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Past History of the Cornfields: A Window to Future Uses
Implications for Development on the Cornfields.........................................................................................24 Recommendation ................................................................................................................................24 Key Players ...........................................................................................................................................24 People...................................................................................................................................................................25 Native Americans / ‘Gabrielino’ Indians ........................................................................................25 Figure 1: Gabrielino Indian Settlements and the Portola Expedition .........................26 Summary ...............................................................................................................................................27 The Portola and Juan Batista de Anza Expeditions .....................................................................................27 Artifacts................................................................................................................................................................28 Figure 2: Agricultural Lands of Los Angeles, 1840. From Gumprecht .....................29 Summary ...............................................................................................................................................30 Zanja Madre ........................................................................................................................................................30 Figure 3: Zanja System of Los Angeles ............................................................................31
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Figure 4: View of Plaza, showing reservoir......................................................................33 Figure 5: Los Angeles Reservoir, ca. 1860........................................................................34 Figure 6: Interior of Zanja Madre, as uncovered in 1939..............................................35 The Waterwheel..................................................................................................................................................36 The Capitol Milling Flour Mill .........................................................................................................................36 Figure 7: Los Angeles Water Wheel, ca. 1860 .................................................................37 Figure 8: Looking North along Fort Street (later called Broadway), ca. 1869............38 Figure 9: Orthographic Drawing depicting site ca 1910 ................................................39 Hospital................................................................................................................................................................40 Railway Buildings................................................................................................................................................40 Figure 10: H.J. Stevenson Map, 1876, traced by F. Olmstead, 1910............................41 Figure 11: H.J. Stevenson Map, 1888................................................................................42 Figure 12: Detail of Semi-Tropic Homestead Co., 1894 ...............................................43 Cable Railway ......................................................................................................................................................44 Calvary Cemetery................................................................................................................................................44 Figure 13: Orthographic Drawing depicting site ca. 1910. From Down by the Station................................................................................................................45 Figure 14: Downey Avenue Viaduct in the 1880s ..........................................................46 Figure 15: Boyle Heights Opening of the Cable Railway ..............................................47 Figure 16: Orthographic Drawing depicting site ca. 1910.............................................48 Figure 17: Los Angeles Railway System, 1898.................................................................49 Figure 18: H.J. Stevenson Map, 1876, traced by F. Olmstead, 1910............................50 The Footbridge...................................................................................................................................................51 Oilfields................................................................................................................................................................51 Figure 19: Detail of Semi-Tropic Homestead Co., 1894 ...............................................52 Figure 20: Detail of 1917 USGS Oilfields bulletin .........................................................53 Chinatown History as it Relates to the Cornfields........................................................................................62
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On cold night during the fall of 1999 a group of concerned residents and interested people held a community meeting about the future of the Cornfields. At this meeting, it was revealed that the Cultural Affairs Department of the City of Los Angeles had decided that the site had always been a rail yard and thus had no real history. This is a strange position for the Department to have taken, as it excludes all but a very narrow view of what constitutes the history of the site. Implicit in such a statement is the view that the story of Los Angeles began with the annexation of California to the United States. Missing are the stories of the original inhabitants and the marginalized groups still present today. Missing is the importance of this place, or for that matter, of any place, as part of an ongoing, evolving landscape which involves culture, politics and ecology. In fact, the Cornfields has a rich history – one that is tied closely to the story of the area from the earliest human settlements. Indigenous tribes have lived in the area for as long as 9,000 years, and adjacent to or on this site was a village named Yangna. This village became the site for the Spanish colonization of the area with the establishment of the Pueblo of Los Angeles. The first Spanish expedition which claimed the area forded the Los Angeles River and crossed the Cornfields. The Cornfields area served both as agricultural fields and as a main travel route out of the Los Angeles basin. This latter role began with the Native Americans, and continued until recently. A series of irrigation ditches, the zanjas, which provided water to the town from the Los Angeles River, traversed the site. Fragments of the main canal, the Zanja Madre, have recently been uncovered by amateur archeologists. A waterwheel stood at the river’s edge, and the water allowed both people and industries to flourish in the area. When the railroads came, they also enabled the area to flourish as industrialization took hold. Both Mexican and Chinese immigrants played a major role in the development of the city of Los Angeles, yet these groups’ histories show them moved around and out of the area. One of the main quandaries with a site of this type, where no evident physical traces remain, lies in determining how to judge its historic value. Are the footsteps of the Spanish founders of the Pueblo important enough today to warrant its preservation? Are memories of early peoples and industries enough? Are the railroads enough? What should be “preserved” and how? Or is this history something to be used against future development, a delaying tactic to stop unwanted interventions? These questions stand at the forefront of what to do with the histories and stories collected herein.
