UNITED NATIONS ADVANCED CERTIFICATE FACULTY
Purnaka De Silva Senior Advisor, Global Compact Executive Office of the Secretary-General United Nations Secretariat Jacques Fomerand Head United Nations University Office in North America Paul Hoeffel Chief, United Nations Non-Governmental Organization Section UN Department of Public Information Walter Hoffman Executive Director Center for United Nations Reform Education Timothy Houlihan Associate Academic Dean St. Francis College Dragos D. Kostich Professor Emeritus, Interdisciplinary Studies Long Island University Akira Kusukawa Director, European Council United Nations Fund for Population Activities, ret. Yasmine Sherif Advisor on Afghanistan UN Development Program for the Advancement of Women James Sutterlin Director, Political Affairs Division United Nations Secretariat, ret. Lester Wilson Professor of History Long Island University
UNITED NATIONS ADVANCED CERTIFICATE STUDENTS
Betsuaye Abia, Nigeria; Nina Ahmed, Pakistan; Nina Akopyan, Russia; Faisal Al-Athba, Qatar; Mehret Asefaw, Eritrea; Joseph Babatunde, Nigeria; Victor Ciapas, USA; Aminata Coker, The Gambia; Fatoumata Diop, Mali; Marie Dorelus, Haiti; Camille Evans, USA; Zelia Evzona, Cyprus; Jerusalem Eyob, Eritrea; Lourdeth Ferguson, Guyana; Mauricio Forero Jimenez, Columbia; Agnieszka Godos, Poland; Helene Hoedl, Austria; Md. Hossain, Bangladesh; Aina Iiyambo, Namibia; Leslie Jean-Pierre, USA; Jemma Lessie, Grenada; Njeri Kariuki, Kenya; Margaret Kimishima, Japan; Irma Lacey, Barbados; Elba Lara-Garcia, Columbia; Clarice Luzia, Brazil; Tandine Maithy, Kenya; Lisa Matos, Portugal; Emily Miggins, USA; Maria Montagna, Argentina; Steve Naber, USA; Anya Nikoulina, Russia; Ulrika Nilsson, Sweden; Esther Nunez, Beliz; Adeyemi Oshunrinade, Nigeria; Leonore Ovalles, Dominican Republic; Edwin Perez, Dominican Republic; Vincenzo Pugliese, Dominican Republic; Sri Raman, India; Grid Rroji, Albania; Mohammed Saleh, Bahrain; Daniel Samuel, USA; Marcellin Solomon, Haiti; Edyta Tabor, USA; Hawa Taylor-Kamara, Sierra Leone; Mohammed Tounkara, Guinea; Fan Xiao, Peoples Republic of China
United Nations Graduate Certificate Program Long Island University / Brooklyn Campus / Brooklyn, New York 11201 Lester N. Wilson, Ph.D., Director (Lester.Wilson@liu.edu)
Statement by Mr. Mohammed Saleh, Chargé d’Affaires of the Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of Bahrain, before the General Assembly, 15 October 2002 (Excerpts)
Mr. Saleh is a student in the UN Graduate Certificate Program and a candidate for a Masters Degree in Political Science.
