The 6th Sydney Symposium of Social Psychology, Volume 6 March 18-20, 2003 SOCIAL MOTIVATION: CONSCIOUS AND UNCONSCIOUS PROCESSES Edited by Joseph P. Forgas, Kipling D. Williams, and William VonHippel University of New South Wales, and Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia CONTRIBUTORS (IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER) Aarts, Henk (Utrecht) & Ran Hassin (Hebrew University, Israel): Automatic goal inference and contagion Most theories of motivated action emphasize the role of conscious choice in the adoption of goals and in guiding goal-directed behaviors. It is assumed that the mere activation of goals does not directly put the body into motion. Activated goals need to be accompanied by a conscious decision, and goal pursuit needs some form of ―expressed mandate‖ to be initiated. According to this view, then, it is conscious awareness that allows people to get goals and start acting on them. Recently, this widespread view has been challenged. Goals, it is argued, can be automatically put in place by situational cues, and goals can guide behavior without a person’s awareness of them. The present contribution aims to further explore this conception by examining how goals spread – without intention or awareness -- between people, that is: how goals can be automatically contagious. The framework consists of two key components. First, we propose that people can automatically infer other people's goals from behavioral information. Second, we suggest that these inferred goals may be automatically adopted and pursued by the perceiver. Support for the first proposition is provided by experiments that include off- as well as on-line measurement for the examination of automatic inferences. Support for the second proposition consists of empirical evidence from paradigms that examine how goals can be automatically put into motion by a mere perception of others' behaviors. Moreover, further explorations reveal that the pursuit of these adopted goals follows classic characteristics of goal pursuit, such as persistence over time. The role of such unconscious goal pursuit in everyday social life is considered. Devine, Trish (Wisconsin): The role of external and internal motivation in prejudice As social norms proscribing prejudice crystallized overtime, concerns arose pertaining to what motivates expressions of nonprejudiced attitudes and behaviors. Do such responses reflect internal, personal motivation to respond without prejudice or do they merely reflect compliance with social norms discouraging the expression of prejudice? A review of the prejudice literature suggests that given compelling external reasons for concealing prejudice, internal reasons are often discounted. In recent work, however, we have developed and provide convergent, discriminant, and construct validation for separate measures of these alternative sources of motivation to respond without prejudice. Moreover, they are largely independent, suggesting that people can be motivated to respond without prejudice for primarily internal reasons, primarily external reasons, for both internal and external reasons, or not motivated to respond without prejudice for either reason. Thus, we argue that both sources of motivation exist and affect people’s prejudice related responses, though to varying degrees for different people. We contend that making progress on core issues concerning the activation, control, and expression of prejudice requires examining the role of both internal and external sources of motivation to respond without prejudice. In the present chapter I present the background work concerning the development of our separate measures of internal (IMS) and external (EMS) motivation to respond without prejudice. These measures predict a wide range of outcomes such as the affective consequences of violating internal vs. external standards, expression of prejudice in public and private settings, the conditions under which people will exert effort to overcome prejudice, implicit expressions of prejudice, effective and ineffective control of prejudice, anxiety in inter-group interactions, and neuro-physiological indicators of the activation and control of prejudice). A central theme is that it is not sufficient to know whether or how much one is motivated to respond without prejudice, it is critically important to know the reasons why one is so motivated. Recently, we have linked internal and external motivation to respond without prejudice to different self-regulatory concerns (i.e., approach egalitarianism vs. avoid prejudice). In so doing, we are integrating our work with the existing motivation, goal, and self-regulation literatures. The goal of the chapter is to articulate and provide evidence to support the new overarching conceptualization of the nature and consequences of internal and external sources of motivation to respond without prejudice. Forgas, Joseph (UNSW): The interaction between affect and motivation in social judgments and behavior This chapter will review historical and contemporary evidence