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Implications for Development on the Cornfields
In the fall of 1999, a historical review by the Cultural Affairs Department found that the Cornfields site had always been an area of railroad use, that no historic significance could be attached to the site, and thus that no action need be taken in regards to historical matters. One of the key issues for the Cornfields site is the lack of physical traces of historical events. The site has a great deal of history attached to it, as indicated elsewhere in this document, but very few traces remain, making it difficult for any physically-oriented preservation efforts to be undertaken. Another issue is the attitude by city agencies that the scope of local history extends back only 130 years, ignoring previous site uses as well as local minority histories. There is little focus on the concept of sites as historical processes or cultural landscapes.
Recommendation
The review of the history of the Cornfields should be expanded to take into account uses previous to the coming of the railroads to Los Angeles. There is a great deal of historical evidence indicating use of the site by peoples and groups prior to the annexation of California to the US. The inclusion of these alternate histories will serve as a recognition of the contribution of marginal groups to the development of Los Angeles. However, since few physical traces remain, a more involved archeological excavation would have to take place in order to determine whether traces of Gabrielino Indian villages or more remnants of the Zanja Madre remain buried on the site. The result of this investigation could delay the development plans for the site, and the burden of the initial review would be borne by the site’s owner. This seems to be to the advantage of groups opposing immediate development of the site as the preparation of Environmental Impact Report (EIR) can be costly and lengthy. The argument for calling for an EIR can be supported by the determination of ‘probable cause’ through the evidence presented within this document. Considering the evidence, a more detailed investigation of the site and a reevaluation of its historic role and current importance should be undertaken.
Key players
There are three levels of government involvement in historical and cultural preservation efforts which are applicable to the Cornfields site: City level: the City of Los Angeles Cultural Affairs Department; State level: the State Office of Historic Preservation; Federal level: the National Trust for Historic Preservation.
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The focus of these agencies is the preservation of historically important districts and structures, with a traditionally greater emphasis on physical artifacts. This policy is apparently changing, as sites of cultural and historical importance are now becoming recognized, especially at the state level with the adoption of a new charter by the State Office of Historic Preservation. The City Cultural Affairs Department has a poor reputation among architects and planners working in the Los Angeles area. The Cultural Affairs Department seems to be very influenced by the political administration and has a reputation for acting very slowly. This is particularly relevant to the Cornfields site, especially in light of the Department’s ruling concerning the lack of historical background for the site, and the appearance that it is unduly influenced by the City’s emphasis on economic development. The costs involved in investigating the site for a more detailed historical review are perceived as being factors which may cause a developer to lose interest in the site. However, considering the site’s proximity to downtown Los Angeles and its transportation connections, there seems to be little grounds for fearing that no interested purchasing parties could be found. The National Trust for Historical Preservation has an intensive and detailed process for recognizing sites of historic values. The agency’s several levels of recognition offer varying levels of protection for sites or districts. The recognition of a site as having historic value does not immediately protect it from future change.