The Question of Equitable Representation and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council Mr. President, The General Assembly has always attached a great importance to the question of equitable representation in the Security Council, a subject that has been incorporated in the Assembly's Agenda since 1979. In 1993, the Assembly established an open-ended working group on this question and on increasing the Council's membership. The establishment of the working group was a first step in the reform of the Council, which is the UN's main executive body, having primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. This is an important and imperative matter, requiring concerted efforts to achieve its goal. When the United Nations was founded, the number of its member states was 51. That number has grown to 191. The member states of the UN cannot be adequately or equitably represented in the Security Council. Also, the number of international problems reviewed by the Security Council has dramatically increased since the end of the Cold War. This has led to a growing agenda and a greater number of resolutions. In the years between 1978 and 1989, the average number of resolutions per year was 18, compared to an average of 61 per year during the period from 1990 to 2001. The problems brought before the Council also are more diverse, and include such issues as HIV/AIDS, women and peace, the protection of civilians during armed conflict, and terrorism. Terrorism, in fact, has become one of the most important items on the agenda since the events of 11 September. In addition, the number of bodies and commissions established under Article 29 of the Charter has increased to its highest level since the founding of the United Nations. The object of reform is a Council with more equitable representation, which is more democratic, more transparent and more effective. Not only should there be an increase in permanent and non-permanent members, but their should also be an attempt to improve working procedures so as to address international issues and concerns in an objective and
professional manner without resorting to double standards and preferential decisions. Such steps would require the permanent members to use the VETO as infrequently as possible. In this regard, we believe that holding emergency sessions within the framework of the "Uniting for Peace Resolution" reflects the inefficiency of the Council. We therefore call for the establishment of a Security Council, that rightfully and fairly represents the international community and works for achieving the main goal of this organization, i.e. maintenance of international peace and security. Reform of the Security Council is not only the concern of the United Nations, but also of the many national and international bodies, agencies, non-governmental organizations, and research institutions which strive to have their recommendations for Security Council reform included in the Council's restructuring deliberations. While addressing the subject of reform of the Security Council, we commend the development materialized in the work of the Council during the last 5 years (starting from 1998) and reflected in the increasing number of open and public meetings held by the Council, and by a greater transparency during the discussions of the working- group. In conclusion, while a new year is drawing near, and the open-ended working group will complete 10 years of work, we hope that more concerted efforts will be exerted towards the reform of the Security Council. We further call upon the General Assembly, represented by its President and the member states to strengthen their co-operation in order to achieve the desired change. This requires the General Assembly and the open ended working group to hold high- level meetings in order to accelerate the process of reform. Hundreds of proposals have been submitted during the last 9 years, and although 9 sessions have discussed these proposals, nothing has been achieved so far. We firmly believe that nothing will be achieved in this regard unless the subject of reform of the Security Council is given top priority in the agenda of the General Assembly and is discussed at the highest levels. Thank you Mr. President.
WHY GO TO WAR
For some twenty years Saddam Hussein posed a real threat to Iraq’s neighbors, to security in the region and, potentially, to the United States should he have gained control of the oil resources of the Persian Gulf countries. He had built a large, wellequipped and well- trained military force, backed by a relatively advanced industrial and communications complex. He possessed a chemical weapons capability, which he demonstrated to the world during his war with Iran. Both the United States and the Soviet Union knew that he possessed chemical weapons of mass destruction. The United States, at least, was aware that he was working on a nuclear bomb and suspected that he was experimenting with bacteriological weapons. Yet, in those years, neither Washington nor Moscow viewed him with alarm even though he was then, prior to the debilitating effect of the long war with Iran, at the height of his power. Both governments sold him advanced military equipment (in the case of the USSR, on credit) and the US helpfully provided intelligence on Iran. Even as late as 1990, on the eve of Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, when Saddam Hussein asked the American Ambassador, April Glaspie, what the American attitude was on Iraq’s dispute with Kuwait, she told him, following her guidance from the State Department, that the United States did not take a position on their differences. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 and the subsequent Desert Storm campaign changed all of that. Washington then recognized that Saddam Hussein was a menace who must be severely punished. Most importantly, he had to be deprived of all weapons of mass destruction and any remaining capability of producing them. This was a sentiment unanimously shared in the United Nations. The United States did not wish to render Saddam Hussein completely powerless, however, lest neighboring states (notably Iran) might seize chunks of Iraqi territory or the Kurds in the North declare their independence. So no reductions were imposed on Saddam’s conventional forces, including his air force. Iraq lost no territory. Saddam fared considerably better than the Germans and Japanese had after World War II. Regime change was not on the table. That was ten years ago. In the intervening years the UN Special Commission, created by the Security Council to insure the destruction of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction capability, went about its work with remarkable dedication and skill. Despite the lies, deceptions and physical interference of the Iraqi regime, UNSCOM managed to uncover and destroy at least 90% of Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction. Detailed numbers are provided in UNSCOM’s
final report to the Security Council. The threat that had been posed by Saddam’s possession of these weapons had been greater than anyone had realized. But by 1998, when UNSCOM withdrew from Iraq (because of punitive bombing by the US and UK) and was denied permission to return by Iraq, only the possible hidden remnants of Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction capability remained. Moreover, the know-how of Iraqi scientists and engineers could not be eliminated. Meanwhile, Saddam’s once formidable army shrank, new equipment was embargoed and the battle readiness of planes and heavy weapons deteriorated because of the lack of spare parts. So Saddam’s overall military capacity, including his weapons of mass destruction, is considerably less now that the United States has branded Saddam a menace to the world than it was when Washington was befriending him. Yet there remains the nagging problem that once a country discovers the secret of how to make weapons of mass destruction it can, unless prevented, make them again. And that raises the troubling question of why the Saddam Hussein regime went to such lengths to hide its weapons and to prevent the return of weapons inspectors. The most likely answer is that with his disastrous defeat in the Gulf War and the debilitating effect of the long war with Iran, Saddam’s only claim to power and a certain grim prestige in the region (of which he no doubt thinks he should be the master) is his possession of weapons that no other country in the region, other than Israel, possesses. Even the belief that he possesses such weapons, whether he does or not, puts him and Iraq in a special category, not unlike that of a nuclear weapons state. Without a weapons of mass destruction capability, or the image of possessing such, Saddam Hussein would be nothing more than an evil dictator, too weak to threaten the United Sates or greatly frighten his neighbors. To judge by their notably restrained attitudes, this is something that the neighboring states already appreciate. The wise course of action on the part of the United States and the members of the Security Council will be to use every means necessary to eliminate all Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (including medium and long range delivery systems) as well as its capability of building new ones. Once this is done, the threat that Saddam Hussein represents, no matter how large or small it may now be, will dissipate like air from a punctured balloon. It will be argued that even a coercive UN inspection system may not find every hidden or mobile biological or chemical weapons laboratory. This is probably true. But inspectors and an effective monitoring system can determine the presence of delivery systems and any concentrated suspicious activity that would long precede the weaponization of bacteriological spores or chemical elements. If a policy of effective UN inspections – coercive if necessary – is followed, war against Iraq would be superfluous. The manifest dangers that a US- led invasion of Iraq patently entails to basic US interests would be avoided. War simply makes no sense when the perceived threat that Saddam Hussein poses can be eliminated by far less drastic means. James S. Sutterlin October 2002
Excerpts from "Afghanistan Starting Anew", a Public Address by Professor Yasmine Sherif Northwestern University (Evanston, Illinois), 4 December 2001
