Chapter 7 Changing Economies, Changing Society

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					                      Chapter 7
         Changing Economies, Changing Society

     In Chapter 3, I elaborated on the paradigm shift that has gained a foothold during
 the past quarter century to alter our approaches to science, our attitudes to technology,
 our concepts of policy and ultimately, our use of urban systems. Somewhat vaguely,
 this evolution can be termed the transition from modernity to post-modernity,
 acknowledging that the concept of post-modernity remains contested, even rejected by
 some analysts (Jagtenberg and McKie 1997). This dissertation cannot realistically
 claim to make a constructive contribution to that debate. But what can be done here is
 to take the possibility of a paradigm shift as a frame of reference and attempt to
 describe the trends and discontinuities in the life of our cities that may define it. We will
 discover that social and economic conditions have been undergoing rapid changes
 since the end of the post-war boom period, feeding back to the reality of cities world-
 wide and spurring a rich variety of policy responses, the most important of which we
 will explore in the following sections.

7.1. The Crisis of Post-War Modernity

     During the post-war growth period - at its peak approximately between 1950 and
 1975 - three prevailing regulation paradigms described the character of urban society:

     • Demographically, urban households were dominated by the two-generation
         family consisting of parents and children. This is, of course, related to high birth
         rates during the post-war 'baby boom' in many Western countries (and
         dramatically falling rates of infant mortality). It was commonly accompanied by a
         division of labour within the nuclear family that saw the father as breadwinner
         engaged in gainful employment away from home and the mother as unwaged
         caretaker of the household and children, present at home. It appears that the
         gender inequalities implicit in this model were relatively acceptable at the time.

     • Spatially, the urbanisation regime of the time resulted in a functional and
         spatial segregation of paid work, household reproduction and play. In an
         arrangement largely unprecedented in urban history, the coincidence of
         production and consumption locations was minimised or eliminated altogether.

     • Economically, wealth was generated primarily from mass production of
         consumer goods, which met ever-increasing markets in industrialised societies,

 urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                     133
        with abundant employment and rising incomes largely in full-time positions
        aimed at male employees. This model has become known as the age of
        Fordist mass production was rooted in dedicated assembly lines and vertically
    integrated production systems feeding off increasing internal economies of scale that
    were sustainable only by huge oligopolistic corporations engaged in a relatively stable
    social contract with the largest trade unions and a federal government dedicated to
    priming the consumption pump of the national economy through Keynesian practices
    of demand stimulation and social welfare provision (Soja 1996b, p438).

    It is important to realise how this model became a cultural and statutory norm in
most Western countries during the period, which still holds true to some degree today,
and how it contributed substantially to the building of cities as we know them. Housing
production focussed almost exclusively on the provision of large, family-oriented units
favouring the single-family detached house in private ownership or, in higher-density
and/or rental situations, apartments functionally designed around the assumed
communal life of the two-generation family. The evolution of private prosperity made
this type of housing, including the consumer goods required to sustain it (particularly
household appliances and automobiles), increasingly affordable to most families even
on a single income. And while the experience of growing domestic wealth lasted, the
spatial and personal alienation between employment and home, between breadwinner
and home-bound family members appeared acceptable since it served a higher goal.

    When the post-war boom period eventually levelled off from the late 1960s
onwards, the suburban world of domestic bliss became gradually challenged from
profound economic and social changes that, with hindsight, seem all too connected.

    • Foremost, limits to growth became visible. It is no coincidence that this is the
        period when a book of the same title first drew the world's attention to what is
        now referred to as global sustainability issues (Meadows et al 1972). Energy
        crises surfaced repeatedly during the 1970s, highlighting the need to uncouple
        economic growth from resource use. Simultaneously, markets for mass-
        produced consumer goods began to saturate in industrialised countries and
        compromised these industries' position at the top of the value-adding pyramid.
        Decreasing profitability of some manufacturing and resource sectors and the
        increasingly global character of economic activity led to rationalisation of
        production, internationalisation of trade networks and the relocation of
        processes to lower-wage countries.

    • This had profound effects on the employment market in industrialised
        countries: where there had been virtually no unemployment until the early
        1970s, it has become a persistent phenomenon ever since, with strong effects
urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                         134
        on society. Declining job security led to stagnating incomes in large population
        groups and falling incomes in some, with increasing social disparities and
        fragmentation observable in all Western countries.

