich and poor Tanzanians is widening.

Location of Poverty

There is widespread rural poverty in Tanzania. The rural population constitutes 77% of the total
population and the vast majority of these are subsistence farmers. Agriculture in Tanzania is
underdeveloped and very vulnerable to the vagaries of both the natural environment and the global
economy. Taken as a whole, rural Tanzania possesses a very thin and undiversified economy. With
only a narrow range of skills available, the main source of employment is peasant production. There
are few non-labour assets, and only a small number of people are educated beyond primary school
level. Those gaining secondary education tend to migrate to urban areas, and few choose to return
home. Such rural isolation is compounded by a poor transport system and the limited availability of
even the most basic food-stuffs. Those people whose main source of income is from farming are
five-times more likely to be poor than those people who receive a wage of some kind.

Urban poverty is also a major problem in Tanzania. The fact that urban areas are perceived to be
wealthier has fuelled a large growth in the urban population in recent years. During the last decade,
urban population growth has been two to four times greater than the national rate of population
growth. Whilst 5% of the total population was urban in 1960 (just prior to independence), by 1993
the urban population had increased its proportion to 23%.

In the course of this migration both urban and rural areas have suffered. Whilst rural areas often lose
a young and active labour force, the infrastructure of urban areas becomes overwhelmed by the
influx of rural migrants. Given the fact that 60 to 70% of the urban population already live in
substandard accommodation, more migration will only stretch housing services further. Moreover,
in the majority of Tanzania’s towns the unemployment rate is already approaching 30%, whilst in
Dar es Salaam only 6.7% of household heads are in formal employment, with a further 7.4%
seeking a regular income through casual labour.

Poverty in Tanzania can also be differentiated on a regional basis. The World Bank (1996) has
undertaken a regional mapping of the poor based on a welfare index comprising of several
non-monetary indicators, including the incidence of poverty, access to water, household size,
population per doctor and nurse, illiteracy and educational attainment. A higher score indicates
greater welfare and therefore less poverty incidence. On the basis of this study the regions Kagera,
Kigoma, Rukwa, Ruvuma, Mtwara, Lindi and Morogoro are classified as especially poor. One
explanation for this regional differentiation is as follows:

       They do not produce export crops, and there is little investment in roads, communication, or
       social services .... One can argue that in Tanzania, poverty is rampant in non-export
       producing areas. (WB, 1996 Vol. 1 p.69)

This kind of explanation was given in several areas covered by the impact study, especially in
Lugala Hospital in Morogoro, where beneficiaries are said to be poor because of a lack of cash
cropping. In the past the farmers of this area produced cotton, but the absence of reliable markets
has discouraged them from expanding export production. The table below summarises the World
Bank's findings on regional mapping of the poor in Tanzania.

Tanzania Welfare Index by Region (World Bank 1996 Vol. 1)
Welfare Index           Regions
1-3                     Kagera, Kigoma, Rukwa, Ruvuma, Mtwara,
                        Lindi and Morogoro
4-9                     Shinyanga, Tabora, Dodoma, Iringa, Tanga
10-19                   Mbeya, Singida, Coast
20-30                   Arusha, Kilimanjaro, Mara, Mwanza
31 and higher           Dar es Salaam

Causes of Poverty in Tanzania

Specific causes of poverty are difficult to pin-point clearly, especially since they are multi-faceted
and highly dependent upon perceptions. In 1995, the Government of Tanzania, the University of Dar
es Salaam and the World Bank conducted a Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) for the
country. Based on the assumption that the poor themselves are the real experts on poverty, the PPA
included the opinions of 6,000 people in 87 villages across Tanzania. This research revealed what
the rural population of Tanzania believed were the major causes of their poverty.

 Unproductive farm land and natural hazards such as deforestation.

 Distant or poorly functioning markets; price fluctuations; high cost of fertiliser, insecticides,
  seeds and farming technology.
 Poor health and education of the labour force, including social problems such as alcoholism and
 Other social problems associated with witchcraft, AIDS, poor extension support, war,
  prostitution, polygamy, poor housing, family size and theft.

The Government: Policy and Actions in Support of Poverty Alleviation

       The Government of Tanzania today regards poverty as ‘the single greatest scourge of the
       Tanzanian society'. The government is committed to the national vision according to which
       absolute poverty will be halved in Tanzania by the year 2010 and totally eradicated by 2025.
       (Government of Tanzania, 1997; Vice-President's Office 1998).

The above quotation may sound like an empty political statement, but it does indicate Tanzanian's
commitment to poverty alleviation which dates back to the Arusha Declaration of 1967. On that
occasion, Tanzania declared war against three enemies: ignorance, disease and poverty. This was
backed by several five year development plans and other policies formulated to address poverty and
social inequality in the country. These policies included plans for Universal Primary Education
(UPE), Education for Self-Reliance, Adult Literacy Education, Primary Health Care for All, Water
for All and several others.

Despite a reversal in these policies since the 1990s, a stated commitment to the vision of poverty
alleviation has been maintained. The introduction of a SAP was intended to take this factor into
consideration, and has resulted in the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility - Policy Frame Paper
(ESAP-PFP), which is the key agreement between Tanzania and the IMF. With a primary focus on
economic growth, however, this agreement has failed to tackle the complex challenge of poverty in
Tanzania. With the support of more progressive institutions such as the UNDP, and in response to
the commitments made at the Copenhagen Social Summit in 1995, Tanzania has consequently
formulated a National Poverty Eradication Strategy (NPES). This has defined poverty in its broadest
terms, as a state of deprivation prohibitive of a decent human life, and traces its causes to both
internal and external factors.

The Role of the UNDP in Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania

The mandate of the UNDP is to support national capacity building for sustainable human
development. Sustainable human development is argued to be pro-poor, pro-environment,
pro-employment and pro-women. By defining poverty as the absence of social opportunity, this
notion of development is intended not only to generate economic growth, but to distribute its
benefits equitably. In particular, the approach gives priority to the poor by developing social
opportunity and providing for their participation in the decisions that affect their lives. The activities
of UNDP in Tanzania therefore include:

 support to policy dialogues and co-operation with the government on strategies of poverty
 programme management of national income generation programmes, including the

 use of private funds to support poverty alleviation projects and training, and collaboration with
 capacity-building and support to NGOs and grassroots initiatives;
 Governance programmes such as local government reforms; and
 programmes to support the advancement of women through groups concerned with legal rights
  and grants and training for business.

The Donor Community and NGOs in Poverty Alleviation

The presence of donors in Tanzania dates back to the hey-days of the Arusha Declaration in the late
1960s and early 1970s, when the donor community enthusiastically supported Tanzania's 'African
Socialist' experiment. Major international donors were attracted to the government’s policies of
wealth redistribution, opposition to social inequality and effective policies of nationalisation
(Voipio, T. and Paul Hoebink, 1999:20). Other key international institutions were less enthusiastic,
and did not support the suppression of the private sector, NGOs and other organisations in civil
society. Many donors were, however, forced to co-operate with the Tanzanian government in the
absence of other possible partners.

This situation changed dramatically during the 1980s. Due to a persistent economic crisis and the
unwillingness of the donor community to continue to support the Tanzanian state without IMF
support, the government was forced to sign an economic agreement in 1986. The delivery of the
SAP created conditions for the revitalisation of civil society and the re-emergence of the NGO
sector. With a weakened government and the re-vitalisation of the NGO sector, the country was
ready to welcome back NGOs and declare them partners in development and social service

The donor community, once linked only to centralised government, now found itself with several
new partners in development and poverty alleviation. For example, at independence in 1961 up until
the late 1970s, only 7 NGOs were registered in Tanzania. This number has now risen dramatically
to 9,000 plus NGOs today (Kiondo, 1999 ongoing work). The growing partnership between
international donors and NGOs has been influenced by a general belief amongst donors that the
government in Tanzania was not performing effectively, due to an inefficient bureaucracy and
corruption. NGOs, by contrast, were not associated with many of these deficiencies, whilst they
possessed the added advantage of working well with grassroots communities.

Another factor which has encouraged collaboration between NGOs and the donor community has a
great deal to do with the common objectives and ideals that the two sectors share. Donors such as
DANIDA, together with Northern NGOs and indigenous NGOs working in Tanzania, cherish ideals
associated with poverty alleviation, gender equality, democratisation, environmental protection and
human rights. This has prompted a close relationship between, for example, DANIDA supported
Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian partners.

The partnership between donors and NGOs in Tanzania is now strengthening in areas of
development work including poverty alleviation, democratisation and the promotion of civil society.
Through this relationship, the international donor community is beginning to by-pass government
structures and is working directly with NGOs. This development has however soured relations
between the government and NGOs.


The colonial and post-colonial periods are two major historical phases which are important for
understanding the emergence of civil society and the NGO sector in Tanzania.

The Colonial Period

During the colonial period, various associations were formed in response to colonial rule and as a
result of the social and economic changes brought about by foreign domination. For example,
following the introduction of cash crops in Tanzania, a number of producer associations or societies
were established. These were formed in response to the exploitation of peasants by private cash crop
buyers. These associations were expected to free small-scale cash crop producers from the private
buyers, as producers could now market their products through their own societies. Such
organisations laid the foundations upon which larger co-operative unions were created.

The introduction of railways, postal services, harbours, plantations and factories also contributed to
the emergence of trade unions in Tanganyika. These trade unions were formed to demand the
improvement of working and living conditions for local workers. Similar organisations were formed
by domestic workers, such as cooks in European houses and hotels.

Welfare and social associations were often formed in the emerging towns in colonial Tanganyika.
These were first established by civil servants who sought to advance their welfare. Towns also
attracted immigrants seeking employment or accompanying relatives. Other social organisations
were formed by individuals originating from the same region or ethnic group. These organisations
were concerned with a variety of cultural and economic issues, which included helping their
members in matters such as burial services, health, education, employment and weddings. These
forms of organisation basically emerged in response to the social insecurity people experienced in

Towards the end of colonial rule in Tanganyika an increasing number of civic organisations
emerged, to take a variety of different forms and structures. The majority of these organisations
became a nucleus of anti-colonialism, and led Tanganyika to independence in 1961.

The Post-Colonial Period

The period prior to the Arusha Declaration was characterised by attempts to consolidate and
institutionalise the state, under the ideology of developmentalism and single-partyism. These
processes led to the suppression and forcible affiliation of civil organisations to the regime. It would
seem that the state was very suspicious of factionalism and sectarianism and, in particular,
organised dissent, which could lead to the formation of a powerful opposition. The state during this
period took the lead in moulding society by directing it towards achieving conscious objectives. As
time went on, the state in Tanzania increasingly became authoritarian, and justified its direct control
of society using developmental ideology. As a result, there was little political space for the
organisation of autonomous civic organisations.

The socio-political trend which took shape immediately after independence, was confirmed with the
Arusha Declaration in 1967. By this time, a one-party state system had monopolised the
organisation of society in all spheres of social life. Potential pressure groups such as women, youths,
students and workers were all either co-opted or repressed by the state. The party’s control over
society demobilised people and discouraged the formation of independent organisations or
associations that could act as pressure groups against the policies of the incumbent party.

The disruption of traditional rural life in the 1970s following the governments villagisation
campaign, further eroded any potential capacity for self-organisation in Tanzania. The spirit of
voluntarism was equally affected, as many organisations formed during that time were forced to
follow government guidelines. By the end of the 1970s, most organisations were under the auspices
of the party-state. Those organisations which were allowed to operate independently of party
control, such as the churches, were expected to be apolitical or pro-party in their activities.

Liberalisation and After

In the mid-1980s Tanzania began implementing economic liberalisation policies. The rise to power
of President Mwinyi in 1985 speeded the move away from monolithic state politics. Importantly,
SAPs and the movement towards economic-liberalisation opened-up political spaces for the
emergence of a nascent civil society. The development of civic organisations was not only a
response to the changes taking place in Tanzanian society, but also an attempt by previously
excluded groups to participate independently in the development of the country. The emerging civic
organisations included a variety of different groups and lobby associations.

Whilst Tanzania was embarking upon a process of economic liberalisation, which included the
adoption of a multi-party political system, a number of civil organisations such as NGOs and
District Development Trusts had already been formed. Factors accounting for the emergence of
these civil organisations in the 1980s and 1990s have included the need to fill the vacuum left by the
state’s withdrawal and the liberalising effects of SAPs - which enhanced social differentiation,
encouraged awareness of environmental issues and the rights of marginalised social groups and
allowed international aid agencies to encourage voluntary organisation. Privatisation and
retrenchment programmes added to this process by increasing the numbers of unemployed people,
who often attempted to find new employment in voluntary organisations.

In the 1980s and 1990s most registered NGOs focused on areas such as human rights,
environmental conservation, gender and the organisation of professionals. If civil society is
understood in terms of the processes which encourage NGO growth and metamorphosis into active
CSOs (Civil Society Organisations) - capable of influencing government policy and holding the
state accountable, it can be said that NGOs such as those mentioned above, have strengthened civil
society in Tanzania.

Government-NGO Relations in Tanzania

Government-NGO relations in Tanzania have not always been productive, but from independence to
1967, the government saw developmental NGOs as their partners in Tanzania’s development.
During this period, several missionary NGOs worked with the poor in rural areas, and established
schools and hospitals all over the country. After the Arusha Declaration in 1967, the government

took-over most service provision facilities established by the NGOs; this meant that the government
became hostile to further growth in the NGO sector. As noted above, since the economic and
political challenges of the 1990s, the government has begun to welcome NGOs as partners in
development. This partnership has, however, remained tainted by suspicion on behalf of the
government concerning the role of advocacy, activist and other radical NGOs. In a recent impact
study workshop, one key government participant, responsible for NGO co-ordination, explained
government-NGOs relationship in the following manner:

       There can't be good relations and collaboration between NGOs and the government because
       there is no transparency on both sides. Because of this, the government does not know its
       limits in dealing with NGOs; there is suspicion on both sides and a lack of confidence.

It has now been noted that the government is beginning to learn new ways of dealing with the NGO
sector, especially since many Members of Parliament are now involved in the sector as founder
members or patrons of NGOs. The government has also placed NGO contact persons in each
ministry, to try to liaise with NGOs that work with their respective ministries.

It would seem that these developments on the part of the government have been generally well
received, and they come at a time when NGOs and the government are currently in hot debate over
the form of National NGO Policy. These developments also seem timely, in the light of government
actions over the past three years, to de-register a number of NGOs. In this regard, the ongoing case
between the government and the Women’s Council of Tanzania (BAWATA) following their
de-registration cannot be forgotten.


This discussion has attempted to show that the national context for Danish NGO project
intervention in Tanzania is replete with both opportunities and constraints. These opportunities
observed include:

 a growing NGO sector representing the potential for partnership;
 a government trying to accept NGOs as partners in development, especially those from the North,
  but also including local non-activist groups;
 accommodating national policies; and
 communities ready to work with Northern NGOs, especially at grassroots levels.

On the other hand, the national context in Tanzania presents Northern NGOs with several
difficulties. These include:

 an inexperienced indigenous NGO sector needing financial support, capacity building and the
  strengthening of its local constituency;
 a government that still holds on to the legacy of statism, which forces the government to treat
  NGOs with suspicion;
 a weak and inexperienced civil society that is still in the process of emerging; and
 an uncertain policy environment characterised by policy instability.

The challenge facing Danish NGOs working in Tanzania is to attempt to understand the nature of
the government, the work of potential partner NGOs and the social and political environment in
which they are trying to intervene.

This chapter presents the analysis of each of the 13 projects reviewed as part of the Impact Study.
The methodology used to collect this information is discussed more fully in Chapter Five. It should
be noted, at this stage, that the information was collected from a number of different sources,

 project documentation, including basic project descriptions, reviews, workshop reports and
  formal evaluations;
 project staff, from interviews and self-assessment;
 beneficiaries, primarily from interviews and focus group discussions;
 key informants, from interviews.

The balance between the different sources of information varied from project to project. Some
projects were very well documented and much could be gained from a careful analysis of the project
reports. For others, there was little if any documentation. In order to illustrate this point a table has
been produced that presents a review of the documentation for each project in relation to each of the
variables of project performance.

Table: Project Documentation on Programme Performance

             T1    T2     T3   T4   T5      T6    T7     T8     T9        T10   T11   T12   T13

Efficiency   2     0      1    2    0       1     2      0      0         0     1     1     1
Effective-   1     1      2    2    1       2     2      2      2         2     2     0     1
Relevance    2     1      1    1    1       2     1      2      3         1     1     1     2
Effect       1     1      1    2    1       2     2      1      3         2     2     1     1
Impact       0     0      0    2    0       1     2      0      2         0     0     1     1

3 Good information/ analysis            1 Some reference and discussion
2 Some Information/ analysis            0 No reference to the issue

It is important to emphasis that these scores should not be taken as an actual indication of the
performance of these projects in relation to these issues. However, they do indicate to what extent
the Danish NGOs themselves have analysed these project performance issues both during project
design and in implementation.

The availability of key staff, beneficiaries and other key informants was another factor that varied.
For example for projects which had already been completed, staff had left to seek other jobs and it
was not possible to interview them.

The project reviews were carried out by three different researchers. In order to ensure the same
approach was used by each, a series of basic research forms were devised, as is explained in Chapter
Five. In writing up the project reports the same format has been used for each. However, given the
nature and status of different projects, inevitably for some projects it was possible to provide a fuller
analysis of certain areas than in others.

In particular, for some projects it has proved difficult to identify the total cost of support provided
by the Danish NGO. This has been relatively easy for the large, single projects like the ADRA
schools project or the restoration of Lugala hospital in which personnel costs are included in the
project budgets. For some of the MS supported projects, however, this has been more difficult. The
actual transfer of funds to a partner, as set out in the annual MS Tanzania budget, is only a small
part of the total support provided compared. The cost of placing Development Workers and running
a large Country Office are the major costs for MS. It has been difficult to quantify these costs and in
such cases the project reports have not been able to specify the overall cost of Danish support.

Finally it should be noted that at the time of writing, the approximate exchange rate was DKK1 =
TShs. 100. Due to large changes in the exchange rate in recent years, the reports have used the
currencies provided in the project budgets or records and have not converted all budget items into


Partner Organisation:         ADRA Tanzania
Danish NGO:                   ADRA Denmark
Project Started:              1993 Current Status: Project completed in 1995
Total Danish NGO Support:     DKK11,225,802


The Secondary Schools Renovation project was implemented by ADRA Denmark (Adventist
Development and Relief Agency) in partnership with ADRA Tanzania. The project took place over
two phases. Four secondary schools were renovated during Phase I between 1993-95. A further 3
secondary schools were rehabilitated during Phase II between 1996-7.

The objectives of the ADRA Schools Renovation Project Phases I and II were very clear. In the
seven secondary schools covered by the project, the overall objective of the project was to raise the
educational standards of the school by improving the physical environment and availability of
teaching materials. More specifically, the project set out to:

   renovate existing classrooms, dormitories and staff houses;
   construct additional buildings where required;
   rehabilitate electricity and water supplies;
   provide furniture and equipment for school buildings;
   provide books and educational material;
   provide laboratory equipment and chemicals.

Background to ADRA Involvement

The Adventist Development and Relief Agency Tanzania is an organisation founded by the Seventh
Day Adventist (SDA) Church in Tanzania. ADRA Tanzania is one of the national organisations
within the ADRA network. Since 1991, the Director of ADRA Tanzania has been Danish. ADRA

Tanzania is governed by an independent board of 15 members. These are elected by members of the
Seventh Day Adventist Church in Tanzania - about half of the board members are church leaders,
the remainder are laity.

In 1993, at the request of ADRA Tanzania, ADRA Denmark applied to DANIDA for funding to
renovate a number of secondary schools that were run by the SDA Church in Tanzania. At the time,
DANIDA was supporting the renovation of government secondary schools in Tanzania and ADRA
made the case that these church-run schools also needed help with renovation.

DANIDA initially approved Phase I of the project, which covered the costs of renovating four
schools: Suji Secondary School and Parene Secondary School in Same District, Kilimanjaro
Region, and Ikizu Secondary School, Bunda District, Mara Region and Bwasi Secondary School,
Musoma District, Mara Region. These were completed between 1993 and 1995. In 1996, DANIDA
approved funding for the renovation of three further SDA Church run schools in Mara Region -
Nyansincha Secondary School, Nyabehore Secondary School and Bupandagila Secondary School.

Most of these schools had been originally been set up as mission schools by the Seventh Day
Adventist Church during the colonial period. They were nationalised after Independence, but later
were handed back to the communities to run as secondary schools. The communities then requested
that the SDA Church take over the management of these schools. It was the SDA Church that
approached ADRA for assistance with renovation.

The impact study visited ADRA Tanzania headquarters in Arusha and Suji Secondary School in the
Southern Pare Mountains, Same District, Kilimanjaro Region. It is with this school that the
following report is concerned. The school is located in Malindi village, Suji ward. Suji ward is one
of the main centres of the Seventh Day Adventist church in Tanzania, and an estimated 90% of the
local population are Adventists. German SDA missionaries first started working in Suji in 1903. In
1925 a school was constructed which offered both primary education and a teacher training centre.
In 1945 the school was made into a middle school. This was nationalised by the government in 1965
and used as a primary school. In 1984, the local community in Suji ward approached the
government to request that they take over the school and turn it into a secondary school. This was
granted although the community members had to build a primary school nearby. The local
community then asked the Seventh Day Church to run the school for them. The school was opened
in 1985. Although the church was able to run the school, it had no money to invest in the
rehabilitation of the school.

Project Management

The DANIDA contract was signed by ADRA Denmark with ADRA Tanzania as the partner
organisation. However, most of the funds for the project were handled directly by ADRA Denmark.
The two Danish project managers were employed by ADRA Denmark, not ADRA Tanzania,
although the latter had to approve of these appointments. These project managers were responsible
for supervising all the renovation work and for financial management of the projects. Financial
transfers from ADRA Denmark went straight to the project managers, not to ADRA Tanzania; the
project managers sent accounts to ADRA Denmark and copies to ADRA Tanzania.

The Director of ADRA Tanzania was responsible for overall supervision of the project work and
liaised regularly with the project managers. ADRA Tanzania was also responsible for procuring
equipment from local businesses in Tanzania. ADRA Tanzania staff were not used for the
renovation work - rather the project managers employed local builders and carpenters directly at the
school sites - but an ADRA Tanzania cashier was appointed to each school during the duration of
the renovation project.

Suji Secondary School is the property of the North East Tanzania Conference (NETC) of the SDA
Church which has its headquarters in Same. It is managed by a school board. Currently there are 11
members of the board, including representatives of the church, the headmaster, the Regional
Education Officer and a teachers’ representative. Some of the board members live in Suji but many
are based outside, such as in Same, Tanga and Arusha. The board is chaired by the President of
NETC (the senior church leader) and meets twice a year. The board is formally accountable to the
Ministry of Education and Culture (MOEC). School board members are proposed by NETC in
collaboration with the headmaster and Regional Education Officer. Names of board members are
then sent to the MOEC’s Commissioner for Education in Dar es Salaam for approval.

During the renovation of the school, the Danish project manager liaised closely with the school
board. In order to facilitate this the board set up a sub-committee to allow for regular meetings with
the project manager and monitor progress.


The total cost of Phase I was as follows (in US dollars):

Suji School Renovation                      $ 241,352
Parene School Renovation                    $ 267,585
Ikizu School Renovation                     $ 272,111
Bwasi School Renovation                     $ 248,195
Equipment/office (ADRA TZ)                  $    24,400
Tools                                       $    15,500
Project staff and connected expenses        $ 408,800
Project operation expenses                  $ 165,000
Consultants                                 $    14,200
Miscellaneous (5%)                          $    82,857
                              sub total     $1,740.000

Administration in Denmark (7%)              $ 130,967
                            Total           $1,870,967

At the time the project was approved this was equivalent to DKK 11,225,802. The breakdown of
costs for Suji Secondary School were as follows

Building work (repair and construction)     $ 146,561
Electrification                             $ 21,842
Furniture and equipment                     $ 18,877
Books/educational materials                 $ 36,154
Laboratory Equipment                        $ 17,918

ADRA Denmark provided two Danish project managers, one based at Suji to manage the renovation
of Suji and Parane schools and one based in Musoma for the two schools in Mara region. They each
stayed for two years. The costs of these staff came out of the project budget , under ‘project staff
and connected expenses’.


The actual major building works completed were as follows:

   Renovation of 2 classroom blocks (comprising of 4 classrooms each and offices)
   Renovation of school library
   Renovation of 8 staff houses, kitchens and toilets (of which 2 were rebuilt)
   Renovation of additional girls dormitory (main dormitory built with NORAD support in 1990)
   Renovation of store house and generator house
   Installation of security doors and window for workshop
   Extension of physics laboratory
   Construction of 2 boys dormitories
   Construction of dining hall and kitchens
   Rehabilitation of electrical wires and fittings throughout school.

Furniture for the classrooms, dormitories and dining hall was supplied by local carpenters. The
books and other teaching materials, laboratory equipment and chemicals were all supplied as

As a result of the school renovation, the total capacity for the school is 400 pupils. There are 256
boarding places in total, 96 for boys and 160 for girls, and a total of 144 days school places.


There has been no formal system of monitoring and evaluation. ADRA Denmark has visited the
schools at least once a year both during the project and since. No external evaluations have been
carried out of the schools projects to date. The ADRA Tanzania Director also monitors the progress
of the schools on an ad hoc basis, whenever he is visiting the area in which the schools are located.
This is especially in terms of staffing, academic results and maintenance work.


All the building and renovation works proposed in the project plan for Suji school were completed
on time. In addition, savings were made which enabled the project to build and furnish a new dining
hall and kitchens. Furthermore, some buildings which were supposed to be renovated were found to
be beyond repair - these were demolished and new buildings constructed - all within budget. In
other words, the project made very efficient use of the original budget and has been highly effective
in achieving its stated objectives.


When the ADRA project started, Suji Secondary School was the only secondary school in Suji and
neighbouring wards. It offered both day and boarding places and provided the only opportunity for
secondary education in that area of the Pare mountains. The enrolment figures show that until the
mid 1990s there were nearly equal numbers of day and hostel pupils. The day pupils are generally
those from the surrounding villages to the school, although it includes pupils from outside who are
staying with relatives in the area. The hostel pupils are generally from outside, although some local
families do place their children in the hostels, especially in Form IV on the grounds that they study
better at the school than at home.

Enrolment for Suji Secondary School

Year           Total          Hostel          Day            Boys            Girl

1990           336             168            168             147             189
1991           361             185            176             154             207
1992           353             182            171             142             211
1993           351             179            172             136             215
1994           398             208            190             169             229
1995           428             230            198             246             182
1996           435             246            189             193             242
1997           401             246            155             184             217
1998           274             180            94              116             158
1999           268             212            56

These figures show a significant drop in the number of day pupils after 1996, whereas the number of
hostel pupils rose significantly between 1993 and 1996. In terms of the hostel pupils, the renovation
of the school and construction of the boys dormitories has clearly had a significant impact on the
number of boarding pupils at the school.

The reason for the drop in day pupils is a direct result of the opening of the government-run Malindi
Secondary School in the same village, just 500m away from Suji Secondary School. Malindi
Secondary School was started in 1995, but the enrolment of pupils began in 1996. Malindi
Secondary School is a day school with no hostel accommodation. The initiative for the school came
from the village itself, with the Ward Councillor playing an instrumental role. Although a former
member of Suji Secondary School board and an Adventist himself, he and others wanted to start
their own school. The motivation behind this was partly political, but also educational. Many had
seen the educational benefits brought by Suji Secondary School, but felt there was a need for a
cheaper alternative. The school is used by pupils from the three villages in Suji ward - Malindi,
Tahe and Gonjanza.

Malindi Secondary School does not yet have its own buildings but is housed in the Community
Centre. This was built in 1990, ironically with DANIDA funding, and is owned by Malindi village
committee. The village committee have handed the buildings over for use by the school until the
school itself is able to construct its own classroom. The school has already nearly completed the
construction of one classroom block. Its building programme is funded by parents’ contributions,
not by the government.

The school is now enrolling 80 pupils a year - 40 boys and 40 girls - although its initial intake was
only 40 pupils so the current Form IV has only 35 pupils. There are 6 teachers employed by the
government plus 4 part-time teachers who are paid by the parents, and 2 British volunteers on 6
month placements. The government pays for the salaries of 6 teachers, and provides books, other
teaching materials and laboratory equipment.

The main attraction of the government school for local people is that the fees are significantly lower
than at Suji Secondary School. School fees at Malindi Secondary School are 40,000/ per year. In
addition each pupil has to contribute 15,000/ to the school building fund in the first year, and a
further 9,600/ per year for paying the part-time teachers. Currently the day school fees for Suji
Secondary School are 85,000/, plus 5,000/ per year for building and maintenance (this is 10,000/ for
the first year at the school). For both schools, parents have additional costs such as uniforms and

Suji Secondary School Fees in T Shs.

