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INTRODUCTION Powered By Docstoc
					                    enda                                      Experience sheet
                    environnement et développement
                          dans le Tiers monde

1. Preliminary Information

1.1 Project Title      Cleanliness Campaign in Surat : A Case Study on Administrative
1.2 Geographical       Location
                       Gujarat, one of the states in western India, is known for its trading
                       community which has developed over several centuries. At present, it
                       is one of the most prosperous states of the country. Its population
                       according to the 1991 census was 41.3 million. The per capita income
                       of the state was Rs. 2,587 in 1992-93 higher than the national
                       average, which was Rs. 2,219. Gujarat ranked eighth in industrial
                       production in 1960. Now it occupies the second position.

                       Surat, on the banks of the river Tapi and facing the Arabian Sea, is the
                       second largest city of Gujarat state. Surat is located between
                       Ahmedabad and Bombay on rail and road routes. It is the
                       administrative and economic centre of Gujarat. Known as the
                       ìGateway to Western Indiaî, Surat has a very sound base of industrial
                       and trade activities.

                       Surat has a tradition of business and it was here that the British
                       established their first trading post in 1813 A.D and the Dutch in 1820
                       A.D. Rander, which has now become a part of Surat was an important
                       commercial centre on the western coast. But as its prosperity started
                       declining in the sixteenth century, partly because of the Portuguese
                       raids, Surat city began assuming importance. Surat remained a very
                       prosperous trade centre within the country and across the sea in the
                       seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Moghul Emperor developed
                       Surat’s port and it was during this period that the Dutch, the British
                       and the French arrived and settled for business. They established their
                       factories and expanded trade. In 1759, the city was transferred to the
                       British Company by the Moghul Emperors of Delhi; the British were
                       given complete political control of the city after 1800.

                       The prosperity of the city declined by the early nineteenth century with
                       the growth of Bombay. Quarrels among the merchants of the city, raids
                       by the Portuguese and Shivaji in the sixteenth and seventeenth
                       centuries, and frequent fires and other calamities contributed to its
                       decline. The city had lost at least one-third of its population during the
                       first fifty years of British Company rule. Residents abandoned entire

neighbourhoods after fires and floods and little new construction took
place. The city lost its cosmopolitan flavour since very few new
foreign traders chose to maintain local outposts anymore.

After a considerable period of near stagnancy, the city slowly began to
revive in the post-Second World war period. Since the beginning of
the 1960s, its rise has been conspicuous. Surat is one of the fastest
growing cities of India; it was the nineteenth largest city in the country
in 1971; it is now the twelfth largest.

Area and Administrative Divisions
In 1966, the Surat municipality was raised to the status of a
corporation. Its area was expanded to include the surrounding villages
such as Athwa, Adajan, Rander and Katargam. Between the years
1963 and 1975, the limits of the city were expanded thrice.

Later, in the early 1980s, Udhna and Pandesara, important industrial
pockets, became part of the city, along with Ved, Dabholi, Karanj,
Limbayat, Piplod and Bhatar. In 1986 the area was more than doubled
to 111 square kilometres. The area of the city has in all expanded five
times, from 24.01 square kilometres in 1961 to 111.57 square
kilometres in 1991 and presently it is 112.27 square kilometres. During
the last three decades, the city has expanded in all directions.

For administrative purposes, Surat is divided into six zones:
a) the central zone mainly consisting of the old city; also called the
   inner city
b) the eastern zone of Varacha Road
c) the northern zone of Katargam and Ved Road;
d) the western zone of Rander and Adajan
e) the southern zone of Udhna and Pandesara
f) the south-west zone of Athwa lines, Bhatar and Ghod Dod

Demography and Socio-Economic Profile
Surat today has an estimated population of over 2 million spread over
approximately 113 square kilometres. The population has increased
more than four times in the last three decades, from 0.371 million in
1961 to 1.491 million in 1991. There is also a floating population on
an average of about 0.15 million. The growth rate of the population in
the last decade was 4.8 per cent per year. The unprecedented growth
of small scale industries in an unorganised sector has significantly
contributed to the rise in the city’s population. In addition to this
internal growth and immigration, the population also increased due to
expansion of the city’s municipal limits.
Significantly the proportion of females to males is the lowest among
all the major cities of Gujarat; there are 839 males per thousand males.
The female ratio has declined sharply during the last four decades; in
1961, females were 921 per thousand males.

The density of the population is 13, 483 per square kilometres; the
central zone has the highest density of 51,876 persons per square
kilometre. More than one-fourth of the city lives in this area; in 1971
the inner city had 77 per cent of the population. Varacha road,
Dumbhal and Karanj in the eastern zone are also densely populated
areas. The south-western zone – Athwa lines, Piplod and Bhatar – is
relatively thinly populated.

Surat is the second fastest developing city in India with an annual
growth rate of 9.3 per cent. The city is one of the most striking
examples of the urbanising process in post-independence India. The
tremendous growth rate has been fuelled by a remarkable process of
industrialisation. Surat city constitutes 90.6 % of the total industrial
units in the district. It is an industrial boom town engaged mainly in
powerlooms, weaving, printing and dyeing of textiles, cutting and
polishing of diamonds, manufacture of silver and gold brocade and
manufacture of plastics.

Jari, embroidery and handloom (later powerlooms) are traditional
industries. Diamond cutting and polishing have been recent additions.
Today, Surat is one of the largest centres in the world for the
production of synthetic fibre fabrics, mainly nylon and polyester.

One-third of the population consists of workers, but only 6 per cent of
women as against 58 per cent of males are in the workforce. This is the
only city in the country where the manufacturing sector has not only
the highest proportion of employed workers but this sector has also
consistently increased since 1971.

One third of the population lives in small hutments which
predominantly house immigrants with low incomes. There are 294
slum pockets of these 27 per cent are old slums, formed before 1960.
About 25 per cent are of recent origin, having come up after 1981.

People from all parts of the city have immigrated to the city during the
last three decades because of its economic growth and more so because
of the textile factories and the diamond cutting industry. Consequently,
the local population, the Suratis have been reduced to a minority,
constituting around 40 per cent of the population. In the slums more
than 80 per cent are immigrants.

Suratis are known as warm hearted and fun loving people with a
devil-may-care attitude. The immigrants, a sizeable portion of whom
are single have a deeply ingrained remittance culture. Their concern is
to make as much money as possible and remit savings back home.
Thus, money making coupled with negligible concern for the city and
its welfare may be considered to be part of Surat’s sub-culture.

The local Suratis and the immigrants do share common economic

                activities and to some extent participate in social festivals. But at the
                same time the immigrants including both the labourers and the factory
                owners maintain their regional and linguistic identity not only in social
                and cultural spheres but also in economic and political spheres. There
                are labour unions which almost exclusively cater to the needs of the
                labourers of particular regions. The factory owners are also clearly
                divided on regional lines and compete with each other for capturing
                business organisation.
1.3 Field of    Capacity Building for Solid Waste Management and Environment
Intervention    Improvement
1.4 Key Dates   Start of project : May 1995

                To clean the city was on the agenda of the Municipal Commissioner,
                when he joined in May, 1995. To augment the available infrastructure
                and to hit the problems at its roots the SMC decided to concentrate in
                improving municipal services. A clean Surat was seen as the best
                demonstration of the efforts of the Municipal Corporation.

                Municipal staff were expected to serve as role model for other citizens
                and therefore were strictly prohibited against littering. SMC staff were
                reprimanded by the Municipal Commissioner for throwing small
                plastic pouches in the corridor of the corporation office.

                In the second week of May, 1995, a contract was given to a private
                party for cleaning the eastern bank of the river Tapi and removing silt
                in the south west zone. In the third week of May, 1995, the Municipal
                Commissioner announced that the SMC would recruit 675 sweepers
                before the onset of the monsoon (the second week of June) to intensify
                the cleaning of the city. Cleaning of the sewage lines and septic tanks
                was undertaken on a war footing before the rains started. With this,
                the SMC launched a Health Care Operation in the last week of May.
                The focus in the initial phases was solely on health related activities
                like intensive cleaning of city, lifting of dead animals, monitoring of
                epidemics and the many public health engineering activities.

                Simultaneously, the team decided to enforce hygiene and sanitation
                standards in eating houses, shops selling sweets, fruits, dry fruits,
                vegetables, food grains, cold storage and so on. The biggest and richest
                establishment were raided.