Professor Sherif spent nearly two years in Afghanistan in the early 90s, following the withdrawal of the USSR in 1989. Ten years, later she returned to Afghanistan, which provided her a glimpse of the Taliban rule. She has just co-authored: Growing the Sheltering Tree: Protecting Rights through Humanitarian Action (UNICEF/OCHA, 2002). The Rule of the Taliban (1996 – 2001) With the support of Pakistan, a movement of fundamentalists appeared in Afghanistan. Up-rooted from the fields of Afghanistan and the soil where cultural traditions were normally passed on to the sons in a spirit of freedom, many young Afghan men had instead found themselves in cramped refugee camps. As a way out of this tragic fate, their poor parents would send them to Pakistani madrassas (religious schools), where they were provided free schooling and accommodation. But, the education that they received in their most formative years was void of humanities, science or even the history of their own culture. Instead religious dogma was hammered into their heads. For young refugee men who had no other options in life than to find a channel for their resentment caused by a never-ending war, there was little desire or awareness to resist such indoctrination. The Afghan culture was slowly being eroded across the border, as fundamentalism took hold in these madrassas. This is how the very existence of a people and a culture is slowly destroyed. A few years later, these distorted and destructive forces would hit Afghanistan, as the refugees i the madrassas would return and become the de facto authorities of an already n disintegrated and desolated country. The Taliban lacked the education, experience and resources to exercise adequate governance when they took power in Afghanistan. The Taliban initially enjoyed some popular support because of their ability to restore security and combat warlords. However, very soon, rural populations and traditional authorities would become disenchanted with centralized Taliban control and interference in their family and community units, especially once they realized that the Taliban had little or nothing to offer them. While the protracted war had brought misery in the form of loss of family and livelihood, resulting in extreme poverty, the Taliban deprived them of something im-
measurably valuable: the values of their religious beliefs and traditions of hospitality. Whatever enthusiasm existed for the Taliban was largely dissipated by the extreme nature and enforcement of their edicts, which were alien to the traditional Afghan culture. Towards the end of the 90s opposition forces were growing inside Afghanistan. People were becoming more vocal at community level and district levels. Uprisings took place in several provinces, testifying to the growing dissatisfaction with Taliban rule. Because of their enforcement of a number of edicts by which women were prohibited from partaking in the society and men were subdued into followers of the Taliban, the humanitarian situation continued to deteriorate. The average income in the Kabul fell from $50 to 3 dollars/month for an employee in the public administration. Afghanistan moved from under-development to utter poverty, with many on the edge of starvation. A farmer wanting to feed his family had no choice but to cultivate poppy, which is easy, quick and requires no marketing. While there had previously been some informal recognition by the parties to the conflict not to deliberately attack civilians during warfare, this “acceptance” eroded; and civilians and their property (homes, livestock, agricultural production capacity) were increasingly targeted. When the Taliban took Mazar in 1998, civilians were massacred. When the Northern Alliance took Bamyian one year later, a similar massacre occurred. Monitoring and reporting of violations were extremely difficult, and thus intervention to protect civilians and prevent further violations was extraordinarily challenging. In an effort to exert external political pressure on the Taliban, outside funding dropped drastically, leaving little money for development. In an attempt to restore some utilities in the country, aid organizations tried to channel emergency funding towards development. Only limited progress was made in this regard as the actual implementation of programs was severely restricted by the security situation inside Afghanistan and lack of funds. The World Food Programme was perhaps the most successful agency in this respect. It used its leverage of assistance to establish Widows’ Bakeries to promote women’s rights, such as employment opportunities. It opened 30 bakeries run by women in Mazar-I-Sharif and 28 in Kabul. The leverage also enabled WFP – as the only UN agency - to employ female national staff. In addition, the humanitarian community did manage to organize celebrations on Women's Day (8 March 2000), together with UN agencies and the Taliban in Kabul. As for other issues, such as internal displacement, an Emergency Task Force / InterAgency Task Force, led by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), sought to provide assistance and protection. UNICEF succeeded in organizing a Cease- fire for polio, entitled “Days of Tranquility”. By negotiating the cease- fire during one week in the spring and one week in the fall of 1996-97 and 2000 in areas close to the front lines (North of Kabul, South of Mazar, Kunduz, Pulekhumri), UNICEF was able to carry out polio vaccinations.
The humanitarian community also attempted to engage Islamic Scholars: In 1997, UNHCR engaged a Sudanese scholar to help communicate and negotiate with Taliban, which lead to an agreement on amnesty and non-conscription of returning draft-aged men. The humanitarian community’s efforts were based on a policy of engagement. Many expatriates were of the opinion that the people in the rural areas had been less affected, and that life had changed only for the 10% of the population living in urban areas. Humanitarians wanted to believe that the Taliban would gradually accept change. The sanctions imposed on the Taliban by the Security Council in an effort to stop Bin Laden were seen to worsen the poverty and further marginalize vulnerable groups. Ousting the Taliban will not automatically resolve the crisis in Afghanistan, the humanitarians would argue.
