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Diagnosis of Municipal Solid Waste Management in Latin America and the Carribbean Guido Acurio Antonio Rossin Paulo Fernando Teixeira Francisco Zepeda Joint publication of the Inter-American Development Bank and the Pan American Health Organization First edition: July 1997 - No ENV97-107 of the Inter-American Development Bank Second edition: September 1998 - Serie Ambiental No. 18 Pan American Health Organization / World Health Organization PRESENTATION FIRST EDITION (JULY 1997) Chapter 21 of Agenda 21 establishes the basis for a sound municipal solid waste management as part of sustainable development. Agenda 21 points out that waste management should deal with adequate waste minimization, recycling, collection, and treatment and final disposal. It also states that every country and city should prepare its own programs according to its local conditions and economic capacities. In accordance with the short and medium term goals set up at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED, 92), carried out in Rio de Janeiro, for the year 2000 developing countries should have created the abilities to monitor the four topic areas mentioned and should have established national programs with proper goals for each one of them. As well, they should have consolidated criteria for adequate final disposal and environmental surveillance and for 2005, at least 50% of municipal waste will have been treated adequately. This Diagnosis of municipal solid waste management in Latin America and the Caribbean, carried out jointly by the IDB and the Pan American Health Organization/World Health Organization, is a first attempt to assess the progress achieved in the continent five years after the UNCED 92. The document should be updated periodically to be useful to these and other international agencies so that they could establish action programs in the municipal solid waste area. In addition, it is expected that the countries use it as an instrument to establish realistic goals in their action programs. SECOND EDITION (AUGUST 1998) The success of the first edition published by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) in 1997 of this analysis on the situation of solid waste management in Latin America and the Caribbean is unquestionable. Since the first edition was out of stock and there was a continuous demand for this title, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), with the agreement of IDB, decided to issue this second edition, which has been reviewed to correct some mistakes of the first one CONTENTS Presentation Executive summary Introduction Acronyms Background General Characteristics of the Region Population and urbanization Health and education Economy Socioeconomic and political prospects Current situation Institutional and legal aspects of municipal solid waste management Technical and operational aspects Economic-financial aspects Health aspects Environmental aspects Social and community aspects Critical aspects identified and conclusions Institutional and legal area Technical and operational area Economic-financial area Health area Environmental area Social and community sector References Annexes Glossary EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This Diagnosis of Municipal Solid Waste Management in Latin America and the Caribbean, LAC, is the result of a joint effort between the IDB and the Pan American Health Organization. The information included derives mainly from "El Manejo de Residuos S61idos Municipales en América Latina y el Caribe", Environmental Series N° 15, PAHO, 1995, and "Desechos Peligrosos y Salud en Amdrica Latina y el Caribe", Environmental Series N° 4, PAHO, 1994, which was complemented with data compiled by experts in eight countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru, Trinidad and Tabago, and Venezuela. As well, the sectorial studies on solid wastes carried out in Guatemala, Colombia, Uruguay, and Mexico with the support of PAHO, IDB, IBRD, and USAID during 1995 and 1996, were used. The Diagnosis has identified the following critical aspects and conclusions under six categories: (1) institutional and legal area; (2) technical and operational area; (3) economic and financing area; (4) health area; (5) environmental area; and (6) social and community area. 1. Institutional and legal area 1.1 Institutional weakness. In the countries of the Region, the solid waste sector has not been formally recognized, hence, until now its relevance and priorities have not received the attention it needs. The lack of a leader regulatory agency affects resource availability, information processes and service coverage. In the Caribbean, the institutional structure works better, partly, because of the size of the countries, which makes them possible to have a single governmental organization to conduct the sector. 1.2 Centralism and deficient operation. The role of the State as administrator, regulator and supervisor is deficient, as well as the role of local governments as operators. Limitations are due to centralism and lack of priority of solid waste management, despite the fact that many municipalities allocate almost half of their budget to urban cleaning. 1.3 Lack of planning. There are no long-term operational, financial or environmental plans with regard to solid waste management, both at national and executing agencies level. 1.4 Lack of national information and monitoring systems. This restricts planning and program formulation, appropriate decision-making, adequate management, hierarchy of activities, resource allocation, and monitoring, surveillance, and control. 1.5 Inadequate legislation. There is no coherence among legal provisions referred to municipal, special, and hazardous solid wastes and the threat they pose to public health and the environment. Legislation is incomplete and ambiguous with respect to the scope of action of the administrative entities involved and is incompatible with economic, social, and cultural situations. In addition, there are too much complementary and administrative ordinances. Most countries fail to comply with the international commitments assumed by their governments. 1.6 Noncompliance with legal instruments. In some cases, legislation is unknown due to insufficient dissemination; in other cases there is an advanced legislation but it is not enforced. In federal countries, there is not a regulatory formula to oblige municipalities to comply with certain federal environmental and financial standards. 1.7 Lack of policies to reduce solid waste generation. The official rhetoric still prevails as well as the promotion of environmentalist groups. Policies for recovery, reuse, and recycling of solid wastes have had a steady progress in the countries motivated by poor communities looking for income. Some countries have established policies based on the polluter pays principle, however, they cannot be applied due to lack of resources. 1.8 Short, medium and long-term programs. Few countries have formulated them; some master plans for metropolitan areas and large cities have been prepared, but only few have been implemented. Most pilot projects have only academic and technical value but little remain, due mainly to lack of economic and financial self-sustainability. Microenterprises projects, however, are excepted and its progress in LAC is constant. 1.9 Human resources qualification. There is lack of trained and skilled human resources at all levels. Wages are low and just for survival. Social and health benefits are few and do not exist for informal workers. Political interference is frequent and implies hiring of excessive personnel and appointment of non-qualified executives. This situation is even more critical in medium and small size cities. 1.10 Privatization. The current trend is toward greater participation of the private sector in solid waste management. The general opinion is that the private sector is more efficient than the public sector and that it can also improve service quality and costs. Contracting and concessions to the private sector are alternatives for municipalities that lack resources for investments. 2. Technical and operational area 2.1 Management of especial and hazardous wastes. These are usually mixed with municipal solid wastes. The main causes of this problem are lack of control due to insufficient human and financial resources; no sanctions to violators; and political favors, privileges, and corruption. 2.2 Temporary waste storage. Lack of standardization and poor maintenance of containers is rampant, and the use of containers in public areas convert them in dirty dumps with odor and vector proliferation. 2.3 Sweeping. Replacement of manual sweeping with mechanical sweeping is a dilemma for municipal authorities because manual operation takes up a high number of unskilled workers. On the other hand, the sweeping quality has been improved and its cost has been reduced with privatization. 2.4 Collection with equipment. Coverage higher than 90% has been achieved in numerous large cities of the Region. A critical aspect, however, is the low coverage in medium and small-size cities and the limited attention to urban marginal settlements. 2.5 Transfer stations. There are problems regarding its location and operation that can affect negatively the environment and life quality of nearby populations. 2.6 Incineration and composting. Incineration has been limited to hospitals and industries. As a result, critical aspects have not been identified. Most probably, Caribbean countries and some cities with specific problems will use it in the future. On the other hand, composting has presented critical problems due to lack of feasibility studies, including marketing and commercialization. 2.7 Final disposal. Governments, community, and the media have given priority to hospital solid waste management (600 t daily throughout the Region), however, the final disposal of 330,000 t daily of municipal waste that represent a potential hazard, has not received the same attention. 2.8 Sanitary landfill. It is the most common disposal method in LAC, although most of them do not fulfill the required technical specifications. The quality of few sanitary landfills has improved in recent years, although leaching is still not treated and synthetic membranes are not used for imperviousness. In medium and small-size cities, and even in some large ones, waste is disposed of in open dumps and water bodies. The construction of manual landfills is feasible as demonstration projects in very small urban nuclei; possibly, microenterprises are the viable alternative. 2.9 Equipment maintenance and facilities. It has been partly solved with the contracting out of maintenance service to private companies. 2.10 Recycling and reuse. It is practiced widely in LAC. In some cities, the recovered quantity has increased, scavenger groups have been organized, marketing of recovered material is more equitable and the number of recycling industries has also increased. However, the social problem of scavengers still prevails and no facilities have been drawn for them to access financial credits. 3. Economic-financial area 3.1 Evaluation of economic benefits. Except for some countries of the Caribbean, the governments of the Region have not identified the economic benefits of adequate MSW and HW management. Since it is not possible to quantify them, evaluations are restricted to estimate the value of recovered and recycled materials, sale of compost, gas methane or energy from incineration, increase of land value recovered by sanitary landfills, and other marginal benefits. 3.2 Sector financing. Most financial resources come from municipalities and limited national resources (federal or state). The interest of international and bilateral organizations is recent and usually financing is not exclusive for solid waste projects. Another problem is the access of intermediate and small municipalities to international and bilateral credit, and the lack of accounting information on solid waste management costs. 3.3 Cleaning rates and tariffs. Municipalities usually collect very low rates and tariffs due to political reasons, difficulty of collection, lack of conununity education or because the service is of such a poor quality that the users refuse to pay for it. This aspect is crucial to achieve self-financing in the countries of the Region. 3.4 Service collection. Collection is not efficient when included in the billing of real estate taxes or when it is collected directly at a specific rate, since the slowness index is very high. On the other hand, when it is invoiced with other public services, such as drinking water and electricity, it is usually efficient and self-financing is achieved. The problem appears when legal devices hinder this type of marketing or forbid the cut of water or electricity when the service is not paid. 4. Health area The population exposed to physical, chemical and biological agents of MSW are formal and informal workers who handle wastes; non-served population living near MSW treatment and disposal sites; scavengers and their families; and the population in general through surface and groundwater contamination, waste-fed animals, and exposure to hazardous waste. The main factors that contribute to this situation are the lack of concern of sector authorities and the poor quality of services. 5. Environmental area Negative environmental impact is present in the following decreasing order of risk: final disposal sites; temporary storage sites; transfer stations, treatment and recovery plants; and during collection and transportation processes. The impact affects water, air, soil, and landscape. Compliance of environmental protection regulations has to face institutional, legal, financial, and especially surveillance limitations. On the other hand, policies to reduce the generation of municipal, special and hazardous wastes have not given results; and the reduction of hazardous wastes at the source through cleaner production is still incipient. To achieve sustainable development, it is necessary to increase waste recovery, reuse, and recycling. The most important issue to prevent negative environmental impacts is to improve MSW management, specifically final disposal. i~ 6. Social and community sector Community participation in solid waste management is weak because it is considered as a responsibility of the municipalities; hence, the attitude toward service payment is negative. The education of the actors of the process, authorities, producers, and generators, and especially the community is an important part of Agenda 21 postulates and although it is a long-term process, it is the correct way to achieve sustainable solid waste services. Achievements obtained in industrialized countries confirm it. Finally, as far as unemployment and extreme poverty continue, there will be solid waste scavengers. It is necessary to mitigate this social problem and to support the organization and development of managerial, operational and financing capabilities of cooperatives, associations and microenterprises of scavengers. INTRODUCTION The management of municipal solid wastes (RSM) in Latin America and the Caribbean is complex and has evolved in parallel with the urbanization process, economic growth, and industrialization. To address this subject, it is not sufficient to know the technical aspects of collection, street sweeping and final disposal. It is also necessary to apply the new concepts on finance, decentralization, private sector participation, health issues, environment, poverty in urban marginal settlements, education, and community participation. Although municipal solid waste problems have been identified several decades ago, especially in metropolitan areas, the partial solutions achieved so far do not cover all countries of the Region or most medium and small-size cities and it has become a permanent political topic that usually generates social conflicts. On the other hand, generation and management of hospital and industrial wastes are affecting, to a greater or lesser extent, municipal solid waste management, including tolerated or illegal reception of high quantities of harmful wastes that are difficult to handle and pose risks to human health and the environment. For the preparation of this diagnosis, bibliographic material included in the reference section has been consulted. The basic information comes mainly from the documents "El Manejo de Residuos S61idos Municipales en América Latina y el Caribe", Environmental Series N° 15, PAHO, 1995 and "Desechos Peligrosos y Salud en América Latina y el Caribe", Environmental Series N° 14, PAHO, 1994. In addition, information was complemented with data compiled by experts in eight countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru, Trinidad and Tabago, and Venezuela, considered as a significant sample of the Latin American and Caribbean scenario. As well, the studies of Andlisis Sectoriales en Residuos Sólidos recently carried out in Guatemala, Colombia, Uruguay, and Mexico, with the support of PAHO, IDB, IBRD, and USAID during 1995 and 1996, were also used. In addition, specific documentation available in the Headquarters of the Pan American Health