                As part of the campaign,          the following activities were also
                undertaken simultaneously :

                   Closely supervised and regular cleaning of the streets and disposal
                    of garbage.
                   Monitoring of Diseases

                       Campaign against hotels and eateries
                       Providing Sanitation facilities
                       Better surfacing and widening of roads
                       Slum Improvement

                    Duration of Project : On-going
1.5 Total Budget    No Specific budget but the expenditure of the SMC on water supply,
                    sewage, roads and bridges have increased from 78 per cent increase in
                    expenditure on water supply to 184 per cent in sewerage and drainage.

                    The pattern of expenditure shows a clear inclination towards expansion
                    of physical infrastructure. With just an increase of budget of Solid
                    waste management of 30 paise per capita per day, the efficiency of
                    garbage removal has gone up to 95 per cent.
1.6 Main Partners   Surat Municipal Corporation

                    The municipal government in Surat is as old as Bombay and
                    Ahmedabad municipalities. It was established in 1852, under the
                    Government of India Act XXVI of 1850. Initially, till 1884, all the
                    members were nominated by the government and the Collector was the

                    In 1966 with the rise in population, the Surat Municipality became the
                    Surat Municipal Corporation. It is governed by the Bombay Provincial
                    Municipal Corporation Act (BPMC), 1949. Accordingly, the SMC has
                    three wings : the general body, the standing committee and the
                    Municipal Commissioner. The general body consists of elected
                    representatives and it elects the mayor and the deputy mayor. The
                    members of the standing committee are elected by the general body
                    from among its members. It is headed by the Chairman. The
                    Commissioner is appointed by the State government and functions as
                    the executive head of SMC.

                    The Municipal Commissioner, under the BPMC act is the head of the
                    administration.    He enjoys a range of powers including the
                    formulation of the budget and proposals, subject to the approval of the
                    General Body,        for various projects. The Commissioner is
                    empowered to prescribe the duties of exercising supervision and
                    control over all the staff of the administration except the Municipal
                    Secretary and the Municipal Chief Auditor.

                    The SMC receives grants from the state government for maintenance
                    of health services and primary education and implementation of town
                    planning schemes. It also receives grants from the Central and the
                    State government for certain programmes such as family welfare,
                    employment programme or Integrated Child Development Scheme.
                    The SMC also borrows from the public and from institutions like
                    HUDCO or World Bank for certain projects. Its internal source of
                    income is octroi, property taxes, rents and fees. The major portion of

revenue expenditure in Surat goes towards collection and disposal of

The SMC is statutorily solely responsible for providing almost all
services to the city dwellers except city transport, electricity and law
and order. The BPMC act specifies at least 25 activities as the
obligatory duty of a corporation. These include sanitation, sewage
treatment, construction of public hospital, primary schools, roads and
bridges, management and maintenance of municipal water works.

2. General Information

2.1 Context         Problem Statement – Urbanisation
institutional,      In Gujarat state, industrial growth has not been accompanied by
political,          development in the social sector. In the sphere of primary education,
socio-economic,     Gujarat ranks sixth among the states in India. The infant mortality rate
equipment,          in Gujarat is also very high. There is also the problem of air pollution
infrastructureÖ)    in many of the urban cities. Safety measures are by and large absent in
                    the large and small scale industries.

                    Though Surat city had one of the oldest municipalities set up in 1852
                    and made a corporation in 1966, in recent decades it grew out of
                    control. Industrialisation and increased trade resulted in mass
                    immigration leading to a rapid unplanned urbanisation. The expanding
                    economic activities of the city had been instrumental in the growth of
                    the city in all directions specially to the south.

                    Expansion of area, has created a more skewed, spatial concentration
                    and over-stressed city infrastructure. In Surat, population increased
                    around five times whereas area has increased 13.5 times during the last
                    three decades. A rapid, unplanned and haphazard growth saw the city
                    emerging as a major man made textile, diamond cutting and polishing
                    centre and progressing on industrial and economic front but along with
                    this, there has been a gradual breakdown in the infrastructure over the
                    years. This has put a constant strain on the services provided by the
                    corporation as there has been no proportionate growth in the civic

                    Surat, before the plague epitomised much of the problems facing urban
                    locales in the country – the roads were by and large unpaved, surface
                    water was thoroughly polluted, plants and trees were nowhere to be
                    seen, power failure was the order of the day, sanitation and drainage
                    were in a dismal state. Pools of stagnant water were home to pigs and
                    mosquitoes that thrived in the fetid environs. The banks of the river
                    Tapi, which flows through the city was dotted with carcasses. There
                    was dirt and the city experienced several flash floods; the citizens did
                    evolve their own systems to tackle this. But then, even these old
                    systems were destroyed without a new alternate system being fully


                    The single largest problem faced by all alike was the unhygienic
                    condition of the city. In the past Surat was known as the city ìfloating
                    on sewage waterî. The covered drainage system introduced in 1957
                    was meant for a prospective population of 0.3 million people. It was
                    later expanded but in 1991 it served only 13 per cent of the area and 33
                    per cent of the city’s population; 60 per cent of the slums had no

drainage system. The filthy water flowed around houses and hutments
in many parts of the city and filled up the ditches.

Hardly 2 per cent of the slum dwellers had private toilets. Nearly 78
per cent of the slum population and many others who lived in small
houses in low-income group localities used whatever available open
space there was for defecation. About 20 per cent used public latrines;
one toilet block was used as many as 777 persons. As a result, public
toilets were more often than not in a filthy condition, choked and


Historically, Surat has been known for its filthiness. It has been a
fertile ground for epidemics such as malaria, gastro-enteritis,
infectious hepatitis, cholera, dengue, apart from the notorious plague
which struck with devastating effect in September 1994. Pre-1995
Surat city alone, accounted for 50 per cent of the Malaria cases in
Gujarat. Every year the city reported three to four different epidemics,
most common were malaria, falciparum malaria, jaundice, pneumonia
and diarrhoea.

Drinking water shortage

There was an acute drinking water problem. The SMC supplied piped
water to only 43 per cent of the area and 71 per cent of the population
and even those who did get piped water barely managed with the
limited supply.

Waste Disposal

In Surat organic waste constitutes the main component forming 30.32
per cent. Since this decomposed very fast, this waste cannot be left on
the streets for long and has to be collected frequently. Over the last
decade no major changes in waste composition have been observed.
The table below illustrates the composition of waste in Surat city.

Table I : Composition of waste in Surat city

Waste                                           Per cent
Compostible                                     30.32
Recyclable paper                                5.48
Plastic                                         3.57
Metal                                           0.86
Glass                                           1.13
Brick Stone                                     14.97
Recyclable                                      26.01
Earth                                           38.89
Miscellaneous                                   4.78

No institution had undertaken work in the field of solid waste
management. The NGOs which initiated the cleaning and other
programmes during the epidemic considered that the administration
was doing good work and therefore they need not do anything.

The city produced more than 800,000 tonnes of solid waste every day
without facilities for its disposal. The city generated between 900 to
1100 tonnes of garbage daily and only 500 tonnes that is under 50 per
cent was cleared daily leading to a massive accumulation of uncleared
filth. Dyeing houses and other chemical factories violated all rules of
pollution and drained hazardous waste material on the roads and into
the river.

Working Conditions

Besides, the unhygienic environs, unsatisfactory and exploitative
working conditions in the jari, powerloom and diamond industries
cause several diseases for a large number of workers. The workers in
the textile industries as well as the diamond cutting business were not
governed by labour laws and badly organised. These workers were
exploited and made to work under miserable conditions. Their living
conditions were also deplorable with many of them residing in shanty
colonies along the canals and the river.


Sky-rocketing real estate prices lead to the mushrooming of slums in
many parts of the city. The physical and environmental conditions
operating in Surat slums are quite unique. They lack adequate living
space and essential services such as water sewerage, toilets, streetlights
and roads. The so-called roads are seldom wider than four to five feet,
a width utterly inadequate to provide any meaningful service. These
slums are extremely congested with population densities of 20,000
persons per square kilometres.

Unauthorised constructions

Illegal or unauthorised construction activities also mushroomed in
Surat. A large number of builders constructed either whole or parts of
buildings without the approval of the SMC; or they constructed
buildings for purposes different from what the approval specified.
Some constructed buildings on land marked as ‘reserved’ for roads,
public parks, playgrounds or other public purposes under the Town
Planning Schemes.

A few constructions also came up either on municipal or government
land. Some extended their area and encroached on public land. Such
unauthorised or illegal constructions were to be found in all parts of
the city.
Such construction, more often than not, has continued in the city with

                      the connivance of the municipal officers and political leaders,
                      irrespective of their political colour. In the past, every year a few
                      illegal on unauthorised constructions were demolished here and there
                      but there was never any sustained operation. The officers used to
                      carry out the work to show their authority and also to go on record that
                      they were doing something. Sometimes the builders either used to get
                      a stay order from the court and/or successfully exert pressure on the
                      Commissioner and the party in power to stop the demolition.

