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a Framework for peace in the era of Globalization

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					                                   introduction
              a Framework for peace in the
                  era of Globalization
                                  nam-Kook Kim




Globalization is the process of the intensification and expansion of global
interconnections as a result of the free movement of capital and labor which crosses
the borders of traditional nation states. it thus refers to a shift or transformation
in the scale of human organization that links distant communities and expands
the reach of power relations across the world’s regions and continents. the
globalization of production and consumption was earlier experienced in worldwide
colonies during the imperial era of the nineteenth century. However, the current
trend of globalization is different from the previous one in at least three respects;
first, the speed of changes, second, the volume of changes, and third, the diversity
of changes.
     Globalization is also different from internationalization in the sense that the
latter presupposes the validity of the nation state’s borders. While some people
expect the emergence of a harmonious world society or the growing convergence
of culture and civilization in the era of globalization, others focus on deep-
seated xenophobia, new animosities, and conflicts which create a divided world
and reactionary politics. Globalization is praised as the answer to all the world’s
problems while being blamed for everything from pollution to poverty. increasing
the puzzlement are the stereotypes of globalization, including its characterization
as american imperialism and as an economic panacea.
    as such, we can see both the positive and the negative aspects of globalization
and its ongoing developments that change our everyday life. Critical topics in the
era of globalization include the future of the nation state, global migration, human
rights and women, culture and identity, movement to the extreme right, and united
states’ unilateralism. all these topics indicate increasing instability and the need,
therefore, to broaden our intellectual horizon beyond the paradigm of the modern
era in which the territorial nation state dominates our perception. We can see how
structural elements, both political and economic, have polarized the world into a
minority of “haves” versus a growing majority of “have nots,” and how many of
the global issues are connected to or have had their direct counterpart in some very
local issues.
     Regionalization is one way to respond efficiently to the challenge of globalization.
Countries in a certain region that share relative national identities and interests
form a bloc to tackle increasing instability. the process of integration through
2             Globalization and Regional Integration in Europe and Asia


which these regional agendas and identities are formed and sustained to facilitate
cooperation is called regionalization. it is enhanced through the integration of
several dimensions including economic, social, and political relations. economic
integration can be classified in four stages according to the degree of cooperation.
The free trade agreement (FTA) is the first, in which tariffs are reduced to zero
among related parties. the next stage is customs unions, in which no tariff among
member states and common external tariffs against outside countries are imposed.
the third stage is a single market in which the free movement of goods, services,
capital, and people are guaranteed, and finally the fourth stage is an economic
union in which legally binding, common economic policy is realized among
member states.
    While economic integration is based on mutual interest, social integration is
based on exclusive identity. therefore, social integration mainly targets regional
identity formation through the cultivation of common culture and customs. the
increasing volume of economic trade can contribute to enhance social networks
and connections among people of different countries in the same region. However,
unlike economic integration, social integration takes a long time and the changes
occur very slowly. it is therefore common that a newly established regional entity
will intentionally foster symbols and cognition through a state top–down approach.
as the highest level of integration, political integration includes both institutional
arrangement at central and local government levels to ensure efficient government
of the regional entity, and coordination of the security agenda to reduce tension and
conflicts. Integration in the area of security consists of three stages of development.
In the first stage, government officials and civil specialists create a pilot channel
to deal with a security agenda. in the next stage, these channels become more
stabilized through regular talks tackling a common agenda among member states.
In the third and final stage, member states operate a standing committee through
which trust building and disarmament, with binding effect, take place.
    if a region is successful in integrating in all three dimensions, it will have an
efficient measure of control over the fluctuation of the market and thus increase
stability in the region. in this regard, the european union is one successful
example of such an attempt. it is probably the second most ambitious project to
maximize the capacity of human beings’ reason through careful planning since
the communist revolution. during the revolution ambitious political elites tried
to establish an ideal entity by containing the fluctuation of the market as well as
people’s instinct towards self interest. european integration started with ideas of
integration as a preventive measure against another war in europe. this vision, in
which europeans want to create and share through eu integration, is clear to see,
as is the subtle fabrication of institutional arrangement and the logical reasoning of
institutional procedure. the eu is now rising as a global actor through this grand
design of community building.
    this volume is the outcome of an international conference titled, “War and
peace in the era of Globalization: experiences from europe and asia” which was
held in June 2007 in south Korea. a purpose of the conference was to search
                  A Framework for Peace in the Era of Globalization                 3