    • Traditional suburbs, which used to be populated by women and children at least
        during most times of the day and night, became dormitory suburbs when the
        unequal division of labour between women and men inherent in the traditional
        family unit became both unacceptable culturally and untenable economically,
        with a large number of women seeking careers and independent earnings, not
        least to uphold achieved standards of living in the face of a more uncertain
        economic climate. This imposed increasing logistic strain on suburbanites to
        organise their own and their dependent family members' activities, since post-
        war housing largely relied on male full-time employment matched with female
        full-time presence to function efficiently. In many cases, a renewed surge in car-
        based mobility was induced, since every adult member of the household now
        needed a vehicle of their own.

    • Meanwhile, the nuclear family lost its dominance as the organising factor of
        society, associated with demographic trends which see marriages relative to
        population decline, eventuate later in life, end in divorce at ever increasing rates
        and produce fewer children. As a result, there is an exponential growth of
        household numbers at ever smaller average sizes in Western cities, and there
        is a gradually ageing population subject to negative growth where not balanced
        by immigration. This is manifest in a high proportion of one- and two-person
        households which has reached 70-80% in many cities by the late 1980s and
        has most likely grown even further since (Häußermann and Siebel 1991).

  HOUSEHOLD        Amsterdam       Copenhagen       Edinburgh           Freiburg   Hamburg
     SIZE            (1999)          (1996)           (1991)             (2000)     (1993)

    1 Person          54%             55%              35%                53%       47%
   2 Persons          27%             28%              33%                25%       29%
   3+ Persons         19%             17%              32%                22%       24%

Table 7-A: Distribution of household sizes in case study cities
Sources: Statistical Reports of Amsterdam, Copenhagen, Edinburgh, Freiburg and Hamburg

    • These trends exacerbate the socio-economic disparities mentioned above,
        as well as broaden the spectre of urban lifestyles, both culturally and
        economically determined. There are now household forms which shun the

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                        135
        nuclear family model because their social aspirations are of a different nature
        (alternative lifestyles) as well as those who do it for hedonistic reasons, as they
        prioritise professional motivations and a lavish consumer lifestyle over rearing a
        family (these have become known under a succession of acronyms, such as
        yuppies, dinks etc). These groups have successfully challenged both the
        cultural hegemony of the nuclear family and its relative economic advantage.
        Furthermore, residents in such households - be they singles, childless couples,
        single parents, shared households, young or elderly, immigrant or non-
        immigrant - have specific requirements both of housing provision and, in many
        cases, of a more diverse, stimulating and/or practically convenient residential
        environment than what the family-oriented suburb is likely to deliver. The
        ensuing momentum for qualitative change in many neighbourhoods has
        resulted in cities moving from a spatial organisation largely derived from the
        distribution of income groups (in rich, middle-class and poor districts) to the
        agglomeration of local social milieux reflecting such lifestyle choices and/or
        ethnic concentrations (see Rosemann 1998).

    • This fact is also due to a wave of democratisation in urban societies, which
        has enhanced participatory structures in decision making, often following the
        demands of increasingly vocal citizens who saw their desires and needs
        neglected by traditional top-down policy. This context was discussed in Part A
        and will be revisited in the elaboration on Amsterdam (Chapter 10) and
        Copenhagen (Part C).

    • These milieux, focussed around matching or complementing socio-cultural
        interests and consolidated through community empowerment, now tend to have
        an undeniable effect on the local economy in their respective urban district,
        and the urban economy in general. They encourage the development both of
        specific clusters of local business that serve the requirements of the respective
        groups' lifestyle choices (retail, culture, food, recreation) and of professional
        networks that thrive on cooperation in spatial proximity. This is particularly true
        for those industries whose innovation potential makes them substantial
        generators of new employment and value-adding, such as the media and
        information technology sectors, also known as 'global knowledge economy'.

    • The interplay of the new urban economy and a hedonism directed at
        conspicuous consumption or self-conscious display of non-conformism in
        public, combined with the renaissance of cultural, hospitality and entertainment
        facilities has resulted in a new spatial hybridisation in crucial urban nodes

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                       136
         and districts, and helped overcome tendencies of functional segregation there.
         A household's private life, once tied to the confines of the suburban home, has
         returned to the urban arena to some degree, and the world of employment has
         made inroads into the private residence which is used as a workplace by an
         increasing number of urbanites, following trends to more telecommuting,
         contract work and self-employment, and the life-long need for further education.