Organization, PAHO, and in the Pan American Center for Sanitary Engineering and Environmental, CEPIS/PAHO, was consulted. A consultant was hired to prepare the diagnosis after reviewing files from the IDB, PAHO, the World Bank, and the Department of Statistics and Human Settlements of United Nations; as well as two specialists to address health subjects related to MSW. Finally, additional data were collected from the lectures of the XXV Congress of Sanitary Engineering carried out in Mexico City from 3 to 7 November 1996. Part of the data and information are estimates provided by different national sources, thus, some inconsistencies could appear eventually with regard to the figures. In fact, the lack of reliable information systems is one of the critical aspects of solid waste management. In summary, for Latin America and the Caribbean, the sound management of collection, transportation, treatment, and disposal of solid wastes continues to be an objective of high priority that should be complemented with programs on waste reduction, reuse and recycling. ACRONYMS ABES Associaqáo Brasileira de Engenharia Sanitaria a Ambiental ABIQUIM Associagáo Brasileira de InOústrias Químicas ABRELP Brazilian Association of Public Sanitation Utilities AECI Spanish Agency for International Cooperation AID Agency for International Development AIDIS Inter American Association of Sanitary Engineering and Environmental Sciences ALTERNATIVA Non-governmental organization of Peru AMCRESPAC Asociación Mexicana para el Control de Residuos Sólidos y Peligrosos ASEAS Asociación Colombiana de Entidades Administradoras de Aseo Urbano ATSDR Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry BANOBRAS Banco Nacional de Obras y Servicios Públicos (Mexico) BNDES Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Económico a Social (Brazil) CEAMSE Coordinación Ecológica Área Metropolitana Sociedad del Estado (Buenos Aires, Argentina) CEPIS Pan American Center for Sanitary Engineering and Environmental Sciences (PAHO) CETESB Companhia de Tecnologia a Saneamento Ambiental (Sáo Paulo, Brazil) CII Inter American Investment Corporation (IDB) COMLURB Companhia Municipal de Limpeza Urbana (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil) CONADESCO Consejo Nacional de Manejo de Desechos Sólidos (Guatemala) CONAMA Comisión Nacional del Medio Ambiente (Guatemala) CONAMA Conselho Nacional do Meio Ambiente (Brazil) DDF Departamento del Distrito Federal (Mexico) DESCO Centro de Estudios y Promoción del Desarrollo (Peru) DF Federal District (Mexico) DGRMR Dirección General de Residuos, Materiales y Riesgo (Mexico) DIGESA Dirección General de Salud Ambiental (Peru) DIRSA Solid Waste Division (AIDIS) ECC European Community Commission ECLAC Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean EMA Empresa Municipal de Aseo EPA Environmental Protection Agency (USA) ESMLL Empresa Municipal de Limpieza de Lima (Peru) FEEMA Fundagáo Estadual de Engenharia do Meio Ambiente (Brazil) FIBGE Fundagáo Instituto Brasileiro de Geografía y Estadística FIESP Federagáo de Industriais do Estado de Sáo Paulo FINDETER Financiera de Desarrollo Territorial (Colombia) FOMIN Multilateral Investment Fund (IDB) GDP Gross domestic product GTZ German Agency for Technical Cooperation HW Hazardous waste IBAMA Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente a dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) IDB Inter American Development Bank IDRC International Development Research Centre (Canada) IFAM Instituto de Fomento y Asesoría Municipal (Costa Rica) INAPMAS Instituto Nacional para la Protección del Medio Ambiente (Peru) INFOM Instituto de Fomento Municipal (Guatemala) INCYTH Instituto Nacional de Ciencias y Técnicas Hídricas (Argentina) INTI Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Industrial (Argentina) IPES Instituto de Promoción de Economía Social (Peru) JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency LAC Latin America and the Caribbean LEF Life expectancy at birth MA Metropolitan area MSW Municipal solid waste MVOTMA Ministerio de Vivienda, Ordenamiento Territorial y Medio Ambiente (Uruguay) NAFIN Nacional Financiera (Mexico) NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement NGO Non governmental organization NRA National Recycling Association (Colombia) OACA Oficina de Asesoría y Consultoría Ambiental (Peru) OAS Organization of American States OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development PAHO Pan American Health Organization PROFEPA Procuraduría Federal de Protección al Ambiente (Mexico) PROTERRA Member of the World Union for Nature (Peru) REPAMAR Pan American Network for Environmental Waste Management CEPIS/PAHO) REPIDISCA Pan American Information Network on Environmental Health (CEPIS/PAHO) REPINDEX Specialized bibliographic index of REPIDISCA SEDESOL Secretaría de Desarrollo Social (Mexico) SEGEPLAN Secretaría General de Planificación Económica (Guatemala) SEMARNAP Secretaría de Medio Ambiente, Recursos Naturales y Pesca (Mexico) SIMRU Urban Solid Waste Monitoring System (CEPIS/PAHO) SISNAMA National Environmental System (Brazil) SMISAC Sociedad Mexicana de Ingeniería Sanitaria y Ambiental SSW Special solid waste SWMCO Solid Waste Management Company of Trinidad and Tabago SUNASS Superintendencia de Servicios de Saneamiento (Peru) UNCED United Nations Conference on Environment and Development UNCHS United Nations Center for Human Settlements (HABITAT) UNDP United Nations Development Program UNEP United Nations Environmental Program USAID United States Agency for International Development WHO World Health Organization 1. Background The concept of sustainable development, advocated at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED 92), includes the subject of solid waste which involves waste generation reduction, recycling and reuse of all materials, and waste treatment and disposal in an environmentally sound way. To guarantee sustainable development, stated in the Agenda 21, the governments, the private sector, and the communities should establish policies, programs, and plans where the operators and the community could work together to achieve a rational solid waste management. In Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) and in the technical-financing community there is consensus to provide greater support to the solid waste sector. To date, the diagnoses carried out by some countries and by cooperation agencies, such as the sector analyses made by the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), reveal that the solid waste sector does not have national policies nor plans and that the urban cleaning area receives limited support at the local level. It is deduced also that the inefficiencies of the sector are due to institutional, managerial and financing weaknesses of the operational entities, usually municipal, which result in urban services with lower quality and coverage than those of the energy, water supply and sewerage sectors. The Inter-American Development Bank, IDB, supports the improvement of living standards, including the provision of basic social services in urban areas. Therefore, it has given importance to solid waste management since it is one of the most serious problems of Latin America and the Caribbean. The IDB Eighth Increase is focused on three basic aspects: i) poverty reduction; ii) private and public sector modernization; and iii) support to the countries of the Region to adopt growth processes from the economic, social, financial and environmental points of view; i.e., sustainable development. The Pan American Health Organization, in compliance with their Governing Bodies, cooperates with the countries of the Region to improve municipal and hazardous solid waste management, to extend service coverage, and to develop human and institutional resources. With this document, the IDB joins efforts with the Pan American Health Organization to prepare the Diagnosis of Municipal Solid Waste Management in Latin America and the Caribbean. 2. General characteristics of the Region 2.1 Population and urbanization According to the United Nations statistics, in 1970 Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) had 283 millions population and in 1985, 482 millions. For the year 2000 and 2010, it is estimated a population of 524 millions and 604 millions, respectively. Almost 80% of the population belong to seven of the most populated countries of the Region (tables 2.1.1 and 2.1.2). Education and family planning programs undertaken in most of the countries have reduced the average population annual growth rate in LAC from 2.44 in 1970-1975 to 1.84 in 1990-1995. Even so, a population of 524 millions is estimated for the year 2000 (Annex 2.1.1). Since urban solid waste generation depends on the population, the LAC urbanization process needs to be analyzed. In 1975, the urban population was 196 millions (61%) and in 1995, 358 millions (74%). In 20 years the population that required urban sanitation services grew more than 80% (Annex 2.1.2). The urbanization process of LAC, one of the fastest in the world, is manifested in 15 cities considered among the 100 larger ones. For the year 2000, the 110 cities of LAC with more than 500,000 population will constitute 50% of the regional urban population. In terms of solid waste management, they represent 110 important projects. To face the problem of thousands of large, medium and smaller cities with less than 500,000 population, however, is possibly a greater challenge since they shelter the other half of the urban population. The projections show that this trend will grow and cities will be less populous (tables 2.1.3, 2.1.4 and Annexes 2.1.3 and 2.1.4). In summary, the high rate of urbanization of Latin America and the Caribbean is very important for municipal solid waste management. On the one hand, metropolises and large cities, including marginal areas and suburbs, will increase their demand of services, and on the other hand, thousands of medium and small cities will require technical, financing, and managerial assistance, which will represent a major challenge for national and municipal governments, and also for financing agencies and technical assistance organizations. Table 2.1.1 Total population and growth rate in Latin America and the Caribbean Yea, Total population and projections Average annual growth (thousands in the middle of the ear) rate 1970 283,214 2.44 1975 319,883 2.28 1980 358,437 2.11 1985 398,416 1.97 1990 439,716 1.84 1995 482,005 1.67 2000 523,875 1.50 2005 564, 637 1.34 2010 603,843 Source: United Nations. World urbanization prospects: the 1994 revision. Table 2.1.2 Group of Latin American and Caribbean countries according to its total population (1995) Total population Countries (n mon) Less than 0.5 Antigua and Barbuda, Netherlands Antilles, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guadeloupe, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname i Between 0.5 and 1.0 Guyana Between 1.0 and 5.0 Costa Rica, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay Between 5.0 and 10.0 Bolivia, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras Between 10.0 and 20.0 Chile, Cuba, Ecuador, Guatemala Between 20.0 and 50.0 Argentina, Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela Between 50.0 and 100.0 Mexico More than 100.0 Brazil Source: ECLAC. Anuario estadístico de América Latina y el Caribe, 1995. I Table 2.1.3 Percentage of urban population and growth rate in Latin America and the Caribbean Year Urban population Urban population Average annual growth rate (thousands) (%) (%) 1970 162,674 57.4 3.74 1975 196,172 61.3 3.47 1980 233,342 65.1 3.11 1985 272,534 68.4 2.84 1990 314,161 71.4 2.60 1995 357,689 74.2 2.30 2000 401,361 76.6 2.04 2005 444,374 78.7 1.80 2010 486,141 80.5 Source: United Nations. World urbanization prospects: the 1994 revision. Table 2.1.4 Number of cities grouped according to its size in Latin America and the Caribbean (projections) 2.2 Health and education The main objectives of municipal and hazardous solid waste management are to protect and improve human health and the environment by reducing human exposure to injuries, accidents, nuisances and diseases due to inadequate solid waste management. It is difficult to establish a direct relationship between inadequate municipal solid waste management and health. Some health conditions statistics of the LAC population are presented below. It is recognized that diseases have multiple causes, among them, poverty, malnutrition and lack of basic sanitation services, including deficient solid waste management. table 2.2.1 shows that during 1990-1995, 15 countries of LAC had mortality rates above 30 for each 1,000 live births. The average infant mortality rate for Latin America and the Caribbean for that five-year period is 47 per 1,000 live births, a value that is 4 to 6 times higher than the one observed in the most developed regions of the world, such as Europe (11 per 1,000) and North America (8 per 1,000). In recent decades, life expectancy at birth (LEB) in Latin America and the Caribbean has increased. In Latin America and the carbibbean Latin the 1990-1995 period that value increased 3 years in LAC and, as shown in table 2.2.2, except for Haiti, all countries reached 60 years or more of LEB, which is the value established as a worldwide goal in the health for all strategy for the year 2000. With regard to the regional goal of the Americas set in 70 years, 17 LAC countries have already surpassed it in 1995. The improvement of municipal and hazardous solid waste management is a factor that increases LEB. Table 2.2.1 Infant mortality rate during 1990-1995 by groups of countries Infant mortality rate(*) Countries Less than 10.0 Barbados Between 10.0 and 20.0 Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Guadeloupe, Jamaica, Netherlands Antilles, Trinidad and Tobago Between 20.0 and 30.0 Argentina, Bahamas, Suriname, Panama, Uruguay, Venezuela Between 30.0 and 40.0 Belize, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay Between 40.0 and 50.0 Ecuador, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras Between 50.0 and 60.0 Brazil, Nicaragua Between 60.0 and 70.0 Peru More than 70.0 Bolivia, Haiti (*) Deaths of children under 1 year per each thousand live births. Anuario estadístico de Latina y el Table 2.2.2 Life expectancy at -1995 in Latin America and the Caribbean Countries 55.0 to 59.9 60.0 to 64.9 Bolivia, Guatemala Brazil, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guyana, Honduras, Nicaragua, Peru, Argentina, Bahamas, Belize, Chile, Guadeloupe, Jamaica, Mexico, Netherlands Antilles, Panama, Paraguay, Suriname, Trinidad and 75.0 and more Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Costa Rica, Cuba of years left if a person lives under this mortality rate. Source: ECLAC. Anuario estadístico de América Latina y el Caribe, 1995. Undoubtedly, there exists a correlation between education and cleaning practices. In general, the higher the level of education, the higher the ecological and environmental awareness and the more rooted personal hygiene and cleaning habits of dwellings and public areas. As well, more assertion in demanding better public services, including refuse collection. The illiterate population over 15 years old has been diminishing in the Region. The statistical information from ECLAC for 1990 showed that only five countries had more than 20% of illiteracy, eight countries had ranges between 10% and 20%, and nine countries had succeeded in reducing illiteracy to less than 10% . It is obvious that illiteracy will be a serious limitation for a community education program in solid waste management, especially among urban marginal population (table 2.2.3). Table 2.2.3 Illiterate population over 15 years old in Latin America and the Caribbean, grouped by countries (1990) % illiterate population Countries Less than 5 % Argentina, Guyana, Jamaica, Uruguay Between 5% and 10% Antigua and Barbuda, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Paraguay, Suriname Between 10% and 15% Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, Peru, and Venezuela Between 15% and 20% Brazil, Dominican Republic Between 20% and 30% Bolivia, El Salvador, Honduras More than 30% Guatemala, Haiti Source: ECLAC. Anuario estadlstico de America Latina y el Caribe, 1995. 2.3 Economy In the 1970s, the Region had a sustained growth and the gross domestic product per capita rose froth 1,600 to 2,162 dollars in constant 1980 prices. In the decade of 1980 there was a strong decline and in 1990 it reached a minimum of 1984 dollars. During this decade it began to recover, reaching 2,125 dollars in 1994. The economic prospects for Latin America and the Caribbean countries are positive and it is estimated that this trend will continue to the end of the decade. According to information from ECLAC, in this decade the annual growth rate of the mining and manufacturing industry is increasing, leading to economic improvement, although it also represents higher generation of hazardous solid wastes. Traditionally, governments allocate a significant part of its budgets to infrastructure, although recently the private sector is making investments in the energy and communication sector. Nearly 60% of the investment in infrastructure in Latin America and the Caribbean have been financed with external loans for the energy, transportation, and telecommunications sectors, and to a lesser extent, for drinking water and low, if not insignificant. During 1990 inflation reduction and a significant affluence of external capitals. To achieve this, radical adjustments such as opening to global trade, restriction of public expenses, fiscal austerity, and privatization programs were sanitation services, a process initiated in the previous decade (table 2.3.1; Annex 2.3.1 and Annexes 2.3.2 and 2.3.3). Evolution of the GDP per capita in Latin America and the Caribbean Year (US dollars of 1980) 1970 1980 2,162 2,052 1985 I 1988 2,037 I 2,015 1990 1991 2,017 2,040 1993 1994 2,125 Source: MAC Anuario estadístico de Aniérica Latiw y el Caribe, 1995. 