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Tuna 38indb


									S U M M A R Y


 This issue is dedicated to the 90th anniversary of     neither the first nor the only ones to have prob-
 the Republic of Estonia. Most of the articles are      lems with treating our history. Estonia’s reputed
 based on presentations made at the academic            ‘godfather’ Tacitus wrote in his Annals nearly two
 conference, ‘The Two Beginnings of the Republic        thousand years ago:
 of Estonia - 15 Years’, held at the Estonian Acad-     ‘The histories of Tiberius, Caius, Claudius, and
 emy of Sciences in Tallinn on 23 November 2007.        Nero, while they were in power, were falsified
 The conference was organized by the Estonian           through terror, and after their death were written
 National Archives.                                     under the irritation of a recent hatred. Hence my
                                                        purpose is to relate a few facts about Augustus
 Toomas Hendrik Ilves. Speech by the President          - more particularly his last acts, then the reign
 of the Republic at the academic conference of the      of Tiberius, and all which follows, without either
 National Archives on 23 November 2007                  bitterness or partiality, from any motives to which
                                                        I am far removed.’
 Norman Davies, Professor at Oxford University,         The key phrase here is sine ira et studio, ‘without
 one of the few Western European historians who         bitterness and partiality’. That is the spirit. At the
 has any idea what the history of Eastern Europe        same time, we owe a truthful record of our past, to
 is all about, has stated:                              ourselves and all the generations to come.
 ‘History belongs to the victors, said Churchill, but   We must learn and know what happened here,
 what is not written is more complex. One thinks of     what was done to the people of Estonia, who did
 the vanquished but forgets, that in most of Europe     it and how, so that our grandchildren need never
 after World War II, it was not that the vanquished     ask the legendary question about deportations,
 failed to write their view of their bestial deeds,     attributed to Swedes: ‘Why did no one call the
 but the subjugated who could not write of their        police?’
 sufferings.’                                           The Estonian Memory Institute will assume the
 We know what this leads to.                            task of the systematic recording of our knowledge,
 For almost ten years, the International Com-           just as thoroughly as the Jakobson Commission. In
 mission for the Investigation of Crimes against        this case, the records will be much bulkier; many
 Humanity founded by President Lennart Meri,            victims of communism, as well as many persecu-
 or to make it more quotable, the Jakobson Com-         tors, are still alive.
 mission, has been working in Estonia. Their work
 will soon be done. Or rather, the Commission will      Ago Pajur. Three turning points in Estonia’s
 have exhausted the period of time they have been       domestic politics, 1918–1934
 focusing on, because in terms of the International
 Convention ‘crimes against humanity’ end with          The most important critical turn in Estonia’s
 Stalin’s death. Although we may argue about the        political life between the two world wars is un-
 exact date when crimes that can be qualified under     doubtedly associated with the coup on 12 March
 this term ceased, it is clear already that although    1934; the events that followed this event mark the
 the times of mass deportations and impromptu           transition from parliamentary democracy to an
 executions were over, political repressions were       authoritarian state system. But during the earlier
 not. Those lasted almost until the restoration of      years there were also changes in the course of
 independence.                                          the internal policies of the state that were not as
  To make a systematic and unprejudiced study of        important or drastic.
 that history, and record it, Estonia needs a new       The first such critical turn was the adoption of
 institution. I am glad to announce that in co-op-      the Constitution of 1920. This was primarily a
 eration with the Ministry of Justice, we are soon      legal breakthrough, the importance of which was
 going to establish the Estonian Memory Institute       expressed through two aspects. First, this brought
 that will assume the task of recording the events      about the establishment of a constitutional state
 of the recent past, elucidating and analysing them.    system in a country that had been governed for
 All this can be done only by an academic research      over two years on the basis of various interim
 institution, which, of course, will be impeccably      regulations that were partially mutually contra-
 honourable in its work.                                dictory. Second, a state system determined by a
 As a consolation, let me remind you that we are        constitution was considerably different from the