People Native Americans / ‘Gabrielino’ Indians
Evidence indicates the inhabitance of the Los Angeles area by indigenous peoples for at least the last 9,000 years. By the time of the arrival of the Spanish in 1769, a dense grouping of 40 to 60 villages existed in the area, with an estimated population between 5,000 to 10,000 people (Figure 1). The name ‘Gabrielino’ was given to the people by missionaries from the mission San Gabriel Archangel. Their own name has been lost, and only place names survive. Of particular interest are the villages of Yangna and Maungna. The location of Gabrielino villages was heavily influenced by the natural environment, and it is reasonable to infer the location of the villages from available evidence. The Portola expedition camped on the east side of the river near a Gabrielino village, then forded the river and after ‘a half a league’ came upon another village on the west side of the river, which is assumed to be Yangna. Johnston, in ‘California’s Gabrielino Indians’, hypothesizes a half league circle from the probable crossing point at the Downey Street bridge. Within this arc, extending from the base of Fort Moore Hill to Union Station, lay the village of Yangna. The actual
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Figure 1: Gabrielino Indian Settlements and the Portola Expedition. From California’s Gabrielino Indians
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site has never been pinpointed, but some items were found during the building of Union station in 1939 and considerably more during the remodel of the Bella Union station in 1870, located between Main and Los Angeles Streets, north of Commercial. The Cornfields is “on higher ground, more typical of the place in which a Gabrielino would have chosen to live.” Gabrielino villages were not built defensively, and were spread in a wide arc to allow for a variety of activities. If the springs which later fed the City Reservoir at the center of the Central Plaza were also active one hundred years earlier, this would also be a reasonable place for the village. Another village, Maungna, was located at the current site of the LAPD pistol range in Elysian Park.
Summary
The chances that the Gabrielino village of Yangna was located on the Cornfields site seems relatively slim, though it seems reasonable that the village lay very close to it and that the site saw considerable use as a trail to ford the river. This use as a path continued through the transfer of trails and sites from Gabrielino to Spanish to Anglo inhabitants, culminating in the railroads.
The Portola and Juan Batista de Anza Expeditions
The Portola expedition of 1769 claimed the Los Angeles area in the name of the Spanish crown and established the first missions in the area. The expedition was fueled by the Spanish government’s desire to secure the area of Alta California for its own, after hearing reports of Russian expansion in the area. Alta California was to serve not only as a secure territory but also as the base for further lucrative trading with Asia. The coast had been scouted by Sebastin Vizcaino, a merchant explorer, in 1602, but the area was deemed too remote for colonization until the territorial threat arose sixty years later. Lieutenant Colonel Gaspar de Portola, the newly appointed governor of Baja California, undertook the land portion of the expedition together with the Franciscan Father Junipero Serra. Portola was to be the military head and civil governor of the new lands, while Serra was to establish new missions. When the Portola expedition arrived in the Los Angeles area on August 1, 1769, two native American villages stood where the city of Los Angeles would develop (Figure 1). The explorers rested at a ‘delightful’ place by the banks of the river they named the Poricuncula, just to the south of the mouth of the Arroyo Seco. When the expedition continued, they most likely crossed the river at the ford near the present North Broadway bridge. This places their course directly across the Cornfields site. The expedition continued across the Sepulveda Pass and on to the north. Several years later, in 1775, another Spanish group passed through what is today Los Angeles. Juan Batista de Anza led a group of 38 soldiers and their families to found a mission and
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presidio on San Francisco Bay. Their route has been designated as a National Historic Trail, administered by the National Parks Service under a new program to create cultural heritage corridors for recreational and educational uses.