2.4 Socioeconomic and political prospects Although the gross domestic product per capita is rising in most of the countries, investments and savings are still low and poverty and indigence rates are maintained or are even worse. In 1990, 34 % of urban households were in poverty conditions and 13 % in indigence conditions (table 2.4.1). In Honduras, more than 60% of the population are poor and the level of indigence in Guatemala and Honduras reaches to more than 20% of the households (table 2.4.2). This poverty situation and the lack of community education programs, represent a serious restriction to achieve self-financing of municipal solid waste services. According to ECLAC statistics, in 1990 there were almost 110 millions of poor people among the urban population of LAC and 41 millions of them were indigents. The main problem is to harmonize the economic growth recovery of the countries with measures and programs to improve the situation of lowincome population. Most countries of Latin America and the Caribbean give great importance to macroeconomic stability, to increase their competitiveness in the world market, and the offering of opportunities to the population, especially the low-income ones. The democratic practice and the decentralization process in most of the countries, place urban solid waste in the first level of discussion when municipal elections are near, since every local government platform proclaims public sanitation improvement. Unfortunately, in most cases the subject is used only for electoral campaigns. On the other hand, environmentalist and community movements are playing a relevant role in rising awareness with respect to the inadequate management of municipal and hazardous solid waste. Each time it is more frequent to see parliaments, national government entities and municipalities engaged in discussions to improve urban sanitation services and hazardous waste management. Other process that is gaining momentum and has good perspectives in this decade is the privatization of solid waste management services. Table 2.4.1 Households in poverty and indigence conditions in Latin America and the Caribbean (Percentage with respect to the total) Year Poverty (a) Indigence (b) Total Urban Total Urban 1970 40 26 19 10 1980 35 25 15 9 1986 37 30 17 11 1990 39 34 18 13 a) Percentage of households with income lower than double of the cost of the basic food basket. b) Percentage of households with income lower than the cost of the basic food basket. Source: ECLAC. Anuario estadístico de America Lwina y el Caribe, 1995. Hazardous waste refers to solids or semisolids wastes (for example, sludge or liquids, except for those which can be disposed of in the sewerage) that present toxic, reactive, corrosive, radioactive, or inflammable characteristics and that are managed together with municipal solid wastes, in an authorized or clandestine way. Table 2.4.2 Situation of urban poverty and indigence in groups of countries, 1992 (% Households with respect to the total) Percentage of urban households in poverty Countries situation Less than 10 Argentina, Uruguay 10 to 20 20 to 30 Chile, Costa Rica 30 to 40 Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Venezuela 40 to 50 Bolivia, Guatemala, Peru 50 to 60 - More than 60 Honduras Percentage of urban households in Countries indigence situation Less than 5 Argentina, Uruguay Between 5 and 10 Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico Between 10 and 15 Colombia, Panama, Paraguay, Venezuela Between 15 and 20 Bolivia, Brazil, Peru More than 20 Guatemala, Honduras Source: ECLAC. Anuario estadistico de Ainérica Latina y e l Caribe,1995. 3. Current situation 3.1 Institutional and legal aspects of municipal solid waste management 3.1.1 Institutions of the sector For this analysis, solid waste institutions are the agencies that manage or are linked to the management of solid or semisolid waste generated in domestic, commercial, institutional and industrial sectors, street sweeping, health centers (special wastes) and other organizations formally and informally managed in urban areas and suburbs of different size and complexity. The functions of these institutions can be grouped into: N: Regulators, planners, supervisors, controllers, advisers. Or: Operational, administrative, executing, financing, trading. On the other hand, the levels at which these agencies are located are: National or federal level State or provincial government level - Local or municipal level. Table 3.1.1 shows the organizational and functional structure of the urban solid waste sector in Latin America and the Caribbean. Note that urban solid waste refers to municipal waste including special and hazardous waste handled within urban areas. In 12 countries of the Caribbean, including Suriname, services are operated directly by governmental agencies, which in addition to managing and financing the services, also plan, regulate, control and have the power to contract out or give in concession the partial or total operation of solid waste management services to private entities. The size of these countries and their limited urban population facilitate this type of organization that is usually in charge of the Ministries of Health or autonomous solid waste authorities. Table 3.1.1 Organizational and functional structure of the urban solid waste sector in Latin America and the Caribbean On the other hand, in 23 countries of Latin America, including Belize, Guyana and Jamaica, the operation, management, and financing are under the municipal regimen, but the regulatory, planning, supervision and evaluation functions are responsibility of the ministries of the environment, health, planning, development, etc. Municipalities, as autonomous entities, make concessions and contract out totally or partially solid waste management services in their area. In Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, which have federal governments at a state or province level, there are also government entities that have, to a greater or lesser extent, regulatory, planning, advisory, supervision and control functions in solid waste management. When the provincial or state levels do not have this capability, the central government usually intervenes. With regard to hazardous waste, the national level (,federal, state or provincial) is responsible for the proposal and emission of standards for their legislative sanction and the corresponding control and registry of these wastes. In addition to these governmental institutions, the following formal and informal entities have been and are linked to solid waste management in the countries of the Region: • Private sector: composed of companies or individuals that act totally or partially as contractors or concessionaires of solid waste management operations, or by consulting groups that prepare projects, feasibility studies, environmental impact assessments and offer technical and managerial assistance. In several countries of the Region, there is already a national enterprise capability and others are developing it. Consortia are frequently formed between national and foreign companies that have enough capacity to respond to the demand in this field. However, there is not a regional or national directory of these private sector capacities, except Brazil with ABRELP (Brazilian Association of Public Sanitation Utilities). • International and bilateral organizations: IDB, IBRD, PAHO/WHO, UNDP, UNEP, ECLAC, GTZ, JICA, USAID, and AECI are the main agencies involved in investment proposals, technical assistance, institutional development, training, and environmental impact assessment related to municipal solid waste and, to a lesser extent, to hazardous waste. • Non governmental organizations: national and foreign entities devoted to social and environmental prójects related to solid waste, and particularly, to scavengers and recycling. • Other formal agencies universities and educational and training institutes of the sector. It includes sanitary and environmental engineers associations, associations of urban cleaning companies, recyclers associations, and other formal agencies such as waste management microbusinesses. All of them are working in the countries and its activity is growing, as it has been shown by the urban cleaning associations of Colombia and Bolivia. The role played by the Inter-American Association of Sanitary Engineering, AIDIS, through its Solid Waste Division, DIRSA, in resource promotion and mobilization should be emphasized. • Other informal organizations: guilds, associations and cooperatives of informal scavengers, collectors, recyclable material traders, and recyclers that due to its number and social implications should be considered in any municipal solid waste management plan. This institutional framework has restrictions in most of the Latin American countries due to factors such as: • Lack of a clear definition of the scope of action of the different agencies. • Duplication of efforts and functions. • Absence of an information system and limited or null data exchange. • No identification of the components and leader of the sector to consolidate a real solid waste sector. • Limited institutional capacity of most of the executing and regulatory organizations to assume their functions and responsibilities. • Apparent lack of political will at the decision-making and priority setting levels. The interest ends, in many cases, after the elections. Table 3.1.2 presents the range of entities linked to the sector in Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, and Uruguay, which limits the relation and coordination among them due to the reasons mentioned above. In the Caribbean, due to the size of the countries, the institutional structure works better since a single governmental organization in charge of solid waste regulation and operation is enough. In some of these countries, the Ministry of Health is in charge, but in others such as Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago, a sanitation and solid waste authority has been created with administrative and financing autonomy. The agencies related to the waste sector in another group of LAC countries are shown in table 18.104.22.168, according to the information collected by local experts for this diagnosis. In Brazil, the law that determines the national environmental policy, established the National Environmental System, SISNAMA, with participation of the Federal Government, states, municipalities, and civil society. Table 3.1.2 Organization of the solid waste sector in four Latin American countries Table 22.214.171.124 Organizational of the solid waste sector in a group of countries of LAC 3.1.2 Organization of operational entities About 15 years ago, sanitation services were handled directly by municipalities under a centralized administration, as well as the lighting, paving, parks and gardens, and markets services, etc. Tariffs were collected with land taxes and no concept of financing or operational efficiency was applied. Services during the 1950 decade were directed by people who had emerged from the bases and had evolved from workers to chiefs of services or improvised administrators with a "command gift". That was the condition required for a service characterized by extensive use of labor force. This panorama began to change in the 1970 decade because of the complexity of the service logistics and the decision of municipal governments and financial agencies to finish subsidies. The CELURB (now COMLURB), created in 1973 in Rio de Janeiro, is one of the first public utilities with an administrative system independent from the municipal bureaucracy. Currently, 45 % of the cities included in table 3.2.7 have formed municipal cleaning utilities (MCU) to improve the quality of the service provided. On the other hand, although the administrative activities, policy formulation and planning continue to be a responsibility of the municipality or its company, in the operational aspect, a rapid tendency to grant contracts to private companies is observed. This characteristic is observed in more than 50% of the cities studied and tends to increase (see table 3.2.7). According to reports on Sáo Paulo, Bogotá, Caracas, Santiago, and Buenos Aires, personnel performance is highly increased when services are privatized, however, the areas that continue to be served by the municipal service are those with major restrictions. In summary, a clear orientation toward privatization is currently noticed and not toward the formation of municipal cleaning utilities. An example is Lima, where the public cleaning utility (ESMLL), created in 1983, was dissolved in 1996 and then the municipality contract out a private company to manage the collection in part of the city, the transfer station, and two landfills. Another trend observed is the formation of metropolitan companies in large cities where several municipalities or political-administrative entities are located. In general, the company formed deals with final disposal and transfer, leaving the collection to the municipalities. The company is managed by a directory composed by the mayors or their representatives, who designate a manager. In Annex 3.1.1 some typical organizations in the Region are presented. Regarding urban cleaning services, research done by FIBGE in Brazil, in 1989, indicated that from a total of 4,425 municipalities surveyed, 4,162 (94 %) had direct municipal management; 29 (0.7 %) were managed by other companies; 115 (2.6 %) by public utilities; and 199 municipalities (2.7 %) did not have cleaning services. The previous trends are typical of large cities. Direct municipal management of the services prevails in medium and small cities and it is precisely in this type of cities where critical management, operation, and administration problems are identified. In these cases, the municipality commonly assigns part of the services to small contractors and microbusinesses. 