                      SMC Performance

                      The performance of the municipal government since its inception was
                      rather poor. It failed to take the initiative in meeting new and changing
                      demands which the growth of the city presented. Construction of many
                      unauthorised buildings, settlements and industries without legal
                      sanction, violating laws of town planning, had added to the congested
                      in the city and also caused further deterioration in the sanitation.

                      The urban influx coupled with the newly-found wealth had given rise
                      to a number of unauthorised housing colonies around the city. These
                      naturally lacked basic civic amenities. The drainage system covered
                      only a small area of the town. Garbage was just thrown by the roadside
                      and sewage flowed into the streets. Basic facilities needed for a decent
                      life get a short shrift in all the cities of Gujarat, but this was much
                      more pronounced in Surat.

                      Piles of garbage, rotting carcasses and cesspools of sewage was visible
                      on the main thoroughfares. Rats and bandicoots naturally multiplied in
                      such favourable conditions. The overwhelming impression was that of
                      filth, ugliness and decrepitude and Surat was said to be one of the
                      dirtiest cities of India. It was also not surprising that the initial onset of
                      the plague was in the outskirts of the city, where primary amenities
                      like potable water and sewage disposal were absent.
2.2 Project History   Occurrence of the epidemic
(origins, problems
encounteredÖ)         On September 22, 1994 an epidemic of pneumonic plague spread
                      rapidly in the city of Surat in Gujarat. By September 30, 1994
                      according to official figures, there were 752 plague patients in Surat
                      and 44 persons were killed by the plague. The areas worst affected in
                      Surat were Katargam and Ved Road. Cases were also reported from
                      the Ghodod, Mithikhadi and Chimini Tekra areas, from Sanjaynagar
                      and Rajivnagar of the Udhna industrial suburb, from slums around the
                      Elbee cinema, from the working-class Limbayat and Ruderpura areas,
                      and from the commercial areas of Chowk bazaar and from a centre of
                      the diamond cutting industry in Varacha.

                      Epidemiologists suggest that the plague could have been brought to

Surat by migrant workers from Maharashtra or could have originated
in Surat after the floods, when carcasses were left to rot in the streets
or by a combination of these two lines of transmission.

The starting place of the lethal disease was Ved Road in the Katargam
area of the north zone situated on the western bank of the river Tapi.
Like many parts of the city the area did not have a sewerage system.
Only some newly constructed housing complexes had septic tank
drainage and latrines with soak pits or direct disposal to open or storm
water drains nearby. These septic tanks often used to get flooded
within a month or two. Neither the administration or the societies used
to take initiatives to clean these tanks.

The municipality constructed a storm-water drainage system on the
Ved Road for intercepting catchment water above the level of 8.5
metres or so and for discharging it into the major old drain from
Katargam. Many newly constructed buildings joined their septic tank
drainage system with the storm-water drainage system so that they
could get rid of the nuisance of getting their septic tanks cleaned
frequently by the municipality. The storm-water drain having no
velocity to flush out the sewage worked as a sedimentation pond of
human excreta and garbage before the monsoon.

Around 30 per cent of the households in this area got municipal water
for drinking but this was hardly adequate. Many get bore water but the
ground water they used was saline. The open drains, septic tanks
directly discharging to the surface drains and leaching of garbage lead
to a contaminated of ground water as well.

The city had heavy rain for three months prior to the plague. The water
level in the Ukai Dam rose and reached a critical level so it had to be
released to protect the dam. That caused the city to flood. The flood
water found a passage through three outlets, to enter the north zone of
Ved-Katargam. Garbage and sewage as well as micro-organisms in the
storm-water drainage were floated to vast areas.
When the waters of the river Tapi which had inundated the city in the
second week of September, 1994, finally receded, barely ten days
before the disease broke out, it left behind stinking puddles, slush,
garbage, sewage and carcasses, conditions most likely to cause an
outbreak of a disease.

The adjoining areas of the north zone, the old city in the south and
Adajan-Rander in the west were immediately affected by the disease.
Another area heavily affected by the plague was the southern part of
the city consisting of Udhna, Pandesera, Bhestan and Bamroli. In
Udhna and Pandesera there is no sewerage or potable water system.
The SMC had not yet prepared TP schemes for these areas. Hence,
there was a good deal of haphazard construction of buildings. The
textile printing and dyeing factories threw their waste chemicals and
water on the roads and on both sides of the roads stinking coloured

water flows freely. The roads were uneven with many holes.

Though plague is not a water-borne disease, flood did precede the
plague in Surat and 72 per cent of the households of the death cases
and 70 per cent of the sero-positive cases were surrounded by water
for several days during the monsoon.

The pneumonic plague was first reported from Ved Road, where seven
persons believed to have been suffering from dengue fever for three
days died within hours of one another on September 21, 1994. By
September 22, 1994, 17 people had died in quick succession. The
symptoms were the same : high fever, blood in the sputum, cough,
lung congestion and severe body pain.

According to the SMC and NCH, there were 1,021 plague or plague
suspected patients in Surat city and the district during
September-October 1994. Of them, 37 were death cases, 117 were
serological positive and 867 were suspected cases. Those who died
without hospitalisation do not appear in the official record. There was
no post-mortem examination of all the dead. Therefore, it is difficult to
tell the exact number of victims of the plague epidemic.

The NCH admitted plague-suspected patients from almost all parts of
the city. The posh localities like the Athwa Lines where rich
businessmen and professionals live was no exception. The largest
number of death cases and sero-positive cases were however found on
Ved Road, Tunki, Singanoor and Katargam in the northern part. Udhna
and Pandesara in the southern part of the city had the largest number of
suspected cases. Udhna had more incidents of death whereas
Pandesara had more sero-positive cases. Eight cases of death and 14
sero-positive cases were also reported from the central zone of the city
which is the most congested part of the city. Incidents of deaths were
also reported from the middle-class locality of Rander in the western

The news about the outbreak of the plague was not equally
disseminated to all the citizens. The sudden death of a few persons,
was followed by rumours about poison in the water and/or release air
of poisonous gas in the air. These had communal overtones in which
the members of the minority community were the suspects. On the
other hand, a section of the Muslims, the victims of the 1992
communal riots, saw the plague as Allah’s wrath against those who
were cruel to the innocents.
The doctors were the privileged group that first got the news of the
outbreak of the plague. Then those who were the part of the
telecommunication network received the information. The doctors also
had the privilege of also procuring the medicines beforehand. At the
first instance, people from the lower middle and lower classes were

deprived both of information and medicine.

For at least the first three days after the outbreak of plague, the health
and general administration in Surat were in a state of chaos. Large
number of private doctors fled the city, the co-ordination between
public health authorities and health personnel in hospitals was poor,
supplies of antibiotics were attacked and looted. A large-scale exodus
of people from Surat began. It showed that the people of Surat had
very little faith in the public health system and even patients fled from

Among the first to leave were the doctors, particularly those with a
roaring practice, executives and businessmen. Nearly 30 per cent fled
the city. Among the doctors as many as 70 per cent fled from Surat,
and not all those who remained attended to their duties. But a few
performed their duties with sincerity and moral commitment,
working against all odds including conflicts within their family and
also weak infrastructure facilities at the hospital.

The civic authorities and a local newspaper undertook a campaign
telling the people that pneumonic plague was curable and advising
them not to leave. But no one was willing to listen, as the medicines
and treatment was not enough nor were there attempts to clean the

Given the administration’s abysmal record in providing sanitation
facilities, the ravages of the flood and the Government’s tardy
response, the non-availability of medicines, the lack of infrastructure
to identify quickly those affected, and the unhygienic conditions in
public hospitals, resulted in the exodus from Surat.

Economic Losses
The plague had devastated Surat. It became an international pariah
overnight due to the wide coverage in the media. The city’s economy
was paralysed till December 1994. The daily losses in Surat’s
industries was estimated to be Rs. 516.5 million. The industries of art,
silk and fabric lost Rs. 250 million a day, the diamond industry Rs.
150 million a day. The total losses suffered by various industries and
trade is estimated at a staggering Rs. 12,000 million. The heaviest
blow was of course on the workers who comprise about 1 million of
Surat’s population. While the 0.25 million diamond cutters and
polishers lost about Rs. 12.5 million in wages daily, about 4.5 textile
workers lost about Rs. 22.5 million daily.