Year                           Hostel Pupil Fee                Day Pupil Fee
1995                             85,000                        45,000
1996                           105,000                         55,000
1997                           135,000                         65,000
1998                           160,000                         75,000
1999                           180,000                         85,000

Parents have not been able to compare the academic performance of the two schools in terms of
exam results since pupils from Malindi Secondary School are yet to take Form IV. However, 1999
is the first year of enrolment into Form IV at Malindi so at the end of the year it will be possible to
compare the two. Any comparison of exam results would need to take into account that the
government school has more able pupils. The entry qualifications for the government school are
higher than for Suji Secondary School - this is recognised by teachers from both schools. Whereas
the government school sets a basic minimum standard for entrance, this is not the case with Suji
Secondary School. Since the school is not recruiting at full capacity it generally accepts most people
irrespective of their Standard VII exams providing they can cover the fees.


The project had been completed for over three years at the time of the visit by the Impact Study
team. Suji Secondary School is situated on an attractive site high up in the mountains. The school
buildings are of high quality and were well maintained. All the buildings were well provided for
with very good furniture. The general impression of the school is that it provides a very conducive
environment for pupils and teachers, with good classrooms, dormitories and housing and this has
been a direct outcome of the renovation project.

In terms of impact, the question must be asked as to who is benefiting most from these improved
educational facilities. The school is increasingly becoming predominantly a boarding school with a
drastic reduction in the number of day pupils from the surrounding villages. These tend to be those
of Pare or SDA origin who are working in other parts of the country and have sufficient income to
afford the fees. The provision of good dormitories and dining hall has made the school much more
attractive as a boarding school than before the renovation project was implemented.

This is an unanticipated impact of the school renovation project. The reduction in day school pupils
has been due to two main factors, both of which were beyond the control of either the project or the
school. Firstly, as was discussed above, the opening of Malindi Secondary School has provided a
significantly cheaper alternative to local parents, although entrance standards are more difficult.
Furthermore, poor coffee harvests for the past two years have also reduced the enrolment of local
pupils at Suji school. Coffee is the main cash crop in the Pare Mountains but the 1997 drought and
1998 El Nino rains meant that production was very low, hence reducing significantly local incomes.
1999 is expected to be a very good year for coffee and it will be interesting to see if this leads to
much increase in school enrolment. By contrast, boarders generally come from outside the area;
their parents have other sources of income and are less affected by coffee production.

In terms of the religious affiliation of pupils, the school does not exclude anyone on religious
grounds. However, all pupils are expected to attend morning prayers in the Adventist church.
Generally, about 75% of pupils are from Adventist backgrounds, the rest belong to other Christian
denominations or are Muslims. Although the school has a policy of maintaining a balance of
approximately 75% Adventist, in practice this has been self-selecting. This part of the Pare
Mountains is predominately Adventist and many people who have left the area for reasons of work
chose to send their children to an Adventist school in their home area. Secondly, the school only
advertises itself through the Adventist church and does not use any other channels.

In terms of whether or not actual exam results have been improved, the project does not appear to
have led to a substantial improvement in results. The majority of pupils are still passing at Division
4. However, the fact that the more able students from the community now go to Malindi School may
have brought down the overall performance of Suji School, even if the education provided has

Exam Results for Form 4, Suji Secondary School

Year           Division 1      Division 2      Division 3      Division 4     0 (fail)
1990           0               1               11              35             23
1991           0               0                 8             37             18
1992           0               0               18              74               1
1993           0               0                 6             43               8
1994           0               1               14              55             14
1995           0               1                 3             40               0
1996           0               1                 6             43             37
1997           1               2               13              64             17
1998           n/a             n/a             n/a             n/a            n/a

The project did not set out to provide training for teachers. However, on completion of Phases I and
II of the project, ADRA recognised that this was also required in addition to renovation and
provision of teaching materials. When it applied to DANIDA for Phase III, which proposed to
renovate two further schools, they included in-service teacher training in its application, although
Phase III was not approved by DANIDA.

Finally, in terms of sustainability, the school have been well maintained since the project finished in
1995 and further construction work has been carried out by the school. Currently the school has
nearly completed the building an extra classroom block which will allow the school to take Form 5
and 6 students. In order to fund maintenance and new buildings, first year pupils are charged an
additional 10,000/ on top of their school fees, of which 5000/ goes to a maintenance fund and 5000/
to the building fund. After the first year, each pupil’s contribution to building and maintenance is
reduced to 5000/ per year. Given the fact that the majority of the pupils are not from the area the
financial sustainability of the school is less dependent on the local economy.


Teaching Staff

In relation to the actual renovation project itself, both teaching staff stated that the project had been
of great benefit to the school in improving the facilities at the school. Staff believe that pupils are
now in a much more conducive environment for learning, due to good classrooms, dormitories and
furniture that it has led to improved exam results and also made the school more attractive for
people living outside the area. The improved houses, dormitories, kitchens and sanitation had also
improved the health of both pupils and staff. The headmaster and other teaching staff hold the
Danish project manager based at Suji during the project in very high regard, both personally and
professionally, and he was seen as a major reason for the successful implementation of the project.
Furthermore, according to the staff there were no major difficulties in the relationships between the
project staff and the school during the renovation.

However, staff referred to a number of current problems facing the school. Transport was a major
issue - currently there are no buses or other regular transport between the main road and Suji - and
pupils and teachers often have to walk the 18 km uphill from the tarmac road. This in itself has
deterred both teachers and pupils from joining the school. Secondly, despite the renovation of the
electrical system, the generator has broken down so the dormitories are without electric light in the
evening. This has created a major limitation on the amount that pupils can study in the evening
study. Finally, the smooth operation of the school was disrupted by late payments of fees by parents.

On the issue of the competition with Malindi Secondary School, the teachers were surprisingly
positive. Some felt that the competition would provide a challenge to Suji school to improve their
performance in order to continue to attract students. There is some cooperation between the schools,
especially in sharing and exchange of books (for example Suji is strong in maths and English books
but has few Swahili books where the opposite is the case for Malindi) and regular contact between
the teachers.


Interviews with students at the Suji Secondary School revealed that they identified the following as
the main benefits of studying there:
 general environment of schools makes it a good place to study;
 good classrooms due to availability of desks, chairs, tables, teaching materials;
 good dormitories;
 good teachers;
 they are taught how to maintain buildings;
 religious guidance;
 they live peacefully with pupils from different backgrounds;
 good library but short of books.

However they also identified a number of difficulties with the school:
 lack of adequate laboratory equipment;
 although plenty of books in maths and English, the school is short of books in many other
  subjects including Swahili, sciences and commerce;
 for some subjects the teaching is inadequate, both because there are too few teachers or the
  teachers are not well qualified. This puts pressure on the good teachers who they feel are

   lack of electricity is a major problem because they do not have enough time to study in the
   food is always ugali and beans;
   fees are too high which has meant some pupils have been dismissed because their parents could
    not afford the fees, and also it means not many pupils from the village attend the school;
   there is no transport from the main road;
   the high school classrooms have not been completed yet.


Interviews were also carried out among parents living in Suji to find out their perceptions of the
school. In general they also identified those benefits and difficulties that the pupils identified, as
given above. They also highlighted the fact that the opening of Suji Secondary School in the 1980s
had opened up the possibility of secondary education to people from the area. Before then, for most
people the costs of sending their children to schools outside the area was prohibitive due to the high
transport costs and boarding fees. Furthermore they could see the direct benefits brought about by
secondary education. Students who have passed through the school have been able to go on to high
school or other types of further education. In particular, Suji school has provided an opportunity for
a large number of girls to receive secondary education which they never had in the past. In addition,
the school continues to ensure that secondary education is a possibility for pupils who failed to get
the necessary results in their Standard VII exams for entry into a government secondary school

A particular benefit of the ADRA project mentioned by one parent who was a local carpenter was
the injection of cash into the local economy. The project employed local builders and carpenters and
whenever possible purchased building materials locally - he and many others had been employed by
the project over a two year period. Other advantages of the project that were mentioned in particular
was that it had enabled the school to attract good teachers to come to the school, and also more
pupils from outside the area.

A local Muslim elder was also interviewed to find out how the small Muslim community in Suji
viewed the school. He said that Muslim parents do send their children to Suji Secondary School,
although like other local families they prefer to send their children to Malindi school if they pass the
entrance exam. In the past their had been religious conflicts at the school - Muslim pupils had to
attend morning prayers at the SDA church and were barred from attending the mosque. The Muslim
parents complained and the dispute has been resolved to some extent - the Muslim pupils still attend
morning prayers with all other pupils, Adventist and non-Adventist but now they are allowed to
attend the mosque providing the sheikh collects them from the school.


The ADRA Schools Renovation Project set out with clear objectives to upgrade Suji Secondary
School in terms of both buildings and teaching materials. The renovation and construction work was
carried out to a high standard, on time and within budget and all the teaching materials were
provided. From this perspective, the project has clearly achieved its main objectives. However, this
in itself has not lead to a significant improvement in exam results, even there was a consensus that
the project had produced a much more conducive environment for study.

A number of factors have, however, meant that Suji Secondary School is increasingly being utilised
by boarding students whose parents are not living in the area. It has not lead to an increased access
to education for poorer members of the community and in fact the school is now being used far less
by the local community than in the early 1990s. There are three main reasons for this, only one of
which is a direct result of the project. Firstly, the opening of the government day secondary school
at Malindi has provided a significantly cheaper option to Suji. Secondly, poor coffee harvests over
the past two years has meant that there is less income available for education in the local economy.
Thirdly, the project provided very good dormitory accommodation and a dining hall which has
made it far more attractive for boarders than was previously the case.

The question remains as to what extent it is possible to maintain a poverty-focus in the provision of
secondary education. While some private schools in Tanzania cater for elites, others do provide the
only means possible for many Tanzanians to receive secondary education. The government itself is
unable to meet demand and less than 50% of secondary school places in Tanzania are government
run. While there are private schools set up on a commercial basis, many others such as Suji School
are run on a non-profit basis, with fees kept to a minimum and with close accountability to a school
board. Here the formal role of the SDA Church in the school board is an important form of
accountability. Yet while Suji Secondary School and others provide for gaps in the national
education system, nonetheless poorer Tanzanians do not benefit because they simply cannot afford
the fees.

In general, ADRA Tanzania’s key expertise in Tanzania is service delivery, especially in schools
rehabilitation and water projects and more recently provision of relief services. ADRA does not set
out to tackle wider issues such as strengthening civil society organisations or undertaking
advocacy and policy dialogue at the national level. Rather, their main contribution in Tanzania is to
provide services in areas in which the state itself is unable to meet local demands. They have been
able to gain access to external funding and implement well-managed projects to a high standard.
They do not work through local NGOs but are directly operational. Their local legitimacy is built on
their close association with the Seventh Day Adventist Church and it is in areas in which the church
is itself strong that they have concentrated. Clearly there is still a great need for basic service
delivery in Tanzania and for this reason the ADRA projects provide a valuable service.


Partner Organisation:         Arusha Beekeepers Association and others
Danish NGO:                   Danish Beekeepers Association (DBF)
Project Started:              December 1994: Current Status: Completed June 1997
Total Danish NGO Support:     DKK 2.8 million


The main purpose of this project was to provide training and equipment to members of the Arusha
Beekeepers Association in improved techniques for beekeeping. Although many people in the

region have practised traditional beekeeping, the project sought to improve existing production in
order to generate income from honey and wax sales, improve nutrition and, through increasing the
number of honey bees, encourage pollination of cultivated and wild plants. A further objective was
to teach the beekeepers democratic principles for running organisations. The project was initiated by
the Danish Beekeepers Association (DBF) with funding from DANIDA. It began at the end of 1994
and ran for two and a half years, ending in June 1997.

The Danish Beekeepers Association is a large membership organisation, reflecting the importance
attached to the role of beekeeping in Danish agriculture. DBF work in developing countries began
relatively recently, beginning with small projects in Gambia and Dominica in the early 1990s.
Currently DBF is supporting small projects in Guinea Bissau and India as well.

The Arusha Beekeepers Association was founded in 1991 and had 1800 members spread over a
huge area in Arusha region. In 1993 the Coordinator of ABA contacted DBF to seek support for
training beekeepers in Arusha. In response to this request, DBF sent two representatives to Arusha
to conducted a feasibility study for the project. On the basis of this study, a proposal was submitted
to DANIDA in 1994.

The management of the project was rather informal and ad hoc. DBF’s initial partner, the Arusha
Beekeepers Association (ABA), was itself a loosely formed membership organisation which had
never previously received external funding. ABA was founded in 1991 and had up to 1800 members
spread over a very wide area of Arusha region. It had no employees but was run on a voluntary
basis. However, the support from DBF included payment of monthly salaries to beekeeping teachers
to undertake the training of local beekeepers. DBF employed a Tanzania coordinator in Arusha who
was supported by annual visits to Tanzania by DBF representatives. As the project proceeded with
increasing management problems especially over finances, DBF asked the Danish Consul in Arusha
to be their representative in Tanzania. All money from DBF in Denmark was then channelled
through the Consul, not through ABA.

It should be noted that for this project the impact study team was not able to undertake much in the
way of beneficiary assessment. One of the main limitations was lack of information about the
project prior to the visit. This was due to a number of reasons. Firstly, in contrast to all the other
projects included in the study for which discussions were held with the Danish NGOs prior to the
project visits, the INTRAC consultant was unable to meet anyone from DBF during his fact-finding
visit to Denmark in November 1998. The DBF member responsible for the project was in Tanzania
at the time of the visit. It was only possible to discuss the project with DBF after the completion of
the study during the study team’s visit to Denmark in May 1999. Secondly the study was not able to
gain a good picture of the project from the available documentation primarily because most of the
available documentation was in Danish. Thirdly, although DBF invited one of its Arusha-based
teachers to the introductory workshop in February, she did not actually attend the workshop. All
three factors meant that the team had very little understanding about the background and objectives
of the project prior to the visit.

This meant that most of the time allocated for the project visit was spent with the former teachers in
Arusha and Arumeru District and the Danish Consul in order to find out more details about the
project and particularly the way in which it had been managed. The team did not have time to
undertake field visits to examine beekeeping activities, nor to visit other districts in which the

project took place. For this reason, this study has focused more on management issues concerning
the project in Arumeru rather than the actual beekeeping activities. The study team accepts that for
this reason it has not been possible to do full justice to the total impact of this project but
nonetheless feels that important lessons can be drawn from this brief review.


The total DANIDA funding for the project was broken down as follows:

Activity                                   Expenditure (DKK)
Establishment and running of educational                                           433,413
beekeeping farms and testing of new
Training and training materials                                                    729,139
Teachers salaries and local administration                                         365,540
External guest teachers                                                            490,577
Inspection visits from Denmark and teacher                                         186,814
Organisational support to Arusha                                                   119,385
Beekeepers Association
Information activities in Denmark                                                  147,821
Budget margin (miscellaneous)                                                       75,661
Administration in Denmark                                                          194,052
TOTAL                                                                            2,732,402


The main output of the project was to provide beekeeping equipment and training to 596 ABA
members in total.

 596 beekeepers received training from the teachers and beekeeping equipment including hives
  and protective clothing.
 23 beekeeping teachers were trained at Njiro Wildlife Research Centre.
 Experiments with local materials on different types of materials for top-bar hives carried out by
  Njiro Wildlife Research Centre with DBF funding.
 Advisory services to ABA although cooperation with ABA ended before completion of the
 Different activities and exhibitions about the project carried out in Denmark.


During the project, monitoring was carried out by annual visits to the project area by DBF. This
approach to monitoring made it very difficult to adequately monitor all project activities, given the
vast area covered by the project. Financial reporting is done by the Danish Consul. At the end of the
project each of the beekeeping groups who received support from the project submitted reports on
their activities. To date, no external evaluation has been carried out of the project.


The key test of the effectiveness of the project is the extent to which local beekeepers have utilised
the project inputs - training and equipment - to improve their production. The study was not able to
investigate this in any depth although comments by beekeepers and teachers reflected that in their
view the project was effective in increasing production. A more substantial evaluation would be
needed to verify this. There is also a need to explore to how the extra income generated by the

project compares with the project inputs and the labour provided by the beekeepers. A general view
of those met during the project visit was that the project should have paid more attention to
marketing bee products and there were insufficient resources to process honey properly for a
commercial market. As a result, local beekeepers were dependent on the local informal market for
the sale of their produce Although there has been a steady local demand for honey, it was felt that
producers would be able to get much better prices if they were able to meet the standards for selling
through shops in Arusha.


Beekeeping provides a useful supplement to household income for poor people through sales of
honey and wax. Given its wide use as food and as a key ingredient for local beer, there is always a
local market for honey. One major attraction of beekeeping to poor households is that it can be
accommodated by people engaged in a diverse range of productive activities and in different
environmental conditions. A wide variety of people have been covered in the project - farmers,
pastoralists, hunter-gathers, and people living in peri-urban areas outside Arusha - and beekeeping
has been useful to all such groups as an additional component to household coping strategies. While
the income generated is small, it can still be significant for poor households and can be successfully
utilised by people from different backgrounds.


As was stated above, the study team did not have the opportunity to carry out more detailed
investigations into actual beekeeping activities in Arumeru District or elsewhere. This would be
necessary in order to make any overall assessment of the impact of the project. However, one of the
key effects of the project has been various organisational problems with local beekeeping groups.
Much time and energy has been spent by DBF and others in trying to solve these problems, and
there are useful lessons to be learnt from this project about the effect of externally funded projects
on local organisations.

One of the early outcomes of the project was the break up of ABA which led to the ending of DBF
support to the organisation. ABA was already in a state of organisational crisis when the project
started. In particular the ABA coordinator did not function as a coordinator but rather ran the
organisation as his own private business. DBF entered the situation unaware of the tensions and
problems within ABA. As a result the project fuelled these divisions further and the coordinator was
seen to be unaccountable to the members and was using much of the money for his own purposes.
Unfortunately, he was the only signatory for the ABA bank account. While DBF were aware that the
Coordinator was in a very powerful position vis a vis the ABA members, it did not anticipate that
this would result in the organisational crisis that in fact occurred. They had clearly hoped that
providing training and advice on democratic principles would be sufficient and not fully realised
how serious the situation had become.

In response to the looming crisis, ABA approached EASUN (East African Support Unit for NGOs,
based in Arusha) for assistance with tackling these organisational problems. EASUN undertook a
process of organisational development consultancy with ABA in 1995 and 1996. However, it
proved impossible for ABA to continue as such a large membership organisation and it broke up
into a number of smaller, localised beekeeping groups.

DBF ceased supporting ABA and started supporting these smaller groups directly. Also, in response
to the management problems, the Danish Consul in Arusha was asked by DBF to act as the DBF
representative in Arusha and manage the local finances. All money for the beekeepers went from
Denmark to the Consul, who then distributed the money directly to the local groups. Unfortunately,
some of the same problems with financial control and management occurred with these smaller

For example, one of the groups to break away from ABA was ABESO, the Arumeru Beekeepers
Society. This was formed by beekeepers from Arumeru district who felt that they should form their
own organisation rather than working under the umbrella of ABA. They formed a board and
coordinator, and after negotiations with DBF during a visit to Tanzania, it was agreed that some of
the project money would go to ABESO to train 150 beekeepers at three centres in the district, Usa
River, Maji ya Chai and Kijititi. Although there was a board for ABESO, funding for providing
training and equipment to the beekeepers went directly to the coordinator and 2 teachers, rather than
to the organisation. Again there was a problem of lack of accountability of the Coordinator and
conflicts arose between DBF and the Coordinator over alleged misuse of funds. The DBF
representative took out a court case against the coordinator and the matter has still not been resolved
nearly two years on from the end of the project. Another court action led to one person going to jail.

ABESO itself has now split into two groups. The Coordinator broke away from the original
organisation to head his own group which he also calls ABESO. Meanwhile, the original ABESO
group continues without the Coordinator - it is no longer supported by DBF but maintains links with
the DBF representative in Arusha. Currently it is supported by an institution called ISIPE in Nairobi
to develop beekeeping and silkworm production.

These management problems have limited the impact of the project, both through misuse of funds
and time and resources spent on trying to overcome them. However, DBF’s relationships with other
organisations, following the ending of the agreement with ABA, have been less problematic. For
example, DBF worked through the Ngorongoro Pastoralists Development Organisation
(NGOPADEO) in supporting beekeeping activities in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area. From
DBF’s perspective, this has been a good partnership. Unfortunately, due to time constraints, the
impact study team was not able to visit NGOPADEO in order to discuss the project with them and
their relations with DBF.

Despite the problems with ABA and ABESO, due to the commitment of many individual
beekeepers in various centres, a large number of beekeepers have been trained. Many observers
noted that those who had received training and equipment from the project had been able to increase
their production of honey and wax. In particular, it was claimed that the use of different hives and
provision of protective clothing had allowed many beekeepers to harvest honey twice a year rather
than once a year as had previously been the case. Some of the sites proved more productive than
others, for environmental reasons, with those in drier areas being less suitable for the improved
production techniques. Drought was a major obstacle to the project in many areas resulting in many
bees flying away.


Due to various difficulties in establishing communication with local beekeepers, only a short period
of time was spent by the team studying this project. It was only possible to meet briefly with a few
of the beekeepers at Usa River who were members of only one of several local beekeeping groups
covered by the project. For this reason, their comments should be qualified as coming from a
peri-urban area near to Arusha and thus not reflective of all the other beekeepers, spread over a vast
area, who were included in the project. Nonetheless, this group identified the following benefits:

 increased understanding of beekeeping activities and how to make better use of honey for food,
  business and medicines;
 use of bees wax for making candles and softening leather for shoe-making;
 income generation from sales of bee products;
 self-employment for beekeepers on a part-time basis
 the training provided by the project was valued along with the beekeeping equipment;
 they, in turn, have been able to teach other people improved beekeeping methods;
 involvement of women in beekeeping (the Usa River group has 8 men and 10 women).

When asked about the problems or difficulties they had encountered in implementing their training,
they identified the following:

 lack of space for beekeeping activities;
 lack of enough equipment, especially bee veils and gloves.;
 difficult to expand production due to lack of money to buy additional hives;
 low prices in local market for honey limits income derived from honey;
 ABESO did not function well as a group but rather each carried out their own beekeeping
  activities individually without much cooperation between members;
 ABESO management did not disclose the total amount of DBF funding to the members which
  had led to the misuse of funds.


The basic idea behind the project - providing training and equipment for improved beekeeping
techniques - clearly has much potential in assisting poor households with an additional, albeit small,
source of income. Yet much time and resources have been spent on tackling the management
problems with the project which, in the view of the impact study team, has limited the potential
impact of the project. This was DBF’s first large project and at the start of the project it had little
experience of working through local organisations in the South. ABA clearly had major
organisational problems even before the DBF project started. DBF failed to recognise these as
potential threats to the project and that the project itself could exacerbate the organisational
problems through a large influx of funding.

The fact that DBF representation in Tanzania was initially based on short term visits by people who
did not know the region nor the local organisations involved in the project further compounded the
problem. This project clearly illustrates the dangers of funding local organisations without much
prior knowledge and without allowing time to allow a stronger relationship and understanding to
develop between both parties. It should have been anticipated that a huge injection of external
funding into an situation in which the Coordinator was effectively unaccountable to the board and

membership could prove major management problems. DBF needed a much longer lead time -
possibly by funding one or two small pilot projects - before seeking support from DANIDA for
what was a relatively large project. DBF has clearly learnt many lessons through this project for
future interventions in Tanzania and elsewhere, but some of the difficulties that have been
encountered may have been evident if a much smaller pilot project had been undertaken first.

The project was only salvaged by breaking off the relationship with ABA and making the Danish
Consul DBF’s representative in Arusha with responsibility for handling the finances. However, this
was an ‘emergency’ response to the breakdown of trust with ABA, not a long term solution for
liaising with local NGOs. If DBF is to continue to work with local beekeeping groups in Arusha, it
needs to explore working through larger NGOs based in Arusha who can provide professional
advice, management expertise and on-going monitoring of local groups. There is a wealth of
experience within the international NGO community to suggest that it is very difficult for a
Northern based NGO, with no field office, to fund directly small community based organisations
without working through a local partner. Communications from Europe with such groups - most of
whom lack an office, staff or telecommunications - are extremely difficult and establishing effective
on-going project monitoring is not feasible on the basis of an annual visit.


Partner Organisation:     National Sports Council of Tanzania (NSC)
                          Regional Culture and Sports Authorities, Mwanza
Danish NGO:               Danish Gymnastics and Sports Association (DGI)
                          Danish Sports Federation (DIF)
Project Started:          1989. Current status: On-going, due to end Feb. 2000
Total Danish NGO Support: DKK 4,648,000


The Popular Culture and Sports Project is located in the region of Mwanza on the Eastern side of
Lake Victoria. The main indigenous ethnic groups in this area are the Sukuma, the Kerewe and the
Zinza. This is a densely populated area of Tanzania. Mwanza is traditionally a fishing region, but

recent mining has poisoned fish stocks and damaged market confidence. This has cut incomes in the
area significantly. Subsistence farmers in rural areas, and in particular women, have remained poor;
others are relatively well off by village standards in that they own cattle and grow cotton. Many of
the rural youth look to the municipality for employment, while others travel to Dar es Salaam.

The aim of this project has been to support local football teams, netball teams, local dancing groups,
and choirs by emphasising the grass-roots development of such activities. The scheme also
promotes certain income-generating activities that are related to sports, such as the production of
balls. Training is also given to potential sports coaches.

The relationship between Denmark and the Mwanza Region goes back to the mid-1970s, when a
cultural exchange between local youths in the two regions took place. This was organised by the
Danish Gymnastics and Sports Association (DGI). It is this relationship which helped establish the
Popular Culture and Sports Project.

In 1987, an agreement between DGI, the Danish Sports Federation (DIF) and MS resulted in the
formation of a Danish project team, which orchestrated discussions between the Danish NGOs, the
National Sports Council of Tanzania (NSC) and the Regional Culture and Sports Officer (RCSO)
in Mwanza. The intention was to establish a network of sports centres throughout the region. DGI
was responsible for project management in Denmark under the direction of a Project Group
comprising of DGI, DIF and MS. In addition, MS has been responsible for providing volunteers and
assisting with technical issues.

The first part of the project took place from 1989 to 1992 in the district of Kwimba. This phase
focused on research and the preparation of a plan of action. Two Danish sports teachers were
drafted to facilitate this phase, and an evaluation was conducted. During this period, an ZOPP
planning workshop held in Bujora led to a plan of action for the Magu district, and a Tanzanian
Project Manager was subsequently employed. A planning workshop also led to a plan of action for
Sengerema. Each planning          workshop incorporated the project management         team and
beneficiaries by using external moderators. The recommendations of one internal evaluation was
that project activities be concentrated in one district at a time. After 6 months of project
interventions in the Kwimba district, it was realised that the size and diversity of the Mwanza
region would not enable the project to be completed within 3 years. To date the project has
covered all intended districts.


As the main financial sponsors, DANIDA’s funds are used mainly for organising sports instructor
training courses, the dissemination of information, small-scale production of sports equipment, the
upkeep of fixed assets and other core staff and running costs. In addition MS has provided two
development workers throughout most of the project. The Mwanza regional government has
employed and funded all local counterparts and provided housing for the DWs.

The project's budget is generally determined by the project management team, in connection with
the planning of each phase. Project planning workshops have provided an instrumental forum for
making important project decisions. Out of DKK 535,236 spent in Phase 2, approximately DKK

350,000 was spent on training, DKK 75,000 on materials, DKK 50,000 on project vehicles and
DKK 60,000 on miscellaneous activities. MS has provided a vehicle for the project.


Project implementation was been preceded by research, whilst a process of monitoring and
evaluation has helped ensure the participation of all stakeholders and a plan of action for each
district. The duration of monitoring and evaluation workshops and seminars, however, is seen by
several participants to be too short for facilitators to effectively complete the workshop programme.

Culture and sports training has taken place in four districts, namely Kwimba, Magu, Sengerema and
Geita. Project activities are implemented jointly in the municipality of Mwanza, and Ukerewe. This
has strengthened cultural and sports groups in the districts. Furthermore, the project has also
developed a draft document of the constitution for a NGO to undertake the project activities once
the current funding through DGI ends.


The project has implemented a number of initiatives in monitoring and evaluation. One of the first
actions of the project team was to conduct a baseline survey on culture and sports activities, which
has been used to evaluate any new data collected. Every two years, the project has held planning
workshops using a ZOPP (logical framework) approach in which funders, staff and beneficiaries are
involved in a participatory planning process. These have been used as a method to monitor and
evaluate projects - they review action plans for each district and amend or reformulate strategies.
The first formal evaluation was carried out in 1992 by two members of the Project Group (from
DGI and MS) and an Tanzanian official from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.

In terms of ongoing monitoring, project staff make regular field visits in order to monitor progress.
Furthermore, each district cultural office produces a monthly report. Communication with DGI is
frequent. Financial reporting is conducted according to MS guidelines. MS Tanzania then presents a
series of final accounts to DGI and DANIDA. The project management team also discuss project
activities directly with the project team in Denmark.


Project reports, workshops and evaluation reports have demonstrated that the initiative has, to a
large extent, completed all project goals. Field visits carried out by the impact study team have
revealed that there has been a marked increase in organised cultural and sporting activities in the
Mwanza region. It is, however, difficult to measure the relationship between outputs and inputs in
order to determine efficiency - despite the fact that low cost approaches have been applied.


A lack of organised sporting and cultural activities within Mwanza has been the motivation for the
project. The Popular Culture and Sports Project in Mwanza has focused on grassroots activities and
avoided elitist sports. The participation of local communities has been encouraged, in addition to

in-country training and the local production of sports equipment. Workshops have been conducted
in a participatory manner, individual participants have been able to influence outcomes.