3.1.3 Planning and information a) Planning Most countries do not have a formal solid waste sector or a sector leader clearly identified. Institutions are weak and although solid waste management frequently generates alarming and conflicting front-page news, either due to social and labor problems or to situations affecting human health and the environment, the sector hardly meets its objectives of improving the solid waste management sector, reducing waste generation or recycling recovered materials. Few are the countries where national development plans have taken into account solid wastes. Although it is true that in light of emergencies produced by hazardous wastes, efforts were made to alert and classify these serious problems, these concerns were occasional and the results were insignificant. With regard to the national planning of municipal solid waste, the situation has not improved because in several countries the operational and regulatory institutions work on their own, without any national policy or plan in the medium or long term. A sample of an initial planning in the countries can be observed in table 3.1.4. While Colombia has historically progressed in the planning of the sector and Mexico is initiating it, Uruguay and Guatemala are still left behind. The situation in other countries of the Region is also weak, except for Chile, Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia, and some countries of the Caribbean. b) Information and monitoring i In the countries there are no national information systems nor monitoring of the solid waste sector. The various institutions participating in the sector do not have enough information regarding their own requirements and information is highly incompatible due to the different criteria used in its collection. In practice, the information from institutions in charge of defining policies and assigning resources is not compatible with their function requirements. In addition, the limited available information is not shared by other entities and frequently such information does not reach the different levels of a single institution. The previous insufficiencies at institutional level are often counterbalanced through surveys that lack methodological support and are difficult to validate. On the other hand, the frequent request of similar information by several institutions generates reticence and lack of interest among the surveyed. Table 3.1.4 shows the current restrictions on solid and hazardous waste information in four countries of Latin America, a situation that is similar in other countries of the Region. This lack of information happens in institutions at the federal, state and municipal level. The institutions and agencies of the sector in all countries require a national, up-to-date and friendly accesible information system. At the regional level, since 1982, PAHO/WHO coordinates through CEPIS, the Pan American Network of Information in Environmental Health (REPIDISCA), which provides bibliographic services and documents on municipal solid waste. Its database contains more than 7,500 references on the topic. REPIDISCA published in 1994 a REPINDEX specialized in municipal solid waste, which included 950 bibliographic records on the subject. PAHO has also established a Urban Solid Waste Monitoring System (SIMRU) that has the purpose of collecting and updating information on urban solid waste management at the regional level. Part of the collected information is presented in this document. As well, with the support of GTZ, CEPIS has established in Lima , Peru, the Pan American Network for Sanitary Waste Management (REPAMAR) that promotes research and development of projects in this field. Currently, projects are being developed in eight countries of the Network: Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, and Peru. 3.1.4 Legal framework and international agreements a) Legal framework In most countries, the topics related to municipal and hazardous solid waste are discussed by several public management sectors, such as environment and health, urban development, communications and transportation, industries, trade, labor and others. In addition, its regulation is contained in several laws, regulations and legal instruments that are often overlapped. This multiplicity makes it necessary to delimit with greater precision the area, components and functions of the responsible authorities and to define legal mechanisms to solve the overlapping, taking into account the principle that every administrative authority can only do what the law allows it to do. The democratic regimen of the countries of the Region, either federal or centralized, determines that the laws on environment and health are given by the Legislative Power to be promulgated by the Executive Power. In addition, the central or federal government and the states also regulate through decrees and resolutions, but always within the provisions of the State Constitution. In turn, the municipalities through edicts and municipal ordinances manage the solid waste operation within their area. For different reasons, including the political ones, the interpretation and application of these legal instruments cause conflicts and confusions. Thus, for example, the Municipality of Lima and the Congress discussed on the authority of that Municipality to dissolve their urban cleaning company and contract out a private one. Table 3.1.5 summarizes the available information on legal instruments or the ones being prepared in some countries. The laws are not necessarily specific on municipal solid waste, but are included in other legal instruments on health or environment. In that table it has not been cited the law or municipal code that practically exists in all countries, which includes general provisions on municipal solid waste management and Constitution, a fundamental law of the countries, that states that the municipalities are responsible for organizing public services, such as urban cleaning, has not been mentioned Table 3.1.5 Legal instruments in some Latin America countries If laws and regulations related to hazardous waste management were to be effective, technical and administrative capability is required at the national and subordinated levels (for example, state, province, municipality, etc.). At the technical level, the management of every chemical substance should be done ideally under the principle "from cradle to grave." The technical options for hazardous waste management range from waste prevention to processes optimization or modification, recycling, storage, treatment (including incineration), disposal in a secure landfill, and a subsequent surveillance to detect any occasional contamination along the years. i At the administrative level, it is necessary to legislate the effective control and to information summarized in table 3.1.6 has been taken from two sources, from the information on legislation obtained in the countries to prepare documents on hazardous waste and health in (Bolis, 1993). Only legislation directly related to hazardous waste control was taken into industrial waste generator is responsible for its management. This responsibility extends to personal and environmental damages caused in any of the conditioning, transportation, Table 3.1.6 Hazardous waste legislation in some Latin American countries Country Type of legislation Year Contents Argentina Law N° 24051 1991 Law on hazardous wastes Decree N° 181-92 1992 Prohibits hazardous waste import Brazil Law 1990 National enviromnental policy Resolution 1994 Defines hazardous waste and establishes the criteria for waste import and export Costa Rica Decree 1989 Prohibits toxic waste import and transportation Law on hazardous solid waste 1996 Ecuador Sanitary code 1971 Provisions for toxic substances elimination Mexico Decree 1988 Provides regulations on hazardous waste considering the general law on ecology and environmental protection Panama Law 1991 Prohibits toxic waste import Paraguay Law 1990 Prohibits individuals and companies to import materials classified as industrial toxic waste Uruguay Decree 1989 Prohibits the import of hazardous wastes Venezuela Decree 1987 Approves standards for control and transportation of toxic waste Source: PA110; Desechos peligrosos y salud en Atnirica Latitia y el Caribe. 1994. Serie Ambiental N' 14. PAHO; IDB. It fotmes de expenos locales para el presente diagn6stico. 1996. Instituto de Pesquisas Tecnologicas. Lixo municipal; manual de gerenciamento integrado. Sáo Paulo, 1995. Regarding the development of hazardous waste legislation, Argentina, Brazil, Mexico and Venezuela are probably the most advanced (CEPIS, 1993). In the case of Brazil, hazardous waste management is delegated to the states; thus, the most industrialized and with advanced economies, such as Sáo Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, have well structured programs. Mexico has issued several regulations at the national level under the general law on ecology and environmental protection. Regulation enforcement, however, is deficient since the appropriate governmental structures have not been consolidated. Venezuela and Argentina are in a similar situation; legislation exists but there is no infrastructure to implement and supervise its application. These two countries have taken as a basis the Agreement of on Cuba indicates that this Convention is being used to develop their own legislation. The remaining countries have only limited laws and a minimum infrastructure control. legislation in this area. It should be noted that some countries have recently taken the first measures to control industrial waste management. than 70% of the national production) has adopted the resolution that establishes a system for the identification and monitoring of industrial solid wastes. This resolution will make possible the Instituto Obras Sanitarias in Quito carried out a survey within the Industrial launched and the first phase included a national survey on hazardous waste production. b) Since environmental problems have global effects, they are becoming an important factor in trade. This would have its effects on the wastes and, in a broader sense, on the agreements to further international trade through the reduction or removal of barriers. 1960s most of them were buried or disposed of in inadequate dumps. During the 1960s reports on surface water and groundwater pollution began to appear and the fear of the public States, this awareness prompted a "superfund" to deal with thousands of inadequate dumps. At solid waste disposal centers (incinerator, dumps, etc.) near to the communities. This attitude is reflected in the expression "not in my backyard" or However, most hazardous solid and semisolid waste continue to be handled jointly with municipal solid During the 1980s, the concern for hazardous wastes consequences encouraged developing countries to subscribe an international agreement including a set of basic rules to transboundary movement of wastes or its prohibition under specific conditions. This agreement, known as the Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movement of Hazardous Waste and their Disposal, was signed in March 1987 during a conference held in Basel, Switzerland. It became legally compulsory after being ratified by 20 countries that committed themselves to implement the Convention provisions in international law. In the Region of the Americas, the countries that have ratified the Convention are listed in table 3.1.5. In Brazil, where the legislation is administered at the state level, the transboundary movement is applied not only to waste transportation between countries, but also between states. Due to the difference in the disposal costs between Mexico and the United States, there have been many cases of illegal transboundary movements. In 1986, the Annex III of the bilateral agreement referred to the cooperation between Mexico and the United States to control hazardous waste on their common border was signed. This Agreement indicates that the in-bond assembly industries should return their wastes to the United States, where the raw material that produced the waste was originated. However, it is likely that most hazardous waste are being disposed of in Mexican territory, due to lack of effective surveillance. Other international agreements signed in some countries related to solid waste management are: North American Free Trade Agreement (Mexico), 1993 Decision 14/27 of UNEP (Directives of London), 1989 Regulation of the International Atomic Energy Agency, 1990 Directives of the International Conference on Population and Development, Cairo, 1985 • Commitments assumed at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD. c) Surveillance for law compliance The lack of surveillance to verify compliance with legal instruments and standards that regulate municipal and hazardous solid wastes is an important restriction for its effective management. This is due mainly to poor resources of the municipalities and government agencies, as well as to bureaucratization and lack of education and community participation. Some countries may have a very advanced legislation but it turns out inoperative because there is no enforcement at all. If municipal surveillance is null the inefficient operation of govemmental agencies handling hazardous wastes is even more serious. In other cases, legal instruments are not adequate to the reality of the country and as a result, they are not applicable or, even worse, they may increase public authority corruption. These critical aspects are observed in all the countries of the Region. 3.1.5 Policies, plants and programs a) Policies Most countries do not have specific national policies on waste problems and the few that have attempted to develop them, such as Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, and Chile still need to overcome obstacles, restrictions and new queries. The decentralization policies in Latin America have not had a major influence on solid waste management since, constitutionally, these services have been and are administered in a decentralized way by municipalities. The recent neoliberal policies are influencing and strengthening the privatization trend of solid waste management services initiated in the 1980s. Nevertheless, it should be noticed that this policy is being applied mainly in metropolises and large cities and in a more restricted way, in medium cities with the participation of microbusinesses. In the countries of the Region, policies to reduce solid waste generation have not been established formally. In spite of the official rhetoric and the promotion of environmentalist groups, results are still not evident. There has been sustained progress in the countries with regard to solid waste recovery, reuse and recycling policies, although in most of them official policies have not been established, but have arisen spontaneously several decades ago from poor communities looking for income alternatives. In all countries, informal segregation is commonly practiced and frequently it is the only income source for large segments of poor and unemployed population. In Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, and Venezuela large recycling programs are in progress. With regard to hazardous waste, produced mainly by the industry, the principle "the polluter pays" has been established, although not explicitly, in several countries of the Region. It is difficult to apply due to lack of resources required to hire skilled personnel for control and surveillance and because there is not adequate technology and scientific instruments. In Mexico, the policies on sustainable development are considering solid and hazardous waste management. In Brazil there is a National Environmental Policy law and in Argentina, a law to define the environmental policy is being prepared. Other national policies and strategies, stated but not implemented, are: improvement of the coverage and quality of urban cleaning services; community education and participation in solid waste management; promotion of waste recovery at the source; technical assistance to municipalities; and sound hospital waste management. b) Plans, programs and projects In 1995 and 1996 the governments of Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico and Uruguay, with PAHO, IDB, IBRD and USAID support, carried out the solid waste sector analyses in those countries. It is expected that these studies, as it has already been occurring, can be used as tools to prepare policies aimed at developing the sector, to identify and overcome critical aspects of collection and final disposal and in addition, to provide criteria for the adoption of strategies leading to viable solutions, according to the possibilities and potentials of the countries. ECLAC, with the collaboration and contribution of GTZ, from the German Republic, is implementing the project "Policies for environmentally sound management of urban and industrial solid waste." It has carried out studies in Brazil (Campinas), Chile, Ecuador (Quito), Colombia (Cartagena), and Argentina (C6rdoba), it has offered courses and seminars, and has produced and disseminated several reports and documents. Moreover, with the support of GTZ, CEPIS is coordinating through REPAMAR, the development of projects on environmental management of hospital wastes: solid waste generation minimization, industrial pollution prevention; and technical cooperation between universities, among others, to be implemented in eight countries. Most countries identify as serious the problem of urban solid waste handled together with hazardous wastes and consider that the solution should be faced immediately. However, this is not reflected in the few plans, programs, and projects in process. Master plans for metropolitan and large cities are in high demand but few have been implemented and unfortunately most solid waste management plans are improvised and influenced by occasional environmental policies. The Region has pilot waste management projects, some are academic and others are technical, but few remain during several years. The reason is that project design does not include monitoring or follow-up, nor the adoption of legal, institutional, administrative or self-sustainable economic and financing mechanisms. The exception is the creation of collection microbusinesses and cooperatives (especially, recycling) that 20 years ago did not exist. Although they currently need support to improve its managerial and operational capacity, they can be regarded as permanent and successful experiences. Some more recent projects financed by IDB, JICA, IBRD and other agencies that have used preinvestment loans to prepare master plans including strategic planning concepts, such as financial sustainability and environmental impact, are also considered successful ventures. Table 3.1.7 Plans and programs identified in some countries of the Region 3.1.6 Human resources a) Personnel Since countries do not have a solid waste management information system, the number of people formally working in this area in LAC is unknown. Table 3.2.7 shows that in large cities there are on average 0.9 employees per each 1,000 population. Assuming that in medium and small cities the factor is lower and the coverage is smaller, it is estimated that in the Region there are almost 350,000 formal workers in urban cleaning services. According to a research carried out in Brazil by FIBGE, in 1989 there were 223,347 people working in sweeping, cleaning, collection, transportation and final disposal in the cities of Brazil. This would imply 2 employees per every 1,000 population (110.8 million of urban population in 1990 in Brazil), an indicator that would increase to more than 700,000 formal workers in urban cleaning services in the Region, if such index is taken as a parameter for all the LAC urban sector. To the previous figures it would be necessary to add microbusinesses workers, personnel hired, scavengers and people involved in recycling. If every family of these workers consists of five members, it is easy to estimate that more than 1 % of the total LAC urban population depends economically on urban solid waste management. b) Training With some exceptions, in large cities, personnel has received little training especially at the medium and basic levels. This is more critical in medium and small cities. At a higher level, there have been some regional actions to prepare engineers mainly in technical aspects. For 25 years, with the support of PAHO, the University of West Virginia, first, and Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro and Mexico, afterwards, intensive courses of three to five weeks have been offered. These courses include studies and projects, service operation and administrative, financial and commercial aspects. In addition, other universities of Brazil, Mexico, Chile, and Colombia have sanitary and environmental engineering programs including solid waste components, and postgraduate courses. PAHO and its Pan American Center for Sanitary Engineering and Environmental Sciences, CEPIS, have also contributed to the training of technical personnel through short courses and internships (Twin Universities Program) and the Resident Professionals Program. In recent years, JICA is also training Latin American personnel through twothree months courses in Japan. CETESB of Sáo Paulo, Brazil, has also been an important support for technical training in Brazil. Several public cleaning utilities offer limited training to their personnel, especially in sanitary landfill operation and collection and sweeping aspects. For example in Costa Rica, the Instituto de Fomento y Asesoría Municipal, IFAM, is the entity responsible to train municipal staff. 