7.2. Approaches to Understanding
     Post-Industrial Realities

     A number of theorists have analysed prevailing trends within the post-industrial
 economy in relation to employment patterns and changing social and lifestyle
 structures, attempting to come to conclusions about the effect this context may have on
 the physical side of urban development. In the following, I will highlight some
 approaches which appear most relevant to the contested topic of changing urban form
 and interaction patterns, focussing on, but not limited to, the parts of the world where
 the case studies in Part C are located. The selection, however, does not claim to be

     Derek Kemp (1996, 1998), from an Australian perspective, asserts the shifts that
 have broken the predominance of mainly full-time, male and higher-income
 employment that prevailed until the 1970s:
          Western economies have not entirely de-industrialised and much manufacturing
     still remains, but it is no longer the major source of wealth creation, nor the major
     generator of employment in modern Western economies. The service sector has now
     taken over these roles. A clear polarisation is occurring in the service sector between
     high-income, information-based jobs and the larger number of low-income, personal
     service jobs being created, mainly in domestic, quasi-domestic, medical and quasi-
     medical services (Kemp 1998, p6)

     Employment growth since the 1970s has been almost exclusively absorbed by this
 latter sector of largely part-time, female and low-income jobs, which have profoundly
 altered the geography of employment. Simultaneously, the high incomes of global
 knowledge economy professionals are crucial to generate demand for the consumer
 services that provide such jobs. While the Fordist employment market could thrive in
 'economic monocultures' of industrial areas and business parks, the robustness of the
 more flexible Post-Fordist economy depends chiefly on the dynamics of interdependent
 small business which seek spatial clustering and functional integration with residential
 and other urban uses.

 urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                         137
       The growth is in small 'consumer' and 'producer' service businesses. The former
    are likely to co-locate with the resident population. The latter are more likely to locate
    near to larger business clients or clusters of clients (Kemp 1996, p41).

    This view is echoed by Saskia Sassen (1994) who emphasises that it is precisely
the high degree of specialisation, interdependency and dissociation from consumers in
the producer services that generates a new wave of spatial concentration among these
sectors of the economy. In turn, consumer services naturally follow residential
dispersal. But there is a third sector attributed to the global information economy whose
function it is to service and maintain the business and cultural environment conducive
to the corporate world - from IT support to hospitality to cleaning - and which is closely
linked to the extensive migrant communities in many global cities. Sassen argues that
'there is a whole infrastructure of low-wage, non-professional jobs and activities that
constitute a crucial part of the so-called corporate economy' (ibid, p74) who, just like
the global players themselves, continue to 'find in the city the strategic terrain for their
operations' (ibid, p89).

    Traditional suburban development patterns, however, largely fail to cater for the
locational needs of either of these sectors. Few provide space for economic activity
other than basic retail, petrol stations and fast-food outlets in proximity to residences,
with areas for industry situated well away from them and mostly out of tune with local
employment demand. The result is an increasingly poor job-housing balance: in Perth's
outer suburbs, existing job self-sufficiency - the ratio of the resident workforce
employed locally - is commonly below 30% and for lack of local jobs could scarcely
exceed 50% even if employment self-containment was maximised (Kemp 1998, p34).
This proves particularly painful for those potential employees who face substantial
constraints to coordinate rigid schedules of work- and non-work related activities and
may exacerbate the effect of limited incomes on employment catchment areas:
        There is an increasingly pressing social need to provide jobs close to the resident
    work force in the new post-industrial economy. If jobs are not found convenient to
    places of residence, unemployment rather than costly, long-distance commuting is
    likely to result (Kemp 1996, p 39).