While the extent to which beneficiaries and community leaders have participated in the project cycle
cannot be fully ascertained, project documentation and fieldwork findings suggest that the role of
grassroots communities has been strengthened over time. Project activities have strengthened
community organisation in that most of the local groups involved have formulated constitutions to
guide their actions collectively and democratically. The participation of group members in project
workshops and seminars has not only strengthened their understanding of civil society, but has also
enhanced group networking. One weakness, however, is that the project has focused on the same
type of groups in each pilot wards selected, to the exclusion of all other groups. Moreover, although
attendance at the workshops is said to be participatory, agendas are often dominated by the
individuals with most power.

Gender issues have been addressed since the beginning of the project. Several women participated
in planning workshops and female participation in cultural troupes has been encouraged. The
project management team includes women, whilst the current project manager is a women. One MS
development worker is a woman, whilst other women have been selected as facilitators in sports

On of the most popular aspect of the project has been the income generation side - i.e. the
production of footballs and volleyballs. This has been a very successful activity with a strong local
market. The production techniques developed in Mwanza are now being promoted by DGI in other
countries as a means both for local income generation and the provision of good quality footballs
for sporting activities. The project supports these activities through the administration of a revolving
loan fund. A small amount of loan money has also been given to groups for supplementary
activities, although in a very small number of cases corruption has been evident.

The issue of project sustainability has been addressed since the beginning of the project. Regular
field visits by project staff, including MS advisers, have attempted to make other staff and
stakeholders aware of the issue - and two workshops dedicated to the project sustainability have
already been conducted. One workshop has even looked at the question of phasing out donor
support in the year 2000, by utilising finance from the revolving fund.


The project was designed to reach target groups such as women, the physically handicapped and
youths in primary and secondary education. Most of these target groups were reached in the villages
selected for the pilot scheme although the emphasis on schools now seems to have faded. The
scheme has promoted and strengthened networking amongst youth sports groups, encouraged talent
amongst young athletes and provided permanent football and netball grounds for the entire

All six districts in the region of Mwanza have been reached by the project. Certain wards within
these districts have not, however, been reached. The decision to limit the geographical scope of the

project has meant that project activities in one district have been linked to those in another. One
important drawback for the region, which has effected the implementation of the project, is that
Mwanza is not well served by roads and other forms of physical infrastructure.

While monitoring and evaluation exercises, such as the production of reports and regular seminars,
have been on-going the impact study has revealed, however, that few facilitators have been involved
in follow-up activities to monitor the quality and impact of the sports training offered. Despite the
claim that participation in the decision-making process of the project is democratic, the initial
proposal for the new management after March 2000 remains top-down.


Partner Organisation:         Diocese of Ulanga-Kilombero, Evangelical Lutheran
                Church of Tanzania
Danish NGO:                   Danish Lutheran Mission
                              Danish Missionary Council Development Department
Project Started:              1993: Current Status:Restoration Completed in 1997,
                      primary health care component ongoing
Total Danish NGO Support: DKK 6,970,000


The professional and physical restoration of medical services and the primary health care (PHC)
component of the Lugala Hospital is a project carried out by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of
Tanzania (ELCT) - Diocese of Ulanga-Kilombero, in partnership with the Danish Lutheran Mission
and Danish Missionary Council Development Department. The Danish Lutheran Mission itself was
formed in 1868. The DLM reflected the revival movement within the Lutheran Church in Denmark
and has been less part of the Church establishment than the Danish Missionary Society (DMS). DLM
works with both the Lutheran and Moravian Church in Tanzania, and has had a long term involvement
in Ulanga. The Danish Missionary Council Development Department (DMCDD) is an umbrella
organisation created by member organisations of the Danish Missionary Council in order to provide
them with professional and administrative support for development activities. DMCDD has a small
core staff and has 18 member organisations. It assists its members in the preparation of project
applications, planning, monitoring and evaluation as well as administering certain programmes itself
such as the mini-projects and personnel-sending programmes. DMCDD also plays a key role in
liaising on behalf of its members with DANIDA and other donors.

DLM has been supporting the hospital at Lugala since 1959, mainly through sending medical
personnel. The hospital functions as the referral hospital for the whole district of Ulanga with a
population of over 300,000 people. However, by the early 1990s, Lugala hospital like many hospitals
in rural Tanzania was completely run down with buildings literally falling down. Another normal
problem was lack of electricity. The state of the hospital also discouraged medical staff from taking
up employment at Lugala, making the hospital acutely understaffed. The situation was so bad that
during discussions with DLM, the Diocese of Ulanga stated that it could no longer continue to run the
hospital and that it may need to close. In response DLM suggested applying to DANIDA for funds to
renovate the hospital and sent an engineer there to assess what actual work was needed. DLM then
requested the Development Office of the Danish Mission Council for assistance in submitting a
proposal to DANIDA - DLM itself had no previous experience of applying to DANIDA for large

The initial proposal was rejected by DANIDA on the grounds that there was too much emphasis on
renovation of the hospital infrastructure and more attention needed to be given to primary health care.
In response, the project proposal was revised to include a significant component on primary health care
in the district. This was approved by DANIDA. DMCDD was also successful in obtaining a further
grant from the European Union, which was nearly one third of the overall project budget. The project
began in 1993 with restoration completed in 1997. PHC activities began in 1995 and have continued
into a third phase.

The aims and objectives of the project were given as:

a) To help restore medical services and enhance professional capacity, pride and discipline in
   Malinyi district by increasing number of medical staff at Lugala hospital, training and
   supervising all health staff in the project area, repairing and restoring buildings and physical
   restorations at Lugala hospital, and strengthening administrative and accounting capacity of the

b) To help increase local self-reliance in PHC and health personnel by offering training for various
   grassroots based health staff such as pre-nurses students, village health workers and Traditional
   Birth Attendants (TBAs).

c) To help improve PHC, hygiene and nutritional standards by running a PHC/Mother-Child Health
   clinic to 11 villages and training sufficient personnel to take over responsibility for PHC work,
   inspiring and encouraging local initiatives to get and use safe water, good sanitation and better

The general beneficiaries of the project were intended to be the 120,000 people in the project area
(Malinyi and Mtimbira divisions). Women were particularly singled out as the main beneficiaries
since they are the main bearers of the extra strain on the family, caused by illness or general poor
health. Specific target groups included the estimated 5,000 people from 11 remote villages who
will benefit from regular visits by mobile clinic, health education, instruction on better nutrition and
agricultural methods, assistance with safe water and construction of latrines. It was the intention of
the project to also train local people in health care roles: traditional birth attendants, village health
workers and youths for a one-year pre-nurse course.

The project had three components also organised into three areas of responsibility: physical
restoration under the responsibility of project manager and administrator, professional medical
restoration under the Doctor In-charge, restoration and organisation of PHC under one of the
hospital doctors. In Denmark, a project group of representatives from DLM and DMCDD was
responsible for overall monitoring. DLM was responsible for recruiting personnel; procuring
equipment; keeping accounts and transferring funds. Quarterly progress and financial reports are
sent by the project manager, Doctor In-charge, and PHC coordinator to the monitoring group in
Denmark. DMCDD is responsible for reports to DANIDA and the EU.


The overall budget for the hospital was DKK 10,470,000. This included materials, equipment and
personnel costs. DLM recruited the following people in Denmark for the hospital, which was paid
from the overall project budget: 1 Doctor In-charge of hospital; 1 Doctor In-charge of PHC; 1
Nurse/Midwife;1 Nurse for PHC component; 1 Project Manager; 1 Project Administrator. In addition
the following Tanzania staff were recruited for the PHC component: 1 Medical Assistant; 1
Nurse/Midwife; 1 Public Health Nurse; 1 Agricultural Adviser; 1 Driver.


In terms of the physical restoration of the hospital the following main outputs were achieved:

 Buildings restored (Male Ward, Female Ward, Power Station and Workshop, Existing Staff
  Quarters, Ditch System)
 Main Water Supply System restored
 Main Energy Supply System restored
 Solar Water Heating System installed
 Buildings rebuilt (Surgery Wing, Medical Services Wing, Laundry)
 New Buildings constructed (Training Centre, MCH Clinic with furniture and equipment, 3 type
  B staff houses, 1 type C staff house, 4 bio-latrines, Relatives Shelter)
 Preventive Maintenance System established

There were the following training outputs:

   Training of counterparts to project manager and project administrator
   Traditional Birth Attendants trained and equipped
   Village Health Workers trained and equipped
   Relevant curriculum and guidelines from MOH available and in use
   18 pre-nurses' students on average trained annually (1994-7).
   All health workers in government and VA institutions offered annual refresher courses


The project monitoring system was based on quarterly progress reports and financial reports prepared
by the project administrator with contributions from the Doctor In-Charge of the hospital and Doctor
In-charge of PHC. These were submitted to DMCDD and DLM. This was supplemented by visits to
the hospital by DMCDD staff at least once a year. In 1995, a participatory mid-term review of the
project was carried out which involved representatives of the diocese, DLM, villagers and
beneficiaries, hospital staff, project staff and DMCDD. A further review of the PHC component was
undertaken in 1997.


The project was highly effective in achieving its original objectives to restore the hospital and medical
services at Lugala and in undertaking the PHC component. There were many delays in completion but
these were mainly as a result of heavy rain which created severe transport problems in reaching the
area. The delivery of essential building materials was consequently late which delayed construction.
Some aspects of the restoration work were not without problems - for example there was initially a
poor understanding of the biogas system, which broke down immediately after being put in place and
some aspects of the construction which were not properly done - but these were relatively minor
incidents compared with the general effectiveness of the project.


The hospital at Lugala is the only major hospital covering Ulanga district. For this reason the project
has been of great importance to local people in meeting their health needs. However, some people

have not always appreciated this because of having to pay for the services. Over 30% of the budget
are being paid by the patients, that is 14.6% by in-patients and 19.6% out-patients. The district is very
poor and many people struggle to
pay the fees. The PHC component is extremely important to local community needs. It gives training
to Village Health Workers (VHWs). Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs), staff in dispensaries and
groups of key actors in the community such as village chairmen and leaders.

The original project design did not involve much community consultation. Medical staff attribute
this to the fact that the project proposal was tailored to suit DANIDA needs. A further reason was
that this was originally conceived of as essentially a rehabilitation project of the hospital
infrastructure. The PHC component was added later without much community consultation in the
initial design phase. However, it should be noted that the project has shown a flexible approach to
working with communities which has helped to off-set the effect of its top-down design and address
local needs.


The key improvements brought about since the project started in the health situation in the district are
as follows:

 More women deliver babies in hospital from 461 in 1992 to 735 in 1997.
 Attention of MCH clinic has risen significantly as has presence of clinic cards from 65 in 1995 to
  85% in 1997.
 The use of family planning methods has increased significantly from 11.6% in 1995 to 24.3% in
 Immunisation coverage is increasing in all village from 83% in 1995 to 91% in 1997.
 Increased national staff with better qualifications.
 Greater awareness of health related issues in the villages and how to prevent the diseases.
 Long term impact can be seen in the newly constructed buildings especially for PHC and
  pre-nursing school and workshop carried out in these activities (i.e. pre-nursing and PHC).

In terms of physical restoration of the hospital, the hospital has greatly benefited from the project.
The hospital staff proudly say that there is a dramatic change of buildings both hospital and staff
houses, with new buildings giving the hospital a new buoyant outlook. The medical staff has also
received excellent training. The hospital has acquired new land area which has enabled expansion
of premises, there is plenty of water supply and electricity, in-patient capacity has increased. New
hospital buildings have been put up for administration, mortuary, operation theatre, MCH. All these
have given the hospital a new outlook and the staff have more incentives for offering better services.

The above improvements at the hospital have attracted new members of staff who have undoubtedly
benefited immensely from the project. However, since project completion (physical and medical
restoration) in 1997, deterioration has started to be noted in some areas. One particular area which
has greatly affected the medical staff are salaries. Whereas the project did assure staff salaries,
since project completion it has become difficult to pay salaries on time.

The local engineer at the hospital was well trained and continues, as much as possible, to maintain
the physical structures of the hospital. As is discussed below, the main constraint on maintenance

is availability of funding. From his point of view, he had gained very much from the training which
included special training on medical equipment maintenance and care. He also noted that other
persons who worked with the project (carpenters, masons, technicians) have now established
themselves as skilled people in the community. He had found problems with finding spares for
maintaining some of the more sophisticated equipment. The policy of the project was to use local
materials whenever available but much of the technical equipment such as that needed for the solar
energy system had to be imported from Denmark. The introduction of these new systems had
improved the standard of the hospital but the maintenance budget for the hospital does not allow for
buying costly spares from Dar es Salaam or elsewhere.

The issue of sustainability in this project is very controversial. The hospital is situated in an area
largely dependant on subsistence farming and it is difficult for people to afford to pay for the medical
services. Since DLM/ELCT completed the rehabilitation process in 1997 it has been difficult to
maintain the buildings and some are clearly in need of repairs (e.g. mosquito gauze). It has also
proved difficult for the hospital to raise staff salaries from service charges on the poor patients. Staff
salaries now cannot be paid in time. After the project completion the management is trying to find
strategies on how to sustain the hospital. The current strategy is to convince villagers to take up
health insurance; that is, instead of paying when they are sick they have to a pay an annual fee. The
phasing out of substantial external funding means that contributions from members of the community
are essential to ensure the sustainability of the hospital. Yet given the widespread poverty in this
district it is proving to be very difficult for local people to meet these costs. This is a major issue and
challenge facing the hospital.


Most people interviewed have benefited in one way or another from the hospital. Most of those
who have used hospital services praise the good services that they now get as a result of project
intervention on the hospital facilities medical staff and public health education.

Other individual beneficiary assessment indicate good impact from the PHC component of the
project. Here the majority of the beneficiaries talk of PHC workers and mobile services having
visited their villages to deliver health education programmes. Yet other assessments talk of
employment that was created by the project. Some parents had their children employed in the
projects while others were themselves employed. However, some responses came from villages
which were not covered by the PHC programme and these were particularly bitter about this.

On employment, the community did benefit a great deal while the project lasted. The hospital has
been the largest employer in the area. Increased income in the community is noticeable in the number
of bicycles in use locally and the many brick houses being built. People in the village talk of the
income that had been released to the communities during the project period. Despite ELCT being
the owners of the hospital, employment was not confined to Lutherans only, even though 60% of
those employed were Lutherans. Roman Catholics had 30% in the labour force while Moslems had
a share of 8%. There was 2% employees who belonged to other denominations. One leader of a
mosque had his son employed in the project as a mason.

Among our important key informants were teachers and religious leaders. They noted the
importance of the project and its usefulness to the community. In their opinion the project

stimulated people’s confidence in the health delivery system of the hospital. However, they also
note that problems have started since completion of the project. For example, they note that
supplies of medicine had started to go down and prices up. They also noted that medical staff are no
longer paid well and that some have started to leave while those remaining do not display the
enthusiasm that they had in the past.


There is no doubt that the project has had a major impact on improving health service provision in
the district. It is also obvious that local people were very appreciative of the hospital and
improvements brought about by the project. However, the hospital management is now under great
pressure to maintain good standards of service provision and maintain the physical structures of the
hospital. During our visit, the Doctor In-charge was carrying out campaigns to register peasants
into the newly introduced medical insurance plan. The aim is that the during harvest peasants
should contribute crops to the hospital for their insurance to get free treatment till next harvesting
season. This arrangement will be cumbersome on the part of hospital administration but it is also
doubtful that many local people will participate meaningfully given the small harvests that they get
in these areas. At the time of our visit, we noted famine in large areas because people had missed
harvests for almost two years due to floods and droughts.


Partner Organisation:     North Western Diocese (NWD) - ELCT
                          Karagwe Diocese (KAD) -ELCT
Danish NGO:               Danish Missionary Society
                          Danish Missionary Council Development Department
Project Started:          1992 Current Status:Biogas mini-projects closed.
                                 Wind pump mini project completed
                                 Photovoltaic mini projects ongoing.
Total Danish NGO Support: DKK1,056,0000


The Evangelical Lutheran Church Tanzania (ELCT) and the Danish Missionary Society (DMS) in
Tanzania have a long history of combining religious work with the provision of social services. In
the region of Kagera, this task was originally undertaken by ELCT from one diocese headquarters in
Bukoba Town, but in 1979, the Karagwe and North Western Dioceses were established. The North
Western diocese has retained responsibility for Church activities in the administrative districts of
Bukoba Urban, Bukoba Rural, Muleba and Biharamulo. Meanwhile, the Karagwe diocese covers
the districts of Karagwe and Ngara. The total population of the Kagera region is around 1.3 million

The Danish Missionary Society has been supporting the Lutheran Church in North West Tanzania
since 1948, especially in the medical field. DMS continues to work in close partnership with both
the North West Diocese and Karagwe Diocese. In 1998, 28 Danish personnel were working with
these two dioceses on behalf of DMS, across a variety of activities and sectors.

The social services provided by the two diocese primarily include health and educational services.
In addition, the churches have attempted to increase access to transport facilities and
communication systems (such as radios), whilst they have also been involved in the promotion of
technologies for utilising renewable energy sources, such as biogas and photovoltaic systems. It is
the later intervention, in the area of renewable energy, which this impact study is concerned with.

The first renewable energy project among these dioceses was in 1985, when they were included in
DMCDD’s Renewable Energy Sources in Eastern Africa Project. This project which was designed
and monitored by DMCDD, with DANIDA funding, and covered the use of improved stoves,
biogas plants, and solar and wind energy. One result of this project has been 15 mini projects on the
use of renewable energy in 6 different countries, including a number of different projects in North
West and Karagwe dioceses. Following this initial 1985 project, the two dioceses and DMS applied
to DMCDD for various small renewable energy projects. As was mentioned in the previous report,
DMCDD administers a mini-projects programme. This is funded by DANIDA and DMCDD then
allocates funds to small projects of a maximum of DKK 400,000 among its various members.
Currently the programme receives funds of approximately DKK 16 million over a four year

The overall co-ordination of the projects in both dioceses is the responsibility of the General
Secretary in North Western Diocese and the Administrative Secretary in Karagwe Diocese.

However, the ELCT person responsible for implementation and maintenance varies from project to
project. For example, some of the institutions who have installed a renewable energy system have
trained their own personnel in order to maintain the system.


There have been a number of alternative energy mini-projects in these two dioceses since
1992.Those reviewed as part of the impact study were:

Solar water heating/solar cell batteries/X ray repair for         DKK 140,000
Nyakahanga Hospital
Solar cell water pumping system for Kashasha Vocational           DKK 230,000
Training Centre
Family biogas plant construction for Karagwe Diocese              DKK 225,000
including construction of 20 biogas plants
Biogas plants for villagers in North Western Diocese including    DKK 225,000
the construction of 40 biogas plants
Windpump for Ruhija Evangelical Academy in North Western          DKK 236,000
                                                         Total    DKK 1,056,000


The biogas project began in the early 1980s with the construction of a plant at the Karagwe diocese
district hospital. By the early 1990s, 36 such biogas plants had been installed throughout the two
dioceses, in institutions such as schools and clinics and in the households of local farmers. The
ELCT and DMS partnership subsequently agreed to construct 15 more plants in the homes of local
farmers. This entailed meeting 70% of the projects costs, whilst the remaining 30% was to be met
by the beneficiaries themselves.

Photovoltaic systems were introduced to the region during the early 1980s. 64 such solar power
generating systems have now been installed in rural institutions throughout the Karagwe diocese. Of
these, 33 systems have been connected to local offices and homes, whilst one has been installed at
the district hospital. Three additional systems have been connected to the theatre, the Bible school
and Kareseco Secondary School. In the North Western Diocese, 3 solar power system has been
installed at the Kashasha Village Technology Training Centre, the Igabiro Farmers Training Centre
and the Ruhija Evangelical Academy respectively.


In additon to informal project visits by DMS, DMCDD and ELCT staff, a formal review of the
photo voltaic systems in four ELCT dioceses was carried out by DMCDD in 1998. Furthermore,

DMCDD also undertook a survey of the potential for a biogas programme in Kagera Diocese in


Overall there has been a great variety in the effectiveness of the biogas plants and solar power
systems. The study team found that while many of the institutional biogas plants were working well
many of household plants were not functioning or poorly maintained. In the case of biogas plants, it
was reported to the impact study team that the construction of several family biogas plants was
abandoned, following the inability of beneficiaries to finance the 30% contribution to installation
costs. The joint funding scheme was stopped in 1998 due to its slow implementation. This was
caused by the inability of beneficiaries to make a financial contribution, whilst a slight reduction in
the price of non-renewable energy reduced the demand for biogas. In terms of the photo-voltaic
systems, in the Karagwe diocese, about 60% of solar power systems are thought to be in good
working order. Lack of maintenance has been a problem in some systems, due to the unavailability
of a trained and commited technician.


The idea of providing cheap and efficient renewable energy, using local inputs, in the Kagera region
is essentially sound. Kagera is located in the North-Western region of Tanzania, on the Western
shore of Lake Victoria. The region’s geographical isolation therefore makes the supply of
conventional energy sources expense. Although electicity is now supplied to the region from
Uganda, this currently has limited coverage. This situation is compounded by the area’s poor
physical infrastructure and the general scarcity of petroleum products within Tanzania.


The project was most effective during its initial stages, when Tanzania was experiencing an acute
shortage of petroleum products. In particular, project staff have stated that the response of
households to the notion of biogas plants was excellent. This level of enthusiasm declined, however,
during the project’s second phase in 1995. Several delays were experienced in the project’s
implementation and the biogas programme was abandoned. The impact of the photo voltaic systems
also declined because of the poor maintenance of individual power systems and an improvement in
the capacity of the national power grid.

The renewable energy project was not conceived as a programme to alleviate poverty directly, but
for those institutions and households with working power generating systems, there have been
several obvious benefits. Renewable energy sources are cheaper than conventional fuels, whilst the
energy which they provide can increase the capacity of organised groups or households to generate
additional income and improve their material standard of living. The benefit of having a regular
supply of ‘piped’ energy also helps free women from the burden of collecting firewood.


This project represents the only one included in the project that has an explicit focus on
environmental conservation. For the most part the project has been environmentally sustainable, in

that renewable energy sources are free from air and water pollutants, whilst the biogas plants offer
an opportunity for households to recycle their waste. However, given the small size of the project
relative to the scale of the environmental problems in the region, it was not considered viable to
actually assess the impact of the project on the enviroment. In terms of the actual benefits of the
actual project it is difficult to reach any overall conclusions. The findings of the study differed from
DMCDD’s own reviews of the effectiveness the various systems and it has proved difficult to
compile the various sources of information to provide a more systematic assessment of the mini


Partner Organisation:          Tanzania Red Cross
Danish NGO:                    Danish Red Cross
Project started:               1989 Current status: Completed June 1999
Total Danish NGO Support:      DKK 45,145,000


The region of Kagera is located in the North West of Tanzania. The major health problem in the
area is HIV, and the region’s first three cases were reported in 1983. Since then the number of AIDS
related deaths has increased dramatically. Tanzania Red Cross Society (TRCS) and Danish Red
Cross (DRC) reports made in April 1993 stated that 17% of Kagera’s Urban population and 5% of
the rural population were infected with HIV. This has had a significant impact upon the economy
and general well-being of the population. Besides HIV, since 1949 Kagera has also been forced to
cope with an influx of refugees from Rwanda an Burundi and the region was badly affected by war
with Uganda in 1979. Its remoteness from the capital city, Dar-Es-Salaam, has isolated the area and
worsened its problems. Today the reliable road transport is via Nairobi-Kampala to Bukoba.

In combination these events have exacerbated the effects of the HIV epidemic, agricultural
production has declined, whilst the number of orphans in the region has increased dramatically from
11,200 in early 1990 to 48,860 in 1991 (Evaluation Report No. 1991).This prompted the DRC to
consider financial and technical support for the TRCS Health Care Project on AIDS in the Kagera
region. The project was implemented in 1989 in two phases.

The first phase was preceded by a pre-appraisal visit and an appraisal conducted between March and
September 1988. This assessed the possible contributions DRC could make to the TRCS
programme. Consultations were also held with the Ministry of Health (MOH), the National AIDS
Control Program (NCAP) and the Ministry of Education (MOE).

The objective of the project has been to curb the incidence of HIV contraction and to ease the social
consequences of HIV infection. Phase I of the project took place from March 1989 to Feb. 1992 and
focused on the provision of participatory health education in HIV/AIDS in post primary institutions,
primary schools and selected villages. Village level activities included self-help activities, social
support to needy families and strengthening Red Cross dispensaries. Different types of

communication materials on HIV transmission and AIDS were developed. The project also
employed and posted relevant project staff.

Phase I focused mainly on the Bukoba rural district with emphasis on Kasambya and Minziro
wards. The project provided AIDS education, social support to needy families and TBA training .
Health education on AIDS for primary schools covered 20 primary schools in Bukoba Urban, and 6
primary schools in Kasambya ward. Village level activities reached 6 villages and 3 villages in
Kasambya and Minziro wards respectively. The project benefited from the cooperation of village
leaders. Furthermore, 29 non-educational organisations contracted the project for health education
sessions. These included the Prisons Department, the Police Department, Kagera Sugar Company,
several Co-operatives, Kaboya Military Camp, the RC church, ELCT church and some
Governmental Departments. Social support including home visits were subsequently provided,
whilst Village Health Workers (VHW) were trained. In each case participatory approaches were
used and monitoring and evaluation procedures were carried out. This initial phase is reported to
have been a success, even though not all wards in Bukoba rural district were included in the project;
several major objectives and targets were achieved including a perceptible change in the attitudes of
targets groups.

Phase II of the project, from 1993 to 1999, aimed to reduce the social and psychological effects of
HIV contraction amongst the people of the Kagera region. The emphasis was to be more
pronounced among primary and post primary school teachers and pupils, and the residents of 31
villages in seven selected wards in Bukoba Rural and Muleba districts. This phase of the project has
concentrated on 7 selected wards in Bukoba Rural and Muleba, where attitudes towards HIV
positive people have reportedly changed; improved health care and social support has also been
reported in these wards. Phase II of the project also included establishment of the Drop in Centre
(DIC) in Bukoba town which was to give temporary shelter to street children from different places.
It was also involved in tracing and re-unifying children. The local DRC branches in Denmark
provided support to 19 selected primary schools in Bukoba Urban and Rural districts. 11,553
orphans benefited from social support by December 1997.

Following a change in project strategy, school health educators and village health programmes
were revised. Health educators were no longer directly involved in promoting health education, and
were instead made responsible for training primary schools to teachers involved in HIV education.
Village health educators were re-employed to develop and implement a home-based approach.

The Project management team consisted of a project director, a qualified medical director and 8
health educators. Links with the Danish RC were provided by a Danish delegate, initially based at
TCRS in Dar es Salaam. Some communication problems were caused when this person was
eventually moved to Kagera. This resulted in changes within the responsibilities of management


The total budget for the whole project from 1989 to 1999 is 45,145,000 DKK. Phase I, from 1989 to
1992, was DKK 9,675,000 DKK and Phase 2 from 1993 to 1999 was DKK 35,470,000.00. The
financial input from DANIDA has been made available to TRCS through the DRC. Funds were
essentially provided for salaries, office renovation and equipment, vehicles, stationery, medical and

related social support supplies, the preparation and distribution of educational materials and training
workshops and seminars. Personnel inputs for Phase II included AIDS Project Coordinator, later
Deputy Project Coordinator, Health Educators, one Public Health nurse, Senior Social worker,
support staff and short-term consultants.


The main outputs of the project were as follows:

   HIV/AIDS education was taught in 691 primary schools in Kagera Region
   2372 teachers and educational authorities trained (Phase II)
   132,834 pupils (standard V, VI, VII) during 1995-1998 taught AIDS education.
   173 Traditional Birth Attendance (TBAs) have been trained in the area of maternal and childcare
   Residents of 9 villages in Kasambya and Minziro wards in Bukoba Rural District were reached
    with health education.
   Residents of 22 villages in 6 wards of Muleba district were also reached with health education.
   Home based health care and social support has been provided through village health educators
    and relevant health institutions in the wards of Minziro, and Kasambya in Bukoba Rural and 6
    in wards in Muleba district.
   The Bunazi health centre staff were provided with regular training.
   The challenge of accessing marginalised street children has also been addressed through the
    establishment of a Drop in Centre (DIC). The centre has been involved in the tracing,
    re-unification of children and parents, and in offering primary education and vocational skills.
    Since 1993, 261 children have been catered for, 8 children have completed vocational education
    whereas 21 have completed primary education. The DIC has now been handed over to the
    Bukoba Urban branch of TRCS.
   Groups trained to educate the community were: 256 peer health educators, 105 opinion leaders,
    58 branch committee members, 4 folk media groups with 74 members, 3 Red Cross groups with
    60 members, 39 supervisors.
   Increased community awareness of Red Cross activities resulting in the establishment of 23 Red
    Cross branches.
   Two teachers from 60 selected primary schools have been trained to establish Red Cross Junior
    Youth Clubs through which FLEP was introduced.
   Project staff capacity strengthened and TRCS’s ability to plan and implement projects improved.
   The results of participatory research studies have been incorporated into planning and
    implementation of the project.
   The project contributed to administrative costs of TRCS selected activities.