3.1.7 Private sector participation In the last 20 years, and especially in this decade, the most spectacular change in solid waste services has been the privatization of the operating systems as a consequence of the recent neoliberal political trend. The most usual procedures for collection, street sweeping and urban solid waste disposal can be grouped as follows: a) Direct municipal operation Direct municipal operation implies that the service is provided entirely with personnel and equipment from the municipality or public company. That is the way Asunción, Mexico City, Panama, San José and Managua operate, among others, as well as most of medium and small cities of Latin America. The operation, management, commercial, financial and planning systems are totally municipal. The commercial system collects a tariff based on the cost of the land or drinking water or electricity bills. This procedure is highly vulnerable to political interferences. b) Municipal autonomous utility The municipal autonomous utility operates as a public or mixed corporation (public-private). This system is commonly used to avoid administrative restrictions, such as the rigid wage structure of the municipality. In this case, cost recovery is carried out by the municipality while planning, management and financing are handled by the company itself. The Companhia Municipal de Limpeza Urbana de Rio de Janeiro, COMLURB, is an example of this system. The same happens in Brasilia, Belo Horizonte, Porto Alegre in Brazil; Quito in Ecuador; Cali and Medellin in Colombia; Caracas in Venezuela; Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago in the Caribbean; SIMEPRODE in Monterrey, Mexico; and Cochabamba, Sucre, and Tarija in Bolivia. c) Contracted municipal operation The municipality contracts out the total or partial operation to a private company, which operates under municipal control and supervision. The municipality pays the contractor according to the valuation of the services provided. The other organizational systems are managed by the municipality or the public utility, including fee collection, although there are cases where it is necessary to contract out the collection and supervision to a private company. This procedure has been named "privatization", although it only means that the public sector delegates a task to a private company for an agreed value under contract. Even the system control and monitoring can be delegated to a private consulting group. Sao Paulo and Buenos Aires have used this procedure during almost 20 years for the collection, transfer, treatment, and final disposal of solid wastes. In Sao Paulo, the contracting companies operate almost 500,000 tons of refuse by month and the billing amounts to more than US$ 30 million per month. Other cities using this procedure are Bogotá, Caracas, Cali, Porto Alegre, Curitiba, Belo Horizonte, Santiago, Montevideo, Santo Domingo, Monterrey, Guayaquil, and La Paz; in 1996, Lima contracted out the operation to a private company. In medium size cities, this method is growing rapidly. In Costa Rica, 15% (13) out of the total of small cities have contracted services. The company in Lima manages 41,500 tons monthly (collection, sweeping, transfer and final disposal in the district of Lima and the transfer and final disposal of the rest of the city) and receives US$ 1,125,000 per month, i.e. approximately US$ 27 per ton. d) Private operation (concessions) Under the private system, collection, sweeping and transfer operations are carried out by a private company operating as a concessionaire, usually under a franchise system. With this procedure, the municipality controls and supervises the services and the private companies are the ones directly dealing with the users and solid waste generators. Obviously, service planning and general responsibility for the services continue to be of the municipality. This procedure is characterized by the "monopoly" of the service exerted by the concessionaire on the total or part of the city granted. This type of service provision is not common in Latin America and the Caribbean, examples are the city of Guatemala and the city of Fernando de la Mora in the metropolitan area of Asuncion. Both in modality c) and in this one, the existence of regulatory entities to rule the relationships between the private company, the municipalities and the users is relevant to guarantee adequate and efficient services. In Guatemala, the Gremial Metropolitana de Recolectores de Basura (GMRB) that groups more than 300 collectors and the Cooperative with more than 20 members and other independent collectors are in charge of collecting and transporting 80% of the city refuse and disposing it in the municipality landfill; the marketing is done directly with the users. In Fernando de la Mora, municipality of Asunci6n, Paraguay, a private company has the concession to collect solid wastes and charges directly the bills to the users. e) Community operation and microbusinesses In some cases, waste management is operated by members of the community, through organizations, cooperatives or microbusinesses with or without the coordination of the local government. These systems usually receive the support of NGOs, such as the ONG Alternativa in Lima, Peru, or community associations providing services to low income urban areas based on appropriate technologies. In addition to providing collection and sweeping services, they also participate in the treatment, recovery and recycling stages; in some cases, they provide cleaning services to buildings, as in Medellin. The manual collection microbusinesses were initiated in 1989 in Villa El Salvador, marginal district of Lima, Peru, sponsored by the NGO Instituto Peruano de Economfa Social, IPES. This organization created 50 solid waste microbusinesses in metropolitan Lima. Initially, these microbusinesses were dedicated to collection, but now they have diversified their services, including sweeping, segregation, recycling, composting and manual sanitary landfills. At the end of 1994, in Peru, 140 microbusinesses provided 1,502 jobs and served a population of 1.2 million people in 20 municipalities, with successful examples such as the city of Cajamarca. With the support of GTZ, microbusinesses have been promoted with positive results in La Paz, Alto, and others cities of Bolivia; the municipality of Los Patios in Costa Rica; marginal areas of the city of Cúcuta in Colombia; and Quito in Ecuador. In Costa Rica, there are currently 75 microbusinesses and cooperatives and they are also being created in Panama. Microbusinesses are totally private organizations that offer services or can act as contractors of the municipalities or as private company subcontractors, as occurs in Lima and La Paz. They have few employees, are labor intensive, keep low costs, and use simple technology. It is worth mentioning the role of GTZ in Bolivia and the successful result of urban cleaning microbusinesses in that country, which in addition have the official support of the Fondo Nacional de Desarrollo Regional and the Asociación de Entidades de Aseo Municipales, ASEAM. The high quality of the publications and booklets on microbusinesses produced by those entities in Bolivia displayed at the XXV Congress of AIDIS in Mexico is also emphasized. In addition, the community is organized in cooperatives and private associations that also participate in solid waste management, such as the recycling associations and cooperatives of Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, and the community project of Alameda Norte in Guatemala. f) Free market operation Under the free market operation, service providers contract out freely and directly the solid waste generators for the management, transportation and final disposal operations, without the intervention of the government, although this one should regulate them. This system is applied mainly to large generators and to industrial waste generators. This procedure is used almost in all the countries of the Region. The informal concession, through which individuals offer services in areas where the municipality does not cover household demand, is also used. g) Mixed operation The mixed operation involves the participation of two or more of the previous procedures. These mixed operations assume different forms, such as: • The authority or public company contracts out the collection, street sweeping and final disposal to one or more private companies, including microbusinesses. • The municipal authority contracts out partially some services to private companies. For example, for equipment maintenance or only contracts vehicles and other equipment required for the service. In this regard there are several procedures; in some cases, the municipal authority leases the equipment and the private companies contribute with personnel, as in Santa Cruz, Bolivia; other times, as in Rio de Janeiro, the companies provide the collection vehicle with the driver, and the municipality contributes with the workers. This mixed procedure is being used increasingly in Latin America and the Caribbean; the COMLURB of Rio de Janeiro and the municipal authority of Niteroi, Brazil apply it. In all countries, the private sector participates in some degree in solid waste management, either in collection and street sweeping or in final disposal. For example, several sanitary landfills of Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Venezuela are handled by the private sector. The current trend is to increase the participation of the private sector in solid waste management. This is due to the fact that although technical aspects are known, the ones related to administrative, financing and commercial management of the services have serious limitations in municipal public services. The community perceives that, in general, the private sector is more efficient than the public sector (municipal) and therefore, they consider that cleaning services costs would be reduced if they were provided by this sector and that competition among private companies can also improve the quality of the services. A recent survey by ABRELP found that around 65 % of the urban population of Brazil was served by 40 private companies. At the XXV Congress of AIDIS in Mexico (1996) a speaker indicated that a survey including 2,000 cities of the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States served by the private sector, revealed that competition among companies reduced the costs between 25 to 45 % . In the analysis of five Latin American cities with private urban cleaning contracts, costs were reduced to half and in Malaysia they were reduced in 25 % . This happens when there is competitiveness, transparency in the contracts and responsibility to fulfill them. Another speaker mentioned the following referential costs in urban cleaning contracts in Mexico: Manual sweeping US$ 0.80 - 1.50 km of street Mechanical sweeping US$ 0.25 - 0.50 km of street Collection US$ 8.00 - 12,00 t Sanitary landfill US$ 4.00 - 8,00 t Medical waste US$ 0.30 - 0.80 kg Currently, the following polemical issues of urban cleaning services privatization are discussed publicly in the Region: • Solid waste management is linked to public health and to environmental conditions, therefore, the action of the national and municipal government on control, monitoring and regulation of the services handled by the private sector should be permanent. • Policies, surveillance measures and penalization should be established to enforce laws, regulations, guidelines and criteria. In general, the efficient provision of services by private companies requires the strong and transparent presence of the municipality for surveillance and control. This role corresponds also to the regulatory entities that are being created in several countries with the privatization processes. • Since profit is the main objective of private companies, it is difficult that large companies be interested in participating in solid waste management of medium and small cities. In addition, some areas are not very attractive to private companies. • According to the previous consideration, the private participation in urban marginal areas, usually poor and of difficult access, will be doubtful. Microbusinesses or other creative alternatives may be the answer to these two restrictions. • The responsibility for short, medium and long term planning, both from the national and municipal government, cannot be granted to the private sector. • Some privatization processes cause mistrust among municipal workers, due to the possible loss of employment, which in turn causes social problems and violence, as has occurred in some cities of the Region. On many occasions, wages and benefits of the workers have declined drastically. On the other hand, the private contracting sector of Mexico, as it was stated in the same Congress, considers the following restrictions in the biddings: • Short time to prepare proposals (sometimes 15 days) • Inconsistent information • Deficient terms of reference • Excess or lack of requirements • Lack of transparency. 3.2 Technical and operational aspects It should be emphasized that most of the qualitative and quantitative information contained in this chapter were taken from estimates and projections existing in available documents or were obtained by experts in different institutions. They were not necessarily originated from field investigations and may present inconsistencies. 3.2.1 Classification of the municipal and hazardous solid wastes Solid wastes can be classified in accordance to its origin (household, industrial, commercial, institutional, public, etc); to its composition (organic matter, glass, metal, paper, textile, plastic, inert and others); or its level of danger (toxic, reagent, corrosive, radioactive, inflammable, infectious). For this analysis, the following wastes have been considered as urban solid wastes: a) Municipal solid wastes (MSW) Municipal solid wastes are those from residential, commercial, institutional, and industrial sources, including small and cottage industries and street sweeping, of an urban conglomerate managed by municipal authorities. The residential or household component includes kitchen wastes, paper, plastics, glass and tin containers, cardboards, textiles, yard wastes, soil, etc. In Latin America and the Caribbean this represents 50 to 75% of the total MSW. The commercial component from warehouses, offices, markets, restaurants, hotels and others constitutes 10 to 20% of the total MSW. The institutional component from public offices, schools, universities, public services and others represents 5 to 15% of the total MSW. Industrial wastes come from small industries (batteries, textiles, shoes, etc.) and craft workshops (tailor's shop, carpenter's shops, fabrics, etc.). This component varies widely according to the cities and could represent 5 to 30% of the total MSW. Industries and major services usually handle their waste on their own or use private contractors, although some municipalities offer these services to industries in a less than efficient way. Waste from sweeping of streets and public areas is composed of solid wastes thrown by pedestrians, dirt, tree pruning, etc. and represents 10 to 20% of the total MSW. b) Special solid wastes (SSW) Due to their quantity or management, some special wastes can pose health risks, such as solid wastes from health centers; outdated chemicals and drugs; expired food; wastes from facilities, for example, batteries, sludge, rubble; and bulk wastes that with authorization or by habit are handled by municipal authorities. Other non-hazardous wastes include dead animals, abandoned cars, debris, yard wastes, public festivals wastes and others. c) Hazardous wastes (HW) Hazardous wastes are those solid or semisolid wastes that due to its toxic, reactive, corrosive, radioactive, inflammable or infectious characteristics represent a real or potential risk to human health or the environment when they are managed improperly within the urban area together with municipal solid waste. 