Artifacts ‘Cornfields’ and ‘Bullring’ Place Names
Names play a vital role in the establishment of a sense of place, evoking particular associations and images. The Cornfields site is referred to by some parties as the ‘Cornfields’ and the ‘Bullring’ or the ‘Chinatown Yards’. ‘Cornfields’ refers to the main body of the site and ‘Bullring’ refers to a small corner at the northeast corner of the site adjacent to Elysian Park and the North Broadway bridge over the Los Angeles River. Historically speaking, the name ‘Chinatown Yards’ is a relatively recent invention, since the present location of Chinatown adjacent to the site was established only in 1938, whereas a railroad depot had been established in 1873. The site is referred to on historical maps simply as the ‘Southern Pacific Rail Depot’. There is historical evidence of the site being used for agriculture, both as pasture and plowed land. The 1849 Ord survey is the basis for most speculation concerning the site, but includes only a southwest portion of the site and indicates its use as plowed land and pasture (Figure 2). Other tracts on the map are indicated as cornfield, but the segments relating to the Cornfields site do not indicate corn. No specific references to the site as a cornfield could be found. The Ord survey does not include the northeast portion called the ‘Bullring’ and no determination as to the area’s use can be made from this map. Some evidence exists that livestock were kept in the area to the northeast of the original Pueblo of Los Angeles. The current Castelar Street was called the ‘Calle del Toro’ (Street of the Bulls) during the Spanish and Mexican rule in Los Angeles. This name was changed to Bull Street with Anglo control of the city. Historically, the Bullring corner of the site contained a primary ford across the river, and was on the major routes out of town, and it seems questionable if this was a prime location for the grazing of cattle. A cattle pen is noted on H.J. Stevenson’s 1884 map of the city of Los Angeles, but it is located in the central portion of the site, due south of Solano Canyon. Another option is the use of the term ‘bullring’ as being a railroad-related slang. It is reasonable that the rail switchyard might have such a name.
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Figure 2: Agricultural Lands of Los Angeles, 1849. From Gumprecht.
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Recently, claims regarding the ‘Cornfields’ name have been made: “The site was never a cornfield. It used to have an old mill site there, where the corn fell off the train when it was being delivered to the mill, so some sprouts grew up—that’s how they called it a Cornfield, it was never a cornfield.” John Semcken, Which Way LA, 6.Oct 1999 This statement is most likely false. There is a mill, the Capital Milling Company, still present at the southwest corner of the site. There is no evidence as to the location of other mills on the site or whether or not corn was milled at this site. It is unlikely, however, that cornfields spontaneously sprung up along the major working rail depot for the city of Los Angeles. The site was also not always fully controlled by the railroads, and there were still agricultural uses up to the end of the 19th century. Overall, while the Ord Survey does not specifically note that the site was a cornfield, it is reasonable to assume that the ‘Cornfields’ tag refers more to this earlier agricultural use than to haphazard plants emerging during the railroad era.
Summary
The Cornfields and Bullring names are being used as place names in order to invoke alternate associations of the site away from the traditional conception of the site as industrial or rail use. The value of these names is primarily an emotional and propagandistic one, attempting to frame the site according to a particular view. There is no evidence to support the ‘Cornfields’ name, no direct evidence to support the ‘Bullring’ name, and the ‘Cornfields’ name is certainly a recent invention. Also, the recent name ‘River Station’, if it claimed to be based on historic precedent, is also falsely attributed to the site. The actual ‘River Station’ was the location of the Southern Pacific Railroad depot due east of Downtown.
Zanja Madre
The ‘zanja’ system was an irrigation canal network, the primary water source for both agricultural and household use in early Los Angeles (Figure 3). Initially a rudimentary set of ditches diverting the Los Angeles River from a simple dam located just above the current North Broadway bridge, the zanjas were improved as the city grew, and served as the basis for a series of pipe and canal schemes in the late 1800s to provide water to the burgeoning city. The zanjas were gravity fed, originating at a high point above town, then tracing southwest towards the town, across the Cornfields site. A damwork of willow poles and wickerwork diverted the water into the zanjas. A
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Figure 3: Zanja System of Los Angeles, ca. 1880. From Gumprecht, after Stevenson.