The project has undoubtedly increased people’s general awareness concerning HIV/AIDS
transmission. This impact has, however, been more pronounced in about 31 villages in 7 wards
where the project had a particular focus. Increased awareness has been reported in primary schools
but some schools have reported to have insufficient numbers for teaching AIDS. Although it is
reported by the project that all post primary institutions in the region were reached, the list of 33

institutional names does not include a single institution from Biharamulo, Karagwe and Ngara. The
efficiency of the project in terms of inputs weighted against outputs is difficult to assess or measure.
This was a expensive, complex project and a more indepth analysis of project efficiency would be a
useful exercise for both DRC and TCRS.


Monitoring and evaluation tasks have been undertaken regularly, whilst participatory methods have
been employed during health education schemes and social support initiatives. Documentary
reviews and interviews with project management and staff have indicated that monitoring and
evaluation were carried out by both project staff and other stakeholders. Most evaluations took place
during technical meetings, management meetings, field visits, progress reports, and external studies.
An important observation is that the project was able to rectify certain shortcomings noted during
reviews, monitoring and evaluations.

While the evaluation of 1991 confirmed that TRCS headquarters and their branch in Bukoba
offered too little support to the project during Phase I, it is surprising to note that the 1996 Mid-term
Evaluation reported weak or no direct links between the Red Cross Regional Management
Committee (RMC) and the Project Management.


The prevalence of HIV is a sufficient justification for the implementation of the project. The project
was in-line with MOH plans to begin an AIDS control programme, which would not compromise
the impact of the other health programmes. The quality of the services delivered by the project has
not, however, been uniform, whilst the total magnitude of the HIV and AIDS problem would always
be beyond the capacity of the project.


The Project successfully raised popular awareness of the HIV problem through the establishment of
23 active Red Cross branches and over 60 youth clubs. Whilst it is difficult to assess changes in
sexual behaviour, it has been reported that people have recognised the dangers of multiple partners,
whilst condom use has increased and reported cases of adolescent pregnancies have been reduced.
Increased knowledge and awareness of HIV/AIDS transmission and prevention has been especially
reported among primary school pupils (standard V-VII) and the general community members in the
project areas.

The main problems with the project were identified as follows:

   The project failed to address strategic gender issues and there appear to have been little or no
    efforts to enhance grassroots community development activities.
   At times there was shortage of condoms
   Protective gear for those handling home-based healthcare of AIDS patients was considered
    inadequate or not uniformly distributed.
   Supervision of teaching health education in schools was at times inadequate.

   DRC support through the HIV/AIDS project was expected to strengthen TRCS and Kagera
    branch but this appears to have been delayed.
   The failure to arrest timely the weak relations between the project and the Kagera branch
    reflected initial project management weakness and poor net working.
   By the time the project was in the process of closing down, TRCS had not developed a viable
    health policy.


The HIV/AIDS project has achieved successfully many of its objectives. Although the impact study
found much local appreciation of the project, several interviewees reported that there has been
insufficient interaction between the TRCS branch in Kagera and project staff in the field. Indeed
many involved with the project have made complaints concerning its top-down management
structure. More seriously, there have been several reports that Red Cross project staff have isolated
themselves from volunteers and the poorer Tanzania Red Cross branches in Kagera. The lack of
strong linkages between the project and local Red Cross branches has reduced the possibility that
the HIV/AIDS prevention activities will be continued in the long term. The project itself is being
closed down and as yet the TCRS itself does not appear to have the capacity or resources to
continue with these activities once the support from DRC ceases.


Partner Organisation:         Tanzania Red Cross Society
Danish NGO:                   Danish Red Cross (DRC)
Project Started:              1986: Current Status: On-going (up to 2000)
Total Danish NGO Support:     DKK24,300,000


Tanzania Red Cross Society (TRCS) works in many regions in Tanzania, including Dar es Salaam,
Kilimanjaro, Morogoro, Shinyanga, Kagera, Mtwara, Kigoma and Iringa. TRCS is also active in
Mwanza and Zanzibar. However, initially the Family Life Education Project (FLEP) activities were
implemented in three regions only. These are Dar es Salaam, Kilimanjaro and Shinyanga. It has
been done through both in-school Youth Clubs and out-of school Voluntary Youth Groups
activities. During phase two (Oct./Nov.1998), Morogoro, Iringa and Kigoma were also included in
FLEP activities.

The objectives of the programme are:

 To improve the health of youths
 To increase health care and support at community level.
 To contribute to the institutional development of Tanzania Red Cross Society.

 To train out of school youths in family life education
 To train primary and secondary school youths on Red Cross Community Based First Aid
  (CBFA), family health, environmental protection, disaster preparedness, etc.
 To encourage youths to participate in community activities.
 To assist regional offices of Red Cross in developing capacity for planning and managing
  youth/branch activities.

According to the national population census conducted in 1988, Tanzania had 5,167,735 youths
(age range is from 15-30 years in Tanzania), within a total population of 25 million. In this totality,
youths in schools form a very small number. Most of the out of school youths are primary school
leavers, with secondary school leavers, again forming a further smaller minority. The majority of
youths in the country therefore comprise of primary school leavers, school dropouts and those who
have never enrolled in schools at all.

The youth problem in Tanzania is complex. In the past, the single party system under the ruling
party CCM had an elaborate organisational system for youths. This was the TANU Youth League
and later on CCM Youth League; a youth mass movement with organisational structures right from
grassroots branches up through the ward, district, regional and national levels, providing fora for
youth to discuss and debate on important issues and also as a means of mobilising the nation’s

As party popularity lost steam in the eighties, so too did the party youth league activities. In the
late 1980s and 1990s when youths had many problems to face, the old party system was no longer
able to take a leadership role. Problems such as unemployment, educational and general health
needs, prostitution, unwanted pregnancies, drug abuse, crimes and HIV infection which are
characteristic of the 1980s and 1990s, met Tanzanian youths unprepared and without any
functioning institutional system to help them.

It is on the basis of the above context that the Family Life Education Programme arose in Tanzania.
The first TRCS FLEP began in 1986 with a pilot course in Dar es Salaam which was later copied in
six other regions in the Mainland. By 1989, 17 FLE courses had been conducted with 554 trained
youth students and 15 active trainers. At its early stage, the programme was funded by CIDA,
UNFPA and the British Council who all withdrew in 1988. TRCS then requested Danish Red
Cross (DRC) to look into the possibility of funding the Youth FLEP. Following this request,
DANIDA funded a review and planning mission in 1989 and consequently the project proposal on
the Family Life Education Programme of the Tanzania Red Cross Society was produced in
June/July 1990. After a DANIDA-funded bridging period from January 1990 and a one year delay,
the FLEP started with the first three year phase in 1992. The first phase was designed to cover
three regions only, namely Dar es Salaam, Shinyanga and Kilimanjaro; with the latter as the pilot
region. The total budget for the first phase was DKK 6,700,000, all provided by the DRC. Each of
the three regions had its rationale for being selected: Kilimanjaro because of a committed Regional
Committee and a hard-working Regional Field Coordinator (RFC); Shinyanga because of a dynamic
Regional Management Committee and Dar es Salaam because of having applied for the project, and
the fact that the region houses the headquarters of TRCS. Due to time constraints, the Impact Study
was only able to look at the project in Dar es Salaam.

It should be noted that the Impact Study team found it particularly difficult to study this project.
There were a number of internal conflicts within the project in Dar es Salaam region and contrasting
views on the project were aired. This created obstacles for the study team in building up a clear
picture of the key achievements of the project. However, since the study team did not have time to
make any objective assessment of these claims and counter claims, these are not commented upon
in this report as this would be unfair to all concerned.


The budget for Phase 1992-94 was DKK 6,700,000 and for Phase 1996-2000 DKK 17,600,000.
The main expenditure has been on salaries, vehicles and their maintenance, equipment (stationary,
footballs, etc.), provision of community services, dissemination of information. youth camps,
exchange visits, staff training and training volunteers.


Outputs include trained youth leaders in primary schools, family life education trainers, youths
trained in various skills, junior and senior youth clubs, income generating activities, well operating
youth centres and support to general Red Cross activities in the region including regional
institutional capacity building.
In Dar es Salaam, the programme began in 1992 with both out of school centres and primary school
youth clubs being established. Two out of school centres were immediately established at Azimio
and Kibamba. In 1994, equipment (carpentry tools and sewing machines) were stolen at Azimio
and consequently the Dar es Salaam centres were closed. The equipment at Kibamba centre were
sent to Kilimanjaro. Despite two Review Report recommendations (Feb. 1997 and Oct. 1998), out
of school activities have not yet resumed in Dar es Salaam. The Youth FLE programme in Dar es
Salaam is therefore based on in-school activities only.


FLEP management prepares quarterly financial reports for DRC and an annual review of the project
is carried out each year. In 1994, DRC commissioned a formal evaluation of FLEP.


Although the study was not able to make any comprehensive study of these performance criteria, the
overall impression was that the project was run relatively efficiently and was effective in reaching
its objectives.


The project is very relevant both to the school students who are exposed to Red Cross activities and
the community which benefit from the activities of the students - e.g. tree planting, cleaning
surroundings and other environmental activities, first aid and disaster preparedness activities. The
relevance of the project is also illustrated by the growth of membership in schools. The following
tables illustrate this growth. On the in-school component of the FLEP, Dar es Salaam has expanded
its membership as indicated in the table below.

Dar es Salaam Region Red Cross Membership: Growth of In-School Membership: 1996 and

        No.   of         No. of Junior Youth           No. of Senior
        Branches         Clubs                         Youth Clubs
        1996     1998    1996                   1998   1996            1998
        5       10       7                      25     1               5

Kisutu Primary School Youth Club: Number of Membership 1997-1999

        Year            Number          of                   Total
                        Girls                  Boys
        1997            30                     30            60
        1998            45                     45            90
        1999            47                     47            94

        Total           122                    122           244

Vituka Secondary School Senior Youth Club: Number of Membership 1992-1999

                        Number          of
      Year              Members                               Total
                        Girls                  Boys
      1992              N.A.                   N.A.           30
      1994              50                     22             72
      1995              22                     38             60
      1996              32                     28             60
      1997              N.A.                   N.A.           79
      1998              N.A.                   N.A.           67
      1999              50                     40             90


Four schools (two primary and two secondary) were visited. In each school a beneficiary
assessment was undertaken, involving individual and group interviews from the school's junior
youth clubs. The following findings were recorded:

 It was evident that club members have learned community based first aid skills and they were
  applying them in their communities both at school and home. They have also fully participated
  in flood disasters to save people in floods.
 Members have attended several camps, visited other schools and the exposure has had far
  reaching impact on their lives.
 Members have learned different skills including maintenance and renovation of toilets, doing
  painting of classrooms, teachers offices, etc.
 Members have learned songs, cultural dances and other recreational activities.
 Some student members have travelled abroad (to Uganda) during a major Red Cross Camping.
 The shop project and postal office services brought to the community by Red Cross.
 Loan for income generating activities.

Key informants were also interviewed including shopkeepers, a priest and medical staff. Added
information on impact included:

   Environmental protection activities to the community
   Cleaning market places
   Visiting the sick
   Reducing loitering and acts of bad behaviour by youths
   Good mannered, better informed and socially active youths

Regarding out of school FLEP activities in Dar es Salaam, the problem has to be resolved. Youths
in urban areas face more problems than their counterparts in rural areas. Urban areas have more
youth problems (unemployment, drugs, prostitution, etc.) with less social support networks,
compared to rural areas. The question of theft may be real but it cannot justify indefinite closure of
out-of school centres in the region. The regional managing committee has to look into this problem
and find a solution that would see the centres reopened.

As for the on-going in school activities, they are currently doing well. The increase in club
membership has put pressure on Youth Leaders, although steps have been taken to increase the
number of trained Youth Leaders in the schools.


One key challengers for the future of the project is that of sustainability. Most of those interviewed
were of the opinion that some Red Cross activities are sustainable while others are not. Those
which were considered sustainable included the ones done by youth club members on voluntary
basis. These included community and environmental activities and the like. Those dependant on

funds - for example camping, visits outside the country, equipment, etc. would not be sustainable.
In the same way, Red Cross staff salaries from project funds and project vehicles can not be
maintained. This means that supervision of Red Cross activities and training of youth leaders will
be discontinued unless funds can be raised locally. FLEP management and the TCRS are currently
exploring the potential for raising funds locally.


Partner Organisation:         Tanzania Assemblies of God
Danish NGO:                   Help For Self Help
Project Started:              1993 Current Status: Ended 1997
Total Danish NGO Support:     DKK 1,100,000


The Danish NGO Help for Self Help (HSH) was established to work in the regions of Arusha and
Kilimanjaro. The NGO’s main objectives is to provide support for women and marginalised groups
involved in income generating activities. HSH’s programme began in 1993, under the auspices of a
local partner, the Tanzania Assemblies of God (TAG). DANIDA funded an income generation
project, which is the subject of the impact study, which ran from 1993-7. HSH also operates a
mobile clinic which is also supported by DANIDA. The mobile clinic was not specifically included
in the Impact Study. The income generation activities have continued with private support. HSH has
a wide membership base in Denmark and has been one of the most successful NGOs in raising
donations from the Danish public. Project expenditure for 1998 and 1999 from private funding
sources has amounted to 14,241,875 Tshs. and 17,146,000 Tshs. respectively.

HSH’s partner in Tanzania is the Tanzania Assemblies of God (TAG) but in practice it has little
involvement in day to day project management. This is done by the HSH office in Arusha which
employs a small Tanzanian staff: the Project Coordinator, Head of Mobile Clinic, and a Teacher.
The officer was set up jointly by HSH and TAG, the latter providing the building plot for the office.
The Danish founders visit Tanzania for about 2-4 months a year to monitor progress and work with
the Tanzanian staff on planning. Although day to day project management is delegated to the
Tanzanian staff, the Danish founders still retain overall control of the project.


The HSH project in the country study has been funded both by DANIDA and through private
donations that HSH has raised in Denmark. The period of DANIDA support was from 1993-7 and
amounted to DKK 1,100,000. The project activities have continued with support private donations
since 1997. DANIDA still supports the mobile clinic project. The DANIDA project money was for
the salary of the Project Coordinator, a vehicle, supply of reconditioned equipment and project
activities. The local village councils have provided space for the construction of buildings at
Nkamanzi, Likamba, Mtakuja and Nkoaranga.


From the project’s inception to 1997, a total of 30 centres have been started in Arusha and
Kilimanjaro with the use of second-hand equipment. This has included the establishment of 17
tailoring-schools which have been supplied with sewing machines by HSH. Since their
establishment, however, enrolment in the tailoring schools has dropped due to increased training
fees and reduction in the market price for coffee which has reduced the community’s capacity to pay
tuition fees. Some of the graduates have established their own small schools which attract new
students. Two training schools out of 17 have been registered as Vocation Training Schools under
the National Vocational Education and Training Authority (VETA). Amongst these purpose-built
classrooms constructed at Chekerani and Likamba.

Taking HSH projects as a whole, a total of 721 people have received training in tailoring
(693),carpentry (11), masonry (4) and typing (13). In addition, 256 project leaders and teachers have
attended leadership training and teaching courses. Out of those who received training students have
sat for National Trade Test. Women groups from HSH project have participated in Trade Fair
Exhibitions in Arusha and Dar es Salaam. Moreover, 28 women have received credit loans to
launch their own income-generating projects in the agriculture or retail sector whilst one woman has
received a loan of Tshs 1.1 million, to pay for her education in a neighbouring country.


Project monitoring has been undertaken during the annual visits to Arusha by the Danish founders.
It is the opinion of the impact study team that this monitoring was done on an ad hoc basis and has
not been based upon well defined or relevant indicators.


In more general terms, the project has successfully reached its target community of impoverished
women who are attempting to find employment by establishing small income-generating businesses.
The quality of some of the training provided has, however, been variable as evidenced by the staff
shortages and the inability of products to compete in the open market. Of course the influx of
second hand clothes as a result of liberalisation has adversely affected the local market. This does
not mean that the women do not sell their clothes but the quality in most cases is inferior. The
women who have been taught embroidery are reported to be doing well and upgrading seminars
have been provided to the teachers. The success of the training schools in tailoring and carpentry
has been variable, in that 8 have had no teachers. Furthermore, 3 schools have lacked adequate
classroom space, whilst 2 schools have failed because of administrative problems, three schools had

no teachers, two teachers from two separate schools had absconded and in some case students could
not pay fees. In respect of the credit schemes, the rate of loan repayment has been 51%.


Though Arusha and Kilimanjaro regions are, by Tanzanian standards, are not considered so worse
off in terms of the severity of poverty, there are pockets of poor people. In this regard the project has
been relevant-particularly in respect of its emphasis on women. Two schools have registered with
VETA. and about 30 students from various schools sat for National Vocation tests administered by
VETA. The relevance of the small centres has however, been affected by closing of some schools,
due to poor enrolment and/or lack of space, or teachers.


A lack of relevant baseline data has prevented a comprehensive assessment of the project’s impact.
The study team nonetheless benefited from discussions with HSH Danish founders during their visit
to Arusha, local project officers and beneficiaries. The aim of the project has been to provide self
employment and increase incomes of women, especially poor women in the two regions. The
various students have gained skills in either tailoring, embroidery, or carpentry and masonry.
Groups formed under the umbrella of the church and the project has enlightened them on group
formation process. However, the higher price of purchasing a sewing machine, or other equipment,
has meant that students from the scheme have been unable to sustain their businesses once they
have graduated. Moreover, training-school enrolment has declined either because students could not
afford to pay fees, or schools lacked good teachers; in some cases schools existed in name but have
no physical structure or space.


The effectiveness of the project in providing people with improved incomes has been limited. Some
of these require improvements in the performance of the project, notably in terms of the capacity of
craft-trainers, equipment and availability of credit facilities. More fundamental problems are caused
by local economic factors. For example the demand for locally made clothes. The desire to create
schools without ensuring the existence of classroom space and qualified teachers reflects the
weakness of some of the project arrangements. One can not deny that the individual girls and
women have gained skills though many have been unable to gain employment or to be self-reliant
because of lack of tools or equipment.

The real value of value added yearly 2-4 months visits of Danish founders in terms of capacity
building could not be confirmed by the researchers. The value of the visits is that they enhanced
cultural exchange and strong personal friendships between Danes and Tanzanians. Nonetheless, in
the view of the impact study team the organisational set up of the project, with management split
between Denmark and Tanzania, inherently restricted the Tanzanians from taking over full
leadership of HSH activities in Tanzania. The current management structure appeared highly
personalised with no clear systematic approach to planning and policy and may have the limited
effectiveness of the project. Although a local organisation, HSH-Tanzania has now been registered,
it is unclear how independent this will be nor whether this will improve the overall management


Partner Organisation:         Hai District Council
Danish NGO:                   MS Tanzania
Project Started:              1991: Current Status:MS support ended in December
Total Danish NGO Support: DKK 2,091,000


In general, MS sees the teachers resource centre as one means of improving the teaching standards
and teaching methodologies in the primary school sector in Tanzania. More specifically, the
Partnership Agreement gives the following objectives for the Mbweera TC:

 to improve and upgrade the academic and professional teaching skills for the primary school
  teachers in Hai District
 to provide an opportunity for both teachers, parents and other community members responsible
  for education matters to exchange ideas, experience and participate effectively in the decision
  making process
 to support and improve the library services in the TCs and sub centres
 to encourage and promote the ability of teachers to prepare appropriate teaching materials locally
 to encourage and promote a team work spirit among the TC staff, teachers and other community
  members through regular meetings and other educative and recreational activities.

The standard of primary school teachers in Tanzania generally is very low. Many have only
completed Standard VII (i.e. primary education) themselves. There was a crash recruitment and
training programme for primary school teachers in the 1970s and 1980s. Hai District is no exception
- currently, 50% of primary school teachers in Hai District are Grade B (i.e. primary school leavers).

Hai District is one of six districts in Kilimanjaro Region. According to the District Education
Officer (DEO), it has been underperforming educationally in primary education. The DEO
identified four major factors causing poor performance:
 lack of educational facilities, especially accommodation for teachers
 lack of competent teachers
 lack of teaching materials
 uneven spread of teachers throughout the district.

The plains area of the district is more problematic because the housing shortage for teachers is more
acute. There are also problems with water, sanitation and transport. As a result, teachers are
reluctant to work there which has contributed to the uneven spread of teachers over the district. In

terms of teacher accommodation, the council is trying to encourage communities to take a more
active role in building houses for staff. They have suggested that each village provides one or two
staff houses, but due to the economic situation, the response has not been very good. For their part,
the council is supporting them by helping with building materials. It has spent six million TShs. on
corrugated iron roofing sheets.

In terms of secondary education, Kilimanjaro Region has the highest number of secondary schools
but within the region, Hai District has the lowest number of secondary schools. There are seven
government secondary schools in the region and 85 private schools. However, most of these are
located on the mountain slopes. There are only two on the plains, which is mainly inhabited by
pastoralist communities.

Until 1998, when MS support ended, Mbweera TC was run as a partnership between Hai District
Council and MS. The Hai District Council is responsible for the overall management of the TC and
providing funding for TC staff and most of running costs, whereas the MS provides technical
support and financial assistance for infrastructure and materials. The precise roles and
responsibilities of the different parties are clearly set out in the Partnership Agreement. The
Partnership agreement also sets out the roles of the Ministry of Education - mainly in terms of
providing clear policy and guidelines on the establishment of TCs - and for the TC Management
Committee, which is made up of district council educational officials with representation from
teachers, parents and others. The TC Coordinator is a member, and in the past so was the DW
attached to the centre. The TCMC assists the TC coordinator to plan, organise and implement
policies. It is intended to form the main link between the parents and the TC administration.



MS contribution in total came to DKK 2,091,000. Of this approximately 70% was for the cost of a
Danish Development Worker - there was a DW attached to the TC for nine years, five of which
were full time, and four part-time. The remaining 30% was educational for materials or direct
financial support for the centre. MS support can be broken down as follows:

            1990   1991   1992   1993   1994   1995   1996    1997    1998    Total
Financial   ?      ?      50     50     75     100    15      86      221     597
DW Cost     93     192    198    102    210    109    223     234     133     1,494

Hai District Council

It is difficult to give exact figures here. The amounts in the budgets for the HDC contribution relate
to all types of support which goes through the council, including teachers contributions, staff

salaries, assistance with transport. In terms of actual cash, the district council is supposed to pay
1,000,000 Tsh a year.

               Total HDC contribution in budget               Actual HDC Cash
1996             5,648,100
1997           12,015,560                                     1,000,000
1998           17,518,290                                        500,000
1999           All running costs                                 400,000 (by April)

Teachers’ Contributions

Teachers’ contributions are 500 Tsh per year. This is deducted by the district council from their
salary. In 1997, teachers contributed 741,000/. They have still to collect the 1998 contributions
because they are still negotiating with the teachers about raising their contribution to 1000/ per year.
Since the contribution is deducted from salaries, they need to get the agreement of the teachers first.

Pupils’ contributions

Each pupil should contribute 50/ per year. This started in 1997 when they contributed 895,000/; in
1998, they contributed 1,253,500/ and so far in 1999 they have already contributed about 250,000/.
If all the pupils in the district were to pay the full amount they would receive 4,000,000/ a year.



The TC, including the guest-wing, has been renovated - the cost of this was shared between the
district council who provided labour and MS who provided materials. For each of the 11 Sub
centres in Hai District, a classrooms has been renovated for holding seminars. The renovation of
two sub centres was delayed until 1998 due to finding suitable schools for them to be located in.


From January 1996 to April 1998, the following workshops were carried out at Mbweera TC -
typewriting seminars, management seminar, children rights workshops, AIDS education seminar,
Kiswahili workshops, Mathematics workshops, English workshop, and a New Syllabus seminar.
These were mainly for teachers but some included welfare officers, ward education officers,
community development workers and inspectors.

The TC has normally held two to three residential workshops a year at the TC for training qualified
teachers in undertaking upgrading seminars. These last for 5 days. The teachers come from different
sub centres. On completing the workshop, these teachers run upgrading seminars at their sub
centres. These upgrading seminars are intended to take primary school teachers up to Form 4
(standard of secondary school leavers). The number of teachers who went through upgrading
courses in Hai District in recent years has been:

 1995 - 67 primary teachers enrolled for upgrading seminar. 47 undertook the qualifying test of
  whom 20 passed and started the course
 1996 - no groups were held
 1997 - each ward/ward education officer enrolled upgraders
 1998 - 68 teachers started in Mbweera, Machame and Rundugu wards an another 80 enrolled at
  Singa Chini and Marangu Teachers Training Colleges.

Staff Training

The TC Coordinator has attended the following courses at TCDC:
 Popular Participation
 Leaders Management Course
 Training of Trainers
 Children’s Rights

She has also attended the following non-TCDC courses:
 National Workshop for Teachers Centres
 Accounting Course in Singida

Under the new Partnership Agreement she has a budget for training and selects the course and venue
whereas in the original partnership agreement the DW decided on where she should receive training.
She thinks TCDC courses are very good, but expensive relative to other places, which is why she
decided to go to Singida for accountancy training.


MS Tanzania asks all its partners to produce an annual progress report, and this was done by
Mbweera TC during the partnership. In addition to the annual reporting to MS, the Coordinator has
to write a report to the DEO after every workshop and seminar. In terms of evaluation, the
Mbweera TC is one of the few projects included in the impact study to have been externally
evaluated. In 1996 MS commissioned a formal evaluation of the TCs at Mbweera and Mbokomu
which was undertaken by independent Tanzania consultants. Additional evaluation material is
provided in the DW’s report on the end of her contract in 1998 and provides interesting reflections
on the work of the TC and her role as an adviser to it.

In addition to the more formal reporting requirements, an important learning mechanism for the TC
has been the Zonal Meetings and Annual Meeting that MS Tanzania holds. MS invites its partner
organisations to these in order for them to share experiences and learn from each other, as well
allowing MS to inform the partners’ programme and policy developments.


In examining efficiency and effectiveness it is important to comment on the role of the DW. The
management approach and roles of MS and HDC had changed since the beginning of the project. In
1991 before MS had formally adopted the partnership policy (MSIS), the Danish Development
Worker acted as the TC Coordinator. They were responsible for managing the centre, not just for
providing technical support.

When Mbweera TC first started, ‘everything was done by the DW’. All money was handled by the
DW and there was no TC account. The DW also selected which course the TC Coordinator should
attend. The Coordinator had no direct contact with the MS Country Office nor was she invited to
MS zonal and annual meetings. The new agreement which covered the period from 1996-8
established a very different set up. The TC had its own account and the Coordinator took
responsibility for financial management, including selecting how to use the money in different
budget lines (e.g. selecting herself which training courses to attend). Furthermore, a direct line of
communication was set up between the Coordinator and the MS Country Office.

After 1996 the role of the DW was more as an adviser than a manager. The DW helped the
Coordinator with financial planning and they worked very closely as a team. The DWs’ other main
contribution was that she had a vehicle and provided transport for the centre. This was essential
because they both had a desk in the Hai District Council offices and met there each morning and
went to Mbweera or the sub-centres together. Because no one but the DW was allowed to drive the
vehicle, they went everywhere together. The DWs’ involvement in workshops and seminars was
limited because she could only teach in English but most of the workshops and seminars were in
Swahili. The standard of English among primary school teachers was not very high.

Generally, the Coordinator spoke very positively about the relationship with the DWs. Other TCs
had had problems with DWs but she had found the three who had been based at Mbweera TC to
have made an important contribution. Her only real criticism was that sometimes they tried to
impose elements from the Danish system of teachers centres which were not appropriate in the
Tanzania context. Furthermore, she felt that once she had learnt about how to run a TC she did not
actually need the assistance of a DW, other than in providing transport. In terms of efficiency this
was clearly not a good use of the DWs time when one considers the cost of a local driver compared
with the cost of a DW. In other words, in the last few years, although helpful, it was not actually
necessary for a DW to be posted at Mbweera TC. However, in her view other TCs did not have such
experienced Coordinators and still needed the assistance of a DW.

This under-utilisation of the DW was confirmed in the final report by the DW written in 1998. This
was written jointly with the other DW working with TCs in Kilimanjaro region. They state that in
relation to their own role they made a ‘contribution’ to working with TC staff. However, they felt
that they were unable to make much of a contribution to the workshops and seminars for teachers
because their Swahili was not good enough. This was confirmed by the Coordinator. The MS
Tanzania Country Review in 1998 also noted that DWs attached to TCs in Tanzania were not being
properly utilised and their role as advisers was unclear.


The need to improve the standard of primary school teaching has been recognised as a major issue
by the Tanzanian Government. As was noted above, the achievement of universal primary education

in Tanzania was only possible by training large numbers of teachers who had only completed
primary school themselves. MS is one of several organisation supporting TCs in Tanzania. The
main programme however is the Ministry of Education’s District Based Support to Primary
Education Programme (DBSPE). This is supported by DANIDA and other bilateral donors and is
being implemented in 45 districts in 1998-9. This has a TC component, and will overlap with some
of the districts in which MS supports TCs. However, so far the DBSPE programme has not started
in Hai District because the district is not seen by the Ministry of Education as a priority area for
improving primary education.


