introduction a Framework for peace in the era of Globalization nam-Kook Kim Globalization is the process of the intensification and expansion of global interconnections as a result of the free movement of capital and labor which crosses the borders of traditional nation states. it thus refers to a shift or transformation in the scale of human organization that links distant communities and expands the reach of power relations across the world’s regions and continents. the globalization of production and consumption was earlier experienced in worldwide colonies during the imperial era of the nineteenth century. However, the current trend of globalization is different from the previous one in at least three respects; first, the speed of changes, second, the volume of changes, and third, the diversity of changes. Globalization is also different from internationalization in the sense that the latter presupposes the validity of the nation state’s borders. While some people expect the emergence of a harmonious world society or the growing convergence of culture and civilization in the era of globalization, others focus on deep- seated xenophobia, new animosities, and conflicts which create a divided world and reactionary politics. Globalization is praised as the answer to all the world’s problems while being blamed for everything from pollution to poverty. increasing the puzzlement are the stereotypes of globalization, including its characterization as american imperialism and as an economic panacea. as such, we can see both the positive and the negative aspects of globalization and its ongoing developments that change our everyday life. Critical topics in the era of globalization include the future of the nation state, global migration, human rights and women, culture and identity, movement to the extreme right, and united states’ unilateralism. all these topics indicate increasing instability and the need, therefore, to broaden our intellectual horizon beyond the paradigm of the modern era in which the territorial nation state dominates our perception. We can see how structural elements, both political and economic, have polarized the world into a minority of “haves” versus a growing majority of “have nots,” and how many of the global issues are connected to or have had their direct counterpart in some very local issues. Regionalization is one way to respond efficiently to the challenge of globalization. Countries in a certain region that share relative national identities and interests form a bloc to tackle increasing instability. the process of integration through 2 Globalization and Regional Integration in Europe and Asia which these regional agendas and identities are formed and sustained to facilitate cooperation is called regionalization. it is enhanced through the integration of several dimensions including economic, social, and political relations. economic integration can be classified in four stages according to the degree of cooperation. The free trade agreement (FTA) is the first, in which tariffs are reduced to zero among related parties. the next stage is customs unions, in which no tariff among member states and common external tariffs against outside countries are imposed. the third stage is a single market in which the free movement of goods, services, capital, and people are guaranteed, and finally the fourth stage is an economic union in which legally binding, common economic policy is realized among member states. While economic integration is based on mutual interest, social integration is based on exclusive identity. therefore, social integration mainly targets regional identity formation through the cultivation of common culture and customs. the increasing volume of economic trade can contribute to enhance social networks and connections among people of different countries in the same region. However, unlike economic integration, social integration takes a long time and the changes occur very slowly. it is therefore common that a newly established regional entity will intentionally foster symbols and cognition through a state top–down approach. as the highest level of integration, political integration includes both institutional arrangement at central and local government levels to ensure efficient government of the regional entity, and coordination of the security agenda to reduce tension and conflicts. Integration in the area of security consists of three stages of development. In the first stage, government officials and civil specialists create a pilot channel to deal with a security agenda. in the next stage, these channels become more stabilized through regular talks tackling a common agenda among member states. In the third and final stage, member states operate a standing committee through which trust building and disarmament, with binding effect, take place. if a region is successful in integrating in all three dimensions, it will have an efficient measure of control over the fluctuation of the market and thus increase stability in the region. in this regard, the european union is one successful example of such an attempt. it is probably the second most ambitious project to maximize the capacity of human beings’ reason through careful planning since the communist revolution. during the revolution ambitious political elites tried to establish an ideal entity by containing the fluctuation of the market as well as people’s instinct towards self interest. european integration started with ideas of integration as a preventive measure against another war in europe. this vision, in which europeans want to create and share through eu integration, is clear to see, as is the subtle fabrication of institutional arrangement and the logical reasoning of institutional procedure. the eu is now rising as a global actor through this grand design of community building. this volume is the outcome of an international conference titled, “War and peace in the era of Globalization: experiences from europe and asia” which was held in June 2007 in south Korea. a purpose of the conference was to search A Framework for Peace in the Era of Globalization 3 for a framework of stable peace in the era of globalization by drawing on the experiences of Europe and Asia. The world is observing various regional conflicts which threaten our daily lives. europe and asia have their own history of a long route to