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city water reservoir was constructed at the center of the Plaza in 1857 fed by nearby springs (Figures 4&5). This reservoir was removed in November 1869 and replaced with a fountain the following year as part of the city’s plan to separate the water system from the zanjas. Access to water played a central role in the development the city of Los Angeles, and the zanja system allowed the early town to prosper. The publicly owned and operated zanjas were a central economic institution for the city during the colonial and Mexican periods. Citizens were required to donate time and material to the maintenance of the common water system. As the city grew, especially after the annexation of California to the United States, the zanjas became overwhelmed and ill maintained. They were increasingly seen as dangerous and unhealthy, and primarily as the source of water for poor Mexican immigrants who lived north of the city. This deterioration is also attributable to the change in attitude towards public resources brought about by the Anglo government, which no longer required a common maintenance of the water system. The conversion of the city water source to a system of pipes in the late 1860s by private enterprise further led to the abandoning of the zanjas. The ditches were finally condemned and buried in 1885 (Figure 6). The Cornfields site is crossed by the paths of two historic zanjas, including the Zanja Madre (Mother Canal). The presence of the irrigation system, its construction by colonial and Mexican regimes and the particular social construction of public maintenance stand in strong contrast to the Anglo regimes, which viewed the zanjas as associated with past rulers, and thus as unimportant and inefficient. The presence of this relic of pre-Anglo powers in the city is of noteworthy importance for alternative histories of Los Angeles.
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Figure 4: View of Plaza, showing reservoir. From Yesterday’s Los Angeles.
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Figure 5: Los Angeles Reservoir, ca. 1860. From Yesterday’s Los Angeles.
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Figure 6: Interior of Zanja Madre, as uncovered in 1939. From Los Angeles: An Illustrated History
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The Waterwheel
The locaiton of a waterwheel is in itself a controversy. Some accunts indicate that the waterwheel was constructed at the northeast corner of the Cornfields site, while others place it closer to Abila Springs, on the site of present-day Chinatown. Most accounts agree that the waterwheel was constructred in either 1857 or 1866 by Jean Louis Sainsevain under contract from the city of Los Angeles (Figure 7). The waterwheel was brought in section from San Francisco and fed water into either the Zanja Madre, a pipeline to the city reservoir, or to the Solano Canyon Heights. It is unclear which use the waterwheel provided, since it can be assumed that the Zanja Madre functioned without the wheel prior to its construction. One assumption might be that the increased demand for water required a more reliable source. The waterwheel was one of the first schemes to privatize the provision of water, which was sold to residents and farmers along the zanja system. The waterwheel was destroyed by flooding in either 1862 or 1868, causing much uproar about city subsidies for private industry, and pipes eventually replaced its function.
The Capitol Milling Flour Mill
The Capitol Milling Company is located at the southwest corner of the Cornfields. The mill is believed to have been founded in 1831, and is located adjacent to the path of the Zanja Madre (Figure 8). Its features included a waterwheel which powered the millstones. The date of the construction of the large masonry building currently on the site has not been determined at this time. An early photograph of Los Angeles circa 1869 shows a set of low shed-like buildings in the approximate area where the mill stands today (Figure 9).
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Figure 7: Los Angeles Water Wheel, ca. 1860. From Yesterday’s Los Angeles
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Figure 8: Looking North along Fort Street (later called Broadway), ca. 1869. From Los Angeles: An Illustrated History
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Figure 9: Orthographic Drawing depicting site ca.1910. From Down by the Station.
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Hospital
H.J. Stevenson’s 1876 Map of the City of Los Angeles indicates the area directly to the south of present day Spring St., and to the north of Ann St. as ‘Hospital grounds’ (Figure 10). These references do not appear on his 1884 map, where the hospital grounds tract has been replaced by a subdivided set of streets called the “New Railroad Tract’. Historically, this makes sense as the arrival of the railroad in 1873 had a profound effect on land prices and speculation around the area of the new railroad depot. It is reasonable that an institution such as a hospital would have had a time lag in relocation. No further information regarding this hospital has been found.