for the role of affect in social motivation, and an integrative theory of these effects will be outlined. The chapter will review experimental evidence demonstrating both (1) the motivational consequences of mild affective states, and (2) the role of motivational states in channelling and moderating affective influences on thinking and behavior. The first half of the chapter will describe a series of recent experiments demonstrating the motivational consequences of positive and negative mood states for the performance of strategic interpersonal behaviors, such as negotiation, bargaining, requesting, and social influence strategies. It will be argued that mild mood states exert a motivational influence on behavior through selectively facilitating retrieval and access to mood-congruent information when ambiguous social situations are interpreted, and behavioural responses are planned. In the second half of the chapter, the role of pre-existing motivational states in moderating affective influences on social judgments and behavior will be discussed. Several experiments from our laboratory and from elsewhere indicate that motivation to achieve a particular objective often interferes with and even reverses the commonly observed mood congruent effect that would occur otherwise. It will be argued that motivational states reduce affect congruence because they interfere with open and constructive information processing and thus limit the incidental use of affectively primed information in judgments and behavior. Recent work also indicates that affective states may spontaneously trigger motivated cognitive strategies designed to regulate excessive affective fluctuations. The general implications of this research for our understanding of the links between affect and motivation will be discussed, and the implications of these findings for everyday social judgments and behavior will be considered. Forster, Jens (Bremen, Germany) & Liberman, Nira (TelAviv): How goals influences what we think: Towards a motivational priming model Investigating the bases of unconscious and conscious effects of knowledge activation (priming), we introduce a comprehensive theory on goal related accessibility which has three basic assumptions: 1. Accessibility persists (and may even be enhanced) as long as the goal is active. 2. When a goal is fulfilled, accessibility of goal-related constructs diminishes. 3. Accessibility increases as a function of the motivation to achieve the goal - the stronger this motivation the stronger the accessibility. Therefore, distance from the goal, expectancy, and value should be positively related to the accessibility of goal-related constructs. In a first series of studies, these basic hypotheses were confirmed. In Studies 1, 2, & 3 participants searched for a target picture among other pictures. Lexical decision and Stroop measures of accessibility showed that accessibility of target-related words was enhanced prior to finding the target and reduced after finding it relative to both a preceding stage and relative to a control, no-goal condition. Studies 4 and 5 used the same basic paradigm with additional value and expectancy manipulations, showing that both value and expectancy increase the effects of activation and inhibition. This model has been applied to several domains. First, we found that rebound effects after thought suppression can be explained by the fact that suppression activates a goal to think the forbidden thought. As a consequence we predicted and found that expression after suppression reduces rebound (Liberman & Förster, 2000; Förster & Liberman, 2001). Similar effects of suppression have been recently found on automatic behavior. Second, we show that person perception is influenced by goal fulfillment. We conceptualized an interrupted priming task as a state of an unfulfilled goal and a completed priming task as a post-fulfillment state. Both a lexical decision task and a subsequent impression formation task showed enhanced accessibility after interrupted priming but not after completed priming, a pattern that was interpreted in terms of post-fulfillment inhibition. Finally, we showed that after having activated the goal to aggress against a certain person, stabbing a Voodoo doll, signifying goal fulfillment led to an inhibition of aggressive constructs and aggressive behavior. The implication of these findings for classic priming theories and some more consequences of this basic model for human behavior and motivation will be discussed. Harackiewicz, Judy (Wisconsin): Multiple goals and optimal motivation Why do some students become involved and interested in their studies and why do they continue in a particular academic discipline? Why do some athletes become engaged in their sport, persist at practice, and seek competition against others? In recent years, my students and I have conducted a number of studies examining the development of interest and continuing motivation for activities, studying the intrinsic and extrinsic factors that influence optimal motivation. For example, we