Some brief examples will illustrate the foregoing points as well as suggest some ways in which [Maria Lorena Cook]'s analytic approach could be refined to explain more accurately labour reform and labour conditions in Latin America. With respect to institutional contexts and political legacies she notes that "state corporatism produced no labor-party alliance in Brazil, a difference with Argentina that appears to have mattered little in accounting for similar reform trajectories and outcomes in the 1990s" (104). This fundamental difference between two supposedly highly similar cases suggests the necessity of examining more systematically the importance of labour-party linkage in labour reform. With respect to the importance of market forces, Cook recognizes the severe impact of economic crisis on union power in Peru but does not extend this consideration to other cases. Given the pervasiveness of economic crisis throughout Latin America in recent years, this would appear to be a significant shortcoming. Finally, Cook's recognition of the Mexican government's tendency to ignore its own laws to pursue de facto labour flexibility indicates the importance of examining labour law enforcement to assess the strength of labour movements. Cook's analysis does not fully succeed in addressing these issues in a systematic fashion. Nonetheless, its wealth of empirical information and the conceptual tools it provides will undoubtedly prove useful to scholars interested in better understanding labour rights and labour conditions in contemporary Latin America.