 154 Tuna 1/2008
                                                                                             Summary 1/2008

previous interim system of government. Until             attempts to merge similar parties and the forma-
the convening of the Constituent Assembly in             tion of new political forces, particularly the war
April 1919, the interim government had played            veterans’ movement on the political far right.
a decisive role. In addition to wielding execu-
tive power, it also carried out, to an important         Jaak Valge. The interwar Republic of Estonia and
degree, legislative power. On the basis of the           newly-independent Estonia
interim system of government that was instituted
in June 1919, full power was transferred to the          This essay compares the interwar Republic of
Constituent Assembly, and only the role of fulfill-      Estonia with Estonia of today. Very important
ing the directives of the parliament was left to the     background system changes occurred throughout
government. The 1920 Constitution instituted a           the world in the period between the late 1930s,
distinctive mixed system for governing the state,        when Estonia lost its independence, and 1991,
which partially proceeded from the principles of         when independence was restored. The econo-
parliamentarianism (separation of powers and the         mies of the peoples and countries of the world
political responsibility of the government toward        are much more intertwined today than they
the parliament). The new constitution also fol-          were in the 1930s. Estonia is in the forefront of
lowed in part the example of the Swiss system of         these changes since the share of foreign trade
government, notably alloting a significant role to       and direct foreign investments in the GDP, and
popular initiatives and referenda.                       the proportion of the population with foreign
The second turning point was associated with the         backgrounds, are among the highest in the world.
attempted communist coup masterminded by                 The author continues by comparing the state
Moscow on 1 December 1924. The suppression               of Estonia’s security, economy and democracy
of the rebellion was followed by the conclusive          in the mid-1930s with that of today. Estonia’s
marginalization of the communists in Estonia’s in-       security was fragile in the 1930s, though today
ternal politics as the people decisively turned their    the situation may not be better. There has been
backs on the instigators of violence. Attitudes          rapid progress in the economy, but a comparison
towards an independent Estonian state became             of Estonia today with those countries that were
much more positive since the importance of the           approximately on the same level in the 1930s
state for the Estonian people was understood for         bears out that Estonia’s current per capita GDP
the first time. Whereas in the early 1920s criticism     is roughly equal to that of Hungary and Poland,
towards the developing state could frequently            but lower than that of Italy and Finland. Because
be heard, by the end of the decade unconstruc-           of the economic crisis in the 1930s, Estonia’s
tive criticism had been replaced by a search for         democracy also went into crisis in this time. But
solutions to existing problems. Lastly, numerous         looking at the participation rate in elections
steps were taken after the attempted coup to             and the reputation of politicians today, it could
increase internal political stability: the first wall-   be said that Estonia’s democracy is in crisis now
to-wall coalition government in Estonian history         as well. The author draws attention to the fact
was formed, the electoral law was improved, a            that Estonian society today is decidedly ‘older’
process was initiated to bring closer together           than in the 1930s: in 1934, 15.4% of Estonia’s
political parties with similar social and ideological    population was aged 10 or younger, compared
backgrounds, minorities were guaranteed cultural         to only 9.7% in 2007. In conclusion, the author
autonomy, etc.                                           finds that although the goal of the restored Re-
The third breakthrough developed out of the              public of Estonia, according to its constitution,
Great Depression, which shook the whole world,           should be to ensure the survival of the Estonian
including Estonia, at the beginning of the 1930s.        people and Estonian culture, a downward trend
The fall in standard of living resulting from the        has continued more rapidly today than in the
economic downturn abruptly increased dissatis-           much-lamented final decades of the Soviet oc-
faction with the government, parliament, parties         cupation.
and politicians, and also partially turned the
people away from the leading institutions of the         Martin Klesment. Estonian economic develop-
state. Political instability also increased suddenly,    ment in the interwar period
which was manifested in the greater frequency of
government crises and in changes on the party            The article attempts to describe general indica-
landscape. Most noteworthy was the failure of            tors that characterize economic development