have examined the role of self-set achievement goals and personal values in promoting interest and performance in academic contexts, and we have also examined the effects of competition, external evaluation, and rewards on intrinsic motivation in basketball and football camps. How do these intrinsic and extrinsic factors combine to influence performance and ongoing motivation in these domains? In the proposed paper, I will overview and synthesize these different lines of research to integrate work on achievement goals, values, interest, and intrinsic motivation. I will argue that intrinsic and extrinsic factors can both play a positive role in promoting performance and intrinsic motivation, and discuss why my colleagues and I advocate a multiple goals perspective (Harackiewicz, Barron, Pintrich, Elliot & Thrash, 2002; Hidi & Harackiewicz, 2000). In our most recent work, we have examined these issues with experimental studies in which we teach students new mental math techniques, and I will present some representative findings that demonstrate the impact of multiple goals and values on interest, performance and continuing motivation. I will also present the results of a longitudinal study in which we examined the consequences of students’ achievement goals in an introductory psychology course. We followed students from their freshman year until they graduated, and in the short term, we examined whether students’ goals predicted their interest and performance in an introductory course taken their first semester at college. Seven years later, we obtained behavioral measures of continued interest in the discipline and long-term performance. We found positive and complementary effects of mastery and performance goals on different measures of academic success, and these results are consistent with a multiple goals perspective in which both goals can have beneficial consequences. More generally, these findings are consistent with a model of motivation that considers intrinsic and extrinsic factors to be complementary forces that can promote optimal motivation. Kernis, Michael (Georgia) and Michael Goldman (Georgia): Authenticity, consciousness and social motivation Many psychological theories posit that the motivation to achieve authenticity is important for psychological functioning and subjective well-being. Historically, authenticity has been conceptualized in terms of awareness and operation of one’s true or core self. In this paper, we introduce a new multi-component conceptualization of authenticity that has considerable implications for social motivation and the nature of ongoing conscious experiences. We define authenticity as the unobstructed operation of one’s true or core self in one’s daily enterprise (Kernis, in press). More specifically, it involves the following four components: awareness, unbiased processing, behavior, and relational orientation. The awareness component refers to having awareness of, and trust in, one's motives, feelings, desires, and self-relevant cognitions. Unbiased processing reflects objectivity in assessing one's positive and negative self-aspects, attributes, qualities, and potentials. In other words, unbiased processing involves not denying, distorting, exaggerating, or ignoring private knowledge, internal experiences, and externally generated evaluative information (Kernis, in press). The behavior component involves acting in accord with one's values, preferences, and needs as opposed to acting merely to please others or to attain rewards or avoid punishments. The relational orientation component involves valuing and achieving openness and truthfulness in one's close relationships. We view these multiple components of authenticity as separable from, but as having motivational implications for, each other. For example, authentic behavior can be distinguished from inauthentic behavior by the conscious, motivated intentions that underlie it. Authentic behavior involves an honest assessment of one's self-aspects via awareness and unbiased processing components. In essence, authentic behavior implies choice and is motivated to solve self-relevant problems. In turn, inauthentic behavior involves being unaware of, ignoring, oversimplifying, and/or distorting self- aspects relevant to the behavioral context. We developed the Authenticity Inventory to assess these components of authenticity (Goldman & Kernis, in press) and found that authenticity is positively related to self-esteem and life satisfaction and negatively related to self-esteem contingencies and negative affect. We also examined the relation between authenticity and the motivational underpinnings of everyday goal strivings. Authenticity relates positively to experiences of integrity and personal meaning, and enjoyment, and negatively to egotism (oriented toward pride and contingent self-esteem). We also present data indicating authenticity's role in social motivation related to collective self-esteem, self-monitoring, cultural estrangement, social comparison, and attachment. We also expect that authenticity should