for a framework of stable peace in the era of globalization by drawing on the
experiences of Europe and Asia. The world is observing various regional conflicts
which threaten our daily lives. europe and asia have their own history of a long
route to peace. especially from the viewpoint of comparative civilization and the
experience of European integration, we can find meaningful lessons for the future
of the nation state and the possibility of building up a regional community in
asia.
    The book consists of three parts. The first discusses the current trend of
globalization and the main characteristics of the world order, focusing on the
destiny of the nation state, threats against human rights, and conflicts between the
unilateral hegemony of the united states and european alternatives. the second
part examines contemporary european experience and compares it with the asian
reality from the viewpoint of possible implications for the future development of
asia. the third part deals with regional integration as a framework for bringing
stable peace and explores detailed principles and specific forms of regional
community in asia. although this book examines regional integration as a possible
framework for stable peace, it is not a eulogy for the european experience and
for its unconditional application to asia. the contributors from europe and asia
critically review previous literature on this topic and suggest new theoretical and
empirical grounds for regional community in asia.
    in Chapter 1, “american primacy and europeanist Responses,” peter Gowan
explores the relationship between the political dimension of american grand
strategy and the orientations of the us’s main allies amongst the capitalist powers
of eurasia, particularly those in Western europe. He argues that since the collapse
of the soviet bloc there has been a broad consensus amongst successive us
administrations for america’s political goal in both europe and east asia to be
that of regional primacy. He then suggests that neither realist nor liberal students
of world politics have adequately conceptualized the ways in which the us’s
allies, particularly in Western europe, have responded to this drive for primacy.
they have neither balanced against the united states, nor counterposed a liberal,
co-operative security alternative. instead, the chapter argues, us allies have used
a tactic that can best be described as subversive bandwaggoning for regional goals.
this chapter concludes by exploring the limits of this tactic and the possibilities
of going beyond it towards a genuine regional collective security system at each
end of eurasia.
    in Chapter 2, “european integration and the Future of the nation state,” Jaime
pastor reviews the history of european integration and the future of the nation
state. “european integration” has been a process of building an internal market,
with a decisive role for the elites of the major states of Western europe in a context
of “Cold War” against the “communist” bloc. since 1986, a “new europeanism,”
inspired by neo-liberal ideology, has been implemented giving new competences
to the Union in the economic and monetary field. Simultaneously, the process of
decentralization of many states has been important, especially where there are
internal national conflicts, as in the case of Spain. The collapse of the communist
4              Globalization and Regional Integration in Europe and Asia


bloc and the enlargement of the union to the east created a new perspective for the
project of a more powerful european bloc, with the draft “Constitution” the legal
instrument for this goal. after the failure of this draft and in the context of internal
geo-economic and geo-political divisions, the executive states continue to play
an important role, but the legitimacy of the nation states is weaker because of the
crisis of welfare policies, the tensions between center and periphery in different
states, and the contradictory relation with “non-communitarian” migration.
    in Chapter 3, “Globalization, transnational Corporations, and Human Rights,”
Chinsung Chung analyzes the human rights dimension in the international economic
agreements in light of the role and benefits of transnational corporations (TNCs).
the main mechanisms facilitating globalization are multilateral, regional, and
bilateral economic agreements. multilateral and regional agreements concluded
by international organizations, such as the World trade organization (Wto), have
become an issue of human rights beyond an economic one. However, bilateral
economic agreements represented by FTAs are not new in the field of liberalization
of trade and investment. during the last 25 years, the free movement of trade and
capital has been governed by the terms under the uruguay rounds of the 1980s and
the 1990s. Currently, the doha round of the Wto seems to be heading towards an
inconclusive end. these delays and other pressures have newly encouraged many
countries to go in for Ftas. However, the practice of legally and logically linking
the discussion of tnCs, inter-state economic agreements, and human rights has
rarely been pursued. an apparent fact is that international economic agreements
expand the activities and benefits of TNCs themselves, without much regard for
the impact on human rights during this process. this chapter explores this new
aspect of globalization focusing on the efforts of the united nations.
    in Chapter 4, “the european experience: the millionfold trauma of the
twentieth Century is still Virulent,” Holgar Heide starts with the obvious
instability of peace in east asia that can seemingly be contrasted to the european
situation. before considering the european experience as an example, however,
we should ask analytically, what are the interests that are the cause for the present
unstable state? the fact that the majority of people in europe seem to support
the policy of capital as a “peace policy” has its roots in the massive traumata of
the twentieth century. being repressed, these traumata have lasting and severe
psychological consequences. like europe, east asia has experienced a similarly
violent enforcement of modernity and hence capitalism. today’s precarious
security situation is just a consequence thereof. the region is in these times subject
to the same societal pathologies as the european example. if there is to be any
escape, then this lies in a recovery of society from the deep-rooted traumata and in
consequence an overcoming of the paradigm of modernity. the remedy, though,
will not be found on the level of politics, not even where this is referred to as
“peace policy.” new social movements, provided they are oriented to tangible
needs rather than “abstract interests,” may prove to be steps in the right direction
towards a peaceful future. this is valid for east asia as well as for europe.
                  A Framework for Peace in the Era of Globalization               5