Social Impact
People were denied snacks and tea at hotels if they travelled in
vehicles bearing Surat registration plates. Blood relatives staying
elsewhere in the country shut their doors and refused entry into their

homes. If the Suratis who fled to their native villages became
outcasts there, in the city there were dubbed traitors. The original
Suratis reviled them for encroaching upon the city’s services and
comforts, for ruining the environment, for engendering disease and
finally when called upon to lend a hand, be the first to leave.

Till December 1994, there was a modicum of restraint in the Suratis
attitude of not throwing garbage on the streets. The city authorities
made a feeble effort to polish its tarnished image by persuading
residents to keep their homes and immediate surroundings clean.
However, by January 1995, century-old habits asserted themselves
with a vengeance; the enthusiasm had waned in a few months and the
city was back to its state of filth, ugliness and decrepitude. Households
and commercial establishments in Surat were habituated to dumping
garbage into the nearest drain or street making it virtually impossible
for sweepers to collect and transfer it to specified collection dumps.

The cleanliness drive in cities, started immediately after the plague
with much fervour and fanfare, seemed to have vanished. Four
months after the dreaded disease struck Surat, things were back to
ìnormalî. The urgency of the authorities as well as the people to
remove squalor and keep the surroundings clean was also missing.
Plans which were drawn up were hardly implemented.

Common people as well as the intelligentsia emphasised that cultural
as well as economic dimensions of society were responsible for the
plague. They called for a change in both spheres to prevent future
disaster. There was a consensus in the city that the political authorities
had failed in performing their duties for the well-bearing of the
citizens. And there was also a near consensus, barring a few
entrepreneurs, that the path of development and strategies for attaining
the objectives need to be changed.

During the plague people were scared of garbage. It was almost
believed that the garbage in the streets was the cause of the plague.
According to a cross-section of society, dirtiness was the main
problem of the city. The authorities and the media supported and
projected this belief. And during the plague and its aftermath, several
individuals and voluntary groups launched the cleaning of the areas,
though these efforts were localised, scattered and temporary.

2.4 Actors and their   Areas of Partnership and Participation
relations :
repartition of tasks   The initiative of Surat First was launched by the then Municipal
and                    Commissioner in 1997 to make Surat the cleanest city in India.
responsibilities,      Accordingly, he invited voluntary groups and private sector for their
forms of               involvement in the cleanliness and extending this drive towards a safe
organisation           environment. These voluntary groups were asked to carry out activities
                       such as tree plantation, adopting slums and providing them essential
                       facilities of water, lighting and sanitation.

                       Community Encouragement
                       Initially, people were apprehensive of the Commissioner’s enthusiasm
                       for demolition. Many took it as a routine which according to them, all
                       the Commissioners used in the beginning to impress people. However,
                       once they were assured of the sincerity of the drive, the people of Surat
                       came out in full support.
                       Response from the public for the drive against the eateries as well as
                       the demolition was overwhelming. There were several letters written
                       to the editors of different newspapers, praising the action of the
                       Commissioner. Appeals were made to people to support the
                       campaign for cleaning the city and making it beautiful.

                       There was an initial public action and awareness meeting to lend
                       support to the activities of the then Municipal Commissioner. It was
                       due to this meeting that the political leadership realised that the
                       citizens were totally behind the Commissioner and any move to
                       transfer him would lead to a waning of popularity of the politicians.
                       Thereafter the politicians also started supporting the Commissioner’s
                       Political parties then asked the shopkeepers to sacrifice a little for the
                       city and accordingly many owners opted for voluntary demolition. The
                       media, a large number of intellectuals and social activists including
                       NGOs supported the Commissioner’s action. A number of ìFan
                       Clubsî were formed to support the Commissioner.

                       Opposition or hurdles to the road alignment work were dealt with by
                       requesting ìwell-meaning citizensî to file a public interest litigation
                       making Surat Municipal Corporation as one of the Respondents. As a
                       result, the demolitions could take place as they were in the interest of
                       the public.

                       Presently, the citizens are again thinking of launching an action
                       programme for the support of the Commissioner as differences have
                       cropped up between him and the elected representatives of the SMC.

Voluntary Demolitions
As far as was possible, demolitions were carried out with the
cooperation of the aggrieved parties. Alternative accommodations
were provided to authorised residential structures only. In case of
commercial structures (authorised or otherwise), accommodation had
to be obtained elsewhere at current market price.

The owners of such commercial structures who volunteered for
demolition were not rich traders. The compensation that they
received was meagre. It was less than one-third of the current market
price. Moreover, the compensations were given after deducting ‘city
improvement’ charges. Their business came to a complete stand still
for more than three months; and they took six to seven months to
renovate the remaining part to start the establishment again. Yet, they
did not oppose the demolition and in fact most of them managed the
crisis and were able restart their business.

This was possible because of the tremendous wave generated in favour
of the Corporation’s work and the feeling of sincerity about the work
done by the Corporation. There was a momentum which led to this.
Also the fact is that because of the cleanliness drive property prices
which had taken a nose dive did increase sharply. So even if a shop
keeper lost some of his space for the widening of roads this was
compensated by the increased price that his shop would have

Some slum-dwellers also volunteered for the demolition of their
dwellings and expressed their willingness to shift to the new site.
Almost ninety per cent of the affected households of these slums were
given alternative sites at distances varying from less than half a km to
five km from their place of residence. Most of the new sites had been
provided, before shifting, with levelling of land, street electricity,
water stand-post, roads and public toilets and drainage, though open,
where water can flow.

Private Participation
As detailed earlier, private sector participation was actively taken in
the cleaning operations and garbage collection. Movable cradle-type
containers which were provided at every 30 meters was sponsored by
private agencies.

Presently, to address the need to expand its solid waste disposal
capacity, the SMC is currently exploring with EXCEL industries the
construction and operation of solid waste processing plant.

Hawkers did not prove to be much of a nuisance as they did not litter

around and maintain a dust bin which they used. Furthermore, they
kept to the area that was marked out for them.

Private practitioners have been roped into the task of disease
monitoring. Five private practitioners from each ward having a good
practice send reports on diseases like flu, malaria, gastro-enteritis,
jaundice, identifying localised problems so that local level planning
and assessment can be done to initiate local solutions to these

Involvement in Decision Making
No formal mechanisms has been evolved for the involvement of NGOs
or the private sector, though there have been occasional meetings.
Decision making process is still concentrated solely in the hands of the
SMC, but the Municipal Commissioners have held informal
consultations with many NGOs and citizens regarding the priorities
and approaches.

On the public health front, the SMC’s efforts are being reinforced by at
least one voluntary agency. Concerned citizens, galvanised into
action by the plague outbreak, set up an organisation. The strategy of
this group, which includes doctors, an academic, a retired bank
executive and a retired government servant, is to ensure, through
ìfriendly pressureî and an educational effort, that those who live in a
locality and the civic officials act together in the battle against dirt.

This organisation started its work by educating the people of
Maharana Pratapnagar to collect their daily garbage and deposit it in a
container away from their homes instead of dumping it in open gutters.
The organisation’s workers kept meeting civic officials at different
levels and trying to persuade them to help improve sanitation in the
shantytown. Regular cleaning of gutters and the provision of storm
water drainage were demands they kept pressing.

Increasing Awareness and Monitoring work
Although there is a functional system for the redressal of grievances,
one of the problems was that people were by and large ignorant of
such a system. Therefore, one of the voluntary organisations took upon
itself the task of creating awareness of these redressal mechanisms.
4,00,000 pamphlets were distributed at a cost of Rs. 75,000 to the
citizens of Surat to make them aware of their rights as well as their
responsibilities. The distribution was done on a house to house basis
through the help of a local courier who did not charge anything.

Two social workers have been appointed by a voluntary organisation

                    to oversee the operations of SMC. These task of these social workers
                    also include identifying families residing near the garbage dumps so
                    that they can later on be suitably relocated. There is also a plan to
                    appoint a senior sociologist for a duration of one year thus drawing in
                    professional experience.

                    One of the NGOs is involved in the monitoring of cleanliness drive in
                    the slums where it is working, thereby acting as a vigilance group.
                    Education and training is also being imparted to the slums dwellers as
                    regards the issues of maintaining hygiene.

                    Community Management
                    The other element of community involvement is seen in the move by
                    the present Commissioner to allow co-operative societies to employ
                    their own sweepers. Initially they were just paid a flat rate of Rs. 600
                    but now depending on the area they could be paid a maximum of Rs.
                    1500 for an area upto 3,500 square metres.

                    Formation of Organisations
                    Ragpickers collect recyclable waste from streets and sell it off to junk
                    dealers. Ragpickers thus reduce the quantum of waste reaching
                    disposal sites. According to a study conducted by Centre for Social
                    Studies in Surat, the ragpickers contribute 13.11 per cent of the total
                    estimated collection.