    This has developed to the point of severe crisis particularly in the sector of youth
unemployment, which stands near 30% in Australian cities and proves increasingly
resistant to the impact of overall job growth(Kemp 1998, p19). The main engine of
employment is no longer through large businesses whose contribution started to
decline even in absolute terms in the early 1990s. Small businesses are the most
dynamic job creator and their spatial demand is for 'small, flexible, multi-purpose
business premises' (Kemp 1996, p42). The evolution of new firms is a crucial factor,
and the boundary between living and working becomes increasingly blurred:

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                            138
        Home-based businesses provide an excellent 'incubator' from which struggling
    entrepreneurs can establish a successful business. The relief from many overheads
    allows more money to be channelled towards capital items required for the
    businesses. [Clustered, mixed-use urban districts] facilitate this type of enterprise
    development and employment by encouraging and enabling a wide variety of
    consumer and producer services and also social and community services (including
    libraries, training and child care facilities) located in, or close to, residential areas (ibid,

    Kemp advocates that job-poor, mostly outer suburban areas must be equipped to
attract professionals who have a choice where to locate, and bring with them the ability
to spin off local economic development - investors, entrepreneurs and innovators. Their
spending and consumption patterns would then increase the extent of transactions in
the area and support sustained growth in consumer and distributive services, which in
turn would create opportunities for start-up businesses and benefit local semi-skilled
job seekers.

    The importance of local networks for a healthy urban economy is supported by
Dieter Läpple, Thomas Krüger and Helmut Deecke (1994) in a study on Hamburg.
Their analyses reveal a strong and irreversible trend away from mass-scale
manufacturing and services which is associated with the post-war, Fordist age of
intensive capital accumulation, towards a leaner, more adaptable production regime
oriented at ever more specific and changeable markets, accordingly described as 'post-
Fordist' and dominated by flexible capital accumulation. To once more quote Soja
(1996b) in this context,
        this new regime is characterised by more flexible (vs. hierarchical) production
    systems located in transaction-intensive clusterings of predominantly small and
    middle-sized firms intertwined to achieve increasing 'external' economies of scope
    through complex subcontracting arrangements, improved inventory control, the use of
    numerically controlled (ie. computerised) machinery, and other techniques that allow
    for easier responses to market signals, especially in times of economic recession and
    intensified global competition (ibid, p439)

    Post-Fordist economic forces encourage large productive units to break down to
more flexible entities, a process accompanied by massive rationalisation and
outsourcing of functions that are not immediate to a company's products, including on a
global scale in an ever more internationally interdependent economy.
       An die Stelle einliniger Konzentrationsprozesse zu immer größeren Einheiten und
    invariablen Standortanforderungen bildet sich ein extrem breites, durch fließende
    Übergänge charakterisiertes Spektrum miteinander verflochtener Betriebseinheiten
    unterschiedlicher Größenordnung und flexibler Standortansprüche (Jessen 1997,
       In the place of single-pronged concentration processes to ever larger units and
    invariable locational requirements, an extremely wide spectrum of interconnected
    productive units of varying sizes and flexible locational demands emerges,
    characterised by undefined boundaries.

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                                  139
    It is understandable that such processes of change in large enterprises reduce
rather than enhance their local employment effects, yet they do, under the right
conditions, provide an array of opportunities for small and emerging businesses to fill
associated up- or downstream service and production demands in cooperation with the
giants. They can form local milieux of networked knowledge and innovation and be the
principal creator of employment in the post-industrial urban economy. Läpple et al
conclude with a call to decision makers to phase out competition between regions to
attract large firms and support these localised clusters of future industries instead, in
the interest of more durable employment prospects and a robust, diversified urban
economy in general. Such developments then have the potential to reinvigorate a
number of urban nodes where they can operate in close proximity and integrate with
other uses. Over time, this will result in a city structure akin to an archipelago ('Stadt
der Archipele') with concentrations of activity in central and sub-central locations of
different sizes and character.

    The concept of mixed-use employment centres drawing on synergistic proximity
effects of a diverse local environment is acknowledged, half a decade later and again
from a German perspective, by Rainer Kahnert (1998). However, he sees this effect
limited to the service sector and even within that, it is largely restricted to office
employment. The growing predominance of the service sector is often employed as a
case to obliterate the paradigm of functional segregation between residential and
commercial/industrial districts since the latter have largely ceased to impose intolerable
obtrusion on the former. But Kahnert points out that space-intensive industries,
especially manufacturing, are continuously priced out of urban contexts where land
costs are high and increasing, or even turn this situation into profit themselves by
reorganising their firm and marketing surplus urban land to office development (see
also Jessen 1997). This ongoing 'tertiarisation' of core cities has resulted in a new
wave of spatial segregation between industries and fostered substantial employment
growth or at least consolidation in both outer suburban and rural areas relative to inner
cities and their middle suburbs where overall employment largely stagnated during the
1990s. Relocations in manufacturing are followed by producer services, while the
suburban population attracts an expanding sector of consumer services, as identified
by Kemp (1996, see above). Kahnert concedes that environmental and noise mitigation
measures have better adapted many manufacturing industries to mixed-use
neighbourhoods; however, a simultaneous push for higher production efficiency
through expanded operation hours has shifted the source of adversity to the traffic
impact generated by these firms at increasingly unwelcome times of the day.