                                                                                          Tuna 1/2008 155
Summary 1/2008

  in interwar Estonia. Though the main data are           foreign currency could be estimated as being a
  taken from previous studies, the method of ap-          paltry 50-60 million dollars. The Estonian Soviet
  proach is somewhat different. The author uses the       economy existed in a kind of greenhouse envi-
  indicators for gross output in economic sectors in      ronment, where there was no competition from
  current prices developed by Jaak Valge, but in re-      domestic or foreign markets. No one needed the
  calculating these into constant prices, alternative     goods produced in Estonia, not the East, and
  price indices have been implemented. The result         certainly not the West.
  is lower indicators in the primary and secondary        In the first half of the 1990s there was no classi-
  sectors in the 1920s and the first half of the 1930s,   cal, i.e. cyclical, crisis in the Estonian economy.
  but a slightly higher growth rate for the period        Instead, there was a systemic or transition crisis
  under observation, 1923–1938.                           characterized by the collapse of an outdated
  In analyzing the productivity of the sectors in a       economic system that understandably could not
  relatively simplified manner, only the productivity     be immediately replaced by the new gradually
  of the work force has been calculated for both the      developing system, one that was based on market
  primary and the secondary sector. Instead of using      economy principles. The ‘bottom’ of the transi-
  the number of persons who earn their living in          tion crisis in Estonia came in 1994: compared to
  the sector, as has been employed in previous ap-        1989, GDP fell, according to the EBRD, by 38%.
  proaches, the author uses an estimated number of        Estonia came out of the crisis a year or two later
  persons actually employed in the sector. The result     than did the Central European post-communist
  is quite a large gap between the productivity of the    states, and although the statistical bottom of the
  primary and secondary sectors beginning already         crisis was lower in Estonia than in the countries of
  in the second half of the 1920s, pointing to pos-       Central Europe, it was still higher than in most of
  sible data problems (differing ways of describing       the other former republics of the USSR.
  the activity in the sectors in economic statistics).    The events of 1991/92 (restoration of independ-
  In addition to productivity indicators, the article     ence, hyperinflation in the rouble zone, collapse
  also includes movements in wage conditions,             of previous markets) and Estonia’s rejection of
  which confirm, at least partially, the changes in       the CIS, forced Estonia to act on ad hoc princi-
  productivity. When in the 1930s wages in industry       ples in order to escape economic chaos. Moving
  rapidly increased, the monetary income of farm          forward with economic reform was a matter of
  workers temporarily fell.                               life and death for Estonia. A decisive step was
  In the article, Estonian indicators are compared        the monetary reform carried out on 20 June
  with those of European countries, such as the           1992, with which Estonia left the rouble zone
  gross domestic product, consumer index, propor-         and established its own currency – the Estonian
  tion of the population employed in agriculture,         kroon. What awaited was a long process of con-
  actual volume of agricultural production, and           vergence with the economy of western Europe.
  wage movements.                                         As previous production faded, new enterprises
                                                          were added, replacing the old. Foreign investors
  Kalev Kukk. Estonia’s economy 1991–2007:                did not initally risk their money in Estonia, and
  rebirth and success                                     there was practically no domestic financial sector.
                                                          The previous income from the East – 93-95% of
  According to calculations by the Deutsches              total exported Estonian production had gone to
  Institut für Wirtchaftsforchung in Berlin, the          the former USSR republics – had collapsed.
  Estonian GDP per capita according to the actual         Monetary reform was followed by other reforms,
  exchange rate had ‘fallen’ by 1993 to only 5%           primarily privatization and the liberalization of
  of that of Austria, and according to purchase           foreign economic activity, as well as the creation
  price parity, to 20%. Only three years earlier          of a legally secure economic environment.
  this indicator, according to data from European         The economy mostly stabilized by 1998, when
  and Business, had been almost the same as Aus-          inflation dropped to under 10% for the first time.
  tria’s. This conclusion was in accord with Soviet       The accession process and then formal inclusion
  ideological convictions, regardless of the fact that    in 2004 into the European Union and NATO
  in the 1980s 2-3% of the gross production of Es-        accelerated the development of the Estonian
  tonian industry ended up on the foreign market,         economy, and economic growth in 2000-2006 was
  and the total value of Estonian production that         7.2 –11.2%. This was initially strongly supported
  was exported in exchange for freely convertible         by foreign investments, but in 2005 and 2006 by