Around the world, Islamic fundamentalism is increasingly being viewed as one of our major contemporary dangers. The horrendous September 11 terrorist attack has certainly reinforced our legitimate fears. Any fundamentalism is dangerous, irrespective of religion, dogma or ideology. Yet, fundamentalism was never a part of Afghan culture. The events since September 11 and the ensuing air strikes have turned the fate of Afghanistan around. It is widely recognized that Afghanistan cannot be left as a failed state that might again shelter terrorism and breed instability across the region. The world is voicing an unprecedented commitment to rebuild Afghanistan. But, after years of neglect and compassion- fatigue, a lot needs to be done to fulfill that promise. It is a daunting task that stands before us. Afghanistan has to be rebuilt from scratch. Afghanistan is unique in more than one sense. Firstly, the Afghans will never allow foreigners, not even the peace loving United Nations, to dictate their political, social, religious or cultural affairs. Any attempt to accelerate the implementation of what we call Western values or to exclude the Afghans from determining their future will be met with contempt, if not resistance. Therefore, Afghans must play the primary role in shaping the peacebuilding efforts of their country. It is the international community’s responsibility to shield them from the interference of their neighbors and others, to effectively support recovery and relief, and also to let Afghans take the driver’s seat. Yasmine Sherif 4 December 2001
Comprehensive Examination: 14 February 2003
May 2003 Graduation: 10 February 2003
COMMENCEMENT / 16 MAY 2002
UNITED NATIONS DEPARTMENT AWARD FOR EXCELLENCE IN UNITED NATIONS GRADUATE STUDIES Carol Alexander Manuel Arcos Martha Mai-Gould Patricia Gordon
THE “G TO P ”
"G to P" competitive examinations are held annually for recruitment to the Professional category, in accordance with the needs of the United Nations. The examination takes into account the cultural and linguistic diversity of the United Nations and consists of a written and oral examination. A staff member serving in the General Service and related categories may apply to take a "G to P" exam, provided that he or she has a minimum of five years of continuous service in the UN Secretariat and a satisfactory performance record. Three UN Program alumni were successful last year. Hawa Taylor-Kamara, who received the highest score last year, was assigned a post in the Training and Capacity Building Branch of the UN HABITAT Programme (Nairobi). She works mostly on capacity building activities for local government officials and national training institutions in the field of human settlements management. “This is a whole new field for me and I ha ve lots to learn.” Fred Doulton, MS’99, presently working on social policy at the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, claims that "G to P" exams are quite a challenge: “Over the years, experiences such as these have helped me evolve. I have learned that there is always a better way to do things, and that people matter more than States, organizations, and belief systems."
UNITED NATIONS TOUR Grid Rroji, Tour Guide Sunday, 6 October
Selvyn C. Saldano, MS ’99, was recently promoted (April 2002) to a post with ESCWA (Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia) in Beirut He is now an Associate Program Management Officer. "Beirut seems quite cosmopolitan, with tall buildings and plenty of good food”, he reported, shortly after arriving in the Lebanese capital.
INTERVIEWING PROFESSOR HOEFFEL Paul Hoeffel, an American national, is Chief of the NonGovernmental Organization Section of the United Nations D epartment of Public Information (DPI). The NGO Section serves as a liaison between the United Nations and 1,400 NGOs associated with the Department. Prior to joining the UN, Mr. Hoeffel worked as a journalist in Latin America and the United States, for such publications as The Boston Globe, The New York Times, and Newsweek International. Last spring Professor Hoeffel taught UN 708: United Nations and Non-Governmental Organizations Prof. Hoeffel, you worked for many years as a journalist, both in Latin America and the United States. How did you start working for the UN? After living in Latin America for seven years, working as a journalist covering development and political issues, I was invited to join the UN Department of Public Information to help its coverage of developing countries’ issues. In the mid-1980s, shortly after joining the UN, we faced the crisis of the drought and famine in Sub-Saharan Africa, and I was asked to help organize a communications office to publicize the situation in over 40 countries. Later, I became editor of the system- wide publication called Development Forum, which focused on development issues and policies.
How and when did your connection with NGOs begin?
When I was working as a journalist I would often rely on NGOs in the field when covering stories on political problems, development issues and their projects on the ground. Particularly in Latin America at that time, in the 1970s, there were tremendous human rights problems. The NGOs turned out to be reliable sources of information. They were the people most in touch with the grass-roots communities and with the reality of the often very terrible situation of many Latin American Countries. As the editor of Development Forum, they counted among my best contributors on policy and program issues. Three years ago, I took on the position here being the liaison between the Department of Public Information and the NGO community, which is another stage of involvement.