relate to greater mindfulness and being ―in the moment‖ and to less of a tendency to cogitate over events and experiences separate from the immediate context. Taken together, the results of these studies illuminate the role of authenticity in conscious and nonconscious aspects of social motivation. References Goldman, B.M., & Kernis, M.H. (2001). Development of the Authenticity Inventory. Unpublished data, University of Georgia. Goldman, B.M., & Kernis, M.H. (in press). The role of authenticity in optimal psychological functioning and subjective well-being. Annals of Psychotherapy. Kernis, M.H. (in press). Toward a conceptualization of optimal self-esteem. Psychological Inquiry. Perls, Hefferline, & Goodman (1951). Gestalt Therapy. New York: Julian Press (reprinted 1965, Dell Press). Neuberg, Steve (Arizona), D. Kenrick & M. Schaller (U. British Columbia): Social motives in early-stage cognitive processing People spend much of their social lives in complex social environments. In office buildings, cocktail parties, shopping centers, waiting rooms, and farmers’ markets, we encounter a variety of different people with different characteristics doing different things. Rarely do we attend equally to all individuals, however, or to all characteristics of a given individual. Rather, we selectively direct our limited information processing resources to a smaller subset of individuals and characteristics. But what particular kinds of information are we likely to notice, remember, and act upon? What determines attentional selection and its consequences? Although social psychology has made great strides over the past two decades in understanding the influences of social motivation on cognition, its theoretical focus has leaned heavily toward understanding issues of process—of the mechanisms through which goals might alter, for instance, the impressions we form of one another. By its very nature, however, the process approach is unable to address issues of content—of what goals are likely to be especially influential, and why. The process approach is therefore unable to predict which features of the social environment people will frequently attune themselves to. Doug Kenrick, Mark Schaller, and I believe that what people think about is at least as important as how they do the thinking, and we have recently embarked on a program of research designed to address this deficiency. From a functional, ecological/evolutionary foundation, we have derived the social motives that should be of fundamental importance to people as social animals, hypothesized how they might adaptively alter early-in-the-stream perceptual and cognitive processes, and have begun to test the often novel predictions that emerged. To this point, we have focused on the goals of self-protection and mating. When activated, each goal is hypothesized to have both excitatory and inhibitory effects, selectively facilitate attention toward target individuals possessing goal-relevant characteristics and inhibiting attention to target individuals with goal-irrelevant characteristics. The model further specifies asymmetries in cross-goal inhibitory effects (e.g., self-protective goals take priority over mating goals), and yields hypotheses concerning the effects of goal activation on attention to and cognitions about individuals who differ in ethnicity, gender, and physical attractiveness. Our initial experiments are providing rich early support for our hypotheses. In one, white males concerned with self-protection (and therefore ostensibly on the ―lookout‖ for danger) were especially likely to ―see‖ anger in neutrally-expressive black male faces to which they’d been briefly exposed, whereas white males interested in romance (and therefore ostensibly on the lookout for liaison opportunities) were especially likely to ―see‖ sexual interest in neutrally-expressive attractive white female faces. The effects of these manipulated goals were quite specific, as the framework would predict—they did not generalize to functionally-irrelevant targets or to unrelated emotions. We’ve labeled this phenomenon functional projection, to reflect the extent to which these biases in perception appear quite sensitive to the goal-relevant affordances provided by the social environment. In the chapter I also discuss studies using eye-tracking and ―change- blindness‖ methods designed to assess how self-protection and mating goals affect early, relatively automatic, visual attention processes. Pyszcynsky, Tom (UC): How do death-related thoughts affect cognition and action? An update on the dual process model of conscious and unconscious motivation This chapter will discuss the cognitive and affective mechanisms underlying the effects of death related thought on human behavior. Distinct mechanisms involved in coping with conscious and unconscious threats will be explored, with a focus on the role of the accessibility of death related ideation and the potential for affect that this produces. Extensive experimental evidence for the theory will be presented, and the motivational implications