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                        140
       Eine stärkere Trennung von Wohn- und Gewerbegebieten dürfte daher zukünftig
    wieder bedeutsamer werden und wird auch von vielen Betrieben gefordert (Kahnert
    1998, p512)
       A stronger segregation of residential and industrial areas is likely to regain
    significance in the future, and is even demanded for by many firms.

    In the context of industrial suburbanisation, Kahnert observes an increasing spatial
mismatch between population and employment patterns:
       Ein funktionaler räumlicher Zusammenhang zwischen Bevölkerungs- und
    Arbeitsplatzentwicklung ist aber nur selten gegeben und bildet sich auch nur selten
    heraus. […] Verlagert werden vor allem Produktionsaktivitäten, während die
    Randwanderung der Bevölkerung und damit auch die Pendlerverflechtungen von den
    besserverdienenden Bevölkerungsteilen vollzogen wird, die überwiegend tertiäre
    Arbeitsplätze in Anspruch nehmen. Damit würden Pendlerbeziehungen nicht nur nicht
    reduziert, sondern sogar neue Pendlerbeziehungen - diesmal von innen nach außen -
    erzeugt. […]
       Die Wahl des Wohnstandortes und die des Arbeitsortes [sind] unter den
    gegenwärtigen Verhältnissen des Arbeitsmarktes allenfalls auf überregionaler Ebene
    miteinander verbunden…, auf der regionalen Ebene aber [erfolgen sie] unabhängig
    voneinander (ibid, p516-517).
        A functional spatial context between population and employment development
    rarely exists and is also rarely evoked. What is relocated are primarily manufacturing
    activities, while the centrifugal movement of population and hence commuting patterns
    is carried by higher-income groups who are largely in tertiary employment. This not
    only fails to reduce commuting, it even creates new commuting relations from inner
    cities to suburbs.
       The choice of residential and employment location, at present job market
    conditions, are at best connected on an inter-regional level, but occur independently
    from each other at the regional level.

    Kahnert concludes that there is sufficient momentum in cities today to mix
residential uses with tertiary employment, but considers current planning approaches
as ineffective where they attempt to concentrate other industries in close proximity to
their workforce or around public transport nodes and corridors. While these firms are
often quite selective about the metropolitan region they wish to locate or relocate in,
their decisions where to locate within that region are mostly based on land values and
sometimes accessibility to existing staff. The more space-intensive the production unit,
the more likely it is to favour an off-corridor, exclusively car-accessible site.

    In the work of Peter Hall (1991, 1995, 1998) the dilemma of parallel centrifugal and
centripetal movement of industries and employment is highlighted in the context of
global and regional metropolitan hierarchies, revealing polycentric structures in
metropolitan areas whose complexity increases with size. Hall identifies three waves of
employment decentralisation, consisting of conventional manufacturing seeking spatial
expansion on cheaper, peripheral land, research and development facilities with
associated high-tech manufacturing seeking high-amenity locations, and service-sector
back offices seeking access to suburban (mainly female) labour markets. The United

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                        141
States have witnessed the often self-regulated emergence of low-density employment
clusters (edge cities) in road-accessible nodes to serve these purposes. European
developments of similar character, however, are frequently the result of redevelopment
in historic cores, planned new towns near existing metropolitan centres in highway and
rail corridors, or agglomerations around smaller towns which offer a high degree of
liveability. They are generally more focussed in character and of lower automobile
dependence (Hall 1998, p27-28).