3.2.2 Solid waste generation a) Municipal solid wastes The generation of household solid wastes in the Region varies from 0.3 to 0.8 kg/capita/day. When household wastes include other wastes such as residues from stores, markets, institutions, small industries, sweeping and others, this quantity increases from 25 to 50%. The daily generation is from 0.5 to 1.2 kg per capita with a regional average of 0.92. tables 3.2.1, 3.2.2 and 3.2.3 are based on information collected from different sources and mainly from PAHO. These tables show that in metropolitan areas and in cities over 2 millions population (sample of 16 cities), the average was 0.97 kg/cap./day; in other 16 large cities of 500,000 and 2 millions population the average was 0.74; and in a sample of 24 medium and small cities of less than 500,000 population, the average was 0.55 kg/cap./day. With an average generation of 0.92 kg/cap./day, it is estimated that the urban population (360 million) in LAC countries is producing 330,000 daily tons of municipal solid waste. This confirms that the size of the cities and per capita income are factors that determine the increment of waste generation per capita (Annex 3.2.3). In addition, the application of policies to reduce municipal solid waste generation is still weak and these values are increasing. Studies of JICA in Guatemala City and Asunci6n carried out between 1992 and 1993, respectively, showed an annual increase of 1 to 3% in waste generation linked to per capita income increase. On the other hand, the following MSW generation has been observed in relation to income: Low income countries 0.4 - 0.6 kg/cap./day Average income countries 0.5 - 0.9 kg/cap./day High income countries 0.7 - 1.8 kg/cap./day In the Caribbean, household waste generation is estimated in 0.58 kg/cap./day and the commercial and institutional waste in 0.45 kg/cap./day with a total municipal solid waste generation of 1.0 kg/cap./day. b) Special solid wastes There is no available information on special solid waste generation in urban areas of the Region. However, with regard to hospital solid waste generation, a study carried out in 1991 by PAHO/ECC in Central American countries and Panama, estimated the following average values for hospitals in those capitals: i) Unit generation per bed: 3.0 kg/bed/day ii) Non-hazardous parts considered as MSW: 1.5 kg/bed/day iii) Part of recyclable wastes: 1.0 kg/bed/day iv) Part of hazardous hospital wastes: 0.5 kg/bed/day These values do not differ largely from developed countries and the rest of America (table 3.2.4 and Annexes 3.2.1 and 3.2.2). Since in the Region there are approximately 1.2 million hospital beds, the amount of hazardous hospital waste could be 600 tons per day. Hospital hazardous wastes are usually handled together with MSW in a deficient and hazardous way. c) Hazardous wastes Annexes 3.2.4, 3.2.5 and 3.2.6 present tables estimating the annual hazardous waste generation in LAC countries surveyed by PAHO in 1993. There are no data or estimates available on how much of those hazardous wastes are handled together with MSW. According to Mexican authorities, it is considered that 3% (14,500 t/day) of the total of industrial wastes are hazardous or toxic for human health or the environment. In Argentina, different estimates indicate that the annual generation of hazardous wastes in the province of Buenos Aires would vary between 50,000 and 100,000 tons. In Lima, 300 t/day of hazardous wastes were estimated and the dumps or areas where they are disposed of or stored are unknown. The solid waste management company of Trinidad and Tobago (SWMCO) indicates that approximately 50,000 t of industrial wastes are generated annually, including industrial hazardous wastes and pathogenic solid wastes. According to information from CETESB, in the metropolitan area of Sáo Paulo, Brazil, 554 t of hazardous waste are generated daily; 52 % receive final treatment (286 t/day) and the remaining 228 t/day are disposed of in clandestine dumps. Data from FEEMA, from the 1989-1990 period, indicate that hazardous waste generation in the State of Rio de Janeiro was 636,000 t per year, from which only 20% (130,000 t/year) were treated and disposed of adequately. It is correct to assume that one part of these hazardous wastes is handled separately within the cities and other part is handled together with municipal solid waste. Table 3.2.1 Municipal solid waste generation per capita in metropolitan areas and cities with more than two millions population city Population (000) MSW production Per-capita generation (t/day) (kg/cap./day) M.A. * Sáo Paulo, Brazil (96) 16,400 22,100 1.35 M.A. Mexico City, Mexico (94) 15,600 18,700 1.20 M.A. Buenos Aires, Argentina (96) 12,000 10,500 0.88 M.A. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (96) 9,900 9,900 1.00 M.A. Lima, Peru (96) 7,500 4,200 0.56 Bogotá, Colombia (96) 5,600 4,200 0.74 Santiago, Chile (95) 5,300 4,600 0.87 Belo Horizonte, Brazil (96) 3,900 3,200 0.83 Caracas, Venezuela (95) 3,000 3,500 1.18 Salvador, Brazil (96) 2,800 2,800 1.00 M.A. Monterrey, Mexico (96) 2,800 3,000 1.07 S. Domingo, Dominican Rep. (94) 2,800 1,700 0.60 Guayaquil, Ecuador (96) 2,300 1,600 0.70 M.A. Guatemala, Guatemala (93) 2,200 1,200 0.54 Curitiba, Brazil (95) 2,100 1,300 1.07 Havana, Cuba (91) 2,000 1,400 0.70 Total 96,800 93,900 I 0.97 * M.A. = Metropolitan area Source: Data provided to PAHO by those responsible for the services in the 1994-1996 period and also extracted from sector studies of PAHO and JICA. Table 3.2.2 Municipal solid waste generation per capita in cities City Population MSW production Per capita generation (000) (t/day) (kg/cap./day) Cali, Colombia (96) 1,850 1,350 0.73 Brasilia, Brazil (96) 1,800 1,600 0.89 Medellin, Colombia (87) 1,500 750 0.50 Montevideo, Uruguay (95) 1,400 1,260 0.90 Quito, Ecuador (94) 1,300 900 0.70 San Salvador, El Salvador (92) 1,300 700 0.54 M.A. Asunción, Paraguay (96) 1,200 1,100 0.94 Rosario, Argentina (96) 1,100 700 0.64 Managua, Nicaragua (88) 1,000 600 0.60 Barranquilla, Colombia (96) 1,000 900 0.90 San José, Costa Rica (95) 1,000 960 0.96 Tegucigalpa, Honduras (95) 1,000 650 0.65 Panama, Panama (95) 800 770 0.96 La Paz, Bolivia (96) 750 380 0.51 Cartagena, Colombia (96) 600 560 0.93 Port-of-Spain, Trinidad and 500 600 1.2 Tobago (93) Total 16,300 12,180 0.74 Sources: PAHO. El manejo de residuos sólidos inunicipales en America Latina y el Caribe. 1995. PAHO. Andlisis sectoriales de residuos sólfdos. 1995-1996. JICA. Infonnes de estudios de Asunción y Guatemala. 1993-1994. Table 3.2.3 Municipal solid waste generation per capita in cities with less than 500,000 population city Population (000) MSW production Per capita generation (t/day) (kg/cap./day) El Alto, Bolivia 450 200 0.44 Apodaca, Mexico 350 100 0.30 Chiclayo, Peru 300 180 0.60 Santa Marta, Colombia 210 230 1.10 Oruro, Bolivia 190 70 0.37 Godoy Cruz, Argentina 190 100 0.53 Buenaventura, Colombia 190 180 0.96 Palmira, Colombia 190 120 0.63 San Rafael, Argentina 180 90 0.50 Sucre, Bolivia 140 60 0.43 Concordia, Argentina 120 40 0.33 Ica, Peru 110 60 0.54 Tarija, Bolivia 90 30 0.33 Rivera, Uruguay 80 60 0.75 Riohacha, Colombia 80 80 1.00 Venado Tuerto, Argentina 70 40 0.57 Linares, Mexico 70 30 0.43 Trinidad, Bolivia 60 30 0.50 Tacuarembó, Uruguay 50 20 0,40 Madrid, Colombia 40 9 0.22 Artigas, Uruguay 30 36 1.20 Granadero Bergson, Argentina 21 15 0.70 Aracataca, Colombia 16 6 0.35 Zacamil, El Salvador 15 8 0.50 Total 3.242 1,789 0.55 Source: PAHO. Estudios sectoriales y del Sistema de Monttoreo de Residuos Urbanos, SIMRU. 1996. Table 3.2.4 Quantities of hazardous waste generated by health care centers in certain countries Country Number of Hazardous Country Number of Hazardous beds waste (t/year) bees waste (t/year) Anguilla 24 5.3 Guatemala 13,667 2.993.1 Argentina 150,000 32.850.0 Jamaica 5,745 1.258.2 Barbados 2,111 462.3 Mexico 60,099 13.161.7 Bolivia 8,749 1.916.0 Nicaragua 4,904 1.074.0 Brazil 501,660 109.863.0 Paraguay 5,487 1.201.7 Colombia 45,761 10.021.7 Peru 30,629 6.707.8 Cuba 50,293 11.014.2 Saint Lucia 399 87.4 Chile 42,969 9.410.2 Trinidad & Tobago 4,281 937.54 Dominica 322 70.5 Uruguay 14,133 3.095.1 Ecuador 16,426 3.597.3 Venezuela 47,200 10.336.8 Guyana 2,204 482.7 Source: PANO. Desechos peligrosos y salud en Antérica Latina y el Caribe. Serie Anibiental N' 14. 1994. 3.2.3 Waste composition and characteristics Several countries of the Region have quantified the composition and characteristics of their MSW, which can be interpreted, on one hand, as an indicator of the average family income and degree of consumerism and, on the other, as data to determine the salvage value of waste for recycling. Waste characterization also makes possible to estimate the space and infrastructure required for sanitary landfills. Table 3.2.5 shows the results of some percentage composition analyses carried out under different waste moisture conditions. The organic matter values, between 40 and 70% , are higher than those of industrialized countries and obviously, the percentage of paper and cardboard, metal and glass are lower, but the amount of plastic is similar. It is important to consider the conclusions of two recent studies conducted in Chile and Costa Rica; a great reduction in the percentage of glass and a considerable increase of plastics were found. The studies were conducted to observe the difference after 10 years of the first analyses. Other characteristics that make MSW of LAC countries different from those of developed countries are the high content of moisture which varied from 35 to 55 % and the higher specific weight that reached values from 125 to 250 kg/m3 when weighed loosed. Values from 375 to 550 kg /M3 were observed in the compactor truck, and from 700 to 1,000 when they were compacted in sanitary landfills. Research on lower calorific values of some cities is varied but usually combustible wastes are lower than in the United States and Japan, where incineration is the method most used for final treatment (table 3.2.6). The analysis of information on MSW generation and characteristics suggests also the following observations: Per capita generation of MSW increases according to the size of the cities. Most part (up to 70%) of MSW come from household or residential sources. The correlation between MSW production and per capita income has been demonstrated. For example, in Buenos Aires, the quantity of MSW collected in 1989 -a year of high economic recession- was reduced compared to the 1980-1985 average. This correlation was verified again in Buenos Aires when the higher economic activity during 1991-1994 produced a strong increase in the waste disposal level; and then, the 1995 recession reduced that level. Also, the Venezuelan recession from 1987 to 1989 reduced in 14% the MSW collection in Caracas. In Lima, MSW generation during 1987-1991 was reduced due to strong economic recession. The same phenomenon has been observed in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. - There exists a correlation between the quality of MSW generated and the economic condition of the countries. The countries with lower income generate less waste and its components are less recyclable. Table 3.2.5 Composition of municipal waste (% in weight) in various countries Country H20% Cardboard and paper Metal Glass Textile Plastics Organic Others and inert Brazil (96) - 25.0 4.0 3.0 - 3.0 - 65.0(') Mexico 45 20.0 3.2 8.2 4.2 6.1 43.0 27.1 Costa Rica 50 19.0 - 2.0 - 11.0 58.0 10.0 E1 Salvador - 18.0 0.8 0.8 4.2 6.1 43.0 27.1 Peru 50 10.0 2.1 1.3 1.4 3.2 50.0 32.0 Chile (92) 50 18.8 2.3 1.6 4.3 10.3 49.3 13.4 Guatemala (91) 61 13.9 1.8 3.2 3.6 8.1 63.3 6.1 Colombia (96) - 18.3 1.6 4.6 3.8 14.2 52.3 5.2 Uruguay (96) - 8.0 7.0 4.0 - 13.0 56.0 12.0 Bolivia (94) - 6.2 2.3 3.5 3.4 4.3 59.5 20.8 Ecuador (94) - 10.5 1.6 2.2 - 4.5 71.4 9.8 Paraguay (95) - 10.2 1.3 3.5 1.2 4.2 56.6 23.0 Argentina (96) 50 20.3 3.9 8.1 5.5 8.2 53.2 0.8 Trinidad & Tobago -I 20.0-- 10.0 I 10.0 7.0 I 20.0 I 27.0 I 6.0 l -- -- -- ~'~ It includes textile and organic wastes. Sources: PAHO. El manejo de residuos sólidos en América patina y el Caribe. Serie Ambiental NE 15. 1995 PAHO. Estudios sectoriales de residuos sólidos. 1996. Ministry of Health, Chile. 1995. Fundación Natura. Manejo de los desechos sólidos en el Ecuador. 1994. fi PAHO. Sistema de Monitoreo de Residuos Urbanos, SIMRU. 1996. PAHO; IDB. Informes de expertos locales para el presente diagnóstico. 1996. Table 3.2.6 Municipal solid waste characteristics in some cities Cities Specific weight Moisture (%) Lower caloric value (kg/m) (Kcal/kg) Asunci6n (93) 180 50 1.192 Buenos Aires 250 50 Guatemala City (91) 240 61 1.039 Mexico City. (96) 245 50 Montevideo (95) 200 - - Rio de Janeiro (90) 190-250 50 - Santa Cruz, Bolivia (90) 160 50 - United States (Middle) 2.800 Source: PAHO. Estudios sectoriales de residuos sólidos. 1995-1996. JICA. Estudios sobre residuos sólidos de Guatemala y Asunción. 1992-1993. 3.2.4 Service coverage and quality a) Storage Few cities adequately store wastes in their houses, commercial establishments, hospitals and other generation points. So far, container standardization or use of plastic bags has only been achieved partially in Havana, Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires. In other cities, only medium and high income strata have adequate containers and in other sectors only health education is provided to improve containers through inexpensive changes. Other typical storage problems occur in markets, industries, and clandestine or tolerated deposits in peripheral areas where there are no services and people place their refuse on vacant lots or public roads where it is collected by trucks. In addition, street vending in public areas is increasing in all LAC cities. Since the previous decade, solid waste management services of the Region are using containers of different sizes. Few are the cities with good quality services either due to lack of adequate equipment for timely transportation, because containers hinder urban order, or Private companies have recently begun to participate in storage and transportation and it is achieving good results in management. In several countries, private industries make containers, even for export. b) Sweeping of streets and public areas The sweeping of streets and public areas is done mainly in paved and busy areas. In most Latin American cities, personnel performance ranges from 1.0 to 2.0 km/day of street (that is 2.0 to 4.0 km of gutter), 30 to 90 kg of refuse is collected per kilometer and between 0.4 and 0.8 sweepers are required per every 1,000 population. This depends on the support of mechanical sweeping, ratio of paved and non paved streets, degree of difficulty of sweeping, and community education and cooperation. There are cities with higher degree of difficulty, such as Rio de Janeiro, that requires beach cleaning. Mechanical sweeping has lower costs but implies labor displacement and outflow of foreign currency from the country since street sweepers are usually imported. In Chile, 93 % of urban localities (370 cities) have some type of sweeping and cleaning of their public thoroughfares, estimating that 80% of paved streets are served by such services. About 50% of sweeping services in cities with more than 50,000 population have been contracted out to private companies. table 3.2.6 presents data on sweeping in some cities of the Region. The replacement of manual sweeping with mechanical sweepers is a critical aspect that continues to be discussed in LAC due to social conflicts caused by personnel dismissal in countries with high unemployment rates. Even more so, when manual sweeping absorbs a high number of workers, especially women, who are not skilled for others types of employment. Many municipal solid waste management services usually use up to 50% of their work force in sweeping of streets and public areas. When the collection service is inefficient or inadequate, the quantity of solid waste from sweeping is increased with household or residential refuse. Whether manual sweeping uses intensive labor or because mechanical sweeping requires expensive imported equipment and trained operational personal, this service is frequently expensive and becomes a very important component of solid waste management. Most of the cities with more than 200,000 population use sweepers and mechanical sweepers. Cities with less than 200,000 population usually use manual sweeping. In large cities, 100% of paved streets in downtown are swept. Lack or deficiencies in equipment maintenance is the major obstacle of mechanical sweeping. The municipality is responsible for sweeping the commercial area of the cities, but in several countries residents are responsible for cleaning the street in front of their property. An example of this is observed in the cities of Bolivia. The contracting of sweeping services to the formal private sector and microbusinesses is increasing in the cities of the Region, with advantages related to cost reduction and quality of the service. Since the transfer to the private sector usually implies personnel reduction, it arouses social conflicts and violence as occurred in Lima during 1996. Perhaps the most important aspect of sweeping, especially in busy areas with high concentration of street vendors, is the placement of garbage cans and environmental education of the population to cooperate with the service. In LAC countries the placement of garbage cans is often arbitrary and without any planning. Health education and environmental campaigns are not permanent, they are not planned and are not supported by formal education or by community organizations. Table 3.2.6 Data on sweeping in some cities city Type of sweeping Manual and mechanic Population (millions) Y. coverage of paved Performance (kMAayj" sweepers atrNte San Rafael, Argentina manual and mechanic 25 man., 2 meth. 0.18 700 0.8 Rosario, Argentina mechanic 7 7.1 700 2.6 San Luis, Argentina manual 0.12 100 0.2 Godoy Cruz, Argentina manual 180 0 19 100 0.5 Concordia. Argentina manual and mechanic 2 meth. 0.17 100 Perez, ArgeMina manual 022 too 2.4 Granadem Barposnia, Argentina manual 0.21 100 Villa Mercedes, Argentina manual and mechanic 16 man., 2 mach. 0.9 100 0.5 El Alto, Bolivia manual 24 0.452 100 2.4 La Paz, Bolivia manual and mechanic i meth. 0.738 100 0.5-2 Crum, Bolivia manual 49 0 193 100 27 Potosi, Bolivia manual 22 0.117 700 2.4 Sucre. Bolivia manual 18 0.144 7artja, Bolivia manual arid mechanic 20 man., 3 meth. 0 098 700 2.7 Trinidad, Bolivia manual 13 0.062 100 Curitiba, Brazil manual and mechanic 530 man., 5 meth. 2.08 100 Sao Paulo. Brazil manual and mechanic 5000 man., d meth. 11.5 80 2 Joao Pessoa, Brazil manual and mechanic 730 man., 1 mach. 0.68 90 2 Salvador, Brazil manual and mechanic 2 meth. 2.3 58 Belo Horizonte, Brazil manual and mechanic 2345 man., 2 meth.