                    With the help of an NGO, the SMC is trying to organise the
                    rag-pickers, give Identity-Cards to them, segregate areas and train
                    them to distinguish garbage and sort them accordingly. This the SMC
                    feels will help in directly helping the rag-pickers, who constitute the
                    most vulnerable group and are amongst the poorest of the poor. It is
                    found that those by-lanes which have some community groups present
                    are able to redress the grievances and are more aware of their rights.
2.5 Technological   Features of Cleanliness campaign
Aspects             The main features of the entire cleanliness campaign including the
(Innovations,       garbage collection and disposal were a decrease in manpower, increase
methodsÖ)           in mechanisation, provision of implements/tools in larger quantities
                    and privatisation of some services.

                    Unit Rates
                    Earlier, the projects carried out in each zone required preparation of
                    estimates, getting its sanction, floating of the tender and its sanction.
                    The process was too long. There were variations in the estimates and
                    tenders prepared in different zones for similar works. All zones used to
                    carry out the whole procedure for the similar project works repeatedly;
                    the whole process taking several weeks and the actual commencement

of work used to get delayed.

To minimise the procedural delay, to save advertisement cost, and to
have uniformity between various zones, the system of Unit rate was
introduced in the financial year 1995-96. If the rates found for any
zone of SMC are found more reasonable, they are, on approval,
sanctioned as Unit Rate for that particular work. Such unit rates have
gone a long way in reducing the procedural time, creating uniformity
and reducing unnecessary delay for carrying out similar type of work
in different zones.

Also, for having uniformity amongst various departments/zones,
designs for some of the projects such as roads, toilet blocks, compound
wall, streetlight poles are standardised. This reduces variations in
quality and quantity of such works.

Card System
At the ward level, whenever anybody makes a complaint it is
registered and a receipt is given, a white card for sanitation and a red
card for engineering and public works. As soon as the complaint is
attended to, these cards are sent to the complainant with due
endorsement of the redressal.

The grievances are divided into two broad categories; one related to
sanitation and the other related to engineering. The complaints related
to sanitation are classified into two groups; those which are expected
to be disposed of within 24 hours and those which are expected to be
disposed off within 48 hours. The former includes complaints
regarding removal of dead animals, leakage of water pipes, overflow
of drain, removal of garbage etc. The latter includes complaints such
as cleanliness on the streets, cleanliness of public toilets, overflow and
cleanliness of septic tanks, stale food served by hotels etc.
Complaints can also be issued via the telephone. Thus, it can be seen
that the system is geared towards being as informal as possible to the
citizens such that the citizens do not have to experience the normal
bureaucratic red-tape evident in most government organisations.

Services like maintenance of pay and use toilets, street lights,
maintenance of central verge of the roads in return of advertisement
rights, management of water treatment plants, water distribution
through tankers, weir cum causeway construction, tree planting, etc are
allotted to the private agencies. Consultants are also involved in
designing and estimation of special projects.
The corporation has gradually privatised the transportation of city
waste. The mechanism adopted for transportation is that per tractor per
day pays Rs. 450 without labour and Rs. 750 with six labour and it is
upto the SMC to decide the number of trips and the load. For the

trucks per metric tonne Rs. 130 is paid for lifting and disposing refuse
garbage to the maximum ceiling of 4 MTs per trip. The corporation
has enforced stringent rules to discourage non-performance, including
fines for under loading, spillage of garbage during transit and failure to
make the specific number of trips per day.

The collection points are identified by SMC staff. The contractor has
to collect and transport (loading and unloading) refuse garbage from
various spots of dust bin and dispose of the same at the disposal site.

Sanitary wards issue the white slip and at disposal sites after the
weight is taken a red slip is issued for payments. Private contractors
are now actively involved in transporting waste from collection points
to disposal sites thereby reducing overheads of the corporation. In
Surat, the private contractors transport waste at a lower cost than that
of the corporation.

Today 40 per cent of the collection of solid waste is privatised Night
brushing and scrapping is done entirely by contractors. According to
the SMC, privatisation of the collection has lead to

   Avoidance of vehicle maintenance problems for the corporation
   Focusing responsibility for waste removal on private contractors
    and thus ensuring a more effective service
   Cost effectiveness and reducing the administrative burden

Special terms and conditions imposed by the SMC for the
transportation of private waste are

   The contractor has to lift refuse garbage daily from the specified
    dust bins. For non-compliance of this, the SMC will charge penalty
    per garbage collection point of Rs. 50 to Rs. 100 for big spots and
    Rs. 500 for a ward as the case may be.
   The contractor has to obtain the receipt from the ward office in
    duplicate for lifting of refuse garbage and has to submit the receipt
    at the disposal site and in turn the disposal site will issue the final
   The refuse trucks/tractors are to be covered with jute tarpaulin.
   The contractor has to pay hire charges for utilisation of SMC’s
    vehicles like trucks, excavators-cum-loaders and other equipments.
   The contractors have to give the details of vehicles like names and
    addresses of the owners and the necessary RTO documents.

Heavy penalty
Constructions were carried out on a large scale. Steps were taken to
ensure speedy completion of work and reduction in cost. A specific
period of time is given with a deterrent clause stating that the

contractor would have to pay a penalty of 1% for every day taken
beyond the specified period of time.

For any project of SMC involving an amount of more than Rs. 5
million, the time limit allowed is not more than six months. In case of
any project which required more than six months for completion, it
had to be accompanied by an explanation in four pages only stating the
reasons for the same.

In case of delay due to unforseen circumstances, then there was a
provision for waiving the penalty. However, if work progressed as
per schedule, the bills were settled expeditiously. 25% of the running
bills though were held in reserve from which the penalty if any, could
be recovered. Monitoring of the construction and quality of work was
done at various stages through video shooting. All the municipal
properties are to be maintained regularly and painted every two years.
No posters or bills were seen on any Municipal property by bringing
into force the damages to private property act.

The effect of these steps were seen in the form of completion of a
three-storeyed school building in six months and a Fly Over Bridge
in nine months (which was estimated to take one year).

Administrative charge
Apart from the penalties on the private contractors, once the system of
regular collection of garbage and sweeping of the streets was in
operation and began to make an impact on the public, the SMC
introduced what it calls ‘administrative charge’, or in public parlance
‘penalty’ on those whose taps leaked and water overflowed on to
roads, on factories discharging effluents on the roads, and also on
those who do not dispose of their garbage bins or containers but throw
it in the streets.

The shopkeepers, hotel owners, and others are expected to keep
garbage collection bins in their premises and dispose of the garbage in
the containers. The hoteliers are expected to keep the leftover food in
polyethylene bags so that the liquid wastes do not wet the dry garbage,
and this reduces flies as well as the nuisance of dogs and pigs. The
large hotels are expected to dispose of their garbage at the garbage
disposal place at their garbage at the garbage disposal place at their
own cost. Those who fail to comply with the instructions have to pay
‘administrative charge’ as the Corporation has to make special effort to
clean the streets.
There have been moves to register police complaints against perpetual
offenders who litter the streets as well as impose a fine on them.
Municipal officers have been given this power to impose punitive fine
on those who litter the streets. The fines range from Rs. 50 to Rs. 500
for a first time offence and can go upto ten times the same for repeated

Any person found to throw garbage on the road is fined right from Rs.
50 per offence to 0.1 million. The rates have been fixed according to
the areas; in residential areas the fine is of Rs. 50 per offence, in
commercial areas it ranges from Rs. 100 to Rs. 1000, in small
industrial areas from Rs. 300 to Rs. 3000 and lastly for big industrial
units it goes upto Rs. 500 to Rs. 5000 depending upon the waste
quantity and gravity of problem. This has been given a public warning
through a notification published jointly by the municipal commissioner
of the city. Under this notification, every establishment or hawker,
industrial or commercial shops etc are required to keep a bin within
their charge, collect all waste in the bin and transfer it to the nearest
community collection points or give it to a sweeper.

The charges so far collected are arbitrarily decided by the officers. The
charges vary from Rs.50 to Rs. 0.125 million. During the 16 months
from September 1995 to December 1996, the Corporation collected
more than Rs. 3.9 million from 27,556 persons. On an average, 1,722
persons per month paid these charges for throwing water or leakage of
water or throwing garbage in the street.