Railway Buildings
In the 1880s, Californians called the Southern Pacific Railroad ‘the Octopus’. As it traversed the state, the railroad was making or breaking towns, even building entirely new ones. The railroad extracted huge concessions from towns along its route to connect northern and southern California with points east. Los Angeles debated the railroad issue for a year, then finally gave in as it seemed that the Southern Pacific was set to bypass the growing city entirely. The railroad received a right of way, a large subsidy, control of the existing rail service between downtown and San Pedro harbor, and sixty acres in the middle of town – the Cornfields site. By the time the north-south line was completed in 1876, the railroad depot was already firmly established. The old depot from the San Pedro line was demolished and new facilities built along Downey Avenue (now Spring St.). The depot is indicated on Stevenson’s 1876 map, and buildings are marked on his following survey of 1884, including a hotel, a freight depot, cattle pen, and two car shops (Figure 11). These buildings are particularly evident in the 1891 Southern California land Company and 1894 Semi-Tropic Homestead Company orthographic maps (Figure 12). However, in 1887, a new terminal was located on a large parcel along Alameda St, between 3rd and 4th Streets, and business activity apparently moved to that location. By the time the 1910 orthographic map was drawn, the hotel and railroad support buildings have disappeared, and only the depot remains (Figure 13). The surrounding area, supported by proximity to the railroad and the river, took on far a more industrial nature and the subdivided housing lots began to disappear.
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Figure 10: H.J. Stevenson Map, 1876, traced by F. Olmstead, 1910
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Figure 11: H.J. Stevenson Map, 1888
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Figure 12: Detail of Semi-Tropic Homestead Co., 1894
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Cable Railway
The Los Angeles Cable Railway service existed between downtown Los Angeles and Boyle Heights during the 1890s. Built in 1889, the line traversed downtown, ran past the old Plaza, and across the river to fashionable Boyle Heights. At the southern edge of the Cornfields, just adjacent to the Capitol Milling Company Flour Mill, the cable railway lifted off the ground onto elevated tracks, crossed Spring Street and ran above the SP tracks at the southern edge of the site. Just beyond the footbridge, the tracks veered towards the river and crossed via the Downey Street Bridge (Figures 14, 15 & 16). The local railway systems began to come into existence via private franchise after Los Angeles experienced strong growth in the 1880s (Figure 17). Prior to this time, there was little demand for local transit, and only a few horse drawn carriages operated. Individual companies were granted exclusive rights to particular routes and the rail system began to grow, spurred on by the lucrative real estate market. In fact, many of these early ventures were supported by local landowners, who expected greater returns on their real estate investments. Following the cable and horse drawn railways came the electric railways, whose champion, Moses Sherman, soon drove all competitors out of business and took over their lines, converting them all to electric.
Calvary Cemetery
A Catholic cemetery was located to the north of Broadway (then called Buena Vista St.), adjacent to Bishop Rd. A church is recorded on the site on Ord’s Survey of 1849. Stevenson’s map of 1876 notes the “Calvary Cemetery” (Figure 18), but replaces it out on his 1884 map with the tract owner’s name, “F. Mora”. Interestingly, in his recollections of the mid-1850s, Harris Newmark mentions that the cemetery there had been abandoned for a few years already. One source indicates that the cemetary was blessed in Novemeber 1884, and the cemetery returns on Baiste’s survey of 1889 and following maps (see maps appendix), showing up also in aerial photographs from the 1920s. By the 1930s, the cemetary had been decommisioned and disinterred. Today, the area is labeled on the zoning map as the ‘Old Calvary Cemetery’ and is the site of a private Catholic high school.
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Figure 13: Orthographic Drawing depicting site ca.1910. From Down by the Station.
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Figure 14: Downey Avenue Viaduct in the 1880s.
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Figure 15: Boyle Heights Opening of the Cable Railway. From Los Angeles: An Illustrated History
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Figure 16: Orthographic Drawing depicting site ca.1910. From Down by the Station.
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Figure 17: Los Angeles Railway System, 1898. From The Fragmented Metropolis, Los Angeles 18501930
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Figure 18: H.J. Stevenson Map, 1876, traced by F. Olmstead, 1910
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The Footbridge
After the Cornfields site came under the control of the railroads, a footbridge of one type or another traversed the tracks at the center of the site, running south from North Broadway. The footbridge follows the old property line (presumably as a road) between the railroad and adjacent fields, indicating considerable traffic across the site during these years. A road is noted in Baiste’s Survey of 1889 running parallel to the property line, and the 1894 Semi-Tropic Homestead company illustration (Figure 19) also indicates this bridge as a solid box truss construction. The bridge continues to be visible in aerial oblique photographs taken in the 1960s. It is quite possible that this bridge was on the site in one form or another for over one hundred years.