- 25 70 1.1 Brasilia, Brazil manual- 745 18 25 1.3 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil -manual and mechanic 5741 man., 28 meth. 5.5 90 1.8 Santiago de Cali, Colombia manual and mechanic 535 man., 10 meth. 1.85 97 2.81 Alajuela, Costa Rica manual 300 10 3 Escobedo, Mexico manual 40 0.28 90 0 25 Benito Juarez, Mexico manual 2- 0.05 2 Guadalupe, Mexico manual 55- 0.8 Monterrey, Mexico manual and mechanic 18 meth. 1.1 Garcia. Mexico manual 10 0.25 30 Sta Catarina, Maxim manual and mechanic 23 man., 1mech -0.2 20 Salinas Victoria, Mexico manual 4 0.074 80 2.5 San Nicolas, Mexico manual and mechanic 119 man., i meth. 0 525 Apodaca, Mexico manual 10 0.35 20 San Pedro Garza. Mexico manual and mechanic 30 man., 2 mach. 0.113 100 2 Asuncion, Paraguay manual and mechanic 204 man , 4 meth. 0.51 80 Lima, Cercado, Peru manual 258 0.39 70 Chiclayo. Peru manual 176 0.3 70 1.1 Ica, Peru manual 1 0.11 88 7.5 Mercedes, Uruguay manual 18 0.37 70 2.4 Col. de Sacramento, Uruguay manual 14 0 25 20 0.8 Saito, Uruguay manual 29 0.1 30-50 5 Tacuarembo, Uruguay manual 20 0.45 40 2 Fray Bentos. Uruguay manual 34 0.22 35 1 Durazrro, Uruguay manual 26 0.34 35 1.3 Rivers, Uruguay manual 11 0.81 77 1 Montevideo, Uruguay manual and mechanic 728 man., 14 meth. 1.4 70 1.5 Artipas, Uruguay manual 20 0.32 100 __ - - -- - - - - - - -- - -- - - - - 2.3 ' Performance per sweeper in km/sweeper/daily shift. It includes both sides of the street. Source: PAHO. Sistema de Monitoreo de Residuos Urbanos, SIMRU. 7996. c) Collection Several large cities of Latin America such as Buenos Aires, Santiago, Rosario, Havana, Mexico City, Sáo Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Bogota, Medellin, Cali, Montevideo, Brasilia and Caracas have collection coverage of 90 to 100%. In Chile, 99% of urban population have regular MSW collection service. However, many metropolitan areas such as Mexico, Sáo Paulo and others do not include marginal areas located in other metropolitan municipalities. The average collection coverage is 89% in large cities and 50 to 70% in small cities (Table 3.2.7). Collection demands 0.2 to 0.4 workers per 1,000 population depending on the generation per capita, housing concentration and road access. On average, each worker collects two to five t/day. The most common equipment is the compactor truck with 10 to 15 m' of capacity and two trips of four to eight tons per shift. When only cne trip is done due to labor conditions, trucks make two shifts. High and medium income areas are well served but in marginal areas the services are sporadic. Unfortunately, little attention is given to poor areas due to payment capacity, rough topography, bad condition of the streets or illegal character of the settlements. The national basic sanitation survey carried out in 4,425 municipalities of Brazil by FIBGE in 1989, revealed that the solid waste collection equipment in those municipalities amounted approximately 39,000 units in total, with the following distribution: • Compactor trucks 4,200 (11 % ) • Dump trucks 3,600 (9%) • Enclosed non-compactor 400 (1 % ) • Other types of trucks 2,300 (6% ) • Carts hauled by animals 1,200 (3 % ) • Manual carts 27,300 (70%) Total 39,000 (100%) In countries such as Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Mexico, and Peru, unconventional collection methods have been applied through community participation. These primary collection methods substitute carts and manual or semi-mechanical carts for conventional collection equipment, providing jobs to local people. Until now the result of the experiences have been variable. Other methods include containers mechanically loaded with compactor trucks provided with hoists. People organize themselves to carry their refuse to those containers, reducing service costs. Where there is no official collection service, especially in marginal areas, collection is occasionally done by the informal sector and frequently wastes are disposed of in clandestine dumps. In the Region, collection costs vary from 15 to 40 dollars per ton and from 50 to 125 dollars in the United States. As a result of national policies, some countries of the Caribbean, Cuba and Chile reported more progress. In the last one, collection coverage for urban population has reached 98.2 % . In the rest of the countries, medium and small cities have achieved lower coverage and their equipment is permanently in bad conditions. Tables 3.2.8 and 3.2.9 present data on collection in some countries and cities. Since no data is available to compare collection efficiency among different municipal services, indicators such as collected ton/person, collection worker per 1,000 population and population per collection truck are being used. Although the collection technology among the countries of the Region is similar and based on imported equipment, productivity and efficiency varies widely among cities. Not all the municipal services of large cities use optimal techniques of routing and transportation; in medium and small cities the procedures are totally empirical and hence, inefficient. Collection costs compared to industrialized countries are lower, mainly because of the low cost of the Latin American labor force. The above deficiencies and limitations are being overcome by private companies, whose participation in waste collection is increasing. This does not occur in small cities, where microbusinesses will probably grow with better possibilities as it is happening in Costa Rica and Peru. Other collection characteristics in most countries of the LAC are the use of conventional equipment, rear or lateral load compactor trucks appropriate for paved roads, but inadequate for steep streets or cities located at high altitude over the sea level. The compaction system also has problems because refuse has high density, maintenance is poor and spare parts are scarce. Therefore, many collection services use open collection trucks and dumpers which demand low-cost maintenance and operation, while lower efficiency is compensated with low wages. Collection frequency is usually two or three times per week and daily in some sectors where commercial solid waste generation demands it (downtown, markets, commercial centers, tourism areas, etc.). In some cities, as Lima, collection frequency is daily in high income residential areas, which represents high costs. Users feel satisfied, though, they must take out small quantities of refuse every day. In the other extreme, collection frequency in marginal areas is once a week, once each two weeks or occasionally. Metropolitan areas and large cities are solving their collection service problem through contracts to the private sector, as it occurs in Buenos Aires and Sao Paulo, or through concessions to private consortia, as in Bogota or even to informal collectors, as in Guatemala City. In Chile, 80% of collection services in cities over 50,000 population are currently operated by private companies. Productivity is higher in the private sector than under the municipality management. In Colombia, for example, while Cali uses 0.4 workers per 1,000 population for the municipal collection system, Bogotá requires 0.17, Barranquilla 0.15, and Santa Marta 0.12/1,000 population under the private system. Low coverage in medium and small cities, and limited or no service to urban marginal settlements are considered critical aspects of waste collection. Table 3.2.7 Coverage of solid waste collection and final disposal in Latin American capitals and some large cities Table 3.2.8 National urban cleaning coverage in some countries ~1~ Country Population (millions) Sanitary (2) or Collection(') controlled landfill Total Urb (other method) Chile (94) 13.8 11.8 99% 83 Brazil (96) 155 120 71 % 28 Cuba (91) 10.9 8. 3 95 % 90 Costa Rica (96) 3. 7 1. 8 66 % 68 Trinidad (93) 1.3 0.8 95% 70 Bolivia (96) 7.4 4.5 68% 50 Haiti (96) 7.2 4.9 30% 20 Honduras (96) 5.7 2.5 20 % 0 Paraguay (96) 5.0 2.6 35 % 5 Peru (96) 23.5 17.2 84 % 5 Uruguay (96) 3.2 2.9 71 % 0 Antigua (95) 0.07 0.03 85 % - Dotninica (95) 0.07 0.03 50% - Granada (95) 0.09 0.06 50% - Venezuela (95) 21.8 20.3 75 % 85 Peru (95) 23.5 17.2 60 % 0 Mexico (96) 91.1 70.5 70 % 17 Notes.- ~'~ Estimated collection coverage based on urban population ~2~ Estimated landfill coverage based on collected quantity Source: PAHO. Desechos peligrosos y salud en América Latina y el Caribe. 1995. Serie Ambiental N° 15. PAHO. IDB. Informes de expertos locales para el presente diagnóstico. 1996 Table 3.2.9 Collection in some cities City (millions of Storage N' of trucks Performance Frequency population) (truck/N° pop.) Havana, Cuba (2) 10% individual 200 3 min/100 m 6/7, 3/7 90 % (containers) (1 / 10,000) Mexico, D. F., Mexico (11) Individual 1500 (1/7,300) 4 t/pers. 6/7 Standardized Rio de Janeiro*, Brazil (5) Individual 565 3.3 t/pers. 3/7 Standardized (1/10,000) Caracas, Venezuela (3) Individual 350 (1/8,000) 4.5 t/pers 2/7 Standardized San José, Costa Rica (0.25) 70% plastic bag 35 (1/7,000) 3-5 t/ ers. 6/7 Bogota, Colombia (5.6) Individual 0.17 workers/ 1,000 6/7, 3/7, 2/7 Standardized POP. _ Medellin, Colombia (1.5) Individual 115 (1/13,000) 0.20 workers/1,000 6/7, 3/7, 2/7 Standardized d POR.-- Cali, Colombia (1.8) Individual 109 (1/16,000) 0.40 workers/1,000 6/7, 3/7, 2/7 Standardized POP- Barranquilla, Colombia 49 (1/20,000) 0.15 workers/1,000 6/7, 3/7, 2/7 (1.0) o. Sáo Paulo, Brazil (16.4) Individual 600 (1/27,000) 3/7 Standardized Brasilia, Brazil (1.8) Individual 144 (1/12,500) 0.65 workers/1,000 6/7, 3/7, Standardized POP- 1/7, 1/15 Montevideo, Uruguay (1.4) Individual 169 (1/8,300) 0.43 workers/1,000 6/7, 3/7 Standardized POP. Asunción, Paraguay (1.2) 50 (1/24,000) 0.19 workers/ 1,000 6/7, 3/7, 1/7 o. Monterrey, Mexico (2.8) 183 (1/15,300) 0.08 workers/ 1,000 3/7, 2/7 United States (average) Individual - pop. 1/7, 2/7, 2/7 5-8 t/pers. Standardized (1 /4,000) - -- Source: PAHO. El manejo de residuos sólidos municipales en Antérica Latina y el Caribe. 1995. Serie Ambiental N° 15. d) Transfer Rapid urban growth makes difficult to locate adequate final disposal sites because neighbors opposed to it and the cost of the land increases. Large distance to new sanitary landfills has lead to a growing use of transfer stations to transport refuse in 40 to 60 m3 units with lower unit costs. There are transfer stations in Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela and some are under construction in Asuncion, San Salvador, San Jose and other cities. In Rio de Janeiro, Mexico, Caracas, Monterrey, Guadalajara, and Buenos Aires, more than 50% of the collected refuse go to transfer stations. In the Region, transfer stations are expected to be more common. The costs of these services vary from 5.00 to 17.00 dollars per ton, depending on the distance. The current costs in the United States range between 15 and 25 dollars. In Table 3.2.10 data on some transfer stations of the Region are presented. In Brazil, transfer cost is US$ 0.25 t/km. Most cities with more than one million population have several transfer stations with different designs. Collector trucks discharge the refuse directly in large trailers that transport large loads of waste to the final disposal site. These trailers that usually do not have compaction, sometimes receive compacted waste as in the transfer stations of Bogotá and Buenos Aires, which have stationary compactors. The Federal District of Mexico has 14 transfer stations. In Brazil, according to a 1989 FIBGE study, from the 4,425 municipalities surveyed, only 19 had transfer stations carrying 7,716 t/day. Table 3.2.10 Data on transfer in some cities City Type and number Ton/day Units Population Trucks Cost in __ US$ r t Mexico D. F., Mexico (11) Direct and without storage 14 3,000 Compactors 60 m' 260 50 (30%) Without compact and runnin tloor Rto de Janeiro, Brazil (9,9) Without compact. 4 3,700 30 to 45 m' with and without compact. 70 40 5 (40% ) Lima, Peru (7,5) Direct and without compact. 1,5(X) 60m' without compact. - 12 13 (37 % ) Caracas, Venezuela (3,0) Direct 1,20() 2 x 24 m' - 12 - I La Paz. Bolivia (0,7) Various 320 - 18 9 5 (85%) Buenos Aires, Argentina Combined, 3 5,000 60 m' 150 45 17 (with 11) (45%) depreciation) Sao Paulo. Brazil (16,4) Without compact. 5.600 40-60 m' 180 45 6 3 (35%) Brasilia, Brazil (1,8) - 600 (40%) - 15 13 - Cali, Colombia - 80(6%) - 7 10 - Monterrey, Mexico (2.8) 2 2,200 - - 42 - (90% ) Santiago, Chile (5,3) 1 3.000(65%) - _ - - Source: PAHO. El rnanejo de residuos sólidos en Arnérica Latina y el Caribe. 1995. Serie Ambiental N°15. PAHO. Sistema de Monitoreo de Residuos Urbanos. SIMRU. 