Attendance at Subject Seminars/Workshops

The 1996 consultancy study shows that by 1996, the number of teachers in Hai district who had
attended subject seminars and workshops at the sub-centres or TC were as follows:

Child’s Rights                        23
English                               304
Mathematics I and II                  609
Science                               299
KKK (Reading,Writing Arithmatic)      296
Typing                                22
Management                            153
School Upkeep                         276
Aids Education                        291

This is out of a total number of 1527 primary school teachers in the district. Thus for the most of the
seminars in the major subject areas, approximately 20% of all teachers in the district took part.
These were conducted predominately in the sub centres, whereas child rights and KKK were only
held at the TC for representatives of each sub centre.

Upgrading Courses

According to the DWs’ final report, in the newly established TCs it is possible to get a good number
of teachers to enrol themselves. But the experience of old TCs has showed that it is more difficult to
get a good 2nd and 3rd intake. Greater cooperation with district authorities, ward education officers
and headteachers is needed to increase enrolment. However, a Directive from the Ministry of
Education has helped recruitment - it states that all teachers of grades B and C should upgrade to
Form 4 by the year 2002. This has increased the interest and motivation in attending the upgrading
courses among teachers.

The increased demand has led to an increase in the providers of upgrading courses and secondary
school teachers have started their own courses not in order to raise extra income. In fact their is less
demand for the Mbweera TC to provide upgrading course now because a government secondary
school has opened nearby and the secondary school teachers run their own upgrading courses for
primary school teachers in the evenings. The Coordinator said it was still the role of the TC to

support these other upgrading activities with books, even if they were not actually carried out in the

Major Obstacles

The same DW report identified two major obstacles for TCs in Kilimanjaro Region. These were: 1.
financial - district council funds have been delayed and the amounts reduced; pupils contributions
have been difficult to mobilise; the situation with teacher contributions has improved since 1997
when they were deducted directly from salaries. 2. transport - TC staff need transport to visit the sub
centres, but are dependent on DW vehicles. This situation has now been addressed in that MS gave
the TC the DW’s vehicle when she left. The vehicle is for the use of the TC Coordinator, and the
district council covers the cost of maintenance and fuel directly from its central transport budget,
not the TC budget.


The partnership agreement between MS and HDC sets out the percentage contribution to be paid by
the district. However, the 1998 MS Country Review reports that for all the TCs in the country as a
whole, only 25% of expected funds were paid by district councils. One of the roles of DWs appears
to be that of reminding councils of their financial obligations. Furthermore, the MS Tanzania’s 1997
Annual Report notes that a critical element in development TCs are still connected to financial
sustainability and management of centres. To develop this capacity, the following are identified as
needing further attention: the functioning of the TC Management Committee; community interest;
support from parents through primary schools committees.

The situation in Mbweera reflects these general trends. The council, for its part is committed to the
idea of the Teachers Centre and the DEO sees it as an educational priority. The district council has
committed to pay 1,000,000/ per year to the running costs of the centre, as well as the running costs
of the TC’s vehicle and paying the Coordinators salary (which is the same as a teacher’s salary).
However, while this level of support is enough to keep the centre running, there is insufficient
money to run workshops at the TC. Furthermore, although the council paid the full amount in 1997,
in 1998 it only contributed 500,000/.

Lack of resources is now a major constraint and limitation on the work of the TC. Mbweera
Teachers Centre is the only residential TC in the region. It is well maintained, and provides
comfortable accommodation for up to 35 people, and has a recently renovated dinning hall. Yet the
council does not have the money to run workshops there and none have been held since MS ceased
to support the centre. They have been able to continue to run seminars at the sub-centres because
these are non-residential and cheap to run, but the Mbweera TC is not being utilised. Each
workshop costs about 1,000,000/ to run (i.e. the total district council contribution would only cover
the cost of one workshop).

The MS contribution over last 3 years has been around 11,000,000 a year. This was in addition to
contributions from the council, teachers and parents. Since these contributions have not been
increased since MS support ended (although there are moves to raise the teachers’ contribution to
1000/ per year), which represents a loss of 11,000,000 per year plus the support of the DW. The

likelihood is that without additional funding, the TC will not be able to run workshops, invest in
staff training and buy new books and equipment.

The Coordinator feels that MS made a very abrupt break and that they should have been prepared to
make a longer term commitment and continue with more limited support (i.e. without DW).
According to her, ‘education has no end’ but the council alone does not have sufficient revenue to
continue with the same level of activity at the centre. She has also missed the none financial forms
of support. For example, she is no longer invited to zonal TC meetings organised by MS because
her centre no longer gets MS support, but she had greatly valued these meetings as an opportunity to
exchange experiences. However, she and the coordinators from the other TCs for which MS support
has been phased out were invited to a large MS-hosted workshop on Teacher Resource Centres in
Tanzania in February 1999.

Impact on Educational Standards

In 1996, MS commissioned an impact study of the Teachers Centres in Mbweera and Mbokomu
(Moshi Rural) which was carried out by two independent consultants. The overall conclusions of the
consultants was that the TCs had made a significant contribution to improving both teaching
standards and pupils performance. The study was carried out over a period of 16 days in Hai and
Moshi Rural Districts, during which the TCs at Mbweera and Mbokomu were visited, along with 4
sub centres in Hai and 5 sub centres in Moshi Rural. A total of 80 teachers and 200 pupils were
interviewed, along with 26 parents, 6 district officials, 2 regional officials and 2 independent
educationalists in Moshi. This consultancy report provides very valuable information on the
educational impact of the TCs.

The consultants asked 80 teachers in the two districts about the relevance and usefulness of the
workshop and seminar programme that they had attended. Of these, 93% said they had been
exposed to and gained new knowledge; 90% said that they now had an awareness of a variety of
better teaching methods and strategies; 81% said that they now had an awareness of the preparation
of simple teaching/learning materials; 73% said they now had an awareness of school maintenance;
and 63% found that the seminars and workshops had facilitated meeting colleagues from other
schools and exchanging ideas. The consultants also asked teachers if they had observed any changes
in the behaviour of pupils in terms of knowledge, skills and attitudes. They list a number of
observations in the pupils performance in the main subject areas which lead them to conclude these
indicated an improvement in the quality of education offered.

In terms of the pupils, of those interviewed 80% were aware of the existence of the TCs and
understood their role and function. The consultants also asked pupils whether or not they had
noticed any new approaches, methods or materials being used by the teachers. Of the 200 pupils
interviewed, 184 (92%) stated that teachers taught them better as a result of attending the seminars
and gave explanations for the improvements they had seen in methods and materials in each of the
main subject areas, as well in the general attitudes of the teachers.

In terms of education materials, the TC has produced a number of manuals which according to the
consultants are very popular and widely used in all primary schools. However, they found that the
quality of the manuals is poor and efforts should be made to make them more durable and attractive.

Overall, the consultants concluded their report with the following assessment:

       ‘The study findings have revealed that the teachers’ academic performance as well as
       professional upgrading have improved to a certain extent as a result of TCs programmes.
       More still, through TCs programmes various training manuals as well as teaching and
       learning materials have been produced.

       Although it is difficult to measure the impact of TCs programmes in relation to the
       performance of pupils, the academic performance indicators have revealed that there are
       marked improvement. This fact has been justified by pupils, parents and teachers’ responses.
       Moreover, the study has shown that the stakeholders are willing to support TCs for their

       Finally it has been found out from the study that existing collaboration and cooperation of
       TCs, the teachers, District Authorities, the community and the donors have significantly
       contributed to the development and existence of TCs. However, failure of the MOEC to give
       clear guidelines, policy and support to TCs development threatens the sustainable
       development of TCs. In the long run the delays from MOEC to realise the need of TCs and
       commit resources for their development might disappoint the committed TC staff and

The contribution to the educational standards was confirmed by the DEO of Hai District, who stated
that the number of Grade B teachers in district has fallen from 75% to 50% since the Mbweera TC
started. The TC has been only one of several contributing factors towards teachers upgrading. The
new government policy that all Grade B teachers must upgrade by 2002 has increased the demand
for upgrading courses. Secondly, Kilimanjaro Region has the highest number of secondary schools
in the country which has meant that there have been more providers of upgrading courses. However,
it should be noted that in Hai District, these secondary schools are not spread evenly across the
district but tend to be in the mountain slopes area. The TC may need to focus its upgrading seminars
on the plains which are not so well served by secondary schools, although the Mbweera TC is itself
located on the mountain slopes.


Interviews were carried out with teachers at three primary schools, two of which were close to
Mbweera Teachers Centre and the other at Kibaoni where there is a sub-centre. There was
insufficient time to interview parents or pupils. The main issues identified by these teachers in
relation to the TCs are summarised below:

Main benefits to the community:
 Improved education for the pupils as a result of the exposure of teachers to new knowledge and
   teaching methods and greater availability of teaching materials.
 The pupils are taught to care for the environment around their schools and this in turn has
   encouraged people to take better care of the village.
 During the workshops and seminars, the participating teachers have contributed to the local
   markets by buying local produce.

   A few villagers have gained employment in the TC, such as cooking for participants during
   There have been special seminars for primary school committee members on how to manage the
    schools more effectively.
   In Mbweera the community are able to use the TC buildings for other activities, such as parents
    meetings, school committee meetings and for welcoming visitors to the village.

Main benefits for teachers:
 Many teachers have participated in the workshops and seminars conducted at Mbweera and the
   sub centres. The particularly valued those which covered topics which they found difficult to
   teach. The workshops and seminars had shown them how to explain these topics to pupils and
   had given them more confidence.
 Both the use of external tutors at Mbweera and fellow teachers at the sub centres was very
 The use of sub centres has reduced the cost to the teachers of having to go to Mbweera to attend
   workshops and made it much easier for teachers to attend seminars.
 The renovation of classrooms for use as sub-centres has provided good environments within
   which to study.
 Teaching materials and training manuals have been produced at Mbweera TC which both
   teachers and pupils find very useful.
 The workshops and seminars have given teachers the opportunity to meet and exchange ideas
   and share experiences.
 Teachers can go to the TC and sub centres for advice
 Teachers can borrow text books from the library at the TC.
 The academic competence of the teachers and their teaching skills have improved.

Main difficulties with the Teachers Centre:
 Lack of permanent tutors for upgrading courses
 Lack of teaching materials and text books for the upgrading courses in some subjects, notably
   medicine, and science
 Many teachers find it difficult to afford the cost of the upgrading courses due to their meagre
   salaries. The tuition fees are around 90,000/ a year but with transport and other costs it comes to
   about 150,000/ per year which teachers find very expensive.
 They do have enough money to by the booklets and handouts at Mbweera TC.
 There is no attendance allowance paid to teachers for participating in workshops and seminars.
 The attendance at seminars and workshops is also low because teachers find it difficult to pay
   for transport to the TC or sub centre. This is particularly a problem for Mbweera TC which is a
   long way from where many teachers are based.
 During sub centre seminars, pupils have to vacate the designated class room for the sub centre,
   which means they miss out on lessons.
 Since MS support ended there is no money available for holding workshops at Mbweera TC.


Mbweera TC has made a significant impact on primary education in the Hai district. Yet it is not
clear how many of the TC activities will continue now that MS support has ended. It could be
argued that a longer term partnership between MS and Hai District Council, with less input from
DWs would have been a more efficient use of MS resources. The basic cost of a DW a year is DKK
200,000 (salary, insurance, allowances etc.), but this does not reflect the real costs including
transport and support from MS. However, even on the basis of this basic cost of DKK 200,000, that
constitutes about 20,000,000 TShs. per year on the DW, which is approximately twice as much the
financial support that MS provides directly to the TC. Clearly Mbweera TC is struggling to fund a
full programme of activities now that MS assistance has ended since it has not been able yet to
generate sufficient income locally (and this is a wealthy part of Tanzania). One solution would have
been for MS to reduced the period in which a DW was placed at the centre which would have
allowed them to continue to provide financial assistance for the centre’s activities over a longer
period of time. The cost of a DW per year could fund a large number of teachers workshops and

A further question that has to be asked is whether MS should have prioritised support for education
in Kilimanjaro Region. Compared with many other regions in the country, this region is very well
endowed both with educational facilities and in terms of people’s income. There are many other
providers of educational training in the region and local people have more income than most other
places within the country. The impact study team raised the question of to what extent the decision
to support TCs in Kilimanjaro was based on the educational needs of the country rather than
providing relatively accessible placements for DWs? Yet from MS’s perspective, it was important
to pilot the TC programme in Dar es Salaam and Kilimanjaro. The positive outcomes from
supporting TCs in these better-off regions has encouraged them to focus now on remoter regions of
the country.


Partner Organisation:         Sengerema District Council
Danish NGO:                   MS
Project Started:              1998 Current Status: On-going to 2001
Total Danish NGO Support:     DKK1,095,000


The quality of primary school teachers and primary education in Tanzania has deteriorated since the
mid-1970s. This coincides with the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1977
following a ruling party meeting in Musoma in 1974. School enrolment rose highly in these years,
and in 1983 more than 3.5 million children were registered. The subsequent stresses placed upon the
country’s educational resources therefore allowed unqualified teachers to enter the teaching
profession, either straight from secondary school, or after failing to pass formal teacher training
courses. These arrangements were facilitated by education officials at various levels. The quality of
education in Tanzania has been seriously affected.

The decrease in educational standards within primary schools has had a grave impact upon the
standard of secondary school entrants. This fact forced the government, and donors, to realise that a
focus on quantitative expansion has been promoted at the expense of offering a quality educational
service. In 1986, the Ministry of Education issued a circular to teaching centres, directing that
Teacher Resource Centres be established in all districts. This directive was slow to implement in
that TCs lacked adequate financial resources, whilst the response from donors was limited.

MS was one of the first international organisations to respond to the Ministry of Education and
Culture’s (MOEC) request for assistance with its education policy to introduce TCs throughout the
country. MS began their assistance with a pilot project, implemented in the regions of Kilimanjaro
and Dar es Salaam in 1986 - other schemes were also implemented by the MOEC and DANIDA.
The results of these projects were positive, and this led MS to establish TC partnership programmes
in other regions, including Singida (Singida Urban and Singida Rural), Arusha (Monduli District)
and Mwanza (Magu, Ukerewe and Sengerema Districts).

At the time of the project’s formulation in 1997, 5 districts including Geita, Kwimba, Missungwi,
Sengerema and Mwanza had no TC. Instead, these regions had one non-functional teacher’s
resource centre which was ill-equipped to develop teacher training. This centre has consequently
remained unused for the past four years - despite being financed by the World Bank.

As part of a scheme to establish TCs in each of these regions, a regional adviser was posted to work
with the government’s Regional Education Office (REO) - but because of their other commitments,
the relationship with government education officials proved to be ineffective. Although officers
expressed an interest, they had too few resources to devote to the project.

Project mobilisation in the five districts was carried out during the first nine months, in which the
idea of TCs was introduced. In this period, regional education officers, the district education
officer, the TC Coordinator and a TC adviser concentrated on meeting primary school teachers in
the region. Furthermore, the district education officer and two district chief school inspectors, a TC
co-ordinator and TC adviser made a study tour to visit established TCs in Singida and Kilimanjaro.

The appointment of a TC adviser was intended to be a temporary expedient until the adviser
identified a district for TC activities. There was, however, no partnership agreement between the
REO in Mwanza and MS. A revised partnership agreement covering the period 1998-2001 was
signed between the Sengerema District Council and MS in 1998.

Although the district council is the MS partner organisation, the implementation of the partnership
agreement is achieved by the district education officer. The overall aim of the project is to improve
the quality of education in district of Sengerema.

The TC established in Sengerema is served by a TC Management Committee (TCMC), whose
membership consists of a District Executive Director (DED), a district education officer, a district
chief school inspector, a ward education officer and several primary school committee members.
The TCMC approves all work plans, budgets and accounts. Because the Sengerema district is so
large, unless there are clear and well managed plans, the involvement of ward education officers
plus a plethora of primary school community members could be negligible.


MS has contributed a full time DW and financial support as follows:

            1998   1999    Total
Financial   290    265     555
DW Cost     266    274     540

In addition to MS, Sengerama TC is also supported by Book Aid International, the Lions’ Club,
Nibe and HESAWA. Other monetary contributions have been made by the district council and the
Teacher’s Union.


The partnership between TC Sengerema and MS began in 1998. The TC building was completed in
January 1999, and since the projects implementation thirteen TC subcentres have been established.
The TCMC has since begun ordering books for the library, whilst a series of learning seminars has
now commenced. These cover topics such as leadership development and book-keeping. More
significantly, two primary schools in the region have been chosen as pilot schools for teaching
without corporal punishment.


As an MS supported intervention, Sengerama TC fulfils the standard monitoring requirements,
notably annual reports, DW reports and visits to the TC by Country Office staff. Given that the TC
is relatively new, no evaluation has been carried out. In terms of the TCs own internal monitoring,
this is an on-going activity, often done through seminars, which is carried out by TC staff, education
officers and inspectors. The majority of primary school-teachers interviewed, however, have
indicated that there are too few follow-up activities after the training workshops, whilst the capacity
of some subcentres is weak.


Considering the poor quality of education in Sengerema - appalling primary school structures and
the lack of teaching and learning materials - the creation of TCs is a highly relevant intervention.
The introduction of TC subcentres is both in-line with MOEC policy, and with MS’s desire to
improve primary education in Tanzania.


Because the partnership between TC Sengerema and MS is only one year old, its impact upon
teachers and pupil performance has not been easy to measure. Nevertheless, the acting DEO has

stated that the performance of Sengerema Standard VII Primary School has been encouraging.
While he could not attribute this improvement solely to TC activities, he contented that primary
school teachers have been motivated by the introduction of TC initiatives - despite their obvious
financial resource limitations.

Many teachers have reported that their confidence is being restored through improved training.
Furthermore, several community leaders, including district officials, have expressed a positive
attitude towards TC activities. Primary school teachers have participated in workshops and seminars
on difficult subjects, while networking between the TC and Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights
has inspired primary school pupils in Sengerema to contact KCCR for materials on children’s rights.

The construction of latrines and water harvesting facilities with HESAWA has now started. In
addition, TC subcentres have received copies of new books. The morale of primary school teachers
has improved gradually, and this has been reflected in their performance. The involvement of TCs
in children’s rights advocacy has helped change teacher attitudes towards punishment.


One of the main challenges for MS Tanzania in general and Sengerema TC in particular is how to
position themselves in relation to the national level programme, the District Based Support for
Primary Education Programme. The DBSPE programme has been developed by the Ministry of
Education and Culture (MOEC) to support improved quality and access to primary education. It is
supported by the Danish, Dutch and Finnish governments and by the end of 1998 had been
implemented in 32 districts. The donors have committed themselves to working in 62 districts by
the year 2001. A key component of this programme is the establishment of Teacher Resource
Centres in each district. Unlike the situation in Hai District, in which Mbweera TC was the only TC
in the district, the DBSPE has recently established its own TC in Sengerema District.

At the national level there is good dialogue between the MS Country Office and the DBSPE - they
jointly facilitated a workshop on TCs in Tanzania and MS employed a short-term Development
Worker to review TCs in Tanzania and explore the potential for further collaboration between MS
and DBSPE. In some of the individual districts, however, in which there is both a DBSPE TC and a
MS TC there have been understandable disagreements. In Sengerema district both the MS centre
and the DBSPE centre are relatively new and both parties will need to ensure that their efforts
complement, rather than duplicate or compete with, each other.


Partner Organisation:        Kuleana
Danish NGO:                  MS
Project Started:             MS support began 1994: Current Status: On-Going.
Total Danish NGO Support:    DKK1,046,000.


The Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights (KCCR) was established in 1992. Its primary objective is
to promote the welfare of children in Tanzania, and the NGO has engaged itself fully in working
with the street children of Mwanza Municipality and others in the region. KCCR was founded
following a study carried out in Mwanza, which revealed that serious child abuse against street
children was prevalent in the region. These abuses include sexual violence, corporal punishment
and child labour. Such abuse contravenes the UN Convention on the Rights of Children, of which
Tanzania is a signatory. Two main programmes, which form the basis of KCCR’s work, is guided
by the principles of this convention.

KCCR operates the largest centre for street children in the country. The purpose of the centre is to
provide secure and warm accommodation in a friendly environment. In addition to this basic
provision, the centre’s staff also try to ensure that each child receives a degree of formal and
informal education, to help them become self-reliant in the future. Older children are also
encouraged to participate in a training course which attempts to give them some experience of how
to operate a small business.

The resocialisation of the children is promoted by a scheme which enables residents within the
outlying community to help reintegrate former street children. Those children who have not been
reintegrated, but who have demonstrated a capacity to live independently, are encouraged and
supported in their attempts to rent rooms in local community housing. Additional support in terms
of healthcare is also provided.

KCCR’s Child’s Rights Advocacy Programme represents an attempt to raise community awareness
concerning the legal rights of street children. To legitimate this programme, KCCR has adopted the
strategy of drawing the public’s attention to the existence of the UN Convention and to the African
Charter - which serves to dispel fears that KCCR has a Eurocentric mandate. To facilitate this
programme, staff within KCCR are trained in-house as part of a general process of NGO
capacity-building. Once trained, staff undertake advocacy and lobbying work for children’s rights in
Tanzania, as well as educating street children about their rights in order to raise their self-esteem
and levels of empowerment. Trained staff also act as resource persons during seminars with other
stakeholders including teachers, religious leaders and the police.

KCCR has wide experience of development research involving children. The NGO specialises in
developing methodologies for assembling and analysing data, which is used as evidence to improve
the awareness of children’s rights within Tanzania. Many of the ideas unearthed by this research are
disseminated during KCCR run seminars and other special events, such as galas and the Day of the
African Child. As part of this education process, a series of articles have been published - including
a youth magazine called ZAPP, which is distributed in secondary schools throughout the region.
KCCR is also in the process of producing a programme for radio and television which will
emphasise the rights of children in Africa.

The partnership between MS and KCCR began in 1994 and covers some aspects of the Child’s
Rights Advocacy Programme - such as the provision of essential training and capacity-building for
KCCR staff. Most of this training is undertaken at MS Training Centre for Development
Cooperation (MS-TCDC) in Arusha and the two organisations have now established strong
academic and professional links. Over the last 2-3 years, MS Tanzania in cooperation with

MS-TCDC and Kuleana, has been offering Children’s Rights Courses in English and Swahili. All
parties have agreed to support these courses in the following years.


MS does not transfer any money directly to Kuleana but pays for Kuleana staff to receive training as
well as supporting a children’s rights newsletter. This has totalled DKK 506,000 since 1996. From
the outset of the partnership, MS and Kuleana agreed that it was not necessary to place a permanent
Development Worker at KCCR but has placed short-term DWs, the total cost of which has been
DKK 540,000.

In addition to MS, NORAD, ICCO, HIVOS and the Royal Danish Embassy all support KCCR’s
work. MS has focused on assisting the capacity-building, training and research dissemination
aspects of the Child’s Rights Advocacy Programme since 1994, but this support has not included a
direct funding input.

One interesting observation on this partnership is that most of MS-Tanzania’s support for Kuleana
goes directly to the MS Training Centre for Development Cooperation. Most of the training for
Kuleana is done here which in effect means MS Tanzania is using its programme budget for
Kuleana to support activities at MS-TCDC. Kuleana have found the MS-TCDC training very good,
but note that it is very expensive.


Through MS-TCDC training-courses, KCCR staff have been able to broadened their knowledge of
several issues concerning children’s rights and gender. They have also undertake the MS-TCDC
Programme Officers Course which covers general management of development interventions.
Trained staff at KCCR have now been able to reach out to other stakeholders, who influence
opinion within the community, regarding the rights and responsibilities of children. For example,
KCCR has been able to convince the Ministry of Education and Culture, in principle, of the need to
enforce the statutory abolition of corporal punishment for children. The government has also been
persuaded to enact a law which protects children and women from sexual harassment.

Cooperation between KCCR and the Teachers’ Resource Centre and the MS-TCDC has been an
integral part of the programme to promote awareness raising concerning children’s rights. Indeed
each member of KCCR’s staff working on this programme have attended one or more training
courses, or have been assisted by MS support staff on a variety of projects. KCCR staff have
consequently been better equipped to train and educate community leaders such as teachers, school
inspectors, religious leaders, community leaders and Sukuma elders.


Monitoring and evaluation of KCCR activities is done both internally and by external organisations
or consultants. The majority of internal assessments are undertaken by senior management, who

regularly monitor and evaluate all programmes. An annual report is also published. In an attempt to
ensure transparency within the organisation, and the broad participation of staff in decision-making,
KCCR has formally encouraged the establishment of a Staff Association, with observer status at
board meetings, and regularly circulates management reports to general staff.

As part of this process of internal examination, training and reflection sessions take place following
attendance at external substantive workshops. The intention of this session is to offer staff the
opportunity to share their experiences and skills, gained at courses and workshops that they have

An external evaluation conducted in 1998 indicated several areas of weakness within KCCR. The
report strongly encouraged the organisation to concentrate on enhancing the internal co-ordination
of the street children and advocacy programmes. The report also emphasised the need for KCCR to
conduct a baseline survey to enable the measurement of programme performance over time. Many
of the recommendations made in this external report have been incorporated into the organisation’s
latest 3 year programme.


Staff working on the Child’s Rights Advocacy Programme have stated that the self-esteem and
capacity of abused children to express their views has progressed significantly. The damaging
perception of street children within the local community has also improved, as evidenced by the
development of a sound working relationship between local police, Sungusungu, and street children
in Mwanza.

According to KCCR staff, the openness of their partnership with MS has encouraged the
organisation to shift from an aggressive and confrontational stance with local government and
community groups, to the adoption of a more collaborative approach. Through participatory
approaches KCCR has actively sought compromises and the development of a mutual
understanding between the various stakeholders.

MS has also found that the Children’s Rights Courses are beginning to have a noticeable effect and
that participants on the courses are able to address some of the issues raised in their own
organisations and activities. For example, Sengerema Teachers Resource Centre has facilitated the
establishment of some pilot schools for teaching without corporal punishment as a direct result of
staff going through the course.


Beneficiary assessments were not carried out for this project. The main focus of MS support to
KCCR has been the internal capacity building of the organisation, especially in relation to its
advocacy work on children’s rights. While obviously it is intended that children will be the overall
beneficiaries of this intervention, a more widespread, longer term study would be necessary in order
to examine to what impact KCCR’s activities have had on children.


It is clear that the partnership between MS and KCCR has contributed effectively to the
organisation’s development in terms of staff capacity-building and training. This has a direct and
positive effect on the quality of KCCR programmes and the ability of staff to influence other
stakeholders within the community. Although MS run training courses are expensive in terms of
time and other resources, MS have been responsive to the needs of KCCR, which is attempting to
carry out more in-house training courses.

The inputs provided by MS have enabled KCCR staff to gain valuable skills in issues relating to
advocacy on behalf of children’s rights, and in the methods of participatory learning used in
community development. This has allowed staff to cooperate with other civil society organisations
in a more professional manner, which has developed an awareness of children’s rights within the
wider community - and as a result, other organisations with a similar vision have been established in
neighbouring towns and cities. These developments have contributed to the influence KCCR has
had in shaping government policy.


Partner Organisation:         Tanzania Association of NGOs (TANGO)
Danish NGO:                   MS
Project started:              1993 Current status: On-going
Total Danish NGO Support:     DKK 757,000


As was explained in Chapter 2, from mid-1980s, but much more so in the 1990s, NGOs began to
proliferate and take over the development space left behind as a result of state withdrawal. The
government itself encouraged this development by recognising the role of NGOs, especially the
developmental ones. Due to the above developments, the early 1990s saw the presence of numerous
civil society organisations in the country; from small grassroots based CBOs to various professional
and advocacy groups as well as the standard development NGOs both local and foreign. Umbrella
NGOs such as TANGO (Tanzania Association of NGOs) and TACOSODE (Tanzania Council for
Social Development) had formed in the late 1980s to coordinate NGO activities in the country.

Of the two umbrella NGOs, TANGO took a particular interest in getting NGOs operating in the
country together to prioritise their needs. Hence it hosted a meeting in early 1992 between a
number of Canadian NGOs, including CUSO, and their Tanzanian counterparts. In that meeting, it
was expressed by the Tanzanian NGOs that a forum for sharing ideas, opinions and information on
how to effectively do development was among the most urgent needs of the NGO community.
With full support from other Northern NGOs, CUSO undertook the responsibility of continuing the
dialogue with TANGO to reach an agreement of cooperation, including the financial aspects of
launching such a project. The outcome was an agreement signed in February 1993 and the

launching the forum in the form of an NGO newsletter in the name of ‘Semezana’ (Kiswahili for
dialogue or talk to each other).

The newsletter was initially supported by CUSO who helped with editors and the printing of the
Semezana newsletter from 1993-1995. In 1993, MS-Tanzania supplied the project with computers
and help with printing. This was the period of partnership inception. Since 1996 MS has been the
main supporter of Semezana. In February 1996, TANGO and MS-Tanzania signed the first
partnership agreement for Semezana. The current agreement signed in September 1998 runs from
1998 - 2000.

Beneficiaries of the project are identified as primary and secondary ones. Primary beneficiaries are
comprised of the members of TANGO and other NGOs in Tanzania. Added to these are the
secondary beneficiaries identified as the international NGOs, donor agencies, Universities and other
research institutions and the Government of Tanzania. These beneficiaries are not targeted by the
project but due to their strategic interests, they will gain access to useful information on status,
problems and successes experienced by the NGO-sector in Tanzania.