Institutional Arrangements
After the plague, there was a strong and all pervasive defeatist attitude
among top rung officials of the Surat Municipal Corporation. There
were deep vertical schisms based on water-tight departments in the
SMC, each acting in an isolated fashion. Though the city was by then
decentralised into six territorial zones, inter-disciplinary approach was
restricted to paper. The so-called decentralisation as always was a
decentralisation of only responsibility not authority. The local citizens
were unhappy over the functioning of SMC and local media had also
projected the SMC as a badly managed corporation. The SMC staff
were a thoroughly demoralised lot due to the stringent criticism on
them. It was a social anathema to belong to Surat.

The plague in Surat in 1994 thus provided the main impetus for the
revitalisation of the entire city. This external environment was a
blessing in disguise and forced SMC to have an objective and critical
reviews of its activities, particularly of operations internal of the
organisation. The Corporation realised that sanitation and public health
were directly co-related to the sewerage, drinking water, roads,
footpaths, toilets etc. A second realisation was that sanitation and
public health is a holistic concept which cannot be disaggregated as
per the SMC’s whims and fancies. This implies that if just the posh
areas are clean, the city cannot be called clean. If there are any areas
such as slums which are filthy, any epidemic breaking out from there
can affect the whole city and for that matter the whole nation.

Many consider the Municipal Commissioner of Surat from May, 1995
to December 1997, as the chief architect behind the initiatives taken
to make Surat one of the cleanest cities of India. After taking over, the

first step the new Commissioner took was in the direction of
invigorating the administration. In marshalling its efforts to tackle the
plague and the environmental health problems the city instituted some
innovative administrative improvements as well as introduced private
sector participation into selected city services to make the service
delivery more effective.

The decentralisation of the SMC by creating six zones took place in
1993 and this was strengthened. Under section 88(2) of the BPMC
Act, the Commissioner may with the approval of the standing
committee empower any municipal officer to exercise, perform or
discharge any powers which are his. By using this provision of the
Act, he can delegate all his financial and administrative powers. The
administrative and financial powers of the commissioner were
delegated to all heads of divisions such as Deputy and Assistant
Commissioners; Chief Engineers of departments of sewerage, water
supply, roads and Director of Planning, about ten of them.
All policy decisions were to be jointly made by all the eleven
commissioners. Thus the whole corporation was divided into six zones
and senior level officers of the corporation are given charge as the
zonal commissioner in addition to their regular administrative works of
the corporation. All the powers are delegated and decentralised.
Without permission of the municipal commissioner, the zonal
commissioner could sanction any work upto Rs. 0.2 million.

There is also no watertight divisions among the departments like
sanitation, water works, water leakages etc. Every body is responsible
for all the activities of the zones in addition to his regular duties. Each
officer from the zonal officer to the mukadam is made responsible for
a particular work.

Responsibility was thus no longer individual oriented. For the first
time in SMC’s 146 year history there was a commissioner who shared
responsibility but had no unique financial or administrative powers. As
a sine qua non, empowerment entailed bringing down departmental
barriers, both physical and mental.

Decision making process
All senior officers meet everyday at 3:00 p.m. over tea and discuss the
performance of the previous day and plan for the following day. Apart
from policy decisions, common problems faced by officers and sharing
of experiences are discussed. They take decisions on important issues,
breaking down inter-departmental barriers. These meetings keep
everyone on their toes and develop team spirit. It is expected that
such an exercise develops a higher commitment to the implementation

of their decisions. These decisions taken in these meetings were then
passed on by the respective zonal officers to their subordinates before
the start of the next days work.

In order to bridge the gap between the executive and the elected wing
of the SMC, an informal Coordination Committee consisting of the
Commissioner, Deputy Commissioner (General), Director of Planning
and other divisional heads from the administrative wing and the
leaders of the elected wing, the Mayor, Deputy Mayor and
Chairperson of the Standing Committee meet everyday to discuss
several issues. The Committee takes decisions and the instructions are
passed on to the zonal officers and the concerned heads of departments
for implementation. The formula of informal committee came into
existence in early July, 1996 with the formation of the elected body,
in response to the demand of the office-bearers-Mayor, Deputy Mayor
and the Chairperson of the Standing Committee.

A.C to D.C Culture
Repeated emphasis was laid on the senior officers visiting the field
along with ward level Sanitary Inspectors and Sanitary Sub-Inspectors.
All senior officers, including the Commissioner and Deputy
Commissioners were asked to be in the field in the morning from 7:30
to 12:30 or even for longer periods, even on holidays, away from
their air-conditioned (A.C) offices to do the daily chores (D.C). Half
of this time was to be spent supervising the slums. This meant
supervising the work, understanding the problems of the citizens and
also of their staff. Their visits were unannounced.

This brought in several advantages. There was a fear of being caught
in the minds of the junior staff. Moreover, seniors started recognising
their staff by their names and sharing with them the heat, dust, grime
and muck of field work. The objective was to break down mental
barriers between officers and workers.

Another strategy was micro-planning. Under the present administrative
system, any subordinate officer, who can manipulate administratively
or politically, gains most by way of more facilities of men, materials
and finance. The field visits effectively brought out this tremendous
mismatch of crucial resources in all the 52 sanitary wards of Surat.
These resources are crucial for the sustainability of municipal services
as all municipal bodies are perpetually in overdraft.

A conjunction of work-motion study and process re-engineering led to
scientific and equitable allocation of resources to these wards leading
to optimisation of resources. The fruits of this common sense exercise
can be measured from the following statistics. Pre-May 1995, the level
of sanitation was about 35 per cent while solid waste removal was
about 40 per cent. With micro-planning and an additional ten per cent
investment of money, the results today are that 95 per cent of the area
is covered by daily sanitation and 97 per cent of the solid waste is
lifted every day.

Each ward office has an area plan or the site plan of his locality and
the nature of activities in his area. Powers have been allocated to the
Sanitary Inspector under the Indian Penal Code to impose a fine.

Recently, the present Municipal Commissioner appointed ward
managers with the primary aim of co-ordinating the work of the
redressal system. The ward managers have to ensure that that no
redressal of a grievance will get delayed on account of obtaining
sanction from the head office or procedural delays. The emphasis is on
resolving the grievance at the local ward level itself, and that no
complaint should reach the head office. This also saves the complainer
from unnecessary trips to the Head Office.

To facilitate the work of the officers, most of the senior officers are
provided with vehicles fitted with high frequency wireless sets.
Municipal officers of the rank of ward managers have been provided
with walkie talkie for faster communication. This communication
system also exists between the head of Department and the zonal
commissioners. Therefore when the officers move in the field they
were supposed to pass on the information to the concerned zonal
commissioner as well as the concerned officers to take quick action in
respect of complaints. If they anything wrong, they visit the nearest
ward office and instruct the sanitary inspector who is the head of the
ward or sub-inspector to attend to the problem.

In order to avoid red-tape and delay, direct communication between
the departments and zones was encouraged. In the past inter-zonal
communication for sanctions or permissions was a cumbersome
procedure taking two to three days. Now one zonal officer can directly
talk on the phone to the other zonal officer or other officers and get the
required work done. Formal written correspondence is not insisted

Organisational chart
In Surat, both solid waste and sanitation comes under the preview of

the health department. For solid waste management purpose the city is
divided into 52 sanitary wards. Each zone is headed by a Deputy
Health Officer and the ward is headed by sanitary inspector.

At Zonal Level, there is a Zonal Commissioner, a Zonal Officer, a Dy.
Medical Officer (Health), three Chief Sanitary Inspectors, Five to
eighteen Sanitary Inspectors, ten to thirty six Sanitary Sub-Inspectors,
thirty to fifty four Mukadams and five hundred to one thousand three
hundred Sweepers.

Each ward office has one sanitary inspector, 2 sanitary sub-inspectors,
three mukadams and 80 sweepers.