    in Chapter 5, “europe and east asia: Holistic Convergence or Fundamental
skepticism?,” nam-Kook Kim traces the possibility of east asian integration
through comparison with the early stage of european integration on three different
levels: ideas, national interests, and international circumstance. Judging from
the European experience, ideas always come first, followed by national interest
contests, and eventually international circumstance conditions the context. Kim
compares the multilateral approach in europe with imperial hegemony competition
in east asia, adenauer’s regionalization policy in europe and the Yoshida line
of Westernization detouring from asia, and the united states’ and Russia’s
different roles in the two regions as external forces constraining the international
order. His conclusion for the future of east asia is located somewhere between
views of procedural divergence and fundamental skepticism. He worries about
integration for the sake of integration in which regional integration is presupposed
as inherently good. such discourse will easily be deteriorated and such a blind
community simply collapses when the circumstance changes. For these reasons,
there needs to be adequate discussion regarding for what, by whom, and through
which method integration is achieved.
    in Chapter 6, “Regional integration and income disparities: the lessons
of europe for east asia,” Woosik moon focuses on the instruments for forging
solidarity among possible members or participation countries and argues for the
need to supplement the emerging east asian trade and monetary integration with
the establishment of regional developing banks. indeed, there are three possible
ways to forge solidarity: fiscal federalism, regional policy, and development
banks. but, given the current situation on regional arrangements in east asia,
characterized by the absence of any meaningful institutions on a regional level,
it would be difficult for the East Asian region to dispose of the income transfer
through the first two instruments. A new development bank will then be the only
available alternative. Helping to reduce the wide income difference that exists
among east asian countries and providing economic and social protection systems
to its poorer member countries, it will support and promote economic integration
in east asia.
    in Chapter 7, “on an east asian Community, or Kant’s Cosmopolitan Right
Reconsidered,” motohide saji deals with the idea of an east asian Community
that has lately emerged and been discussed. according to him, three pillars are
required to build such a community: a politico-security pillar, an economic pillar,
and a socio-cultural pillar. the last one, the least discussed and developed among
the three, concerns an east asian identity among people in asian countries. such
an identity may be fostered through growing interactions among people and
civil society organizations including non-governmental organizations (nGos)
and through increasingly shared ideas, values, and norms thereby developed. an
east asian Community may thus be recognized, supported, and developed by the
peoples in asia. through a reading of immanuel Kant’s view on cosmopolitan
right in his Perpetual Peace and The Metaphysics of Morals, this chapter attempts
to suggest how such a socio-cultural pillar may emerge.
6             Globalization and Regional Integration in Europe and Asia


    in Chapter 8, “openness and inclusiveness: unfolding Regionalism in
northeast asia,” Yongtao liu adopts a method combining both material and
cultural approaches to the issue of a possible new regional order and peace in
Northeast Asia. He first provides several imagined scenarios of regional orders that
may emerge in the international system of northeast asia in the coming decades,
and then analyzes corresponding levels of peace in the region by placing them in
those imagined scenarios, focusing on interactions among China, south Korea,
and Japan in terms of their changing material capabilities and social identities.
Finally the scenario of regional order emerges that will provide a longer peace in
northeast asia and suggested approaches to the social construction of that favored
regional order.
    in Chapter 9, “beyond the east asian Grand division: imagining an east asian
peace belt of Jeju–okinawa–taiwan islands,” samsung lee deals with three main
themes. The first one deals with the question of how to conceptualize the East
asian regional international order since the end of World War ii. the second is
concerned with how to visualize in geographical terms the predicament the east
Asian international order has been faced with in those post-War decades. The final
theme approaches conceptualizing, in visual geographical terms, the alternative
international system for the future of the region. this chapter argues that the east
asian regional system of Grand division can be very well visualized by the fate
of the three geographical peripheries that are located precisely along the line of
the Grand divide: taiwan, okinawa, and the demarcation line of the Korean
peninsula. the tasks of the three islands, establishing a framework for peace in
the taiwan straits, the demilitarization of okinawa, and keeping the Jeju island
from becoming another military outpost in the conflict system of Grand Division,
are all intertwined and therefore should be contemplated in a comprehensive and
interconnected way.
    These nine chapters are classified under the different titles of the three
parts: “Globalization and the new World order,” “european experience and
asian Reality,” and “imagining an asian Regional Community.” although this
book carefully examines the european experience as one of the most ambitious
experiments in modern history, it rejects an unconditional convergence perspective
with critical viewpoints on the european experience and its implication for asia.
of further importance, this book advances strong theoretical and philosophical
grounds of integration, which is different from the commonly shared viewpoint of
economic interest. moreover, this book suggests highly detailed new perspectives
and political designs for asian regional community.

				
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