The overall objective of Semezana is given as: ‘to allow members of Tanzanian NGOs to share
ideas, experiences, opinions, information on ways of doing development work, so as to improve the
quality of life for Tanzanians’. More specific aims of the project include supporting the emerging
NGO sector with knowledge, skills and capabilities in dissemination of already existing knowledge
in the country and enabling the international community and the government of Tanzania, together
with research and academic institutions, to get access to useful information about NGOs.


Project inputs are mainly provided by MS-Tanzania for the implementation of project objectives.
To this end, MS-Tanzania allocates funds to the project, as part of institutional support and capacity
building of Semezana annual budgets. In 1996 this was DKK 82,000, 1997 DKK 115,000, 1998
DKK 10,000 and 1999 DKK 10,000. The other major input from MS-Tanzania is that since 1998
they have provided a Danish Development Worker (DW) who works half time on Semezana and
equipment such as computers for the project. This has cost DKK 540,000 for the two years from
1998-9. On their part, TANGO/Semezana are responsible for making available to the project,
office facilities and insurance, together with providing secretariat for the Editorial Board.


The central output of this initiative has been the newsletter. Six issues of 'Semezana' have been
produced and distributed annually. The production and distribution of the journal is managed by
Tanzanian staff employed by TANGO. The Editorial Board taking full responsibility over the
editorial content of the journal.


Even though the agreement between TANGO and MS-Tanzania states clearly that the Editorial
Board should develop a system for continuous evaluation of the journal's achievements and
objectives, the Editors accept that there is no formal mechanism for monitoring and evaluating the

project’s activities. Instead there are weekly meetings to reflect on project activities, reflection
workshops, joint MS-TANGO reviews of the project, annual questionnaires for readers to give their
view on the journal and readers letters to the journal.


The newsletter comes out on time and is distributed as planned. On this score one can say that the
project is reasonably efficient. It can also be said that as a forum for exchanging ideas among
NGOs, Semezana is effective.


As far as networking and the exchange of ideas among NGOs is concerned, Semezana is a very
relevant project. It is the only regular, generalist newsletter on and for NGOs issues in Tanzania
although there are a number of other newsletters on more specialist issues such as the environment
or gender.


The effect of the project can easily be seen. The journal has provided a forum for the NGO
community who use it effectively. Long term impact is envisaged as creating awareness about
networking and information sharing among the NGO community. Creating reading habits among
the NGO members is also another envisaged impact. One cannot measure these easily but can only
hope that they are realistic or achievable targets given the satisfactory implementation of the project.

According to the views of the editors, Semezana's impact on the NGO community is mainly
dependent on the strength of the NGOs themselves. In areas where NGOs are strong (on issues like
land, human rights, women and child abuse, the environment, etc.), Semezana can easily make an
impact. On the other hand on policy issues, the constitution and issues of a political nature where
Tanzanian NGOs are generally weak, Semezana's impact is equally weak. One can also add that the
popular belief among NGOs that TANGO is too close to the government, and the usually
non-activist approach taken by the NGO umbrella, limits the impact that Semezana can make
among the NGO community.


Semezana has been one of the most visible and effective initiatives undertaken by TANGO. It has a
professional staff who have been prepared to publish articles on politically sensitive issues and
policies. This contrasts with TANGO itself which has taken a rather low key, apolitical approach
and which has not been very active as an umbrella body. The major current concern for Semezana
staff at the moment is sustainability. Right now their salaries are assured by MS-Tanzania, and this
acts as a great incentive for their full commitment to the journal. But can the newsletter project pay
their salaries and sustain stable production when newsletters are sold at half price, mailing costs are
too high to meet and broken equipment is too expensive to repair? And yet, selling the journal at

high costs would defeat the whole objective of information sharing for the local NGOs with few
resources. The emerging NGO sector in Tanzania is not yet able to sustain a newsletter like
Semezana even though it plays a vital role in supporting the sector. Semezana will continue to need
external support for the foreseeable future.


Partner Organisation:         Ifakara Women Weavers Association (IWWA)
Danish NGO:                   MS
Project Started:              1983 Current Status: Ongoing
Total Danish NGO Support:     DKK 6,163,000


Ifakara Women Weavers project has a long and interesting history. It was conceived and started by
MS-Tanzania in 1983. The aim was to help poor female Standard VII school leavers from the rural
areas of Kilombero and Ulanga districts. The justification was these girls from rural areas were most
disadvantaged; there is no employment, their parents cannot afford further education and other
opportunities for them and unlike boys, they cannot easily move on to urban centres to seek further

To help the poor standard seven female leavers from the rural districts of Kilombero and Ulanga, the
project set up its headquarters at Kilombero district town for training weavers who were helped to
establish weaving workshops in their villages once they finished training successfully.

Ten years after the inception of the project, MS-Tanzania sought a way of helping the project
beneficiaries (weavers) manage it themselves. They then helped them found an association to run and
manage the project. Ifakara Women Weavers Association (IWWA) was founded in 1993. After
entering into a partnership agreement with MS-Tanzania, IWWA was handed over the project to run it
with MS-Tanzania remaining with partnership responsibilities. This is probably one of the few
instances where a Danish NGO has been directly involved in helping form a local NGO partner in


This project has been funded by MS since 1983, including staff salaries, provision of equipment and
construction of buildings. There have been nine Development Workers attached to the project since
its inception. The total figure for MS support of DKK 6163,000 represents running costs once the
project was established does not include the actual initial costs of the buildings and looms.

Year           Financial Support          No. of DWs        Cost of DWs
               (‘000 DKK)                                   (‘000 DKK)

1983           ?                          ?                 ?
1984           ?                          ?                 ?
1985           ?                          ?                 ?
1986           ?                          ?                 ?
1987           ?                          1                 170
1988           ?                          1                 175
1989           ?                          1                 180
1990           52                         3                 558
1991           51                         3                 576
1992           53                         2                 396
1993           51                         2                 408
1994           180                        2                 420
1995           106                        2                 434
1996           220                        2                 446
1997           169                        2                 468
1998           146                        2                 532
1999           98                         1                 274
Total          1,126                                        5,037

The project has set up and operates two main facilities: the Weaving School and the Production Unit.
The Weaving School was established in 1984 to train girls in weaving - the course lasts two years. MS
paid for the construction of the school buildings and the boarding house which has a capacity to
accommodate up to 14 girls at a time. IWWA covers the salaries of the staff employed at the school,
including two permanent teachers and a matron who is responsible for running the boarding house.
Between 1984 and 1996, 69 girls had been trained at the weaving school.

Project inputs relate to the four components of the project namely the weaving school, the
production unit, the dyeing unit, and management. The weaving school's inputs include training
syllabus, trainers, students, equipment for practice/teaching, classrooms. MS provide training
costs. Students do not pay school fees but they contribute or provide for their own meals.

The production unit is concerned with production of looms for the school and for workshops.
Inputs are the skills required to produce the looms (carpentry), raw materials for the production of
the looms (steel and wood) and production workshop. Weaving workshops are also part of the
production unit. Inputs for these include yarn looms and other weaving inputs. Again MS covers
cost for loom production. The dyeing unit's main role is to supply weavers with dyed yarn. Its
inputs include three dyers, dye (colour), soap, caustic soda, salt, electricity and firewood.

The management is comprised of the committee and administration team. IWWA also manages a
shop and has a sales assistant. Inputs here comprise of the employees and cloth in the shop.


Outputs from the weaving school include skilled weavers. Since the school was started in 1984, 69
students have been trained, all females. From the loom production unit, the main outputs are
looms. All together the unit has produced 40 looms, 32 of which are in the weaving stations and

eight are used for teaching at the weaving school, the loom production unit also maintain the looms
situated at the school and weaving workshops. From the dyeing unit the main output is dyed yarn.
At the weaving workshops the main outputs are the products, i.e., bedsheets, curtains, blankets and
other cloth products.

Other outputs from the project have been

   Premises at village workshops
   Office premises at Ifakara headquarters
   Employment creation
   Staff houses
   Increase in the number of trained weavers from 12 in 1984 to 60 in 1999
   Better quality yarn
   New designs for woven clothes
   Expansion of weavers workshops from 3 in 1984 to 16 in 1997
   New dyeing machine to simplify work.


The monitoring and evaluation activities carried out by the project are as follows:

 IWWA prepares an annual progress report for its members and MS
 There is an annual general meeting for IWWA when all members meet for a full report on the
  year’s activities
 The management of IWWA and all heads of section meet on a weekly basis
 Programme offices and other Country Office staff from MS-Tanzania participate in annual
  meetings and also make follow-up visits to the project
 Development workers make quarterly, annual and final (end of contract) reports
 External evaluations of the project took place in 1993 and 1996


The project has succeeded in improving the livelihoods of some young women but the numbers are
very small when the total investment by MS in the project is considered. MS-Tanzania has invested
heavily in the project for nearly 16 years but IWWA is still unable to generate enough income to
continue without MS support. One of the main problems is that the cost of production is too high.
The prices of raw materials like dyed yarn are high and this leads to high prices of the woven products
for which there is not a good local market. Marketing has been a problem although IWWA and MS
have now developed strategies to improve this and are now focusing on the tourist sector. Maintenance
problems with equipment used for dyeing have also limited the quantity and quality of production.


The basic rationale for developing the project - as a means of providing income to girl school leavers
in a very poor part of Tanzania - is very sound. However, given that neither the numbers of those
trained in weaving nor the actual income generated have been that high, the relevance of the project to

the wider community in this region has not been particularly significant. Furthermore, the actual
products that the weavers have produced are too expensive for local people and therefore do not meet
a strong local demand.


The main effect and impact of the project has been as follows:

 Weavers have acquired new production technique and have successfully carried out weaving
 The production of useful loom machines for weavers.
 Employment creation for women has led to income generation.
 The project have reduced the dependency level of young women on their families since they are
  able to earn their own income.
 New woven clothes for the community.
 Expansion of project activities, for example the shop, new dyeing skills, and carpentry unit.
 Trained weavers have been able to educate other girls on weaving activities.
 Some weavers have been able to build their own houses.
 The project now has national status with IWWA staff being invited to national seminars, trade fairs,
  getting orders from government institutions and government officials visiting project activities. The
  graduates get support to start up their own weaving workshop and thus get a relatively good
 Outside factors have impacted negatively on project - notably licence tax and VAT - all of which
  have meant high costs to the project.
 When consultants are used, the fees are very high and can only be paid through MS.
 Collaboration with VTC (Vocational Training Centre) has helped success with carpentry activities
  though at the same time the college (VTC) does not give priority to IWWA carpentry activities.

The project specifically targeted poor young women in Ulanga and Kilombero districts who have
completed Standard VII. No specific analysis of poverty has taken place within the project though
most of the beginners were from poor families. The families of those girls who have been involved in
the project have benefited since their daughters have received training which has enabled them to earn
an income. However, due to being too expensive, the products of the projects do not benefit the poor
who can't afford to buy them. Attempts to change recruitment procedures alongside performance
lines interfere with the original objective of targeting the poor, but there is also a counter argument that
targeting poor girls does not necessarily benefit the poor sections of the rural areas because some of the
trained poor girls never return to their original villages. Instead they settle in urban centres
(towns/cities) where opportunities are easily available. The following table summaries the status of
the weaving workshops.

The Status of Weaving Workshops

    Workshop                 No. of         No. of             Weaving       Assessment
                             Weavers        Apprentices        Machines      Production Status
    Viwanja Sitini           4              6                  3             Medium output

   Lipangalala            7            7                6             High level output
   Morogoro town          1            2                1             High level output
   Chita                  2            0                2             Medium level output
   Ifakara (IWWA)         2            1                2             Medium level output
   Mlabani                3            2                2             Medium output level
   Idete                  3            1                1             Low output level
   Mchombe                3            0                2             No production
   Mlimba                 2            0                1             Low output level
   Mang'ula               2            0                1             Low Output level
   Kidatu                 1            0                1             No production
   Ruaha                  2            2                2             Low output level
   Igota                  2            0                2             Low output level
   Mahenge                2            1                2             High output level
   Malinyi                3            2                2             Low output level
   Mtimbira               3            4                4             High output level
   Maria Komba            1            0                1             Full time now and
                                                                      medium level
   Emma Sokole            1            1                1             Medium level and a
                                                                      committee member
   Victoria Kazimbaya     1            0                1             Medium level
   TOTAL                  45           29               35


Extensive beneficiary analysis of IWWA was carried out using several instruments. The main
instrument used comprised of beneficiary assessment interviews in the form of individual
interviews, house hold interviews and group interviews. These were complemented by key
informant interviews. Individual interviews were carried out at weaving workshops. There are 18
workshops and 1 independent weaver. Four workshops with different levels of production were
covered and a total of 10 weavers were interviewed as individual beneficiaries.

Beneficiary assessment from the individual weavers has mixed results. Those from high level
production workshops talk highly of the project while those from medium and low level production
workshops assess the project negatively. At Mtimbira there are two very experienced weavers.
One had moved from teaching at the weaving school to heading IWWA as manager but left the post
of manager when it was decided that IWWA should recruit a professional manager. In April 1999
she started in-service training. The other weaver at this workshop is equally highly experienced.
She had served as member and chair of the IWWA managing committee.

The two weavers have trained several girls as apprentices. Their assessment of the project is very
positive. For them benefits include gaining weaving skills, getting exposure in life by living and
working with people from different races (DWs), opportunity for self employment, workshop
premises (a house built by MS), enough profit from weaving to enable them maintain their families
and employ farm labour, experience in managing the organisation, etc. At the same time the
apprentice who gets training from the workshop was not impressed by the project. This is
understandable because her future with IWWA is very uncertain. Unlike those who go through
formal training at the weaving school, her membership to IWWA plus the benefits that go with it
(free loan machine at a 10% credit) are not assured.

At the middle level production workshops, weavers are somewhat indifferent and or completely
negative about the project. Even those whose workshop is near headquarters are very critical.
They see benefits in terms of getting weaving skills, weaving machines and a modest income of
about 20,000/= over a period of 3 to 4 months. However, this income is too small to sustain their
lives. They point out the big problem of marketing their goods which stays at the shop for so long
before getting sold. They are also critical about the leadership that never visits them to get their
views and hear their problems, which include stopping production because of lack of yarn or cash
with which to buy yarn. They see no future in weaving.

At the low level production workshops beneficiary assessment were more negative. What is ranked
as low level production unit actually meant no meaningful production taking place. The weavers
had problems of getting orders for production from the IWWA headquarters and some of their
products have stayed there for months without being sold. These are workshops which are very far
from the headquarters. The weavers think they are getting marginalised from the association and
that they do not benefit at all. At Mang'ula workshop, the weaver thought that the project was of
no use to her. She only continued with it at the insistence of her husband who thought it raised her
social status.

Key informant's assessment benefited from the major hospital in Ifakara. Here group discussions
were held with the hospitals director, his administrator, hospital accountant and matron. The
hospital is a major client to the IWWA shop in town. We were told that the hospital administration
had decided to buy all its bed sheets and covers from IWWA shop because the products were highly
durable. We were taken to the laundry where we saw all the beddings. The laundry people
complained that cloth quality had gone a bit low in the past but now there is a big improvement
especially with dyeing. The project seems to have a big impact on the hospital.

Other key informants included the Ifakara Trade School where the weaving school and loom
production units are based. We had discussion with the trade school teaching staff and students.
Important links have been established here between the trade school and the IWWA weaving
school. MS built some buildings within the trade school premises on the understanding that when
IWWA closes the weaving school the buildings will remain for use by the trade school. There is
close collaboration between staff and students of both schools; weaving and trade schools. The
trade school principal thinks that the weaving school can be sustainable if it is handed over to them
but they will have to modify its admission procedures plus the running of its activities.
Unfortunately the principal’s ideas would be contrary to IWWA's objectives of benefiting the poor.


The project has led to the founding of IWWA as a local community based organisation. About forty
weavers were encouraged to form a local CBO and directly manage their project activities. The
members of the association have grown from forty in 1993 to over sixty at the moment. Taken at face
value, this means that MS-Tanzania has contributed to the strengthening of the civil society in
Tanzania by helping in the formation of NGOs. However, the relationship between MS and IWWA is
more of a patron-client type than partnership. In this case MS looks at IWWA as a ‘baby’ of its own
and works hard in ‘nursing it’. It has been said by some IWWA members that at IWWA elections, MS
can very easily influence who should be elected to which post.

There is a long way to go for IWWA to be sustainable. The project has been going 16 years but it is
still very dependent on financial support from MS. At the organisational level, project activities and
beneficiary level nothing will continue for a long once funding ends. One key informant put it this
way: ‘Doesn't DANIDA know the obvious that the project will simply collapse once funding stops?
Are they just waiting for the project to die once they leave?’ At that moment it does not seem that the
project can sustain itself at any level once MS support ends and there are no prospects of other funders
stepping in.

This chapter reviews the projects included in the Impact Study in relation to a number of key
thematic issues, notably gender, poverty, environment, sustainability, democratisation and
partnership. During the project visits, the Impact Study team gathered information and held
discussions with both staff and beneficiaries on each of these cross cutting issues. The purpose of
this chapter is to undertake a comparative analysis of the achievements, difficulties and challenges
facing Danish NGOs in relation to each of these issues.

Prior to the project visits, the relevant documentation from each project was reviewed. This helped
the team to assess to what extent the NGO concerned had analysed the project interventions in
relation to these cross-cutting issues. This table presents a review of the documentation for each
project in relation to each of the cross cutting issues.

Table: Project Documentation on Cross-Cutting Issues

             T1    T2     T3   T4   T5      T6    T7     T8     T9        T10   T11   T12   T13

Poverty      1     0      1    0    1       1     2      1      0         1     1     0     1
Gender       2     1      1    0    1       1     2      1      1         1     1     0     1
Environ-m    1     1      0    0    1       0     2      0      1         0     0     0     2
Sustainab-   1     1      1    2    1       0     2      1      1         0     0     0     1
Democrat-    0     1      1    0    0       1     3      1      2         1     1     1     2

3 Good information/ analysis            1 Some reference and discussion
2 Some Information/ analysis            0 No reference to the issue

As in relation to project performance, it must be emphasised that this table represents only the
extent to which the project documentation has addressed the cross cutting issues and not the actual
impact that these projects have had on these issues.


The impact of Danish NGOs and their partners on gender relations in Tanzania has been modest.
While many of the projects reviewed have targeted women or girl students, little has been done to
tackle the underlying factors causing gender differentiation in Tanzanian society. This is in spite of
the fact that other NGOs in Tanzania are taking a very active role in challenging gender inequality
in government policy, the law and the family.

Women’s NGOs in Tanzania have been some of the most vocal and politicised in the NGO
community. Groups such as Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), Tanzania Media
Women Association (TAMWA), Tanzania Women’s Lawyers Association (TWLA), and the
Women’s Council of Tanzania (BAWATA) have a high public profile in Tanzania and are very
strong on advocacy at the national policy level. BAWATA have actually been de-registered by the
government which BAWATA is now contesting in the courts. Among the Danish NGOs operating

in Tanzania, only MS in involved in the network of gender NGOs. For example, it invited TGNP
and TAMWA to facilitate a workshop on advocacy for MS partners and one of its partners,
Semezana, regularly reported on these campaigns. None of the other Danish NGOs or their partners
have been directly engaged in these national level campaigns and debates on gender.

Only one of the projects included in the impact study works exclusively with women, the Ifakara
Women Weavers Association. This targets female primary school leavers in order to provide
training and a means of income generation. IWWA itself is a membership organisation of women
weavers, and all the leadership positions are held by women, although some of the employees are

The primary health care component of the Lugala Hospital project has a particular focus on
women’s health as does the income generation activities of the Help for Self Help project. For most
of the other projects, if there is a explicit gender component, it is primarily in terms of ensuring that
women or girls have equal access to the project activities as men or boys. For example, the
beekeeping project set out to encourage more women to get involved in beekeeping - women were
traditionally excluded from beekeeping activities in many areas. One of the objectives of the project
was to ensure that half of all the bee-keepers trained by the project would be women and this was

The ADRA schools project has also been of great assistance to girl students in providing good
quality accommodation. Although the project does not have a specific gender focus, girl pupils are
generally well catered for in terms of dormitories in the schools renovated in the ADRA projects. At
Suji, the Secondary School had already received a grant from NORAD for building a Girls Boarding
School in 1990. For this reason, the ADRA project focused on building new dormitories for boys
since the existing one was of very poor quality, but also renovated another building for use as an
additional girls dormitory. Currently there are 160 places available for girl boarders at Suji and 96
for boys. In Parane school, the facilities for girl boarders are apparently of better quality than the
boys dormitories. Furthermore, in Nyabehore Secondary School which was renovated in Phase II of
the project, ADRA obtained a further grant from the EU to build a girls dormitory.

Some of the projects have indirect benefits for women. For example, the biogas projects in Kagera
region can dramatically reduce the amount of time that women need to spend on the collection of
firewood. The downside is that because the biogas plants require at least 40 litres of water a day,
when it is not available locally it is women who have to walk long distances to collect it.

Only two of the interventions supported by Danish NGOs are actively involved in promoting
women’s rights. Semezana, which is supported by MS, frequently contains articles on gender issues.
Kuleana, another of MS partner, promotes children’s rights in general with much emphasis on the
particular problems faced by girl children - household work, discrimination and sexual abuse.
Kuleana has even successfully taken court action against two men for the sexual abuse of street
girls, leading to prosecution.


Danish NGO projects have had little impact on the environment in Tanzania. Only one of the
projects included in the Impact Study had protection of the environment as its primary objective.

This was the alternative energy project carried out by the Danish Missionary Society and Danish
Mission Council Development Department in Kagera Region. The project included a number of
initiatives to introduce biogas technology and solar energy at educational institutions and, in the
case of biogas, also to individual households. In particular, the biogas plants provided an alternative
source of energy for cooking to firewood. One of the findings of the Impact Study was that outside
of the institutions, the uptake and maintenance of such plants has been low due to the capital
investment required. However, the introduction of solar energy in Kagera by DMS did stimulate
another local NGO called KARDEA to set up its own programme and obtain funding for promoting
solar energy in the region.

In other projects, the concern with the environment has been largely confined to a recognition of the
need to minimise the negative impact of the project activities on the environment. This has largely
been achieved although there was evidence of some negative environmental consequences with both
IWWA and the Lugala hospital. In the case of the former this was due to disposal of waste water
from the dyeing unit. The established system of collecting all waste water in septic tanks and sock
pits had become inefficient due to the growth of activities in the dyeing unit. MS in collaboration
with IWWA has identified a new system for treating waste water but, to date, do not have sufficient
funds to implement this. In the case of the hospital, the excavation of soil for construction purposes
led to a dispute with local people.

As with gender, Danish NGOs and their partners have not been actively involved in campaigning on
environmental issues. Semezana is the exception here, again, and does include articles on
environmental issues. It has close links with JET, the Journalists Environmental Association of
Tanzania which, among other campaigns, has spearheaded the protests against the government’s
proposed Rufiji Delta shrimp project. JET is represented on Semezana’s editorial board. MS’s other
main contribution to environmental project is through posting DWs to the HIMA project in South
West Tanzania. This is a DANIDA managed project on environmental protection and agricultural
production for which MS has agreed to post up to six DWs at any one time. MS also has a an
Environmental Action Plan for Tanzania, although the Impact Study was not able assess to what
extent this had been operationalised.


As was discussed in Chapter 2, there are a number of different approaches to assessing poverty,
ranging from a narrow focus on income to a broader focus that includes education and access to
other basic services. Another issue that is often seen as an aspect of poverty is lack of basic human
and political rights. The Country Study Core Team made the decision to examine poverty from this
broader perspective, rather than focus narrowly on income. Thus, all the Country Studies have
examined projects in relation to how far they have been able to help poor people to:

   gain access to resources relevant to sustaining or improving their livelihoods;
   expand their knowledge base on issues directly related to their development;
   improve the quality of their lives via health and education services;
   freely exercise their social and political rights.

Given the importance attached to democratisation by DANIDA, this has been treated as an issue in
itself and is discussed in the next section.

Danish NGOs in Tanzania have seen poverty primarily in terms of how it affects individuals, not as
a political and macro economic problem. They have implemented projects that seek to alleviate
poverty by providing people with the means to raise their income and by providing basic services to
poor people. They do not feel that they can have much impact on poverty at a national level, but that
they can make a contribution to assisting individuals meet their basic needs. This is particularly so
in the context of the decline in the capacity of the state to provide essential services. For example,
many churches, at the request of the government, have re-established management of former
mission hospitals which were handed over to the government after Independence. Such hospitals are
now playing an essential role in providing poor people with access to health care in rural areas. In
addition to these approaches to alleviating poverty in Tanzania, it should also be noted that some of
the Church organisations and MS have supported campaigns against debt back in Denmark and in
international fora. It has not been possible to examine the impact of this in this study.

However, in the view of the Impact Study team, while the Danish NGOs in Tanzania have been
concerned with reducing poverty in practice most have had no clear strategy for this. Nor have they
utilised potential methods for assisting them in being more poverty-orientated. In none of the
projects examined in the Impact Study was there any evidence that Danish NGOs have carried out
in-depth poverty assessments prior to implementing the project. Such assessments would provide an
analysis of the social and economic dynamics of poverty and marginalisation. They are essential if
NGOs are to be able to target the poorest groups and tackle the factors that make them poor. Yet
given the diverse range of small projects supported by Danish NGOs in Tanzania it is difficult to
envisage how they would have the resources to do this for each project. However, they could make
far more use of the social and economic research on poverty being conducted in Tanzania.
Institutions such as REPOA (Research on Poverty Alleviation) in Dar es Salaam have national
programmes of research on poverty in Tanzania and publish widely. The World Bank has also
carried out detailed poverty assessments in Tanzania and copies of their reports can usually be
obtained from their resource centre in Dar es Salaam.

One major means of reducing poverty is through raising the income of poor people. Four of the
projects have income generation as one of their major objectives - IWWA, Help for Self Help,
Popular Sports and Culture and the Bee-Keepers. Each has involved training poor people in
productive techniques with a view to raising income. All the projects have provided an additional
component to household survival strategies but in the case of IWWA and HSH, the level of income
generated has been limited due to the absence of local markets for the clothing produced. In relation
to the beekeeping project, there is always a local market for honey although the prices for raw honey
are low. Local bee-keepers do not have the technology or training in order to process and package
their honey for the main shops and hotels in Arusha or elsewhere. It would have been a useful
exercise for the project to investigate the economic feasibility for local beekeepers to process honey
for the commercial market rather than just for the local market. Only the football production
component of the Popular Sports project seems to have been successful - high quality footballs and
volleyballs have been made by local sports groups - as there is a large local demand for them, and
the raw materials are widely available locally.

In general, it should be noted that the study was not able to undertake a thorough assessment of
whether or not the income generated justified the labour and resources invested by beneficiaries and
the project. This had not been done by any of the projects themselves and is something that they all

need to address. What has been lacking in all of the income generation activities supported by
Danish NGOs is a thorough analysis of the economic feasibility of these activities for poor people
and whether or not the poorest people can be targeted. Nor has there been much attention to
marketing in the smaller NGO projects which has been found elsewhere to be one of the keys to
successful income generation activities. Furthermore, the question of whether or not there is a
sufficient market for the produce or skills to sustain the income generation activities does not appear
to have been investigated. In the IWWA project there has been more emphasis on marketing and
various marketing studies have been undertaken to improve the marketing of materials. However,
IWWA and MS face a difficult challenge as marketing continues to be a general problem for textile
industries in Tanzania. Thus, while IWWA has led to a large number of well-trained weavers and
high quality clothes, the market for such clothes is very limited. Without a more rigorous
understanding of how the local economy works and relates to the national economic forces, such
income generation activities appear to have little potential for improving livelihoods in the long

Providing basic services to poor people is another area in which NGOs can contribute to poverty
reduction. As was discussed in Chapter 2, NGOs have increasingly had to move into basic service
delivery in the 1980s and 1990s in response to the failure of the state to provide these services.
While the private sector provides health and educational services to those who can afford to pay, it
is NGOs have a critical role to play in poor, rural areas. The question addressed in the Impact Study
is to what extent have Danish NGOs fulfilled this role in providing low-cost services that are
targeted at poor people?

Danish NGOs have focused on three main sectors in Tanzania - education, health and rural water
supply. (Both DanChurchAid and ADRA have implemented or are in the process of implementing
large scale rural water projects in Tanzania, although these projects were not included in the Impact
Study.) The Impact Study looked at a hospital renovation project, teacher resource centres, health
education and a schools renovation project. Of these, only the two health projects could be said to
have a direct impact on poverty. They are both aimed at improving the health of poor people - the
DLM hospital project by providing a good hospital and primary health care service in Ulanga, and
the Red Cross project through promoting AIDS awareness in Kagera region. Both have serious
problems with sustainability, as is discussed in the following section.

Improving children’s access to good education has been the objective of the education projects
included in the Impact Study and this is also an important component in the long term reduction of
poverty. The projects have meant that many children have had better education than they would
otherwise have received. However, an important issue for education in relation to poverty reduction
is targeting. The Impact Study found that these education projects were not targeting the poorest
and were not being implemented in the most educationally deprived parts of Tanzania. As was
shown in Chapter 3, the ADRA project has primarily (if unintentionally) benefited wealthier
families from outside Suji who use the boarding facilities at the school. The TCs in Sengerama and
Mbweera are working in districts which are already well provided for by other educational facilities.
This raises the critical issue of the distribution of Danish NGO projects throughout the country.