peace. especially from the viewpoint of comparative civilization and the experience of European integration, we can find meaningful lessons for the future of the nation state and the possibility of building up a regional community in asia. The book consists of three parts. The first discusses the current trend of globalization and the main characteristics of the world order, focusing on the destiny of the nation state, threats against human rights, and conflicts between the unilateral hegemony of the united states and european alternatives. the second part examines contemporary european experience and compares it with the asian reality from the viewpoint of possible implications for the future development of asia. the third part deals with regional integration as a framework for bringing stable peace and explores detailed principles and specific forms of regional community in asia. although this book examines regional integration as a possible framework for stable peace, it is not a eulogy for the european experience and for its unconditional application to asia. the contributors from europe and asia critically review previous literature on this topic and suggest new theoretical and empirical grounds for regional community in asia. in Chapter 1, “american primacy and europeanist Responses,” peter Gowan explores the relationship between the political dimension of american grand strategy and the orientations of the us’s main allies amongst the capitalist powers of eurasia, particularly those in Western europe. He argues that since the collapse of the soviet bloc there has been a broad consensus amongst successive us administrations for america’s political goal in both europe and east asia to be that of regional primacy. He then suggests that neither realist nor liberal students of world politics have adequately conceptualized the ways in which the us’s allies, particularly in Western europe, have responded to this drive for primacy. they have neither balanced against the united states, nor counterposed a liberal, co-operative security alternative. instead, the chapter argues, us allies have used a tactic that can best be described as subversive bandwaggoning for regional goals. this chapter concludes by exploring the limits of this tactic and the possibilities of going beyond it towards a genuine regional collective security system at each end of eurasia. in Chapter 2, “european integration and the Future of the nation state,” Jaime pastor reviews the history of european integration and the future of the nation state. “european integration” has been a process of building an internal market, with a decisive role for the elites of the major states of Western europe in a context of “Cold War” against the “communist” bloc. since 1986, a “new europeanism,” inspired by neo-liberal ideology, has been implemented giving new competences to the Union in the economic and monetary field. Simultaneously, the process of decentralization of many states has been important, especially where there are internal national conflicts, as in the case of Spain. The collapse of the communist 4 Globalization and Regional Integration in Europe and Asia bloc and the enlargement of the union to the east created a new perspective for the project of a more powerful european bloc, with the draft “Constitution” the legal instrument for this goal. after the failure of this draft and in the context of internal geo-economic and geo-political divisions, the executive states continue to play an important role, but the legitimacy of the nation states is weaker because of the crisis of welfare policies, the tensions between center and periphery in different states, and the contradictory relation with “non-communitarian” migration. in Chapter 3, “Globalization, transnational Corporations, and Human Rights,” Chinsung Chung analyzes the human rights dimension in the international economic agreements in light of the role and benefits of transnational corporations (TNCs). the main mechanisms facilitating globalization are multilateral, regional, and bilateral economic agreements. multilateral and regional agreements concluded by international organizations, such as the World trade organization (Wto), have become an issue of human rights beyond an economic one. However, bilateral economic agreements represented by FTAs are not new in the field of liberalization of trade and investment. during the last 25 years, the free movement of trade and capital has been governed by the terms under the uruguay rounds of the 1980s and the 1990s. Currently, the doha round of the Wto seems to be heading towards an inconclusive end. these delays and other pressures have newly encouraged many countries to go in for Ftas. However, the practice of legally and logically linking the discussion of tnCs, inter-state economic agreements, and human rights has rarely been pursued. an apparent fact is that international economic agreements expand the activities and benefits of TNCs themselves, without much regard for the impact on human rights during this process. this chapter explores this new aspect of globalization focusing on the efforts of the united nations. in Chapter 4, “the european experience: the millionfold trauma of the twentieth Century is still Virulent,” Holgar Heide starts with the obvious instability of peace in east asia that can seemingly be contrasted to the european situation. before considering the european experience as an example, however, we should ask analytically, what are the interests that are the cause for the present unstable state? the fact that the majority of people in europe seem to support the policy of capital as a “peace policy” has its roots in the massive traumata of the twentieth century. being repressed, these traumata have lasting and severe psychological consequences. like europe, east asia has experienced a similarly violent enforcement of modernity and hence capitalism. today’s precarious security situation is just a consequence thereof. the region is in these times subject to the same societal pathologies as the european example. if there is to be any escape, then this lies in a recovery of society from the deep-rooted traumata and in consequence an overcoming of the paradigm of modernity. the remedy, though, will not be found on the level of politics, not even where this is referred to as “peace policy.” new social movements, provided they