The organisational chart evolved for the management of solid waste
and sanitation is as follows

Municipal Commissioner

Deputy Municipal Commissioner (Health and Sanitation)

Medical Officer (Health)

Assistant Medical Officer (Health)
Chief Sanitary Inspector two for each zone

Sanitary Inspector

Sanitary Sub-Inspector

Mukadam for 20-30 sweepers

Sweeper for 3500 square metres

Each zone has a zonal chief of the level of Deputy Municipal
Commissioner. The various departments of public health, engineering
and revenue get integrated at the zonal level under a single zonal
commissioner. The organisational chart of the various departments at
the zonal level is as follows :
Zonal Chief

Zonal Officers incharge of all departments of health, engineering and

Dy. Medical Officer (Health), Dy Engineer, Assistant Revenue

Ward Officers, Junior Engineers, Supervising Officers

Clerks, Supervisors

                       A summary of the action plan is given below
                                                   Action Plan

                       1.    Reorganising the duty hours.
                       2.    Modifying the job responsibilities.
                       3.    Constant and strict supervision at all levels.
                       4.    Disciplining the staff.
                       5.    Providing materials and tools
                       6.    Service-oriented approach to obtain the participation of citizens and to
                             sustain the programme.
                       7.    Investing the administrative and financial powers to the Mid level
                             Managers for speedy and effective implementation and breaking down the
                             interdepartmental barriers.
                       8.    Providing communication method (walkie-talkie) for Officers supervising
                             in the field.
                       9.    Executing Micro planning
                       10.   Cleaning, face lifting and beautifying Municipal offices and institutions.
2.6 Results and        Improvement in Health Standards
impacts of the
project (qualitative   The result of the cleanliness campaign is there for all to see. There has
and quantitative)      been a 50 per cent reduction in the cases of water-borne diseases.
                       Initially, 50 per cent of the Malaria cases in Gujarat state were in
                       Surat, now it is the lowest in the state. Under the urban health care
                       system there is one health worker for 5,000 population and around
                       300 slums have either a health worker or an anganwadi worker looking
                       after MCH, Diarhoea, or Birth and Death Rate.

                       Health mapping measures have brought gigantic gains to Surat -- the
                       General Practitioners Association and Consultants Association of Surat
                       claim that their practice has reduced by 60 per cent. There has been a
                       reduction in mortality rate and morbidity rate by almost 70 per cent on
                       account of providing health care to slum areas in the form of pay and
                       use toilets, good drainage system, drinking water, immunisation, waste
                       disposal containers etc.

                       Records showing the disease trends of water - borne, water-related and
                       insect-borne diseases indicated a remarkable decline which clearly
                       showed that money spent on cleaning the city paid in the form of rich
                       dividends in the long run (by saving medical expenditure).
                       There has been a 36 per cent drop in the incidence of malaria in the
                       city, whereas every other municipal corporation in Gujarat has
                       recorded an increase. Infective hepatitis too has, to some extent, been
                       pushed back.

                       The number of started cases of gastro-enteritis came down from 4,224
                       in 1994 to 2,928 until October 1996; of viral hepatitis from 1,635 to
                       687; of enteric fever from 564 to 116; and of pneumonia from 910 to

                       A Rs. 300 million increase in the spending has reduced the number of
                       communicable diseases striking the city by as much as 60 per cent.

Improvement in Hospital Service

The New Civil Hospital is better prepared to tackle epidemics.. The
hospital now has sophisticated facilities for microbiological
investigations. There are plans to establish departments of
epidemiology (the study of the incidence of diseases in a community,
their distribution, control and prevention) and entomology (the study
of insects).

Communications within the hospital complex and between the hospital
and the outside world have been upgraded. At a more basic level,
medical and other personnel of the hospital now have clinical
experience of the plague.

Waste Disposal
The main success of this cleansing campaign was the efficient
collection and disposal of garbage.            This resulted in the
non-accumulation of garbage on main roads, foot paths, lanes,
by-lanes and slums as well. Most of the containers were found to be
empty at any time of the day with clean surrounding powdered with
insecticides. This led to the absence of files all over, which is a very
striking feature of Surat.

The corporation has also improved methods of collecting and
disposing garbage. The volume of garbage collection has increased
from an average of 400 tonne a day in May 1995 to 850 tonne a day;
the current amount represents 94 per cent of total garbage generated in
the city. During the plague, only 50 per cent of the garbage generated
was removed.

During the rainy season the collection of solid garbage was 1,100
metric tonnes per day. Nearly 95 per cent containers and garbage bins
are emptied every day. According to a recent study, 82.5 per cent of
the garbage is cleared in Surat, as against 74 per cent and 69.5 per cent
in Ahmedabad and Vadodara respectively.
The dumping ground is devoid of any flies and rats. Only kites and
cows were seen hovering around in the area. Few rag - pickers were
spotted in the area who were totally absent in the main city area.

One of the striking features noticed during the visit was the absence of
squatting (even by children). There was also an absence of foul odour
due to this. Furthermore, no refuse of any kind was seen anywhere
around the slums. Women collected it in plastic bags or baskets and
carried it to the common containers some distance away. The slums
are much cleaner now as a result of the drive.

Wide Roads

                       Roads are wide and transportation is easy. Around 45 kilometres of
                       roads have been widened through voluntary demolitions. Around 12
                       more kilometres of road widening proposals are in the pipeline.

                       The city is thus moving from one of the filthiest to one of the
                       cleanest. Corporations financial position is becoming better as people
                       have also started paying their taxes in time.
2.7 Advantages of      Factors Influencing Successful Campaign
the project (lessons
learnt,                Strong Leadership
replicability)         Most of the credit for the successful cleanliness campaign has been
                       attributed to the Municipal Commissioner who had the vision and
                       belief that things can be changed. His approach in the initial phases
                       were strong disciplinary measures and later on to a consultative
                       process. He wasn’t afraid to own up his mistakes or back up his staff
                       on various decisions taken by them. He defended his staff against all
                       opposition of shopkeepers or political parties. Thus, the Commissioner
                       symbolised a strong leader on whom the staff of the SMC could have
                       faith in.

                       The present Municipal Commissioner is also considered by the SMC
                       staff and the community to be equally stringent and capable of tackling
                       varied opposition. He has also maintained a continuity with the
                       decisions of the earlier Commissioner and in fact is concentrating
                       more of further streamlining the operations. No policy decisions have
                       been taken which would signal a break from the actions of the
                       previous Municipal Commissioner. The approach of the new
                       Commissioner is however slightly different.

                       While the previous Municipal Commissioner was interested in slum
                       improvement and providing the slums better facilities and access to
                       resources, the priority of the present Municipal Commissioner seems
                       to be geared towards infrastructure building and capacity building at
                       the institutional level which will help sustain the economy and bring in
                       more investment and thereby improve the economy and help the
                       people of Surat. Thus the overall goal of improving the lifestyle of the
                       people remains the same.

                       The Municipal Commissioners have tried to project the proactive
                       approach rather than the re-active approach of municipality.
                       Confidence was built in the staff so that they had the capacity to meet
                       challenges as they tackled the plague by reducing the death rate.
                       The staff was stimulated by throwing some relevant queries, like

   What kind of corporation you wish to be part of?
   What purposes justifies our existence?
   What kind of relationship we all should have?
   What values we should uphold?

Also, instead of abusing and finding faults with his colleagues, the
Commissioner, induced confidence in them that they had the capacity
to meet challenges as they tackled the plague by reducing the death
rate. He appealed to the staff to work more for the welfare of the city
and their own children.

It was repeatedly emphasized that though the staff members of
different categories belonged to different salary structures, they were
equal partners in the administration to serve the city. ‘There is no
Czar there is no sert, we have one to one rapport on personal as well as
administrative lines.’

Collective Responsibility and Accountability
Senior officers were not aware of their powers and duties. For
instance, there was a feeling that could not take action against erring
hotels. The officers were informed that the BPMC act which governs
the SMC gave sufficient powers. At the same time the emphasis was
on ensuring accountability through effective decentralisation.

All senior officers were consulted by the Municipal Commissioner
before taking any sensitive or difficult decision. The officers were
happy that there opinions is also being sought. Such a style developed
collective responsibility among the senior staff and weakened
factions pulls.

The Municipal Commissioner also encouraged his senior
colleagues-deputy commissioners, zonal officers, city engineers,
director of town planning and town planner-to take decisions but he
himself owned responsibility for the decisions of his colleagues before
the elected representatives and the media. There were a number of
instances when senior officers took certain ticklish decisions on the
spot which to their mind were necessary in a given situation as the best
solutions. The Commissioner defended such decisions and maintained
that the particular decisions were taken with his approval. This raised
the moral of the higher level officers.


It was felt that the success of the programme was because of existing
zonal system. There was appropriate development of zonal and ward
systems with the appointment of team leaders coming from different

The role of doctors, engineers and other sanitary workers was

integrated and they were not compartmentalised, each person having
integrated responsibilities. There was decentralisation of power.
Engineers were trained for maintenance from point of view of health
related activities (like control of malaria).
And though watertight divisions among the departments were reduced,
each officer - from the zonal officer to the mukadam-is made solely
responsible for a particular area and the related work. Hence, nobody
can shirk responsibility.

Improvement of working conditions
Improvement in Living Conditions

Improvement in the quality of life of the sanitation workers was
accorded a high priority by the SMC. Therefore, intensive public
health engineering works were undertaken in the colonies where these
workers resided to upgrade sewerage, drinking water, roads and street
lights along with sanitation and conservancy services. This was also to
show sanitation workers the difference between insanitary and sanitary
conditions where they resided, so that the same difference could be
made in the workplace.