  156 Tuna 1/2008
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private consumption rose, encouraged by foreign         of a non-democratic regime). Until 1940, when
investment. According to the comparative assess-        Estonia lost its independence, these attempts
ment by the EBRD, Estonia’s GDP in 2006 was             were unsuccessful.
45% higher than the level before the transition         It was the partnership with the United States,
crisis (1989). This level of growth is exceeded         based on the 1940 Sumner Welles declaration,
in the post-communist world by only Poland,             that strengthened the position of the Baltic states
which entered the transition crisis earlier, and by     in the international context. With this support in
Turkmenistan. The Estonian economy has done             hand, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania finally joined
very well since restoring independence, and in          the post-Cold War institutionalized world order.
any case better than could have been expected
15 to 20 years ago.                                     Toomas Varrak. Democratic policy and democracy
                                                        in Estonia, 1991–2007
Vahur Made. The possibilities of foreign security:
Estonian foreign policy in the 1920s and 1930s          The concepts of democracy and democratic
and the competing world orders                          policy are apparently not seen by most people
                                                        as differing much. In fact, there is a distinction,
The article analyzes the condition of Estonian in-      which makes these categories if not opposites,
dependent statehood during the 1920s and 1930s          then at least reflections of social reality that are
in the context of European (world) orders. During       sufficiently distant from each other.
the 19th century, the ‘concert diplomacy’ (Vienna)-     Democratic policy is based on certain rules or con-
based world order regulated international politics      ditions, the most essential of which are individual
in Europe. This also regulated the establishment        political freedoms, universal suffrage, the freedom
of the new independent states in Europe.                of the press, and an independent judiciary. In the
The independence of all the new states (such as         morphological sense of the concept, democratic
Greece, Belgium, the Balkan states and Norway)          policy belongs among verbs as it denotes human
was agreed upon between the members of the              activity. Democracy is government by the people.
‘concert’, and legitimized with an international        Originating from the political practices of Greek
treaty. When World War I ended, the Versailles          antiquity, the concept of democracy contrasts
order replaced the Vienna-type ‘concert’. Coop-         with other forms of social organization, such
eration between great dynasties was replaced by         as oligarchy and aristocracy, in which the form
competition between mass ideologies.                    of government determines the character of the
With the collapse of the German and Russian em-         organization.
pires, new nations emerged in Central and Eastern       It is usually assumed that by succumbing to the
Europe. However, the independence of the Baltic         rules of democratic policy, democracy is achieved.
states and Finland was not fixed by international       That need not be so, however. Beginning with the
treaty. It did not follow the rules established by      popular movement in the late 1980s to restore
the Vienna concert, nor was it settled by the peace     the statehood that perished in the whirlwinds of
treaties of the Paris conference. Instead, the states   World War II, Estonian policy has been a demo-
in the former Russian borderlands based their           cratic one. Perhaps the best example of the rules
independence on bilateral arrangements with the         of such a policy is the treatment of people who
Bolshevik Russian government.                           actively fought against the restoration of Estonian
This presented a major dilemma for Estonian             independence. These people, for whom the Soviet
interwar foreign policy. Throughout the 1920s           occupation and annexation in 1940 opened the
and 1930s, Estonian leaders sought to associate         way to settle in Estonia, enjoy full freedom to
the country’s independence with a wider inter-          express their barely concealed animosity towards
national context, with existing world orders. In        the restored Estonian state and its founders – in
practice, Estonia rejected the Versailles system        both word and deed.
(in order not to give legitimacy to the position        The concept of democracy, which refers to a
of the Baltic Germans), but tried to associate          government by the people, involves a certain
itself either with the Vienna system (independ-         logical discord. First, concomitant with the no-
ence guaranteed by a concert of European great          tion of government – which entails the applica-
powers), or the authoritarian tendencies of post-       tion of one’s will over others – is the notion of
Versailles Europe (‘joining the authoritarian club’,    subordination, succumbing to the will of others.
Konstantin Päts’ 1934 coup and the establishment        The ruler and the ruled can never be one and