Every week a different briefing for NGOs is organized by the DPI/NGO Section on a topic of timely interest. How does the topic selection process develop? In our briefing program, which as you say is on a weekly basis, we rely on three or four different inputs. One is the work of the United Nations itself. We have many themes and issues that the United Nations or the General Assembly has decided to highlight whether it be the International Day of Women, the International Day on Human Rights, on Indigenous People, on Food Security - all sorts of different days that are set aside for
events. We highlight those themes and issues, and also what the NGO community, Go vernments, and particularly the United Nations are doing. Therefore, those three different groups would be reflected in any given panel. We also closely follow the UN news and conference programs. Our conferences are major sources of information, debate and policy making on economic and social issues, disarmament issues, and environmental issues. As you know, this year we had a Conference on Aging, on Financing for Development, on Children, on Food Security, and on Sustainable Development. The NGO Community, in its work, comes to us as well and proposes briefings on the particular theme that they are involved with. It might be disarmament, it might be women, it might be health, it might be information technology, and we take their suggestions. And then we also come up with our own programs that we think are of particular interest to the NGO community, particularly in the area of communications and outreach.
A DPI/NGO Conference is organized annually at the international level to encourage discussions around a global-interest topic. The topic for this year’s Conference is “Rebuilding Societies Emerging from Conflict: A Shared Responsibility.” Why was it selected? One of the reasons that we decided on “Societies Emerging from Conflict” was that these are issues that are dominating the news and much of the policy debate at the UN. I think that events here and in other parts of the world are bringing home to everyone how vulnerable we are to the dislocation and problems of globalization, the problems of poverty around the world, and how we can no longer avoid those issues, no matter how protected, how privileged we are. There is tremendous interest in this subject and we definitely have struck a cord. Our speakers will include Mary Robinson, the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and President Kostunica of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, a country that has gone through its own conflicts in recent years and it is trying to resolve them. The issue of post-conflict recovery is far-reaching and extremely compelling to many NGOs who are involved, in one way or another, in humanitarian efforts to resolve these problems.
Prof. Hoeffel, we knew you were selected to represent the UN in the Second World Assembly on Aging, held in Madrid in April. Could you tell us a little about your role and experience? I was honored to be asked to work as the spokesperson for the Conference on behalf of the United Nations. The Second World Assembly on Aging was a UN Conference, but the NGO community w deeply involved as well. They knew that I was familiar both as with the UN side, but also with NGOs. My media experience, of course, was also very helpful. I ensured that the Assembly and the media attending the Assembly had as much information as possible and access to the players, whether they were government people or the substantive UN policy makers, and indeed the NGO representatives, who also had their own parallel event in Madrid. And so it is a matter of matching the experts with the appropriate media, whether it was CNN, or Inter-press Service, or Reuters, or BBC
World News, or the New York Times, or the Times of India. You wanted to try and figure out who were the right people to bring the issues of aging to, the issue of the rapidly aging population, because today there are 600 million people over sixty in the world, but in a few decades there will be over a billion and they will outnumber the number of young people - the people under fifteen years old. It is a demographic revolution that is requiring significant policy changes and rethinking of our allocation of resources; whether we build schools or whether we build housing for the elderly. These will be issues in which there is going to be a big shift and the United Nations asks us to be preparing for that.
Prof. Hoeffel, why are you teaching?
It is an enormous amount of work when you have 1,400 NGOs to deal with, and I find that it is necessary to have a more academic approach to the NGO phenomenon. Along with globalization, with urbanization, and aging, one of the parallel phenomena of our times has been the burgeoning of NGOs around the world. To understand that conceptually, academically and politically, it requires a great deal of thought, discussion, review, and reading. On the one hand, I wanted to prove my understanding of the phenomenon and I also greatly enjoy bringing some understanding of it and of the United Nations to students at Long Island University who are interested in what the UN is all about. The UN is a very byzantine, ve ry complex organization from the outside, although it is also very difficult on the inside. But there are ways to understand it and to interact with it. I am hoping that I could bring that understanding to a younger generation, who, of course, are going to be the UN staff, the NGO staff, and the Government officials of the future.