of death-related thoughts in a variety of social domains will be considered. Rhodewalt, Fred (Utah): Narcissistic Social Motivation: Causes, Mechanisms, and Consequences of Interpersonal Self-Esteem Regulation This chapter will briefly review clinical perspectives on narcissism and describe our recently proposed interpersonal self-regulatory processing model of narcissism (Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001; Rhodewalt, 2001; Rhodewalt & Sorrow, in press). The essence of the model is that narcissism can be viewed as a set of coherent cognitive, motivational, and interpersonal self-regulatory processes rather than as a ―trait-like‖ behavioral syndrome. After describing the model and illustrating it with research, the chapter will focus more directly on Annie Reich’s (1960) contention that the narcissist engages in a pathological form of self-esteem regulation wherein the narcissist must chronically perform compensatory self- inflation in order to support a megalomanic self-image. Evidence concerning the relation between narcissistic motivation and social feedback will be presented. The chapter will present research examining the elements of the self-esteem regulation process: 1.) factors that motivate interpersonal engagement, 2.) interpersonal self-regulatory behavior, and 3.) the intra- and interpersonal consequences of such interpersonal exchanges. The chapter will conclude by discussing the implications of this work for models of self-esteem. Spencer, Steve (U. Waterloo): Implicit thoughts and explicit motives and behaviour This chapter will review four lines of research that examine the interaction of people's implicitly activated thoughts and explicit motives, arguing that implicit thoughts primarily influence behavior when they are not only activated but also when people's explicit motivations make the implicit thoughts applicable to the situation. For example, if the implicit thought of slowness were activated, people would primarily walk slowly if they were had an explicit motive to do so (i.e., time to waste). In one line of research (Strahan, Spencer, & Zanna, in press) I will examine how subliminally priming people with the concept of thirst only leads people to choose a thirst- quenching beverage when they are explicitly motivated to reduce their thirst (i.e., when they are thirsty). In a second line of research (Fein, Davies, Hoshino-Browne, & Spencer, 2002) I will examine how subliminally priming people with the word "gay" only leads to negative evaluation of a gay target when people are explicitly motivated to stereotype others (i.e., when their self- image is threatened). In a third line of research (Davies, Spencer, Quinn, & Gehardstein, in press) I will show that although both men and women activate stereotypes about women when they see commercials that portray women stereotypically, this activation of the stereotype only influences women's performance on a math test. Presumably, only women are explicitly motivated to suppress the stereotype about them, and independent evidence will be presented that this sort of suppression undermines women's math performance. Finally, in a fourth line of research (Jordan, Spencer, & Zanna, 2002) I will examine how among high self-esteem people it is only those with low implicit self-esteem (who presumably have doubts about themselves chronically activated) that show defensiveness when they are threatened (i.e., when they are externally motivated to repair their self-image). Together these lines of research suggest that implicit and explicit motivations interact powerfully in determining behavior. Fritz Strack & Roland Deutsch (University of Würzburg): Reflective and impulsive determinants of social behavior The motivation of social behavior is assumed to be jointly determined by reflective and impulsive processes. In particular, we suggest that what people do is controlled by two interacting systems that follow different operating principles. While the Reflective System generates behavioral decisions that are based on knowledge about facts and values, the Impulsive System elicits behavior through associative links and motivational orientations. The proposed model describes how the two systems interact at various stages of processing and how their outputs may determine behavior in a synergistic or antagonistic fashion. The implications of this Reflective Impulsive Model (RIM) are applied to various phenomena from social psychology and beyond. Extending previous dual-process accounts, the current model is not limited to specific domains of mental functioning and attempts to integrate cognitive, motivational and behavioral mechanisms. Such a perspective will extend the scope of social psychology to include phenomena like mass behavior, vandalism, aggression, which have once been at the core of social psychology but have more recently be neglected or assigned the status of ―abnormal‖ events. New results from our own research will be presented to support the conceptual claims of the model. Vohs, Kathleen (Utah): A regulatory source account