                                                                                           Tuna 1/2008 157
Summary 1/2008

  the same. So in practical terms, democracy actu-      the time of the War of Independence, the number
  ally means majority rule. Usually the majority is     of such contacts within the Kuperjanov unit was
  marginal, or relative, and can hardly be equated      considerable. For example, a dozen or so officers
  with the concept of a nation, with the people         had studied together at the Tartu town school and
  as a whole. The second problem concerning             commercial school.
  democracy as rule of the people comes from the        External order and discipline were not as impor-
  observation of 16th- century Italian republicans      tant in the partisan unit as they had been in the
  that political power tends to corrupt. The ob-        army of Imperial Russia. Relations between of-
  servation was generalized by R. Michels in 1911       ficers and soldiers were comradely. The partisans
  into ‘the iron law of oligarchy’. Thus, the rule of   stood out because of their heightened fighting
  the people as a unified collective is impossible      spirit, and there were fewer desertions from the
  in a strict sense.                                    Kuperjanov unit compared with other units. There
  The German political scientist G. Jellinek has        was also no insubordination towards officers or
  maintained that the source of popular power,          fraternization with the enemy. The unit’s com-
  the public will, is not the physical will of the      manding officers used the partisans in suppressing
  people but legal volition, formed on legal prin-      the revolt that erupted in the 2nd Infantry Divi-
  ciples. In the light of this position, the consist-   sion’s Reserve Battalion, and also in disarming
  ency of politics with constitutional provisions       the units of the North-Western White Russian
  is the real measure of democracy. Considering         Army led by General Yudenich. Some of the
  the neglect of the practical policy of the most       commanding officers in the Kuperjanov Partisan
  important decisions concerning the restoration        Unit had served as reconnaissance commandos in
  of Estonian independence ad integrum taken by         the tsarist army. The founder of the unit, Julius
  the democratically elected Supreme Soviet in          Kuperjanov, had considerable experience as the
  the late 1980s and affecting the restoration of       commander of a regimental reconnaissance com-
  Estonian independence ad integrum, politicians’       mando. It is possible that his experiences during
  disregard of current constitutional provisions,       World War I caused him to engage in actions that
  or their close ties with big money and muddled        bordered on the risky.
  schemes of financial support for parties com-         During the War of Independence, the Kuperjanov
  ing from private business etc., it is somewhat        unit lost in battle 9 officers, as well as 145 soldiers
  problematic that Estonia today could qualify          and non-commissioned officers. The deeds of the
  as an oligarchy. This understanding has found         unit were highly valued, which is also testified to
  popular expression in an question often posed         by the fact that of the unit’s 25 commanding of-
  by the man in the street in Estonia today: is this    ficers, 19 were awarded the Cross of Freedom. Of
  the state that we fought for?                         these, Kuperjanov was awarded three Freedom
                                                        Crosses, and two officers were twice awarded
  Mati Kröönström. The Kuperjanov Partisan              this honour.
  Unit and its commanders during the War of
  Independence                                          Ilja Davydov. Document signed by Vladimir
                                                        Ulyanov (Lenin) from 16 November 1917 in the
  The Kuperjanov Partisan Unit was one of the best      Narva municipality archives
  known and effective strike forces in the War of
  Independence. The unit was active mainly on the       One rarely finds documents preserved in the Es-
  Southern Front during the war. No major opera-        tonian National Archives with the personal signa-
  tion on the Southern Front took place without the     ture of a top leader of Soviet Russia, especially one
  participation of men of the Kuperjanov unit.          that refers not to inter-state relations, but to one
  The core of the unit’s commanding officers had        particular city. The Narva municipality archives
  served in the Estonian Reserve Battalion in 1917      (ERA, f. 2536 ) contain an original copy of a docu-
  and 1918. They were joined by a group of Defence      ment, signed by Lenin and dated 16 November
  Union men and volunteers from Tartu county,           1917, on the approval by the Bolshviks’ Council of
  amongst whom were many students from the              the People’s Commissars of an application by the
  senior grades in Tartu schools who had no battle      Narva municipality to unite Narva and its environs
  experience. The partisans were characterized by       in a proposed province of ‘Estonia’.
  a strong sense of unity. Many officers were previ-    Thoughout modern history, Narva has had special
  ously acquainted. Compared to other units from        administrative status regardless of the political