    On the other hand, however, and not unconnected to the sudden attraction of
these growth nodes' historic component, there is a clear trend towards spatial
clustering which has accelerated in the new information economy and the
concentration of global functions in the most successful cities. According to Hall, this is
due to the ways information is exchanged in these fast-growing sectors of the
economy. Far from a conventional wisdom, which may suggest that new
communication technologies would do away with the need for face-to-face contacts, in
reality both these channels complement each other and increase interaction together.
        Face-to-face communication, as long ago recognised, encourages agglomeration
    in the global cities, because of their historically strong concentrations of information-
    gathering and information-exchanging activities and their position as nodes for
    national and international movement, especially by air and now also by high-speed
    train. And this is fortified by the remarkable recent growth of the arts, culture, and
    entertainment sector […], with further indirect impacts on associated personal services
    including hotels, restaurants and bars. This group, too, clusters within the urban core
    (ibid, p21-22)

    The context of communication and interaction could also illuminate the oft-quoted
potential for telecommuting, virtual enterprises and other approaches to decentralise
the spatial distribution of labour by relocating work places at least partly into
employees' homes. This would then reduce commuting mobility and, in theory, greatly
expand the catchment area of employment markets for both firms and employees.
While this model is clearly experiencing popularity particularly in more casual labour
relations (contract work, self-employment) there are limits in its applicability to
mainstream sectors of more hierarchically organised employment. Open questions
include issues of work safety and social security, social and technical infrastructure in
work-at-home situations and the need for exchange (and possibly supervision) with
clients, peers and project coordinators. In practice, these constraints seem to favour
models of alternating telecommuting with employees working half their time at home
and half their time at a centralised office, combined with restructuring the office
environment towards non-individual, make-shift desks and computers. These trends
may further weaken the need for spatial coordination between home and office since
long commutes may seem more acceptable if no longer done on a daily basis. Hall

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                           142
(1995) quotes some experiences from California, known there as 'telesprawl', which
appear to point in that direction. Another result may be a contraction of the real estate
market for offices, and consequently tertiary employment nodes in the city, if tele-
working is applied on a larger scale (Kahnert 1998).

    This brief overview of contemporary socio-economic urban theories may illustrate
the forces behind concurrent spatial trends apparent in Western cities during the
1990s. Outward movement and dispersal of some industries - particularly
manufacturing and consumer services aimed at a decentralised population - is
matched by spatial concentration of others, namely large-scale office functions, some
producer services, culture, hospitality and entertainment. The target areas for
relocations, as elaborated by Hall, range from transport-accessible rural and urban
peripheries in the former case to traditional CBDs and historical regional nodes in the
latter, from newly emerging decentralised business centres (edge cities) to
agglomerations around transport nodes or corridors (airports, high-speed rail). Läpple's
work suggests that careful planning can assist market forces in directing most of this
pressure into compact urban and sub-urban nodes. Kemp shows how this can lead to a
more equitable job-housing balance with enhanced local opportunities even in areas
that are now dominated by dormitory suburbs. Conversely, Kahnert describes how
impacts of land value differentiation and practical considerations about potential
conflicts between commercial/industrial and obtrusion-sensitive uses like residential or
recreational activities work in counter of fine-grained integration.

    In view of this precarious balance, it appears reasonable to conclude that
employment in cities cannot be expected to show an increasing trend towards either
more dispersal or more concentration in the near future if present global economic
trends and the current degree of local/regional policy intervention prevail.
        Rather than a univocal urban diffusion or even dematerialisation trend, the
    evidence […] documents an articulated coexistence of spatial decentralisation and
    concentration forces. Urban activities are selectively (re-) occupying physical and
    virtual spaces, giving rise to a multiplicity of urban forms and centres (Bertolini and
    Dijst 2000, p5).

    In this context, the motives behind decisions of private households for either
centrifugal or centripetal movement appear more insightful, not least because they may
be less guided by economic rationalism than those of firms. As described in Part A,
urban lifestyles and their implications on household form and location preferences have
been subject to rapid pluralisation within the past quarter century:
       Urban dwellers 'surf' - both physically and virtually - among all these forms and
    centres in order to perform specific combinations of activities and follow specific
    individual lifestyles and characteristics (ibid, p5).

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                         143
    In a socio-cultural sense this contributed to the reorganisation of cities along a
network of local milieux, which reflect the aspirations as well as infrastructural needs of
specific population groups, defined by age, ethnic origin, professional and family status
(or lack thereof) rather than by traditional categories such as income and class. We will
revisit this issue in Chapter 12 and reflect on the role of planning in determining the
spatial distribution of both employment and residences.

urban ecology, innovations in housing policy and the future of cities                     144

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