Oilfields
A 1917 USGS ‘Oil Fields Bulletin’ survey map indicates that there were a great many operative oil derricks running due west from the Cornfields site, centered along Bernard Street (Figure 20). No derricks are indicated on the site itself. Reports also exist of oil storage tanks to the south of the site on the spot where the William Mead Homes project now stands.
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Figure 19: Detail of Semi-Tropic Homestead Co., 1894
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Figure 20: Detail of 1917 USGS Oilfields bulletin.
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List of Historical Maps 1849 1849 1849 1857 1861-1876 1870s 1871 1872-1887 1876 1880 1880-1920 1884 1887 1889 1891 1894 1896 1898 1900 1902 1904 1910 1917 1930 1931 1932 Ord’s Survey first survey of Los Angeles, cuts off before site, but indicates streets and land use Agricultural Lands of Los Angeles based on Ord Survey, cuts off before the site, but prob. is basis for ‘Cornfields’ claim Ethnic Los Angeles shows Sonoratown on present Chinatown site, farmlands and uninhabited areas (our site) Henry Hancock Survey Map essentially a reproduction of the Ord map, shows cemetery, cuts off at beginning of site Chicano Property Holders indicates all areas surrounding site as owned by Chicanos ‘map showing the location of the old Zanja Madre, Ditches, Vineyards and Old Town’ very small reproduction – seems to include some place names, perhaps owners and has a key. Romantic view of LA as it appeared in 1871, drawn in 1920s (Bird’s Eye View) Chicano residence Patterns shows barrio in what is now Chinatown, adjacent to site, this spreads to all of area south of Mission by 1887 Stevenson Map, traced by Olmstead, 1910 shows Zanja System, property owners on site, railways and lot subdivision Zanja System of Los Angeles based on Ord survey, very low detail map showing path of zanjas. Areas of Mexican residence in Downtown Los Angeles large scale map, indicates most population around Plaza, some to south of site, little in Lincoln Heights HJ Stevenson Map Indicates property subdivision, owners, cattle pen on site, turning yard, buildings and zanjas Rail Map very large scale regional rail map showing connections to rest of California Baist’s Real Estate Survey of LA indicates streets, rail-lines, turning depot and rail buildings on site Southern California Land Co, incl. views of major building landmarks (Orthographic Drawing) Semi-Tropic Homestead Co. (Orthographic Drawing) Axton & Flournon Real Estate Map of Los Angeles Large-scale map, shows site subdivided, mostly rail yard, some railways, lot subdivision LA Railway system (passenger rail cars ) indicates turning depot, rail on Broadway and Spring Street, no topo, streets only USGS Topo Map shows topo lines and some indication of buildings Rueger’s Map of Los Angeles (see 1904 map) Rueger’s Map of Los Angeles shows tract fully controlled by Railroad, shows property subdivision and rail-lines. Overleaf of ‘Down by the Station’, ortho drawing, no date (Orthographic Drawing) USGS Oilfields bulletin No oil derricks indicated on site, but they begin at Bernard and head west en masse. Zone Plan, Official Master Plan of Los Angeles, Calif. Site is zoned unlimited industrial, street names but no buildings or topography indicated USGS topo map shows topography, some buildings (by this point in the USGS maps, representations of buildings are more representative than literal) Street Car and Motor Coach routes of LA Railway Corp indicates four street car lines on Broadway leading to Lincoln Heights, one on Spring leading to Lincoln Park
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1849
Ord’s Survey
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1849
Ethnic Los Angeles
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1861-1876
Chicano Property Holders
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1871
Romantic view of LA as it appeared in 1871, drawn in 1920s (Bird’s Eye View)
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1872-1887
Chicano residence patterns
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1876
Stevenson Map, traced by Olmstead, 1910
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1877
1880-1820 Areas of Mexican residence in Downtown Los Angeles
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CHINATOWN HISTORY AS IT RELATES TO THE CORNFIELDS