  158 Tuna 1/2008
                                                                                            Summary 1/2008

state in which the town has been a part – the           its suburbs and to the province of Estonia. On the
Kingdom of Sweden, the Russian Empire, and              basis of this decree, a referendum was carried out
Estonia. The territorial boundaries of the city         in Narva and its suburbs on 10 December, as a
have often been ill-defined. The city has existed       result of which the Estonian Soviet municipality
in its present configuration only since the mid-        declared on 21 December that Narva city would
twentieth century, and the history of the earlier       be joined with Estonia. The Bolsheviks hoped
administration of the city is more like a collection    to get the support of the majority of voters in
of unresolved problems. For example, before 1917        united Narva city in the elections for the Russian
the oldest sections of Narva and the Jaanilinn          Constituent Assembly, but this did not happen.
(Rus. Ivangorod) suburb on the eastern side of          For Bolsheviks, Narva’s administrative status was
the Narva river, belonged administratively to the       seen as not particularly important in the context
province of St Petersburg. On the other hand, the       of world revolution. The members of the Land
suburb of Kreenholm, which now seems a natural          Council (Est. Maanõukogu), however, asserted
part of Narva city, was part of Wesenberg (Est.         on 24 February 1918 an absolute right to join
Rakvere) county in the province of Estonia, as          Narva city with its environs in the territory of
was Hungerburg (Est. Narva-Jõesuu). The ethnic          the Republic of Estonia. The Estonian War of
makeup of the city was very mixed; the population       Independence delayed the dragged out dispute
of the older part of Narva city was mainly German,      over to whom the town belonged. Although there
the Jaanilinna suburb was predominantly Russian,        were heated arguments over the status of Narva
and the residents of Narva’s suburbs were mainly        during the peace negotiations between Estonia
Estonian. The absence of a clear status worked          and Russia, the city was granted to Estonia. One
against Narva city; already in the early 1860s the      may conclude that Narva became an ‘Estonian’
Narva magistrate (as of 1873, the municipality)         city (both in its ethnic makeup and its political-
began to work towards the administrative unifica-       territorial status) only in 1917.
tion of the territory of the city. The Germans set as
their goal the separation of Narva from St Peters-      Memoirs of Ella Grabbi
burg province, seeking to join it to the province of
Estonia. Russians in the city, on the other hand,       Ella Grabbi was born in 1898 in Narva. In 1926,
wanted complete union with Petersburg. These            she married military officer Herbert Grabbi, who
issues were not resolved before the collapse of the     became the aide-de-camp of the Estonian State
Russian Empire as leaders in Russia did not want        Elder in 1934, holding that position until the oc-
to let Narva join the province of Estonia.              cupation of the Republic of Estonia by the Soviet
The turning point came in 1917. The Russian             Union. Herbert and Ella Grabbi had two sons,
Provisional Government chose the tactic of indeci-      the elder of whom, Hellar Grabbi, has recorded
sion, although during a referendum held on 2 July       his mother’s memoirs. The memoirs present a
1917, 11 854 of the 12 155 citizens with the right      woman’s view of the circle of President Konstantin
to vote favoured uniting Narva with its suburbs.        Päts and senior Estonian officers in the last years
Although the question of joining Narva with the         of the Republic of Estonia. Herbert Grabbi was
province of Estonia was taken officially off the        arrested in 1941 and executed; Ella Grabbi fled
agenda, the majority of the population voted to         to the West.
include Narva in the Estonia province. By this
time, the borders and status of the province of         Estonian Film Archives. Two beginnings
Estonia had changed, covering by now the major-
ity of the ethnic Estonian area and having received
autonomous status. When the Bolsheviks forcibly         C U LT U R A L H I S T O R I C A L A RC H I V E
seized power in Russia in October 1917, there was
hope in Narva that a new power, unencumbered            Sirje Olesk. Two intellectual giants from different
by old stereotypes, would be more supportive            eras. Selected correspondence of Ain Kaalep and
of Narva’s right to decide its own status, and          Nigol Andresen, 1965–1975
the Narva municipality, where Bolsheviks also
dominated, turned directly to Smolny in order           The Literature Museum in Tartu holds Ain Kaa-
to resolve the issue. On 16 November 1917, the          lep’s letters to Nigol Andresen (KM EKLA f 311
Russian Council of People’s Commissars decided          m 11–12) and a large number of Andresen’s letters
to agree in principle to allow Narva be joined to       to Kaalep (KM EKLA reg 1986/84), a total of