Better work environment

Simultaneously, a drive to sort out their pending grievances such as
unpaid leave salary and so on was started. This further cemented bonds
within the SMC. Awards were also given to best sanitary worker or
cleanest sanitary ward to induce pride and confidence for their work.

Group formation

The workers were encouraged to form a cooperative society of their
own by contributing Re.1 per month as a corpus fund. This fund was
utilised for giving financial assistance specially during the death of
family member - Rs. 500 for funeral purposes and Rs.2000 after three
days. The family members of the deceased were also provided jobs
within three months.

Work Culture
As a result of the compulsory field visits, there is a fear among the
middle and lower staff that any time their boss, including the
Commissioner might come to inspect their work. It has also brought a
feeling among the lower staff that the officers do not merely sit in their

office but also share the dirt, drudgery and difficulties of the field. As a
result of the field visits, the officers learnt the problems of the field
through first-hand observation. During the period some of them visited
the areas they had not seen in the past several years of their career.
Such a close supervision has brought all employees on toes and hence
they work for all designated eight hours unlike the earlier three four
hours in a day.

There was optimum utilisation of existing manpower by reviewing the
work done every evening e.g. if a worker was transferred to any other
area to attend complaint spot other than his own, this responsibility
was taken with a sense of pride and not as a punishment. At the same
time, a worker who did not carry out the work allotted to him, was
motivated, warned and punished which included suspension.
The workers were asked to do their job according to their job chart.
They were called and provided with an explanation of what their job
entailed. They were also taken into confidence for providing all the
required material such as choosing their uniforms, purchasing wheel
barrows etc. They were also provided with accommodation and
medical facilities. All the higher officers had personal rapport with
their subordinates.

Disciplining Staff
After the initial phase of the cleanliness drive, there was some flagging
of interest in sanitation and public health engineering works. But then,
six of the first and second rung officers who were utterly incompetent
and/or dishonest and/or lazy resigned or left because they had been
made an offer they could not refuse.

Work ethics and discipline were emphasised. Disciplinary action
varying from show cause notice to termination from job was taken
against 1,200 employees (roughly ten percent of the total staff)
including sweepers as well as senior officers. A few top officers were
induced to take voluntary retirement.

Initially, disciplinary action was taken against those employees who
were known for their blatant violation of duty. The trade union leaders
were taken into confidence in advance. At the second stage, the
authority took action on grounds of negligence or irregularity of duty
or insubordination to the higher officers. The action varied from
stopping increment, imposing fine, show cause notice, suspension to
termination. Some were transferred from one department or zone to
other. Such actions sent clear signals that indiscipline would not be

Gaining credibility and trust of community

For the first three months of the cleanliness drive, citizens were
sceptical of SMC’s sincerity. Their life-time experience showed that
pre-monsoon drives were only crash drives that inexorably crashed
after a set period of time.

To sustain their interest and dispel doubts, the teams of commissioners
started enforcing regulations. Illegal constructions – an estimated 95
per cent of Surat’s buildings do not conform to Development Control
regulations – were attacked. This was a question of imposing moral
authority. The team settled on attacking builders who had the money
and muscle power and political and administrative connections. About
45,000 square metres of illegal constructions were demolished, 99.98
per cent of which satisfy the above criteria.

Also, at the onset of the cleansing campaign, all officers involved
worked around 18 hours a day in ankle-deep muck and filth without
enjoying any holidays including Sundays.

The drive was started in the slums and then moved up to the upper
strata of the society. The senior officers first started working in the
field, they were joined by the Junior Officers and then by the public.
All this did not happen overnight. The Officers had to toil 18 to 20
hours a day for four to five months continuously in order to gain the
trust of the people.

Citizens then woke up and decided to tolerate the team; slowly, this
tolerance changed into co-operation and the self-imposed discipline
rubbed off. They changed the century old-habit of throwing garbage
onto the streets; they started using garbage containers.

It is also because of the faith that the community has in the actions of
the SMC that the private sector is not at all hesitant to involve itself
with the activities of the SMC as well as provide contributions when
the need arises. The belief now exists that any contribution to the SMC
will go out to those it was intended.

There have been hygiene programmes conducted in many slums.
There is a group safai (cleanliness) programme in slums and at the
same time some education has also been imparted to the health
workers on how to keep the surroundings clean.
Restaurants and road-side eateriers were asked to use mosquito nets
which costs only Rs.15 and lasts for eight months. They were
educated convincingly that ensuring cleanliness is simple and
affordable and that uncleanliness and poverty have no link since the
cost of removing garbage just comes to a mere 37 paise per day per

Informal functioning and Information Sharing
Paper work is reduced to a bare minimum. Majority of the orders
were verbal. If required, the same were confirmed on phone or
wireless. Verbal orders are promptly executed. Moreover, the SMC is
very much open and institutions were free to approach the Municipal
Commissioner to sort out any issue.

There is the emphasis on transparency in operations and information
sharing and any citizen can approach the SMC for information of any
kind and the same would be provided on payment of the required
photocopying charges.

Various criticisms have been levied against the entire cleanliness
campaign by many organisations including political parties. Many feel
that the entire campaign is totally hollow and just a show. They
question the logic of a cleanliness campaign when there are workers
are living and working under exploitative conditions. Apart from these
specific doubts are also raised regarding some of the methods used.

High-handed nature of Corporation
Both the Municipal Commissioners were constantly at tiff with the
non-officials, like the Corporators and political parties. Some parties
accused the Municipal Commissioner of running the corporation as his
own fiefdom without consulting the elected representatives.

During the demolition drive, some builders mobilised the affected
people and other business establishments to protest against the
demolition by organising demonstrations and bandhs for a day or two.
Pressures were built upon the Corporation to spare certain areas or

A handful of individuals opposed the demolition. They charged that
the Commissioner was taking the law into his hand and intimidating
the citizens. A squad against demolition was formed. After the new
Commissioner issued notices to the textile mill owners, a very
powerful lobby, for changing their layout plans, the corporators
immediately accused him of transgressing his authority.

Non-working amenities
A toilet block in a slum is, as per norm, meant for a maximum of 1,000
persons (50 persons per seat). In many places this is inadequate,
particularly in the morning hours. Also some of the toilet blocks were

not regularly maintained. At one place water was not available, at
another place a water tap was broken and had not been repaired after
two days. Near one of the toilet blocks effluents of the nearby
factories had accumulated near the compound wall of the toilet
complex, giving a filthy smell. No mechanism for supervision by the
users has so far been evolved.

There has also not been any sustained campaign involving local
persons to motivating the communities to start the habit of using the

A few of the owners who opted for voluntary demolition have
completely lost their source of livelihood and are in great trauma.
Several landlords have used the demolition as an opportunity to evict
their tenants. This has affected the mental and physical health of the

Five hundred such families have been offered, by the SMC, alternative
land for construction. But very few have taken its advantage. The
offer is not attractive as they have to pay the market price for the land
and spend money for construction. Moreover, the alternative place is
not only away from the present place, but it is on lease for 30 years
and not on ownership.

Also criticisms have been levied on the fact that only notified slums
were eligible for slum improvement and rehabilitation. Other
non-notified slums were deemed illegal and therefore not liable for
rehabilitation. There is also a feeling that the area of the new houses
provided for rehabilitation is also quite congested.
Use of Pesticides
On an average 117.23 kg gamahexane, 4,059 kg time dust, 3,100 (ml)
A.F.M., 31,799.511 (ml) D.D.V.P. and 257 (ml) fly-bait are sprayed
by the SMC every day. They are toxic. The employees who spray
these insecticides provided by the SMC, do not use masks and hand
gloves. Long-term impact on health of indiscriminate use of
insecticides needs examination. However, this spraying of gamahexane
is reduced considerably nowadays.

Much of these protests or attempts not only did not receive any
significant public response, but were hooted out as agents of vested
interests. The media and the vocal sections of society steam-rolled all
opposition, as if there was no place in society for dissent.

3. Data concerning the Operator and Partners

3.1 Project          1. Surat Municipal Commissioner
operator (address,   Surat Municipal Corporation
fax, telephone,      Muglisare
email)               Surat - 395003
                     Ph: 0261 - 422244

                     2. Southern Gujarat Chamber of Commerce
                     4th Floor, Nanpura, near Vivekand Bridge
                     Ph: 0261 - 470083

                     3. Surat Diamond Association
                     Patwa Building, 3rd Floor, Varacha Road, Surat
                     Ph : 0261 - 649685/431851


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