Historically, Chinatown has a stake in the Cornfields given not only the integral role of Chinese immigrants in constructing the railroad but also, more directly, given the relocation of the original Chinatown to make way for the railroads’ Union Station. The history of Chinatown is also tied to the history of water rights in LA and thus to the history of the LA River. The Abila Springs were located in present-day Chinatown, and a water wheel was constructed in 1858 to pump this water for storage in the pueblo’s plaza. In the 1880s, present-day Chinatown was crossed by the Zanja Madre at its eastern edge, (the present-day western edge of the Cornfields site), and the water dropped 18 feet on its way to feed other zanjas to the south of 2nd Street, powering the Capitol Milling Company on Spring Street. The Zanja no. 6-1 may have split from the Zanja Madre at the “Bullring” area of the Chinatown Yards (Gumprecht, pp. 69-78). In the early years of settlement in LA, as elsewhere in the country, there was significant discrimination against Chinese immigrants. This discrimination was legislated in 1882 with the Chinese Exclusion Act, which prevented further migration of Chinese to the US and also prevented resident Chinese and their descendants from becoming citizens and thus from owning land. This facilitated the removal of the Chinese community from the Union Station site in the 1930s. Social clubs and “associations” have a long history in Chinatown. In 1912, the Chinese American Citizens Alliance (a name it adopted in 1941) established a lodge in LA. In 1919 the Consolidated Benevolent Association established a cemetery at 1st and Evergreen Streets. The Mei Wah Club for women, was founded in 1931. Another interesting aspect of Chinese history to take into account is the long and continuing tradition of market gardens (although given space constraints in Chinatown it would be interesting to find out where they are today and when this stopped being feasible, and why, in LA). In 1909 a Chinese-American built the City Market Wholesale Produce Terminal at 9th and San Pedro Streets. In 1938 New Chinatown and China City opened after Old Chinatown was destroyed. New Chinatown, known today as Chinatown’s Central Plaza, remains under the same private ownership as when it was developed. With the arrival of Union Station, the Chinese population dispersed to City Market, East Adams and Spring Street. New Chinatown was a commercial development, and China City was intended to encourage tourism as the redevelopment of Olvera Street had done. China City, which existed at the southern end of today’s Chinatown, burned down. The area west of Hill Street (known as West Side of Chinatown or Greater Chinatown) was developed in 1950. New immigration laws in the early 1950s resulted in an increasing Chinese population in LA, however it was the significant immigration triggered by the Immigration Act of 1965 which led to a
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CORNFIELD OF DREAMS FACTS
revitalization of Chinatown. After 1970, new immigrants started to settle outside Chinatown. In 1986, Monterey Park was acknowledged as the first suburban Chinatown in the US. The San Gabriel Valley became increasingly the center of Chinese activity. Other history pertinent to Cornfields: (all taken from Blake Gumprecht’s The Los Angeles River.)
Water
1903: Solano and Elysian reservoirs constructed. There was a pump station at the bullring end of the Yards. The infiltration galleries were built under the river, and water was pumped from below the river’s surface. This was increasingly done in the first few decades of the 20th century as the water needs increasingly outpaced supply and as surface water became polluted. The pumping actually succeeding in drying out the riverbed, paving the way (excuse the pun) for future man-made diversions and controls of the River (pp.98, 120). The pump station was closed in 1987 because of the San Fernando Valley Superfund contamination by metal plating, machinery degreasing and dry cleaning industries (p.126).
Railroads
Railroads were initially located along the River because it was commercially undesirable land, prone to flooding. The first railroad in Southern California was the Los Angeles and San Pedro, built in 1869, its tracks along Alameda Street. Southern Pacific took over this railroad when it arrived in LA in 1876. (p.112)
River Improvements
The first proposal to clean up and beautify the River was made by Dana Bartlett in 1906. Typically proposals to improve the River were made by outsiders who did not have the longstanding negative attitude toward the River that Angelenos did.
Floods
The flood of 1938 destroyed a Southern Pacific railroad bridge built in 1903 at or near the Cornfields (p.218). The following section explores the current state of the physical environment of the Cornfields site and the surrounding areas.
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