                                                                                          Tuna 1/2008 159
Summary 1/2008

  almost 50 letters. The correspondence lasted from      1989 to 2001 he was the Editor-in-Chief of the
  1958 to 1979, but was rather sporadic towards the      re-established journal “Akadeemia”.
  end. Thirty of these letters are published here.       The correspondence between these individuals
  Andresen (1899–1985), an Estonian language             of such differing background nevertheless shows
  teacher and literary figure in pre-war Estonia,        mutual understanding and, towards its end, even
  wrote reviews of books and theatre productions,        trust. Both knew that correspondence in the Soviet
  and also published a poetry collection in his youth.   state was not private; since their letters could be
  A member of the Estonian Social Democratic             read by the security organs, they took recourse in
  Labour Party and editor of its publications, An-       figurative or oblique language when necessary.
  dresen was a member of the Estonian parliament         There are discussions about working with various
  in 1932–1937.                                          publications. (Andresen did not have a telephone
  In 1940, Andresen was an active supporter of           at home and he did not work in an office.) The
  the Soviet occupation. He joined the communist         letters illustrate all the difficulties that research-
  party, and was a member of the first pro-Soviet        ers and translators had to deal with when they
  puppet government, serving initially as foreign        wanted to publish works not Socialist-Realist or
  minister and later as education minister. He           prototypically Soviet in tone or message. Readers
  was accused of being a bourgeois nationalist at        of the correspondence also get a clearer picture of
  the March 1950 communist party plenary, was            the behind-the-stage activities in cultural politics
  arrested and sent to a camp, from which he was         of the time and numerous details emerge that help
  released in 1955. He energetically sought his of-      to understand the context of the literary culture
  ficial rehabilitation and wished to be readmitted      of the time.
  to the Writers’ Union and the communist party.
  After his return, Andresen remained a freelance
  writer, producing theatre and literature criti-
  cism. He became a serious scholar in the field of
  early twentieth-century Estonian literature and
  wrote numerous articles and monographs. But
  getting his books into print was always a very
  painful process for him. He remained a Marxist
  in his worldview, though he never approved of
  Stalinism. Highly educated, multilingual, out-
  spoken and relatively independent in his views,
  Andresen became in the Estonian cultural life
  of the 1960s and 1970s a spokesman for the
  liberal communists, who saw themselves as the
  opposite of the culturally ignorant and orthodox
  party figures.
  Ain Kaalep (born 1926) is one of Estonia’s best
  and most prolific translators of poetry. His print
  debut in Soviet Estonia was difficult, and he was
  not trusted by the authorities. In 1943–44 he was
  a member of the Estonian regiment in the Finnish
  army, and was jailed in 1944–45 by the NKVD.
  From 1946 to 1949 he continued his studies at the
  University of Tartu, though he was expelled as a
  “cosmopolitan”. Kaalep finally graduated from
  university in 1956, and although he had already
  made his debut as a poet in 1944, permission was       Õiendus
  given to publish his first collection only in 1962.
  During the Soviet period, Kaalep was mostly            Ajakirja 2007. aasta neljandas numbris on lk.
  a freelance writer. After the independence of          70 eksikombel H.Qu. OKH tõlgitud kui Saksa
  Estonia was re-established, he was a member            maavägede kindralstaap. Õige on maaväe ülem-
  of the Estonian Constitutional Assembly. From          juhatuse peakorter.

  160 Tuna 1/2008

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