of conscious and unconscious self regulation This chapter addresses the question: What motivates and allows people to achieve their conscious and nonconscious goals? First, research on conscious self-regulation will be reviewed as governed by a pool of limited regulatory resources (Vohs, 2002a); then, research will be presented testing nonconscious regulatory processes and regulatory resources. The studies investigate underlying mechanisms of self-regulation using a self-regulatory resource model. In this model, self-control is conceptualized as being governed by a global - but limited - pool of resources from which all acts of self-regulation draw. Accordingly, when a person engages in self-regulation the pool of regulatory resources is temporarily depleted, thereby rendering subsequent acts of self-control less successful. Empirical tests of the resource model have confirmed its utility, but until recently its applicability to nonconscious regulatory acts was unknown. The results of six studies across suggest that nonconscious self-regulation also uses this expendable resource. For example, Studies 1 and 2 (Vohs & Heatherton, 2000) illustrate that regulatory resources become depleted and self-regulation fails when dieters are exposed to tempting foods, which serve to activate nonconscious weight goals. Studies 3 and 4 (Vohs, 2002b) demonstrate a link between nonconscious approach-avoidance states and self-regulation. Results show that when participants perform arm flexor or extension movements to prime basic approach and avoidance goals, those who perform approach-related movements exhibited greater self-control than those who performed avoidance-related movements. Last, Studies 5 and 6 (Vohs, Ciarocco, & Baumeister, under review) extend this line of inquiry to impression management. Results demonstrate that self-presentational processes are impaired when self-regulatory resource are depleted. Together, these studies point to similarities in the mechanisms that motivate the self-system to achieve both conscious and nonconscious goals and suggest exciting avenues for future research. References: Vohs, K.D. (2002a). Self-regulation and regulatory resources. To appear in R.F. Baumeister, & K.D. Vohs (Eds.), Handbook of Self-Regulation Research. New York: Guilford. Vohs, K.D. (2002b). Nonconscious self-regulation requires regulatory resources. Manuscript in preparation for submission to Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Vohs, K.D., Ciarocco, N.J., & Baumeister, R.F. (under review). Self-Regulation and self- presentation: Regulatory resource depletion impairs impression management and effortful self-presentation depletes regulatory resources. Under review at Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Vohs, K.D., & Heatherton, T.F. (2000). Self-regulatory failure: A resource-depletion approach. Psychological Science, 11, 249-254. Weiss, Howard (Purdue) & Ashkanasy, Neal (Queensland): Effects of negative emotion on employee motivation and performance: A model based on regulatory resource theory Affective Events Theory (AET: Weiss & Cropanzano, 1996) holds that emotions mediate the motivational effect on behavioural and attitudinal outcomes of hassles and uplifts experienced by employees in organizational settings. Weiss and Cropanzano do not, however, address directly the effect of emotions on employee motivation and performance outcomes, nor do they provide a plausible causative explanation for effects of emotions. In the paper we argue than an explanation for this effect can be based on the based on the idea of regulatory resources (see Muraven & Baumeister, 2000 for a review). In this theory, regulatory resources are the resources that individuals have at their disposal to enable them to exercise self-control, including performance of productive work. Critical to the theory is that individuals possess only a limited amount of regulatory resource. Any factors that serve to deplete these resources leave less reserve available for subsequent behaviours calling for self- control. For example, Muraven, Tice, and Baumeister (1998) found that, when actors engage in consecutive acts of self-control, performance on the second act is impaired. Muraven and Baumeister (2000) note, in particular that, while the effects of regulatory resource depletion are not mediated by emotions, attempts to over-ride natural emotions (e.g. by engaging in emotional labor, a requirement to display emotional states different from felt emotion, see Hochechild, 1983) result in self-control decrements (see Muraven et al., 1998, Study 1). In a similar vein, they note that attempts to regulate mood also cause lessened self-control. In this paper, therefore we reframe AET in terms of regulatory resource theory to propose a model that explains how and why the emotions arising from affective events affect employee motivation and performance. Specifically, we hypothesize that higher organisational demands on employees to engage in emotional labor will deplete regulatory resources, and thus will lead to lower employee motivation and performance. In addition, we argue that employee motivation and productive work performance are likely to be adversely affected by a negative organisational climate that further depletes their regulatory resources. References Hochschild, A. R. (1983). The managed heart: Commercialization of human feeling. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Muraven, M., & Baumeister, R. F. (2000). Self-regulation and depletion of limited resources: Does self-control resemble a muscle? Psychological bulletin, 26, 247-259 Muraven, M., Tice, D. M., & Baumeister, R. F. (1998). Self-control as a limited resource: Regulatory depletion patterns. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 774-789. Weiss, H. M., & Cropanzano, R. (1996). Affective events theory: A theoretical discussion of the structure, causes and consequences of affective experiences at work. Res. in Org. Beh, 18,1-74. Williams, Kip, Case, Trevor and Warburton, W. (Macquarie): The motivational consequences of social exclusion Ostracism, social exclusion, and rejection have been examined extensively in the past ten years, leading to a greater understanding of how these strongly negative social forces motivate individuals to cope. Two divergent effects have been found: (1) targets of ostracism try to elevate their social attractiveness in order to be included, either with the group who ostracized or with a new group; or (2) they retaliate and become aggressive, either toward the rejecting group or to innocent others. This chapter will review these literatures, offer a theoretical integration, and will elucidate the conditions that will trigger the motivational states producing either pro- or anti-social behaviors. Several studies will be presented to provide support for these predictions. The implications of this research for our understanding of the motivational mechanisms that regulate interpersonal behavior in general will also be discussed. Wood, Wendy & Quinn, Jeffrey (Texas A&M): Implicit and Explicit Determinants of Behavior: Habits and Intentions Recent theories of behavior prediction recognize that behavior can be generated through multiple motivational processes. These include explicit intentions to perform an act as well as implicit processes that function outside of conscious awareness, such as habitual patterns cued by stable aspects of the environment (Brandstatter, Langfelder, & Gollwitzer, 2001; Ouellette & Wood, 1998). In this paper, we propose to discuss the conditions under which behavior can be predicted from implicit versus explicit motivational factors. We will also review recent research on the nonconscious mechanisms guiding habitual behavior. Evidence of the unique mechanisms guiding habitual behavior includes neuropsychological findings that habitual acts are stored in separate brain systems and are learned as complete units of action sequences (Gabrieli, 1998; Jog, Kubota, Connolly, Hillegaart, & Graybiel,1999). In addition, social cognitive studies provide evidence of the characteristic thought processes associated with habits. Specifically, Wood, Quinn, and Kashy (in press) used a diary methodology to demonstrate that everyday habitual behaviors do not require conscious guidance. Intentions for habits become implicit over time as behaviors are practiced in stable contexts. This research also indicated that habits are associated with specific self-regulatory benefits and costs. On the one hand, people reported less stress when performing actions habitually, presumably because of the minimal load on decision making. Yet, habits also tend to be associated with more muted positive emotions and are not a source of personal pride. The paper will also discuss the implications for behavior change of models that recognize multiple-processes of behavior generation. Past acts are likely to maintain into the future when habits proceed relatively automatically in stable contexts. However, when contexts change or for other reasons people are encouraged to think about their behavior, then behavior comes under conscious control. Given sufficient motivation and ability, people will bring their behavior in line with their explicit intentions, which may often differ from the implicit intentions directing habits. In summary, the paper will develop a framework to understand how the multiple cognitive processes guiding behavior interact in the generation of action. References Brandstaetter, V., Lengfelder, A, Gollwitzer, P. M. (2001). Implementation intentions and efficient action initiation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81, 946-960. Gabrieli, J. D. E. (1993). Cognitive neuroscience of human memory. Annual Review of Psychology, 49, 87-115. Jog, M. S., Kubota, Y., Connolly, C. I., Hillegaart, V., & Graybiel, A. M. (1999). Building neural representations of habits. Science, 286, 1745-1749. Ouellette, J., & Wood, W. (1998). Habit and intention in everyday life: The multiple processes by which past behavior predicts future behavior. Psychological Bulletin, 124, 54-74. Wood, W., Quinn, J., & Kashy, D. (in press). Habits in everyday life: The thought and feeling of action. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Wright, Rex (Alabama) & Gendolla, Guido (Nurnberg, Germany): Motivation in social settings: effort related cardio-vascular responses The construct of effort, or task engagement, figures prominently in explanations of social psychological phenomena. Therefore, it is surprising that social psychologists have devoted relatively little attention to understanding fundamental effort processes. As often as not, social psychologists have based their theoretical analyses on common sense effort assumptions, including the assumptions that effort is proportional to success importance and perceived ability in a performance realm. We will discuss in this chapter new research from our laboratories that have sought to improve understanding of fundamental effort processes and explore implications of those processes for responses in social settings. This project relies heavily on Jack Brehm’s theory of motivation intensity. The program also takes as a working hypothesis the proposition advanced by Paul Obrist that sympathetic nervous system influence on the heart and vasculature rises and falls with task engagement (termed ―active coping‖). Together, Brehm’s theory and Obrist’s proposition we provide a framework for predicting momentary engagement and a means of measuring it. Our findings call into question common sense effort assumptions. The studies also shed light, for example, on the manner in which social evaluation impacts on cardiovascular (CV) arousal, sex differences in CV response, mood- arousal relations, self-involvement as a determinant of effort and CV response, motivational effects of performance resource depletion, and the CV influence of challenge and threat appraisals. Our research does not make clear to what extent engagement reflects conscious deliberation; however, it suggests that people sometimes expend themselves to different degrees non-consciously, that is, without thinking about it. Hing, Leanne (U. Guelph) & Zanna, Mark (U. Waterloo): Exploring implicit and explicit prejudice: a test of aversive racism theory Theoretical assumptions regarding the motivational aspects of implicit and explicit prejudice have received increasing attention in recent years. Originally, it was argued that one’s true prejudice was expressed at the implicit level and that explicit measures of prejudice reflected impression management (e.g., Greenwald & Banaji, 1995). Later findings suggested that explicit prejudice predicted controlled behaviors, whereas implicit prejudice predicted automatic behaviours. In this chapter we focus on the discrepancy between low prejudice at the explicit level and high prejudice at the implicit level to examine the discriminatory behavior of aversive racists: A group hypothesized to be consciously nonprejudiced and unconsciously prejudiced, but that has yet to be identified a priori (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986). According to aversive racism theory, aversive racists (AR) should bend over backward to avoid discriminatory behavior when the negative portion of their attitudes is made salient. We (Son Hing, Li, & Zanna, 2002) examined how a hypocrisy induction technique might produce a motivational effect to reduce discriminatory behavior among AR (i.e., those low in explicit but high in implicit prejudice). Consistent with our hypothesis, AR felt more guilty and discriminated less when they were reminded that they haven’t always practiced what they just preached, compared with those in a control condition. Thus, participants who score low in explicit prejudice but high in implicit prejudice behaved in a manner consistent with aversive racism theory. In contrast, truly low prejudiced participants (i.e., those low in both implicit and explicit prejudice) were equally non-discriminatory across conditions. More recently, we have moved toward classic aversive racism paradigms in which an excuse-to-discriminate is manipulated. Because AR perceive themselves to be egalitarian, they should only discriminate when a non-race-related justification for discrimination is present, so they can maintain their egalitarian self-image (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986). In two studies (simulating an instance of an interaction between students and a job interview, respectively), we examined how participants evaluated a target on the basis of his ethnicity (i.e., Asian vs. White) and experimental condition (i.e., excuse-to-discriminate vs. no-excuse- to-discriminate). We found that, as expected, AR discriminated more against the Asian target when an excuse for discrimination exists, compared with when no justification is present. In contrast, truly low prejudiced participants evaluated the Asian target consistently across conditions. Furthermore, only in the excuse-to-discriminate condition, did AR evaluate the Asian target more negatively than did truly low prejudiced participants. Theoretical implications of the results are discussed.