DISTINGUISHED SPEAKER SERIES DR. JEAN E. KRASNO Executive Director
Academic Council on the United Nations System (ACUNS) Lyceum Kennedy 6:00 P.M. Thursday, 12 December
NEWS FROM FAR AND NEAR
Claudia Abate, MS’00, was one of the Conference Officers in charge of the plenary sessions at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg. Over 110 Heads of State and Go vernment addressed the Conference. Manuel Arcos, MS’01, is Deputy Chief of Security in the United Nations Office at Nairobi. His Excellency Mr. Jassim Buallay, MS’96, has concluded his tenure as Permanent Representative of the State of Bahrain to the United Nations and returned to the Foreign Office in Manama. Ambassador Buallay promises to keep in touch with LIU/Brooklyn and its UN Certificate Program. Jose Caballero, MA’98, a Xaverian Missionary. directs the Xaverian Fathers' Child Protection Program in Sierra Leone. He has returned to his native Spain for a few months to recuperate from malaria and will return to Sierra Leone after the Christmas holidays. Victor Ciapas is a new Foreign Service Specialist at the Department of State in Washington. He hopes to be assigned to a post in New York where he intends to resume his UN Program studies. Hazel Gooding, MS’00, recently joined the Regional Bureau for Arab States, United Nations Development Program, New York. Leslie Jean-Pierre, MPA’00, is a Regional Recruiter and Minority Recruitment Coordinator in the New York Regional Peace Corps Office. He has just founded the Minority Peace Corps Association, an NGO designed to publicize the contributions of US minorities to the work of the Peace Corps. Tomoko Kase, MS’96, has been working for the last two years in the Human Resources D epartment of PricewaterhouseCoopers in Tokyo. She recruits professionals and maintains connections with PwC offices in Asia and elsewhere. Neil Liberty, MA’97, is moving from Boston to Sao Paulo to start a consulting firm. Alvaro Melo, MS’99, is a Section Manager in the new Crate & Barrel Store in SOHO, NYC. Milena Gomez Mikac, MS’96, is working with Canada Customs and Revenue as an enforcement officer. She plans to transfer to the International Tax Directorate and specialize in Proceeds of Crime and Off-Shore Banking cases. Elizabeth Nelson, MS’01, is an Adjunct Instructor in the History Department at Long Island University / Brooklyn Campus. Guanrong Shen, MS’98, has moved to Nairobi with his family and taken a position of Chinese Language Interpreter at the United Nations Environment Programme. The UN Program contingent in Nairobi is now five. Lisa White, MA’99, is an Associate Producer at UN Radio. Among other duties and responsibilities, she contributes to the production of daily fifteen- minute news/current events broadcasts. Lester Wilson, PhD’63, was re-elected to the Executive Committee of NGOs Associated with the UN Department of Public Information.
OUT AND ABOUT
Dining Club in Action
UN Tour / October 2002
Class of 2030
Amina Perez (Edwin Perez)
Daniella Michel (Agnes Godos)
Sophia Anne Ke nnedy (Nina Ahmed)
FALL 2002 SEMESTER COURSES History 632: Political Science 578: Political Science 642: Contemporary World History Professor Wilson Problems of Military Strategy and World Security Professor Wright (Brooklyn) International Organizations, United Nations and its Affiliated Agencies Professor Sutterlin Issues in International Labor Professor Houlihan International Humanitarian Assistance Professor Sherif Research Methods Professor Dhing Research Seminar Professor Wilson
UN 704: UN 706: UN 710: UN 711:
SPRING 2002 SEMESTER COURSES POL 547: POL 605: POL 668: SOC 606: UN 692 UN 710: UN 711: Human Rights in World Politics Professor Sherif Conflict Resolution Professor Sutterlin Contemporary Nationalism Professor Werner (Brooklyn) Sociology of Population and Demography Professor Kusukawa Modern Diplomacy Staff Research Methods Professor Dhing Research Seminar Professor Wilson
Vincenzo Pugliese, Editor OUT AND ABOUT Peter Kravsky, Graphics
United Nations: 165054/Lois Conner/Doc. 1005L
General Assembly: UN 201404/Susan B. Markisz