One of the observations of the Impact Study is that the impact of Danish NGOs on poverty
reduction may have been limited due to the areas in which they work. At this point it is important to
recall the table used in Chapter 2 to show regional poverty. There are Danish NGOs working in all

of the five wealthiest regions but only three of the seven poorest regions - these are Kagera, Kigoma
and Morogoro. This, as far as the team has been able to ascertain, applies to all Danish NGO
supported projects in recent years, not just those included in the matrix. Most of the NGOs justify
this on the grounds that there is huge differentiation within these regions and they are working with
the poorer people in these wealthier regions. Other international NGOs have tended to follow the
same argument. Although this argument is perfectly valid in itself, it does mean that many of the
poorer, remoter regions of Tanzania continue to be marginalised and peripheral, whereas other
regions have much higher involvement by NGOs.

This is most apparent with MS. It has the largest programme of any Danish NGO in Tanzania, and
also is free from the long standing historical relationships that define the areas to which the
church-related NGOs are more limited. Yet they have not focused on the poorer parts of Tanzania
and more than any other Danish NGO have focused on wealthier regions. In many of the regions
they have targeted some of the poorest areas within the region - for example in Arusha region they
are supporting a number of initiatives with pastoralists and agro-pastoralists - but nonetheless
Arusha is still an area of very high NGO concentration compared with many other parts of

According to the 1998 MS Annual Review, MS has supported 35 different organisations and
institutions. It is very revealing to analyse these in relation to the regional welfare index from the
chart on regional poverty mapping that was presented in Chapter Two.

       Welfare Index of Region               No. of MS Partners
              1-3                                   1
              4-9                                   5
              10-19                                 4
              20-30                                 19
              31                                    5

               (One partner was in Zanzibar which was
                not included in the Welfare Index)

The poorest regions in Tanzania are in the South and West of the country. With the exception of one
project - the Ifakara Women’s Weavers Association in Morogoro Region - MS has not in recent
years carried out any activities in the seven poorest regions of Tanzania. Furthermore, in the next
category of poor regions with a welfare index of 4-9, MS has only been carrying out activities in one
of these in Iringa Region. Instead, MS has focused its activities in Dar es Salaam, Kilimanjaro,
Arusha and Mwanza, which together with Mara region are the wealthiest regions in the country.

This prioritisation of wealthier areas is most apparent with the Teachers Centres (TCs). MS initially
supported TCs in Kilimanjaro, Mbeya, Dar es Salaam and Zanizibar, and have extended their
support to TCs in Arusha and Mwanza. Yet these are wealthier regions with better education than
other regions of the country. Kilimanjaro Region which has received the longest support for TCs has
the best educational standards in the country. While there are still pressing needs in these regions,
nonetheless they are much better endowed than other regions, and the question has to be asked as to
why MS has prioritised these regions?

One of the reasons for this neglect has been MS’s concern with finding suitable places for
Development Workers. Put bluntly, it is a far easier prospect to send a place a Development Worker
in Moshi or Mwanza than in a small, remote district town in South-East or Western Tanzania. In the
case of the latter, transport and communications are very poor, there are few other Europeans, many
commodities are not available, local hospitals may be very poor or non-existent and finding suitable
accommodation can be very problematic. It would take a huge investment by the MS Tanzania
Country Office to explore potential partnerships and DW placements in these areas. There have
been incidences when DWs have been sent to poorer, remoter areas and have found this too difficult
to cope with. Yet other European volunteer sending agencies do send volunteers to these regions,
even if the numbers are not large. More focus and priority needs to be given for educating potential
DWs on the importance of working in these areas.

The areas in which the church-related NGOs work is determined primarily by their historical
relationship with the local church, rather than any poverty focus. Nonetheless, some of the church
organisations are working in some of poorest regions of Tanzania - for example DMS is working in
Kagera region, and DLM in Morogoro region. DMS has 28 personnel working in Karagwe and
North West Dioceses. Some of these are sent under a personnel-sending programme administered
by the Danish Mission Council Development Department which is funded by DANIDA. ADRA, by
contrast, has worked exclusively in Mara and Kilimanjaro regions, both of which are relatively
wealthy, since these are the regions where much of the Seventh Day Adventist membership in
Tanzania is found. Although none of these organisations are bound to work only in these regions or
exclusively with local churches, nonetheless these partnerships have been critical to both their
legitimacy and effectiveness. It would be difficult for them to start a new programme in
non-Adventist areas of Tanzania where they have little legitimacy.

In terms of the smaller NGOs, they have, on the whole, focused on the richer regions of Tanzania.
Help for Self Help focuses on communities near to Arusha town, some of which are in a peri-urban
context. The Danish Bee-Keepers project was in Arusha region although it covered huge areas,
some of which were very remote and marginalised. The DGI project has taken place in Mwanza and
Sengerama. Only the ULD 80 project of support to a vocational training centre in Karagwe (not
included in Impact Study) has taken place in one of the poorest regions of Tanzania.


Sustainability is a complex issue. Although the critical issue is that the benefits of any intervention
are sustained once external support ends, different criteria for sustainability need to be set
depending on the objectives of the project. The Impact Study looked at three main project areas
-income generation, service delivery, and advocacy - and it is useful to analyse sustainability in the
context of different types of projects. It is also important to recognise Tanzania is still a totally
aid-dependent country and any assessment of Danish NGO interventions in terms of sustainability
should be made in this context. Introducing sustainable projects and programmes in Tanzania has
been hugely difficult in both the public and NGO sector.

The purpose of income generation projects is to enable project beneficiaries to achieve sustainable
livelihoods. While the actual project itself does not need to be self-financing, it must lead to
sustainable income generation activities - this requires adequate skill levels, access to appropriate

technology (including maintenance and capital investment if necessary) and above all a market for
the skills or products that were developed during the project. This is a clearly a problem for IWWA,
which has been supported by MS since 1983, with a very heavy input from DWs. After 16 years
IWWA is still very dependent on MS’s continued financial support and will continue to be in the

With service delivery projects there has been a conflict between maintaining a poverty focus and
sustainability. This relates to the need to charge user-fees to patients and pupils. This was most
apparent with the Lugala Hospital. The Impact Study found that although the renovation of the
hospital had been successfully completed it was struggling to find sufficient revenue to meet the
running costs, especially staff salaries and maintenance. There have not been sufficient resources to
keep the services provided by the hospital intact while ensuring that poor people continue to have
access to these services. The problem is that in order to achieve the former without external support,
the required fees would be too much for many local people. Yet the hospital has always provided
health care to all, not just to those who can afford it, and in order to be self-sufficient it would need
to exclude those who cannot pay. This is unacceptable to both the ELCT, DLM and local people. In
fact, all ELCT hospitals in Tanzania depend on external support and will continue to do so for the
foreseeable future.

A similar situation applies in the education projects included in the Impact Study. For example, the
Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre has struggled to continue with its programme of activities since
the MS support ends. They have been able to raise sufficient income for running the centre from
contributions made by the District Council, parents and teachers, but this is far from sufficient to
run a programme of residential workshops at the Centre. And this is despite the fact that Hai District
is relatively wealthy by Tanzanian standards.

It was also the case with the ADRA schools project. Although the DANIDA grant, provided through
ADRA, was essential in order to carry out the renovation programme, the school is able to cover
running costs from the school fees. This includes teachers salaries, maintenance, educational
materials and the construction of new class rooms. However, while the case study showed that Suji
school was a sustainable facility, the school fees necessary to cover this deter local people from
sending their children to the school.

The HIV project in Kagera is not a straightforward service delivery project and has many
components including health education as well as health care. On the one level the project activities
are not sustainable. The HIV project has been very expensive, costing 46.9 million DKK. The
Tanzanian Red Cross does not have its own health department and lacks both the management and
technical capacity to take over a project of this scale and complexity. Furthermore, because of their
lack of confidence and trust in the Tanzania Red Cross (see section on Partnership below), the
Danish Red Cross has placed a delegate there to control the project. While this has helped ensure
much greater financial control of the project, it cannot readily be taken over and sustained by the
TRC once DRC funding ends. Furthermore, the project did not work through local Red Cross
branches - had they done so then it may have been possible for the members of these branches to
continue with some of the activities on a voluntary basis after the end of the project. Yet the other
issue for sustainability in relation to health education component of this project is the continued
avoidance by people of high risk activities following the end of the project. Since the project has not

yet finished it is not possible at this stage to conclude whether or not these health messages are
culturally sustainable.

DANIDA is right to ask the NGOs to consider thoroughly the issue of the long term financing of
service delivery projects, and insist that project costs are commensurable with those of government
run services. But DANIDA’s insistence that service delivery projects should be self-sustaining
while maintaining a poverty focus have proved to be unrealistic and cannot be achieved in poor
areas of Tanzania in the foreseeable future. Instead, both NGOs and DANIDA need to explore
further long term strategies for maintaining services in poor areas. Schemes to mobilise user fees -
such as the health insurance scheme that has been introduced by Lugala hospital - can make
important contributions but are unlikely to be able to generate sufficient revenue alone. Other
options include increased government funding, although this is often equally unrealistic as the
example of Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre showed, and building up a more diverse funding
base from a number of external funders. The critical issue for health and education facilities is to
find more long-term commitments of external funding, rather than on a project by project basis.

For some types of support, it is completely inappropriate to demand that a partner’s activities or
projects will be sustainable. Take Kuleana’s Centre for Child Rights for example. This is doing very
important work in promoting the rights of children but is entirely dependent on external support.
Semezana is in a similar position in that it sells the papers at very subsidised rates to Tanzanian
NGOs. It is only able to do this because of the support provided by MS and other funders in
covering staff salaries, running costs and subsidising the printing. If Semezana was to be
self-funding the cost of each issue would be prohibitive for most NGOs. Semezana is trying to
generate some income itself through providing editorial and production services for other
organisations, but it is important to ensure that these income generation activities do not take
Semezana staff away from its core task of producing a high quality, accessible newsletter for
Tanzanian NGOs on a regular basis. For organisations like Kuleana and Semezana, the goal must be
achieving sustained external funding. Building relationships with a number of different Northern
funders, rather than being overly dependent on one funder is more likely to achieve this in the long

An additional factor to consider is the sustainability of partners themselves. This is discussed more
fully in the section below on partnership and refers to the need to distinguish between those partners
that exist primarily to implement a specific project, such as IWWA or Semezana, and those which
are long term permanent organisations with a much broader mandate than undertaking specific
projects, such as a church diocese or district council. In the case of the latter, such partners may not
be able to continue to sustain the same level of project activities once support from Denmark has
been withdrawn but nonetheless the actual existence and raison d’être of partner institution is not in
question. For example, since the Danish support for the Lugala Hospital and Mbweera Teachers
Resource Centre has ended both institutions have been unable to keep up the same level of services.
By contrast both the ELCT Ulanga Diocese and Hai District Council have core activities which are
funded by local collections and tax revenues respectively. These will continue whether or not they
get external funding for specific projects. Yet for partners like IWWA it is difficult to see the
association surviving without continued external support for its project activities.


Many of the projects included in the Impact Study have been concerned with strengthening
democracy. This has almost exclusively been at the level of local institutions. In some of the
projects, such as the Teachers Resource centres, this has involved influencing policy at the level of
local implementation which is a vital role that NGOs can play. In general though, Danish NGO
support for civil society has been primarily in terms of strengthening the capacity of local civic
organisations. With a few notable exceptions, Danish NGOs and their partners have not engaged in
political debate at the national level nor in policy dialogue with government or donors.

Some projects were based on optimistic notions that the projects could introduce Danish models of
strong, democratic, local organisations in Tanzania. These have been difficult to achieve in practice.
For example, one of the objectives of the beekeeping project was to promote democratic
organisational principles among local beekeeping organisations. This was not achieved in the case
of the Bee-keepers as the legacy of mismanagement and organisational splits bears witness.
Similarly, one the roles of the Teacher Resource Centres has been seen as facilitating the
participation of civil society through strengthening the role of communities in managing the TCs.
Yet as was noted in the case study on Mbweera TRC lack of community involvement has been one
of the problems with TCs. It did not appear that there had been strong levels of community
involvement in the TC activities in Hai District. In terms of the TC management committee, this is
dominated by senior education officials in the district, with only two parents’ representatives. The
establishment of a TC steering committee as a strong democratic base and linkages between the
local society on the one hand and TCs and districts on the other does not function well.

Few of the partners have been involved in the ongoing debates over the government’s proposed new
NGO policy. In fact it was noticeable at the Introductory Impact Study Workshop in February that
the new policy was not raised during discussions on the national context. This is one of the major
issues facing NGOs in Tanzania. The rationale for the policy is to provide a more unified approach
to registering and coordinating the work of NGOs in Tanzania. Current legislation has proved
extremely cumbersome and inadequate to cope with the huge growth in NGOs in the last decade.
However, there has also been much concern from within the NGO sector that the new policy will
lead to closer control of NGOs by the government. While the draft policy states that NGOs will be
encouraged to provide services it also argues that NGOs should not take a political role. There has
been a lengthy consultation process with NGOs and, of the Danish NGOs, MS Tanzania has now
engaged with this and its Policy Advisory Board has submitted comments on the fourth draft of the
policy. Other Danish NGOs have not done so. On the one hand this is understandable given the fact
that they lack a country presence in Tanzania. On the other hand, given the potential importance of
the new policy to their work, it is surprising that the Danish NGOs have not given more attention to
discussing the new policy with their partners.

Danish NGOs insist that, as foreign organisations, it is not their responsibility to engage in national
level political processes in Tanzania but rather to support their partners in doing this. The Danish
Mission Council Development Department, DanChurchAid and MS are the only organisations that
have directly supported partners who are undertaking national level advocacy work. Other partners
of Danish NGOs are primarily concerned with local issues. Both DMCDD and DanChurchAid have
supported the ELCT which, among other things, has been outspoken against corruption and
advocated for greater democracy in Tanzania. For example DanChurchAid’s contribution has been
through funding church publications on democracy or funding ELCT staff to take part in meetings
on human rights and democracy. DanChurchAid paid for the publication of the Bagamoyo

Statement by the ELCT Bishops, in both English and Swahili. This statement, issued in 1994,
challenged the government over its record on democracy and corruption. The support to the ELCT
provided by DMCDD and other mission organisations is not always formulated as projects but
rather is seen as part of their ongoing partnership with the ELCT.

MS has made the largest contribution here and has an explicit strategy of supporting organisations
engaged in advocacy at the national level. This is reflected in its support for partners like Semezana
and Kuleana, and support for pastoralists groups in land cases. Nonetheless, there is clearly scope
for more involvement here and the proportion of MS funding that goes to these partners is very
small. One of the conclusions of the 1998 Country Review of MS Tanzania was that in practice
much of its support for Tanzania is still confined to internal capacity building of partner

       ‘A lot of time and resources have been spent supporting partner organisations through
       salaries, running costs and the training of staff. . . . However, for the investment done on the
       partners, the results are general in terms of internal ‘capacity’. The outputs in terms of
       poverty reduction (including the enhancing the role of the civil society and promoting
       democracy and human rights) do not yet seem to match the time and resources spent.’ (MS
       Tanzania Review p.60)

One of MS’s concerns with focusing too much on the higher profile advocacy NGOs in Tanzania is
that since there are relatively few of them they receive considerable support and funding from
international NGOs and donors. For example, they do not directly support any of the gender NGOs
since these are already well funded, but are well linked into the networks that these NGOs have

The challenge for Danish NGOs and their partners is to continue to strengthen the capacity of local
organisations but in addition they need to be less parochial in their outlook. Tanzania is undergoing
huge political and economic changes - new policies and reforms are constantly being promoted by
the government and international donors. NGOs have a crucial role in engaging in policy dialogue
and representing alternative voices and opinions. In some areas NGOs have played a critical role
-gender, pastoralists, land rights. Only MS is involved in these networks and supports NGOs
campaigning in these issues. In other sectors NGOs have little influence. However, it should be
stated that this is not just a reflection of Danish NGOs and their partners but of NGOs in Tanzania
in general which have had a tradition of service delivery rather than political engagement with the


As was stated in Chapter 1, none of the Danish NGOs run their own programmes in Tanzania but all
work through local organisations. Partnership is the term used by NGOs to refer to the relationship
between these organisations but it is another key development concept that is open to a broad range
of interpretations. Rather than attempt to precisely define partnership, the approach taken in the
Country Studies has been to explore the experiences of the different NGOs with working through
local partners.

The approaches and attitudes to partnership among NGOs in Tanzania differ enormously. For some,
such as the church organisations, it is a recent term that is now used to describe the long standing
relationship between themselves and local churches. For others, notably MS, there is a clear policy
on what partnership involves and considerable effort and resources are put in to developing
relationships with local organisations. For others still, partnership describes the relationship
between national societies who are part of an international federation. This section sets out the
different types of partnerships that Danish NGOs have established with Tanzanian organisations.

Church partnerships

There are long term relationships between Danish missionary organisations and Tanzanian
churches, notably those between DMS and ELCT North West and Karagwe dioceses, and DLM and
ELCT Ulanga diocese. Both the DMS and DLM have been working in Tanzania for over 50 years.
Following the expulsion of German Lutheran Missionaries, DMS took over the Lutheran mission
work in North West Tanzania, and DLM took over the work in Ulanga, in the Southern part of what
is now Morogoro Region. Both organisations have continued to support the Lutheran Church in
these areas since this period, including sending missionary personnel to assist in both the support of
the church and church run development projects, notably in health care. The partnerships between
them are based on long-term commitment and understanding between both partners. They are not
dependent on specific projects or activities, but the existence of an on-going partnership has been a
great asset for undertaking joint projects because trust, understanding and common vision are
already in place. Critical for this has been a constructive working relationship with the Diocesan
Bishop and General Secretary. While this has usually been unproblematic there have, however, been
instances when this has imposed limitations on what the Danish organisations have been trying to

The work of the Danish missionary organisations is thus centred on those dioceses in which they
have had a long term historical relationship. There are currently twelve foreign missionary societies
supporting the ELCT, from Scandinavia, Germany and USA, and they have taken responsibility for
different dioceses. Nonetheless, although focused on these historical linkages, they are not solely
limited to these and have initiated work with other dioceses. For example DLM has established
several new partnerships with ELCT dioceses in Mara region and Iringa region over the last 10-15

While both DMS and DLM have direct relationships with individual dioceses, they also have direct
relationships with the ELCT headquarters in Arusha. They both are members of the Lutheran
Mission Cooperation Assembly, which is a coordination body for missionary organisations that
support ELCT. Each of the 12 foreign missions and each of the 21 ELCT dioceses in Tanzania are
members of the Assembly, on an equal footing. The Secretariat of the Assembly is based at the
ELCT Headquarters in Arusha. The Assembly was formed in 1991 and replaced the Lutheran
Coordination Service. The previous body had not included the ELCT dioceses whereas the new
Assembly has put the dioceses on an equal footing with the foreign missions. Both DMS and DLM
have played active roles in the LMC and in the former LCS. The Mission Secretary of DMS is
secretary of the Planning Committee of the Assembly and one of the DLM staff was chair of the old

The involvement of DMS, DLM and DMCDD in national ELCT activities has been significant.
ELCT wants to centralise and coordinate external funding to different dioceses in order to allow it
to prioritise the needs of weaker, poorer dioceses. However, many of the dioceses are resistant to
this and want to maintain bilateral relations with foreign missions, fearing that their funding will be
reduced if a more centralised approach is taken. Clearly this is a major challenge for ELCT in
maintaining a balance between prioritising needs on a national basis while not undermining
historical relationships between individual dioceses and foreign missions. Both DMS and DLM are
playing important roles in actively engaging in and supporting this process.

Any discussion of the partnerships between ELCT and Danish Church organisations would be
incomplete without some reference to DanChurchAid, even though DanChurchAid projects were
not included in the Impact Study. DanChurchAid’s main partner in Tanzania has been the
Tanganyika Christian Refugee Service (TCRS), not the ELCT but there a number of inter-linkages
between the three organisations and much current discussion about the future of these relationships.
TCRS was established in 1964 as a field programme of the Lutheran World Federation Department
for World Service. This was at the request of the Christian Council of Tanzania who saw the need
for an ecumenical institution to undertake humanitarian relief work in refugee situations in the
country, especially in response to the influx of Burundian refugees. For twenty years, TCRS just
undertook emergency relief work but in 1984 it began to get involved in large-scale integrated rural
development projects in Singida and Kigoma. These projects have been funded by DanChurchAid,
each are still on-going and have been by far the biggest projects supported by any Danish NGO in
Tanzania with a combined budgets of around 100 million DKK.

One of the major problems for TCRS in moving from relief into development was they had no
tradition of working through or in consultation with local church structures. While this was not
necessary for short term relief operations, for long term development projects at Kibondo and
Singida this has been a source of conflict with ELCT. ELCT feels strongly that TCRS, as a Lutheran
body, should work much more cooperatively with the established church structures, on the grounds
that this would improve both the sustainability and the legitimacy of the projects. This has led to a
certain tension between ELCT and TCRS, which has extended to the relationship between ELCT
and DanChurchAid. However, at least now a process has begun to bring the two organisations
closer together, a process which DanChurchAid has been supporting. In 1998, the two organisations
signed a Memorandum of Understanding establishing the Lutheran Relief and Development Service
Board for directing the TCRS programme. This Board will be the forum through which decisions
will be made on the transition of TCRS from a field operation of LWF to a institution directly
accountable to the ELCT.

While TCRS has been DanChurchAid’s main partner for the implementation of development
projects, DanChurchAid has worked with ELCT directly in supporting advocacy work. ELCT has
the political clout and legitimacy to undertake advocacy on national level issues. A significant
number of politicians and senior civil servants are members of the Lutheran church and the ELCT
carries much weight. TCRS by contrast undertakes relief and development projects and has no
political clout and would not be a suitable partner for undertaking high profile advocacy work. Yet
on the other hand the ELCT lacks the capacity to implement large-scale development projects or
relief operations of the type carried out by TCRS. It is for this reason that DanChurchAid has
worked through different church partners in Tanzania, as well as supporting a number of small
projects directly with individual dioceses.

Partnerships between national societies

Another type of partnership found among Danish NGOs in Tanzania concerns those between
national offices of international federations. This applies to the Red Cross and ADRA. The
partnership is between the Danish Red Cross and the Tanzanian Red Cross Society and between
ADRA Denmark and ADRA Tanzania. There are advantages and disadvantages with this approach.
On the positive side both societies belong to international federations with common mandates,
agreements for cooperation and familiarity with each others’ structure. On the negative side, there is
no opportunity for the Danish NGOs to look for alternative partners in Tanzania. The Study found
that whereas the relationship between ADRA Denmark and ADRA Tanzania was strong and
fruitful, the relationship between the Danish Red Cross and Tanzanian Red Cross was very strained.
It should be recognised, however, that the Red Cross societies are much bigger and politically more
complex than ADRA.

The basic problem in the case of the Red Cross partnership is that the Danish Red Cross has little
confidence in the capacity and accountability of the Tanzanian Red Cross Society. As with all DRC
projects, stringent financial controls are followed in the two Tanzania projects, but it has found it a
much more difficult partner to work with than national societies in other countries in the region. Yet
DRC’s options in Tanzania are limited by the fact that its mandate is to work through the national
Red Cross society rather than with other NGOs.

Like the Danish Red Cross, ADRA Denmark always works through its sister organisation in
Tanzania, ADRA Tanzania. ADRA Tanzania is one of about 150 ADRA offices world-wide. Most
of these are located in the South, and funding is provided by ADRA offices in the North. In
Tanzania, projects are initiated by ADRA Tanzania who then seek funding from ADRA offices in
Europe and North America. Currently most of ADRA Tanzania’s project funding comes from
ADRA Denmark. The fact that the ADRA Tanzania Director is Danish and a former board member
of ADRA Denmark has clearly been the main factor in establishing this link. ADRA Country
Directors in the South tend to be expatriates and one of the main justifications for this is their links
with the ADRA offices in donor countries. The appointments are made by the national societies
themselves, but reflect a perception that ADRA offices in the North are less likely to fund projects
in a country with a local director rather an expatriate director. This is clearly an issue that ADRA
will need to address if it is to genuinely development the capacity of national leadership within
ADRA offices in the South.


Special mention should be made of the approach of MS, which in contrast to the other Danish
NGOs working in Tanzania, has a clear policy and understanding of partnership. This resulted from
the MS in the South (MSIS) strategy which MS adopted in 1993 which re-orientated MS towards a
partnership approach.

       MS development cooperation should fundamentally be founded in partnerships with local
       organisations in the South. A partnership for MS is a relationship in which two or more
       partners join resources to achieve mutual goals. It is therefore essential that the partnerships

       are based on upon common visions and on respect and knowledge of each other. (MSIS
       1996 Revision, p 16)

In order to assist MS Country Offices with implementing the partnership approach, MS has
produced the Partnership in Development Toolkit. This is a comprehensive statement on how MS
views partnership with full guidelines for MS Country Offices on the partnership development
process. This approach requires heavy staff investment, regular visits to the partner, and
participatory planning workshops. MS is able to do this because it has a large country office in Dar
es Salaam with four Tanzanian programme officers. Without a strong country presence this would
not be possible.

MS Tanzania’s experience of using this new approach has varied depending on the nature and
capacity of the partner and the history of MS support. For Kuleana and Semezana, the partnerships
with MS do more or less conform to the ideal of partnership set out in MSIS, in which both parties
have a strong independent voice and open, critical dialogue. Both organisations have a very strong
identity and vision, and professional staff - furthermore, the level of MS financial support to these
organisations is low. However, some other partners still see MS only in terms of a donor and it is
more difficult to use this partnership approach in such cases. Some of MS’s current partners,
notably IWWA, emerged out of MS projects and are very dependent on MS and do not have an
independent vision beyond that of MS. It has been a long slow process to get partners to move away
from this and take more responsibility.

MS is also the only Danish NGO to work directly with government bodies in Tanzania. It has
extensive experience working with decentralised levels of government in many countries and is one
of the few international NGOs to have a clear policy of recognising government agencies as
potential partners. The 1996 policy paper from MS Tanzania states that in addition to its partners
within civil society, they will also have ‘cooperation partners among government institutions and
organisations’ (p. 23).).

In Tanzania, partnerships with government partners have been largely confined to the Teachers
Resource Centres where the partner organisation is the local district council. In these partnerships it
is not possible for MS to develop shared strategies with the councils in the way they can with
NGOs. Rather they have to explore how they can contribute to, and influence, the national system
and policy on primary education. In other countries in the region, MS much more diverse range of
government partners. For example in Zimbabwe its activities include working with rural district
councils on natural resource management, agriculture, and school development and maintenance,
and in Zambia MS is seeking to strengthen development planning and co-ordination in two districts.

Currently the Tanzania Government is formulating a new policy on decentralisation with far
reaching implications for the role of district councils. It is essential that NGOs follow these
developments and explore what are the implications and opportunities for them if district councils
are given increased authority and resources. It should be noted that MS-TCDC held a workshop in
Arusha in September 1998 to examine the relationship between NGOs and local government.

Smaller NGOs

Finally, it is important to reflect on the experiences of the smaller NGOs in working with local
groups. The Danish Beekeepers Federation initially identified ABA as its partner for implementing
the project, although as the case study showed this proved to be mistake. DBF lacked some of the
benefits that have been of great benefit to other Danish NGOs in forming partnerships with local
organisations - unlike DMS and DLM they had no historical linkages with any groups in Tanzania,
no overarching international structure to work within (c.f. Red Cross) and no country office in
Tanzania. This last of these has been critical for MS in establishing partnerships in Tanzania with a
wide range of different organisations and without any previous long standing relationship. The
situation was compounded by the fact that DBF transferred funding directly to a Community Based
Organisation, which had little in the way formal management or financial systems, rather than a
professionally-run NGO with a proper financial management system. The fact that DBF and ABA
both had a common purpose of improving beekeeping in the region was not a strong enough basis
for partnership. The project was completed by abandoning working through partners and handing
over the financial management to the Danish Consul. He was selected because he was Danish,
living in Arusha and was willing to help out the project out of a crisis. This helped salvage the
project, but hardly represents a progressive strategy for running future projects in Tanzania.

The Help for Self Help project is also very much under overall Danish control. HSH’s partner in
Tanzania is the Tanzania Assemblies of God (TAG) but in practice it has little, if any, involvement
in day to day project management. This is done by the HSH office in Arusha which employs a small
Tanzanian staff. This was set up jointly by HSH and TAG, the latter providing the building plot for
the office. The Danish founders visit Tanzania for about 3 months a year to monitor progress and
work with the Tanzanian staff on planning. Although day to day project management is delegated to
the Tanzanian staff, the Danish founders still retain overall control of the project. Partnership for
Help for Self Help is seen more in terms of inter-personal relationships rather than in organisational
terms, and the relationships between the Danish founders and Tanzanian staff and Assemblies of
God leadership have been very close on a personal level. Although there is strong trust between
HSH and TAG, in relation to the actual implementation of the project TAG does not appear to have
any direct role. In other words, although in theory HSH is working through the Partner Organisation,
in practice its field office in Tanzania is actually implementing the project. HSH is in the process of
setting up Help for Self Help Tanzania with its own Tanzania board. Ensuring that HSH Tanzania is
able to operate as an organisation that is fully independent from HSH Denmark will be a major
challenge for both organisations.