are oriented to tangible needs rather than “abstract interests,” may prove to be steps in the right direction towards a peaceful future. this is valid for east asia as well as for europe. A Framework for Peace in the Era of Globalization 5 in Chapter 5, “europe and east asia: Holistic Convergence or Fundamental skepticism?,” nam-Kook Kim traces the possibility of east asian integration through comparison with the early stage of european integration on three different levels: ideas, national interests, and international circumstance. Judging from the European experience, ideas always come first, followed by national interest contests, and eventually international circumstance conditions the context. Kim compares the multilateral approach in europe with imperial hegemony competition in east asia, adenauer’s regionalization policy in europe and the Yoshida line of Westernization detouring from asia, and the united states’ and Russia’s different roles in the two regions as external forces constraining the international order. His conclusion for the future of east asia is located somewhere between views of procedural divergence and fundamental skepticism. He worries about integration for the sake of integration in which regional integration is presupposed as inherently good. such discourse will easily be deteriorated and such a blind community simply collapses when the circumstance changes. For these reasons, there needs to be adequate discussion regarding for what, by whom, and through which method integration is achieved. in Chapter 6, “Regional integration and income disparities: the lessons of europe for east asia,” Woosik moon focuses on the instruments for forging solidarity among possible members or participation countries and argues for the need to supplement the emerging east asian trade and monetary integration with the establishment of regional developing banks. indeed, there are three possible ways to forge solidarity: fiscal federalism, regional policy, and development banks. but, given the current situation on regional arrangements in east asia, characterized by the absence of any meaningful institutions on a regional level, it would be difficult for the East Asian region to dispose of the income transfer through the first two instruments. A new development bank will then be the only available alternative. Helping to reduce the wide income difference that exists among east asian countries and providing economic and social protection systems to its poorer member countries, it will support and promote economic integration in east asia. in Chapter 7, “on an east asian Community, or Kant’s Cosmopolitan Right Reconsidered,” motohide saji deals with the idea of an east asian Community that has lately emerged and been discussed. according to him, three pillars are required to build such a community: a politico-security pillar, an economic pillar, and a socio-cultural pillar. the last one, the least discussed and developed among the three, concerns an east asian identity among people in asian countries. such an identity may be fostered through growing interactions among people and civil society organizations including non-governmental organizations (nGos) and through increasingly shared ideas, values, and norms thereby developed. an east asian Community may thus be recognized, supported, and developed by the peoples in asia. through a reading of immanuel Kant’s view on cosmopolitan right in his Perpetual Peace and The Metaphysics of Morals, this chapter attempts to suggest how such a socio-cultural pillar may emerge. 6 Globalization and Regional Integration in Europe and Asia in Chapter 8, “openness and inclusiveness: unfolding Regionalism in northeast asia,” Yongtao liu adopts a method combining both material and cultural approaches to the issue of a possible new regional order and peace in Northeast Asia. He first provides several imagined scenarios of regional orders that may emerge in the international system of northeast asia in the coming decades, and then analyzes corresponding levels of peace in the region by placing them in those imagined scenarios, focusing on interactions among China, south Korea, and Japan in terms of their changing material capabilities and social identities. Finally the scenario of regional order emerges that will provide a longer peace in northeast asia and suggested approaches to the social construction of that favored regional order. in Chapter 9, “beyond the east asian Grand division: imagining an east asian peace belt of Jeju–okinawa–taiwan islands,” samsung lee deals with three main themes. The first one deals with the question of how to conceptualize the East asian regional international order since the end of World War ii. the second is concerned with how to visualize in geographical terms the predicament the east Asian international order has been faced with in those post-War decades. The final theme approaches conceptualizing, in visual geographical terms, the alternative international system for the future of the region. this chapter argues that the east asian regional system of Grand division can be very well visualized by the fate of the three geographical peripheries that are located precisely along the line of the Grand divide: taiwan, okinawa, and the demarcation line of the Korean peninsula. the tasks of the three islands, establishing a framework for peace in the taiwan straits, the demilitarization of okinawa, and keeping the Jeju island from becoming another military outpost in the conflict system of Grand Division, are all intertwined and therefore should be contemplated in a comprehensive and interconnected way. These nine chapters are classified under the different titles of the three parts: “Globalization and the new World order,” “european experience and asian Reality,” and “imagining an asian Regional Community.” although this book carefully examines the european experience as one of the most ambitious experiments in modern history, it rejects an unconditional convergence perspective with critical viewpoints on the european experience and its implication for asia. of further importance, this book advances strong theoretical and philosophical grounds of integration, which is different from the commonly shared viewpoint of economic interest. moreover, this book suggests highly detailed new perspectives and political designs for asian regional community.