Final Comments on Partnership

In order to summarise these diverse experiences of working with partner organisations, it is useful
to identify a number of different types of partnership which have involved Danish NGOs in
Tanzania. In line with the other Country Studies four key categories of partnership have been
identified and each project has been assigned to one of these categories. The results are presented in
the following table:

                                    Table: Level of Partnership

           T1    T2    T3     T4    T5    T6    T7    T8    T9    T10   T11   T12   T13

Level of   B     C     C      A     A     C     C     C     B     B     A     A     B


A: Shared Vision and Feeling of Equality
B: Strong Operational Partnership
C: Mechanisms for Consultation and Discussion
D: Mainly Funding Relationship

The high number of A and B type partnerships reflects a generally healthy situation in relation to
partnership among the Danish NGOs in Tanzania. Only in the case of the DBF project was there a
serious breakdown in the relationship with the original partner although DBF was able to make
alternative arrangements with other organisations and individuals to allow the project to continue.
Furthermore, none of the Danish NGOs included in the impact study operate merely as project
funders, but all have shown an interest and commitment to the partnership approach. Partnership is
not just seen in operational terms but often in terms of inter-personal relationships. Many of these
Danish NGOs have regarded cultural exchange as an important aspect of their work and have
facilitated exchange visits between project staff and beneficiaries in Tanzania and their constituents
in Denmark.

This chapter reviews the methods used for the research, and some of the key lessons learnt. As was
stated in Chapter One, the Tanzania Country Study followed the Approach and Methodology paper
that has been used as the basic guideline for all the country studies. This set out a systematic
approach to analysing impact at both the project level, in relation to the cross cutting issues, as well
as at the wider national context. Three basic methods for collecting information were followed in
this study. There were, firstly reviewing existing documentation on the different projects, secondly
obtaining the views of beneficiaries and thirdly asking project staff and management to make their
own assessment of the impact of their projects.


Given the limited time that the Impact Study team could spend with each project it was always
envisaged that the study would build as much as possible on secondary sources and direct the actual
field research towards issues not covered in other sources. For this reason, the starting point for the
Impact Study was a review of existing documentation for each of the projects. This included project
descriptions, reviews by project staff, external evaluations, workshop reports and financial reports.

The existence, accessibility, quality and usefulness of these documents varied enormously, as is
indicated in the tables at the beginning of Chapters Three and Four. While some of the larger
projects were well documented, particularly those supported by MS and the Danish Red Cross, for
some projects there was virtually no documentation available. The general level of record keeping
by some of the partner organisations was not satisfactory and there was an absence of basic
information on budgets, timetables, inputs and outputs or even the basic project agreement with
DANIDA. In some cases the project agreement with DANIDA was in Danish but the fact that this
had not been translated has not facilitated transparency between a Danish NGO and its partner. This
proved a major obstacle for the Impact Study and meant that valuable time had to be allocated to
tracking down this information which limited the amount of time that could be spent on beneficiary
assessment. In one visit by the Impact Study team, the project manager had gone away and locked
the office in which all the documentation was held, despite the fact that the arrangement had been
agreed only days before. In some cases fieldwork had to commence before this basic information
had been obtained.

What was most striking to the Impact Team was that very few of the projects had undergone
evaluations. In terms of major project evaluation, only four of the fourteen projects had been
formally evaluated by teams involving external consultants, two of which were MS supported
projects - IWWA and Mbweera Teachers Centre - and the other two were the Danish Red Cross
supported projects, HIV Prevention in Kagera Region and Family Life Education Project. The
Danish Red Cross commissioned evaluations of the HIV project in 1991 and in 1996 and of the
FLEP in 1994. For the other projects, if an evaluation was carried out, it was no more than a brief
review visit by someone from the Danish NGO supporting the project, with no independent resource

Only MS has carried out a country-wide review of its programme in Tanzania. A Review of MS
Tanzania was carried out in 1993 and again in 1998. This was not an evaluation of specific projects

but rather a broad analysis of the impact of MS supported activities in Tanzania. The 1998 Review
has been of great benefit to the Impact Study in providing general insights on the contribution of
MS to development in Tanzania. None of the other Danish NGOs working in Tanzania have carried
out similar reviews.

The lack of attention to monitoring and evaluation by Danish NGOs and their partners suggests that
it will be very difficult for them to undertake their own impact studies of their activities in the near
future. At best it will be done on the basis of ad hoc, short term reviews but few projects have set up
a systematic approach to monitoring and evaluation from the outset. It is essential that these are set
up in order to provide the basic information from which more broader assessments of impact can be


In order to get the views of both project staff and beneficiaries, a variety of research instruments
were used. In terms of project staff, the starting point was the three day Introductory workshop
which formed an essential part of the methodology. There were three overall objectives for the

1. To introduce the impact study to Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian partners and consult them
   about the planned approach to be followed.
2. To provide an opportunity for Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian partners to reflect upon the
   impact of their work at both the project and national level, and explore approaches that they
   could use for undertaking their own impact assessments.
3. To find out more about the projects being implemented by Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian
   partners and make arrangements for field visits by Impact Study team.

Given the size of the country and fact that Danish NGOs and their partners are spread throughout
Tanzania, it has been necessary to modify the original plan for an initial, non-residential workshop
of one day. While this was possible in Bangladesh, where most of the NGOs are based in the
capital, the study team in Tanzania decided to hold a longer, residential workshop since many of the
participants would have to travel long distances to attend. This made the workshop an expensive
activity to hold. The Impact Study budget covered the cost of accommodation and subsistence for
all participants; the Danish NGOs themselves paid for travel costs for their partners to attend the
workshop. The main cost to the partner organisations was that staff who participated in the
workshop were taken away from other activities. Despite the cost, the Impact Study team felt that
the workshop was essential and a good use of resources. It enabled the Impact study team and
participants to have three very productive days of discussion on the study and also on more general
issues concerning the role of NGOs in Tanzania. The evaluation forms from the workshop showed
that most participants had also found the workshop to be valuable and worthwhile, both in terms of
finding out more about the aims and approach of the Impact Study, but also because it provided a
rare opportunity to meet other partner organisations supported by Danish NGOs.

The next challenge for the Impact Study researchers was to obtain the information required for each
project on the basis of a project visit of only a few days. For most projects, one of the researchers
was able to spend three or four days with the project, although in some cases less time was possible.
The fieldwork in the regions - Morogoro, Arusha/Kilimanjaro, Mwanza, and Kagera was done in

two week blocks of time each, and in each case two or three projects were covered. Travel time
between projects and from Dar es Salaam to the regions required a significant number of days.
During the Introductory Workshop it was possible to make tentative dates and an approximate
programme for the study visits, although in practice there were cases in which circumstances
changed and the project visits had to be rescheduled at short notice.

The main research instruments used by the team were:

 semi-structured interviews with project staff, beneficiaries and key informants
 focus group discussions with beneficiaries

The research team prioritised the systematic collection of useful, relevant information on each
project within a limited time period. The team felt that it was not feasible in this context to
experiment with different instruments and approaches to beneficiary assessment on the projects
because there would be no opportunity to use an alternative method if the initial method failed to
produce relevant information for the study. Such experimentation and innovation was felt to be
more appropriate in the context of longer term studies or evaluations of single projects in which
there is the opportunity for learning from mistakes and trying out alternatives.

One of the means by which the Tanzania team ensured that a systematic approach was followed for
each project was by developing a series of basic research forms. This was especially important for
the Tanzanian study given that there were three main researchers working in distant locations. The
team decided to develop a series of forms which would help ensure a consistent implementation of
the methodology in the field. These covered: analysis of project documentation; interviews with
project management; interviews with beneficiaries on a group, household and individual basis; and
interviews with key informants. These were not formal questionnaires or surveys but rather listed a
number of key questions which were to be covered in semi-structured interviews or focus group

This proved invaluable in ensuring that the same types of information were sought from each of the
many projects and that there was some consistency in the types of general questions that were asked.
The fieldwork was split into two main phases in order to allow the team to meet together again in
Dar es Salaam and review progress. The use of these forms allowed each of the researchers to build
up a project report structured along the lines of inputs, outputs, effect and impact. In addition each
project report contained an analysis of each of the cross-cutting issues which have been used to
write Chapter 4.

It should also be mentioned that the series of meetings in Copenhagen with the Danish NGOs on
individual projects was also extremely useful in obtaining information about projects and getting the
perspectives and insights from the Danish NGOs. Initial meetings were held in November 1998
prior to the commencement of the Tanzania study, and another set of meetings took place in May
1999 after the fieldwork had been completed.

In addition to the project-specific research, the study team used a variety of methods to obtain
insights into the broader impact of Danish NGOs on poverty reduction and support for civil society
in Tanzania. Firstly, it was considered important to find out how Danish NGOs and partners
themselves located themselves and their activities within the national context. Opportunities for this

were provided at both the Introductory Workshop in Arusha and the Impact Study Workshop for
Danish NGOs held in Copenhagen in May 1999. In each of these workshops, participants were
asked to discuss a number of very general questions about what they perceived to be the key issues
facing NGOs in Tanzania and the main areas in which they had held an impact. Secondly, the views
of key informants in the NGO sector in Tanzania were obtained, from individual meetings and a
number of lunch-time seminars for selected participants. These were held at the Tanzania Gender
Network Programme (TGNP) and provided an opportunity for the research team to discuss a
number of key NGO issues in Tanzania and relate these to the work of Danish NGOs.


A major interest in the Impact Study is that it will assist Danish NGOs themselves to undertake their
own assessments of their projects and interventions. It is the firm view of the Impact Study team
that the first stage to achieving this is to approach monitoring and evaluation much more rigorously.
The rather ad hoc approach to monitoring and evaluation conducted by most of the NGOs included
in the study, centred around a brief review visit by a senior staff member is inadequate. While such
visits can yield useful insights and identify strengths and weaknesses of the project, they are no
substitute for the on-going monitoring, analysis and recording of project activities by project staff.

Yet providing basic information about projects is not enough. As the study has demonstrated, it is
also essential to look at impact in relation to the cross-cutting issues that cannot be related to the
achievement of specific project outputs. Here comparison with other projects is essential in making
any assessment of the achievements of any one particular intervention. It is even more important
given the current trend away from discrete projects to more general forms of institutional and
sectoral programmes of support. The fact that most of the Danish NGOs and their partners tend to
work in isolation and do not engage much with other development actors makes this task difficult.
For example, in relation to say gender, it is important that Danish NGOs measure themselves in
relation to the more innovative and progressive gender programmes in Tanzania and elsewhere.
This will enable them to critically learn from the achievements of others undertaking similar types
of interventions.

One of the main concerns of the study has been to bring together an analysis of impact at different
levels, from the impact on beneficiaries at the grassroots to the impact of Danish NGOs on broader
process of social and economic change in Tanzania. This required a range of methods. It also has
required careful decisions on allocation of resources and time for obtaining information at these
different levels. Danish NGOs themselves will need to make these decisions as well and seek a
balance between how much attention to give to each.

Perhaps the key lesson from the Impact Study is the need for a framework in which to structure and
analyse the data coming out from these various different levels. The framework used by the Impact
Study, as set out in the Approach and Methodology Paper, was set up specifically for use by the
Impact Study Teams for examining a wide number of different projects and NGOs over a limited
period. The Tanzanian team found this framework was critical for analysing the huge amount of
data emerging from research. Without such a framework, it is still possible to come up with
interesting material and insights on individual projects, but it would not be possible to build up a
more general picture of the collective impact of such interventions. It is the view of the Impact team

that this framework provides a useful overall tool for NGOs to use themselves in structuring their
own impact studies.


This chapter summarises the key findings to emerge from the Tanzania Country Study. On the basis
of these findings, the overall impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania has been in terms of a number of
individual, isolated projects in certain regions of the country. Their impact on poverty reduction in
Tanzania has been mainly in terms of providing basic services in places in which there are no other
providers, but there has been little focus on targeting the poorest regions in the country or the
poorest groups. Apart from the notable exceptions discussed above, Danish NGOs have not been
politically active and have had only a very minor influence on national policy processes and debates.

In order to understand this situation, it is important to recognise that the historical context of NGOs
in Tanzania, which was discussed in Chapter 2. Many of the Danish NGOs currently working in
Tanzania began their involvement prior to the political and economic liberalisation of the late 1980s
and early 1990s. During this period, NGOs were tolerated by the government but had to keep a low
profile. They were certainly not invited or encouraged to engage in debates on national policy but
were expected to focus on working in rural areas and support government initiatives.

NGOs have more political space now in Tanzania, although it is still unclear how much there is in
practice. NGOs are cautious about how far they can push political dialogue with the government and
there is much concern that the new NGO policy may be used to control NGOs. The lack of political
involvement by Danish NGOs and their partners has to be judged within this context and they do
not differ significantly from other NGOs in this respect. There is no tradition of a politically active
NGO sector in Tanzania, compared with Kenya or South Africa for example. There are signs,
however, that it is beginning to develop in relation to some issues, notably gender and land, but of
the Danish NGOs working in Tanzania, only MS is actively supporting this process.

However, Danish NGOs are very explicit about strengthening civil society at a local level through
promoting democratic principles for running local organisations. It is not clear for what end this is
for other than rather vague notions that a strong local level democratic organisations have been a
major force in Danish society and therefore have a role in Tanzania society. How such local
institutions relate to the wider political economy of Tanzania or to poverty reduction is not

The question of whether or not there is a causal link between a strong, democratic civil society and
poverty reduction in Tanzania needs to be explored further by both Danish NGOs and DANIDA.
Much of the current interest in civil society in official aid circles is based on the assumption that
economic and political liberalisation are both essential for economic growth and good government.
While there are various schools of political thought both in support of or against this
inter-relationship, the issue for Danish NGOs is to examine this in relation to their own programmes
in Tanzania.

It may be helpful in this respect for the Danish NGOs to explore some of the debates around the
issue of social capital and particularly a major report by the World Bank on poverty in Tanzania,

entitled Voices of the Poor: Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania (World Bank 1997). One of the
conclusions of this study, which was based on participatory poverty assessments involving over
6000 people in 87 villages across Tanzania, was that there was a direct relationship between
household income and social capital. Social capital is not a concept that has been used in the Impact
Study, but basically refers to the web of associational relationships that individuals are embedded
in. The study found that in households with more social capital to draw upon - i.e. household
members belonged to a diverse range of different types of association such as farmers groups,
religious groups, cooperatives - tended to have higher incomes than those with lower social capital.
This is an important finding and one of the few studies to demonstrate an actual correlation between
social capital and income based on a substantial empirical research.

Much of what Danish NGOs are doing in terms of supporting local civil society organisations in
rural Tanzania could be seen as enabling people to increase their social capital. Civil society is not
the same thing as social capital but they are inter-dependent in that where there are few civil society
organisations the conditions for a high degree of social capital are absent. The conclusions from the
World Bank study challenge Danish NGOs to demonstrate whether or not there interventions in
supporting local institutions have had an impact on improving income levels. The World Bank
study showed that there is a potential link here. Currently there is no evidence to draw any
conclusions on this in relation to the interventions of Danish NGOs. The NGOs have not been
asking this question themselves and have no base-line data or monitoring systems from which any
assessment can be made.

The downside of this link between social capital and income is that the poorest members of society
may be marginalised from local civil society organisations. Supporting local civil organisations as a
means of poverty reduction will further entrench these processes of marginalisation and will not
help the poorest people. Danish NGOs need to be aware of this and undertake much more rigorous
social analysis before supporting local groups. Yet it is not obvious how they will be able to do this
given the lack of experience within most NGOs in carrying out and utilising social analysis.

The isolation of Danish NGO interventions has been referred to above and takes several forms.
Firstly, there is the isolation from national policy processes and programmes. Secondly, there is the
isolation from other activities undertaken by Danish NGOs. Thirdly, there is the isolation from other
international and local NGOs. As was explained above, until recently this was the only politically
acceptable way for the NGOs to operate in Tanzania but the situation is now changing and there is
now more opportunity for engagement with other actors.

Not all Danish NGOs could be described as isolationist - there are exceptions to this, notably among
the church organisations and MS - which have consciously strived to strengthen links with
government bodies and other national and international NGOs. For example the DMCDD
coordinates the development activities of the four Danish missionary organisations working in
Tanzania and these are all members of the international Lutheran Mission Coordination body.
Nevertheless, while senior management of Danish NGOs and their partners in Dar es Salaam and
Copenhagen are generally familiar with national level policy developments, this was less so with
field level staff. It is particularly important that Danish personnel working in Tanzania themselves
are better orientated away from this isolationist approach. For example, in relation to the Teachers
Resource Centres, one of the criticisms levelled against MS is that the Development Workers
working as advisers in the Teacher Resource Centres are generally unaware of and uninterested in

engaging with the national programme for teachers centres, the District Based Support to Primary
Education Programme (DBSPE). This is despite the fact that at the MS Country Office itself has
established a constructive dialogue with the DBSPE at a national level. This is perhaps even more
so of the development personnel sent out through the missionary organisations who are embedded
in a tradition of establishing rural mission stations in remote areas. Their willingness to work in
very isolated difficult areas has been of great value in providing basic services to local people but
has limited their inter-action with other development actors and national processes in Tanzania.

Currently there is no mechanism for greater dialogue and coordination among Danish NGOs in
Tanzania. For example, the Impact Study workshop in Arusha was the first opportunity for many of
the participants to meet up with each other despite the fact that they have been involved in the same
sectors or regions. DANIDA is funding a number of different Danish NGO interventions in health,
education and rural water supply, yet this seems to be done on an ad hoc, project by project basis.
DANIDA has also had its own bi-lateral programmes in various sectors as well in Tanzania yet
Danish NGO projects tend to make little reference to these either in project planning or
implementation. Some form of coordination mechanism between DANIDA and Danish NGOs may
help the Danish NGOs to focus more clearly on what their specific contribution should be in
different sectoral interventions in Tanzania.

There also needs to be more attention on the exchange of experiences and learning between the
Danish NGOs involved in similar types of activities. Furthermore, there needs to be more
involvement in networks with other international NGOs working in Tanzania and elsewhere. This is
particularly the case for the smaller Danish NGOs. What struck the Impact Team was how little of
the debates and approaches that have been occupying international NGOs over the last decade seem
to have filtered down to the project level in Tanzania. In practice this has meant that few of the
projects looked at in the study used such methods as Participatory Rural Appraisal or had
undertaken poverty assessments or gender analysis. Danish NGOs could be much more effective if
they were more able to learn from and utilise more the experiences of other international NGOs.

Despite these limitations, the impact of Danish NGOs in providing basic services to poor people
should not be under-valued. While there is much to be done in terms of national policy dialogue and
support for advocacy, nonetheless there is huge need in Tanzania for basic services. Although there
are major official aid programmes supporting government efforts in service provision, there are still
huge gaps in provision which demand NGO involvement. Danish NGOs have contributed in three
main sectors - education, health and water.

The need to prioritise the poorest regions of the country more in terms of service provision has
already been raised in Chapter 4. The other major issue is whether Danish NGOs and their partners
are doing service delivery efficiently and effectively and what kind of scale of project can they
handle. It is one thing to manage the construction and operation of a single facility, such as a
teachers centre, but quite different to implement a major project involving large numbers of staff,
high capital investment and multi-million DKK budgets. In the view of the Impact Team most
Danish NGOs and their partners do not have the expertise or capacity to undertake large projects.

The large service delivery projects included in the Impact Study were the ADRA schools, the
Lugala Hospital and Red Cross HIV project, all of which had total budgets of over 10 million DKK.
As was concluded in Chapter 3, the Red Cross project was very expensive and the Tanzanian Red

Cross does not have the capacity to manage large-scale health projects. The renovation of Lugala
hospital was well managed by DLM and ELCT but this was a ‘one-off’ activity since undertaking
large scale development projects is not regarded by either organisation as its main purpose. Only
ADRA Tanzania has the professional expertise and management structure to undertake large scale
development and relief projects. Over the last few years it has undertaken a number of contracts for
a number of several official agencies in Tanzania in schools rehabilitation, drought relief, grinding
mills and water supply.

Political and economic changes in Tanzania have created the opportunity and need for greater NGO
involvement in service delivery. In the period of good state provision, there was no role for NGOs
to take on large service delivery projects since this was the responsibility of the state. In the new
environment in Tanzania, as elsewhere in the South, NGOs are now competing for contracts to
undertake service provision. Whether or not public sector reform in Tanzania will ever go as far as
countries like Uganda and Ghana in contracting out service provision to NGOs and the private
sector remains to be seen. If this process does happen, of the partner organisations only ADRA
Tanzania and TCRS would have the professional capacity to undertake these types of contracts.

The contracting out of service contracts to NGOs is a controversial issue and in many countries has
undermined the independence the NGO sector and compromised their role in advocacy and support
for grassroots groups. It can also lead to the further erosion of state capacity. Danish NGOs and their
partners are right to be cautious and critical about this process. Nonetheless, there can be
opportunities for local NGOs to influence sectoral policy, deliver better services to the poor and
have access to alternative sources of funding, making them less dependent on their established
partners. They need to recognise that, rightly or wrongly, the NGO sector in Tanzania is increasingly
competitive with more and more NGOs seeking external funding for delivering services. How
Danish NGOs and their partners position themselves strategically in relation to this process is a key
challenge for their future engagement in Tanzania.


The Impact Study looked at a number of projects funded through small Danish NGOs which had
little previous experience of development or of working in Tanzania. These deserve a special
mention. It is an interesting feature of DANIDA’s support that it allows NGOs with little if any
development experience to receive funding for small projects in the South. There are some
important lessons to be learnt from the experiences of the three, small NGO supported projects
included in the Impact Study - DBF, DGI and HSH.

These small NGO projects have contributed to the rich diversity of activities undertaken by Danish
NGOs and are represented by highly committed and motivated people, some of whom act in a
voluntary capacity and at considerable personal cost. However, as was shown in Chapters 3 and 4,
in the case of DBF and HSH the performance of both projects has been limited by management

In order to avoid these problems in the future, these smaller NGOs need more programme support in
country. The establishment of Projektradgivningen in Arhus has provided technical support in
Denmark to smaller NGOs in preparing project proposals to DANIDA and as well as organising
some training courses. What is clearly lacking is support in Tanzania. DBF has adopted the

partnership approach to the beekeeping project in Arusha, following the lead taken by the major
Danish NGOs on working through local partners. However, unlike the bigger NGOs DBF has no
country office, nor established experience of working through local NGOs, nor long standing
relationships with organisations in Tanzania. And while HSH has avoided the problem through not
working through its local partner, its local office will have serious problems for sustainability unless
it can develop its own local constituency.

It is important here to compare these experiences with those of DGI. DGI is itself a very large
Danish membership organisation but only has a small international programme, based largely on
exchange visits, and little experience of running development projects through local organisations.
Like DBF, DGI is an organisation which has a specialist focus - popular participation in sporting
activities - and seeks to promote this internationally. The most significant difference between the
DBF project and the DGI project is that DGI has entered a partnership with MS. MS has provided
Development Workers who have been attached to the project, while the Country Office provides
monitoring and evaluation of the project. Given the fact that in this project both the Tanzanian
partners and Danish partners were new to each other, the involvement of MS has been vital in
providing a continuous field presence.

If a second DBF project does take place in Tanzania, a link up with MS could be a great advantage.
While DBF could handle the project management in Denmark and provide the technical expertise
on beekeeping, MS could provide monitoring and evaluation by the Country Office, possibly
training for partner organisations at TCDC and possibly a Development Worker as an adviser to the
project. This would ensure that the professional development experience and in-country presence of
MS is utilised by DBF. Some of the smaller NGOs would be uncomfortable with this arrangement,
fearing that they may be taken over by MS, but as the Sports project showed this need not be the
case. But the key concern should surely be whether or not the small NGO projects would be more
effective and have more impact if they were able to link up with a larger NGO, not whether or not
the autonomy of the small NGO has been compromised?


MS is the only one of the Danish NGOs included in the Tanzania Impact Study that has explicitly
made support for civil society and promoting democracy and human rights key programme themes.
This is carried out in practice through support for organisations like Kuleana or Semezana which
engage in national level advocacy and policy debates. It is interesting to note that those partnerships
that are seen to conform most to MS’s partnership model and to their programmatic aim of
supporting democratisation in Tanzania are those that have the least input from Development
Workers. In the case of Kuleana, for example, MS has only sent a short term Development Worker
for limited periods rather than on a permanent basis. Similarly for Ilaramatak Lolkonerei, another
MS partner engaged in advocacy work on behalf of pastoralists’ rights, there is no Development
Worker. Even for Semezana, the Development Worker attached to the newsletter as a journalist
works only half time for Semezana and spends the rest of the time working as the Information
Officer for the MS Country Office.

In practice, the level of funding that goes to these types of activities is relatively small compared to
other projects in which there is a heavy involvement of Development Workers. Thus, despite the
strategic shift from a personnel sending organisation to the partnership approach following the

adoption of MSIS, the need to find suitable placements for Danish Development Workers still
dominates how MS decides on how to spend its resources in Tanzania, who it works with and where
it works.

The situation in Tanzania reflects a more general dilemma for MS in that despite their policy of
working in partnership, they have decided to maintain a certain number of Development Workers.
The number of DWs has fallen significantly since the adoption of MS in the South (MSIS), but the
1996 agreement between MS and DANIDA was that at any one time there should be approximately
200 DWs worldwide. The costs of maintaining this number of DWs currently represents about 40%
of the MS budget. In 1999, the annual cost of a DW was DKK 274,000 which includes salary,
resettlement, medical schemes, housing and vehicles, preparation and language courses. The
approximate breakdown of the MS budget is as follows: 40% on Development Workers; and 20%
on support to partner organisations; 10% on capital goods; 10% on information, policy and partner
dialogue; and 20% on the running costs of MS Country Offices in the South. MS feels that it is
essential to maintain the current level of Development Workers as they are seen as vital for its two
principal policy issues: supporting the improvement of poor people’s living conditions and
opportunities in the South; and the meeting of cultures and international cooperation between
people with different cultural backgrounds. Both of these are considered equally important and the
meeting of cultures is central to MS’s identify.

Nonetheless, in terms of the question can still be raised as to whether or not the placement of a DW
is the most effective use of resources. For partnership agreements which include the placement of a
Development Worker, the cost of the DW is usually by far the greatest contribution by MS. But
does their contribution to the partner organisation justify the cost, or if the partner was to use the
same amount of money in other ways would it be more effective? In the MS projects covered by the
Impact Study in which there was a major involvement of DWs, notably IWWA and the Teachers
Centres, the role of DWs was vital and instrumental in the initial phases of a project or partnership.
However in some of projects there has been a continuous presence of DWs over a long period of
time and which may not have been the most efficient use of resources given that other forms of
support may have been more appropriate to the partners. Certainly in the case of Mbweera Teachers
Centre the DW was less critical to the TC as the capacity of the TC staff themselves increased, and
what the TC most wanted was more long term financial support from MS for TC activities. MS has
recently started placing short-term DWs with partners for three to nine months in recognition of the
fact that a long term DW is not always appropriate, as in the case of Kuleana.

Perhaps the main challenge for MS in relation to Development Workers is that the adoption of the
MSIS strategy also requires new skills and expertise for Development Workers and it can be
difficult for MS to recruit enough people with the necessary experience to work within the
partnership approach. For this, DWs are required to play more complex, strategic roles as advisors
and facilitators on institutional development and capacity building. It also requires skills in social
and institutional analysis as well of understanding national policy framework within which they
work and the role of other actors. MS is now trying to address this in its orientation and preparation
of DWs.


It was not within the remit of this study to examine the Danish system of funding NGOs. For this
reason the team cannot comment on the mechanisms, structures and politics involved in obtaining
funding. However, the Impact Study has found that the current approach to funding Danish NGOs
has led to a series of isolated, disparate development interventions in Tanzania which have taken
place with little reference to the interventions of other development actors nor national level
development processes and policies. There appears to be no clear strategy for funding Danish NGOs
in Tanzania that has based on a prioritisation of needs matched to an assessment of the capabilities
of different development NGOs. Could not the Danish NGOs jointly develop some form of detailed
country strategy specifically for Tanzania which identifies those types of interventions and
geographical areas for which Danish NGOs are likely to have most impact? This could form the
basis for negotiations on funding with DANIDA and would provide a much more rigorous and
demanding framework for Danish NGOs interventions in Tanzania. If such a strategy was followed,
then Danish NGOs interventions could be more focused on meeting needs in Tanzania rather than
supporting such a wide range of different types of development projects in Tanzania. In an
environment of increasing competition for aid resources, Danish NGOs must recognise that a
plurality of different interventions is no longer enough. Mechanisms or arrangements for greater
cooperation, coordination and needs prioritisation need to be explored in more depth since these
could have the potential of improving the impact of Danish NGO assistance in Tanzania.


UNDP (1997) Human Development Report 1997. New York

Voipio, T. and Hoebink, P.(1999) European Aid for Poverty Reduction in Tanzania. ODI Working
Paper 116, London.

World Bank (1996) Tanzania: The Challenges of Reforms: Growth, Incomes and Welfare, 3 Vols.
Washington DC

World Bank (1997) Voices of the Poor: Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania. Washington DC.