1996 PAHO, IDB. Infonnes expertos locales para el presente diagnóstico. e) Treatment, incineration and bioconversion Due to lack of land, its high cost or to strict environmental legislation, many developed countries have adopted incineration and composting as treatment processes that can become partially competitive even when an advanced technology is used. These processes, which take advantage of refuse characteristics, gave place to projects on incineration with use of energy, bioconversion through compost, production of auxiliary fuel or RDF (refuse derived fuel) and biogas from sanitary landfills (in Santiago, Chile, for residential use and in Rio de Janeiro for COMLURB vehicles). These technologies have been adopted by several LAC cities with discouraging results in most cases, except for some biogas recovery projects, due to lack of technical, institutional and economic analyses to justify feasible investments. Currently, only in some LAC cities and under very special circumstances, incineration and composting technologies would be justified. According to PAHO, these treatments cost 20 times more than sanitary landfills. Accordingly, incineration is restricted to small incinerators for special wastes, mainly in hospitals, ports, airports and industries, except for the city of Sao Paulo where the municipality is enclosed by other municipalities of the metropolitan area. The incineration composting and recycling plants, each plant with a capacity of 2,500 tons per day. Each plant will burn 1,250 tons per day or will compost other 1,250 daily tons. The cost of the project is US$ 600 million and should be financed by the private sector. A 20 year concession will be given and the Municipality of Sao Paulo will pay US$ 70 per ton treated during the first 3 years and US$ 25 per ton from the fourth year onward. The bidding was carried out 2 years ago but the project has not been implemented yet because there have been problems with one of the bidding consortia. In the city of Mexico, the municipal incinerator was closed in 1992 because it did not meet emission standards. The incinerator of the city of Buenos Aires is not working either. In Santiago, Chile, an attempt to install an incinerator was rejected because it was not economically viable. It has been reported that in Barbados, the government had to pay the loan for a small incinerator (a ton per day) that was granted to a private company. Up to now, no private company has invested or operated a large municipal incinerator in the Region. On the other hand, old incinerators from several cities have been forbidden to avoid air pollution. Since the potential emission of dioxins and furanes, among other pollutants, pose a high health risk, the installation of low capacity incinerators has not yet been authorized in the Federal District, Corregidora (Querétaro) and other cities of Mexico. Incineration plants with energy recovery have recently been offered to various municipalities, although the economical and technical feasibility of those investments has not been confirmed. The production of compost through simplified processes, such as piling, rotary biodigestors and recently, worm breeding, are also being abandoned due to its costs and because its promoters promised profits to municipal authorities, when it has been verified that the use of more environmentally acceptable alternatives has a cost. It is estimated that in the last 20 years no less than 30 compost plants have been purchased in the Region, some never were installed and the machinery was abandoned; other 15 have closed after few years because the municipalities did not continue the subsidy. Lack of feasibility studies and reduced local market to trade derived products have been the main causes of failure for these installations. Even though they were environmentally acceptable, municipalities could not continue subsidizing the high operational costs of the plants, especially if they had less expensive final disposal alternatives. Table 3.2.11 presents some data on the worldwide treatment and final disposal trends. The program for recovery and use of biogas produced in sanitary landfills deserves special attention. Monthly, in the city of Santiago, Chile, an average of 4 million cubic meters of biogas is recovered with a calorific power of more than 5,000 kcal/m3. This biogas is mixed with oil gas and distributed to the city through a pipe network for domestic consumption covering 40% of the total demand for this type of fuel. The sale price of the biogas to the gas company is US$ 1.25 per million of Kcal. Biogas recovery is similar in the city of Valparaiso. In a survey carried out in Brazil it was confirmed that 41 large and medium recycling and composting plants and 13 incinerators were in operation. Table 3.2.11 Worldwide trend for treatment and final disposal Percentages of treatment and final disposal Country or region Sanitarduy j fill (or Combustion Compost United States 80 19 <1 Japan 30 70 2 Germany 70 30 3 France 55 40 9 Switzerland 20 80 - Sweden 40 55 5 Spain 80 15 5 Latin America 98 <1 <1 Source: PAHO. El manejo de residuos sólidos municipales en América Latina y el Caribe. 1995. Serie Ambiental N° 15. There is few information on compost plants in Latin America, but the following is available: Acapulco, Mexico A plant was purchased but it never worked. Guadalajara, Mexico A plant (160 t/shift) worked during 15 years. Monterrey, Mexico A plant (160 t/shift) worked during 15 years. Villa Hermosa, Mexico Inactive. Oaxaca, Mexico A plant (80 t/shift) was in operation. It is not known if it continues working. Toluca, Mexico Inactive. San Salvador, El Salvador Closed for more than 25 years. Medellin, Colombia It never worked. Venezuela A plant was purchased but it never worked. Quito, Ecuador Pilot plant of 5 t/shift with rotary biodigestor. It is not know if it continues working. Cuenca, Ecuador Pilot plant with rotary biodigestor. It is not know if it continues working. Guayaquil, Ecuador The installation of a plant that never worked generated a political crisis. Brasilia, Brazil Two plants working in Brasilia Brazil Small plants have been installed but have not been evaluated in the medium term. Sáo Paulo, Brasilia and Rio de Janeiro have large plants. In Rio de Janeiro, two plants with a joint capacity of 1,800 t/d and a total cost of US$ 40 million were installed and have had difficulties to start up. According to a study carried out by the Instituto de Pesquisas Tecnológicas de Sáo Paulo, IPT, in 1990 there were 57 composting facilities with incorporated recycling; from that total, 18 were operating, 15 under construction and the 24 remaining were out of order. Some demonstration projects of solid waste recovery and bioconversion promoted and sponsored by NGOs and operated by the community, have succeeded. However, they succeeded as projects of academic value and demonstration of technical process, but only in few cases the experience has been maintained or replicated massively because they did not have institutional, administrative, economic and financing self-sustainable mechanisms. Table 126.96.36.199 presents some comparative figures with regard to treatment and final disposal costs. Table 3.2.12 Treatment costs Costs of alternative treatment methods Method Investment cost in US$ per Operation cost in US$ per ton ton installed (with amortization) Sanitar landfill, USA S/D $30 (varies from 15 to 60) Sanita landfill, LAC (**) 5,000 - 15,000 $6 (varies from 3 to 10) Composting 20,000 - 40,000 $25 (varies from 20 to 40) Incineration, USA (*) 125,000 - 160,000 $60 (varies from 50 to 90) (*) The cost per ton is the net cost after selling the energy. The gross cost would be US$ 90 per ton. (**) The technical specifications of sanitary landfills in USA are more stringent than LAC countries, which affects the costs. Source: PAHOIWHO In Table 3.2.13 data on treatment in some LAC cities are shown. Except for the case of cities near to agricultural and industrial complexes, it is unlikely to see the private sector interested in investing and operating composting plants unless they are small industrial projects for a reduced local market of gardens and domestic plants. Successful worm breeding projects to produce humus have been reported in Colombia, Cuba, Peru and Brazil, but they are pilot experiences carried out at a very small scale and with technical and social assistance. It is known that some demo projects of waste anaerobic digestion have shown technical feasibility, but they have not been implemented because its cost-effectiveness has not been demonstrated. Table 3.2.13 Treatment of MSW in some cities i) Sanitary landfill Table 3.2.7 shows that among 33 large cities, 30% of the refuse go to sanitary landfills and 35 % to semi-controlled landfills. The remaining facilities do not meet minimum sanitary standards and can be classified as garbage dumps. If these figures are compared with those from one decade ago, a good progress is observed. This only occurs, however, in some large cities that due to its size produce statistical diversions which may lead to an exaggerated optimism. Indeed, the situation in most cities is not favorable (Table 3.2.8). On the other hand, most of the so-called sanitary landfills do not meet enough technical specifications to be recognized as such, not even to be considered as controlled landfills. In Brazil, in a nation-wide survey, 88% of the cities had open dumps, 9 % had controlled landfills and 3 % had sanitary landfill or other adequate final disposal method. In Chile, the coverage of solid waste disposal in sanitary landfills is 83% at the national level. From a total of 409 cities, 184 have sanitary landfills; thus, Chile is considered a leader in this type of final disposal in LAC. In the Region, waste moisture and composition determines reactions in sanitary landfills different from those described in the technical literature from developed countries. The density of compacted refuse is greater (800 to 1,000 kg/m3), which extends the life of landfills beyond the expected. With 50% of moisture, the field capacity is reached rapidly in the landfill with the compaction; thus, the methanogenic stage of the decomposition occurs and biogas is produced. Biogas is used in gas distribution networks in Santiago and Valparaiso (Chile) and was used in the decade of 1980 as fuel for trucks and light vehicles for supervision in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). It is worth mentioning that none of the two countries are oil exporters. If the 330,000 daily tons of urban refuse produced in the Region were disposed in sanitary landfills, a 380,000 in' area would be required for disposal daily. This gives an idea of the land demand and the need to design strategies so that operating agencies have priority in municipal planning to obtain urban or suburban areas. In the Region, operation cost for a sanitary landfill varies from 3.00 to 10.00 dollars per ton, depending on the size, quality of operation, topography and hydrogeological conditions of the site. In the United States, the average cost is 30 dollars per ton due to the strict legislation. It should also be noted that no country of the Region treats leaching, it is infiltrated into the subsoil or discharged in surface waters instead. The city of Santiago recirculates these liquids in landfills because rain is scarce. In several cities, new designs are already considering treatment, such as in Buenos Aires and the Federal District of Mexico. Another aspect that has received attention is the inclusion of the cost of the landfill after its closure in the cleaning service tariff (Buenos Aires and Santiago), taking into account the difference between cost and price. Table 3.2.14 shows data on sanitary landfills from some cities of the Region provided by service operators. However, reports from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, Venezuela, and sector studies carried out by PAHO in Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, and Uruguay prepared by local experts for this document, indicate that coverage and quality of sanitary landfills are lower than those indicated in that Table. Table 188.8.131.52 summarizes this information on quality and coverage of sanitary landfills in 11 countries of the Region. Scavengers are a problem in almost all cities and make the sanitary landfill operation unsafe. It is necessary to make a difference between landfill scavengers and those from the city. When there are landfill scavengers, it is not possible to develop a real sanitary landfill. To yield to the social demands that allow recycling in landfills and to keep essential rules of operation makes the difference between a second-rate landfill and a real sanitary landfill. One of the major problems is to operate sanitary landfills in small cities with less than 50,000 population that produce little refuse because the high cost of a tractor is not justified due to scale economies. It is worth mentioning the manual sanitary landfills program of Colombia, which can be a solution to this type of problems. In Chile, substantial progress has been achieved in cities with less than 20,000 population since from 342 locations, 22% (69 localities) have access to sanitary, manual or mechanized landfills. There are experiences in many countries, but mostly at a pilot level. Table 3.2.14 Data on sanitary landfills in some cities City Landfill Percentage of T/day Landfill Biogas Biogas use Landfill quality(method) waste filled landfill number ventilation cost $/t Mexico D.F. Good (area) 50% 5,000 1 Yes No 4.00 (op.) Lima, Peru Regular (area) 30% 1,500 2 Yes No 4.00 (op.) Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Good (area) 81 % 5,500 3 Yes Yes 4.00 Sáo Paulo, Brazil Good (area) 94% 11,800 3 Yes No 12.00 Santiago, Chile Good (area) 100% 4,600 2 Yes Yes 6.00 Havana, Cuba Regular (area) 80% 1,500 2 No No - Caracas, Venezuela Regular (area) 100% 3,400 2 Yes No - San Jos&, Costa Rica Regular (area) 100% 500 1 - No 2.90 Bogotá, Colombia Good (area) 100% 4,200 1 Yes No 2.70 Buenos Aires, Good 100% 9,600 5 Yes No 10.00 (tot.) Argentina La Paz, Bolivia Good 100% 350 1 Yes No - Medellín Colombia Good 100% 750 1 Yes No - Guayaquil, Ecuador Good 100% 1,400 1 Yes No 2.20 Rosario, Argentina Regular 100% 700 1 - No - Brasilia, Brazil Regular 75% 1,100 1 - No - Curitiba, Brazil Good 100% 1,300 1 - - - Monterrey, Mexico Regular 100% 2,400 1 No No - Trinidad and Tobago Regular 100% 3 Yes No 5.40 I 1,200 Source: PAHO. El manejo de residuos sólidos municipales en América Latina y el Caribe. 1995. Serie Ambiental N' 15. PAHO. Sistema de Monitoreo de Residuos Urbanos, SIMRU. 1996. Lectures presented at the XXV Congress of AIDIS in Mexico, 1996. Table 184.108.40.206 Information on sanitary landfills in some countries of Latin America and the Caribbean Country Information on sanitary landfills Argentina There are five sanitary landfills located in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires and one in Cordoba. Brazil It is estimated that no more than 3 % of 40 thousand tons of refuse collected daily have adequate final disposal. Chile 83 % of the waste collected in 184 cities is disposed of in sanitary landfills. Colombia Except in Medellin and Bogota, there are no sanitary landfills in the country. Costa Rica There are no sanitary landfills. Ecuador There is one sanitary landfill in Guayaquil and controlled landfills in Quito. Guatemala There are no sanitary landfills in the country. Mexico It is estimated that there are only 10 to 15 sanitary landfills in the country, including two in the Federal District. Peru There are no sanitary landfills in the country. Trinidad and Tobago In Trinidad there are three controlled landfills and in Tobago there is one controlled landfill. Uruguay There are no sanitary landfills. Venezuela In 11 zones under study, covering 38 municipalities served and the metropolitan area of Caracas, there are no sanitary landfills. Source: PAHO; IDB. Inforrnes de expertos locales para el presente diagnóstico. 1996. PAHO. Estudios sectoriales de residuos sólidos en cuatro países. 1995-1996. In the last 10 years, the use of sanitary landfills has increased in the Region and all the capitals and large cities of LAC and Trinidad and Tobago in the Caribbean have sanitary landfills or the so-called controlled landfills. Usually, in the latter ones, collector trucks are controlled in the gate but the load is not weighted; scavenger settlements are not allowed within the landfill area, but a classified waste segregation is allowed; waste is compacted and covered daily; non-waterproof method or material is used; in some, biogas is ventilated; leaching is not collected or treated; and quality ranges from those landfills with characteristics close to a sanitary landfill up to open dumps (Table 220.127.116.11). Cities such as Belo Horizonte, Buenos Aires, Guayaquil, Medellin, Mexico City, Querétaro, Santiago and Sáo Paulo have real sanitary landfills, some of them even use synthetic membranes as impervious material. Several landfills are operated by private utilities, such as in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. Usually, land is provided by the municipality and die concessionnaires operate them in accordance with technical specifications given by the local authority; in turn, they charge the municipalities through an invoice according to weight or volume of wastes. Sea dumping of MSW is prohibited by international agreements. In several countries of the Caribbean, however, it is an environmental and health problem demanding immediate solution since it affects them by reducing tourism. Countries such as Brazil, Peru, Chile, St. Vincent, Guyana, and Ecuador (Global Waste Survey IMO, 1995) declared that they were disposing of their wastes in the sea, despite these international agreements. In some cases, sea dumping of MSW was part of projects to recover seashore lands. Once completed, sanitary landfills may become green and sports areas, as it is observed in Buenos Aires, Mexico City, Sáo Paulo, Porto Alegre, and other sites. g) Recycling In the countries of the Region, poor people recover secondary materials from municipal solid waste as an income source. Barterers that buy or exchange used materials; garbage collectors that separate wastes during their route; scavengers that separate wastes in landfills, and people who buy wastes from offices (paper), restaurants (to feed animals), industries, etc., all of them are part of the recycling system. Recycling is widely practiced in LAC countries. Compared with developed countries, recovery and recycling is different due to the low content of recyclable materials produced by households. An important factor is the market for recovered material because if in the surrounding areas there are no factories to reprocess them, recycling will be limited to reuse or sale to intermediaries who trade them in more remote processor plants. The decisive factor is extreme poverty that makes it necessary to become informal scavengers to survive. It is estimated that the number of scavengers in the Region surpass one hundred thousand families involved in solid waste recovery. The degree of recycling in the countries is not known but, in general terms, it is not very high in weight compared to the quantity of waste generated. Recycling is achieved in two ways, the first is through separation and collection in industries, businesses and large generators of homogeneous recyclable materials (paper, cardboard, bottles, plastics and ferrous and non-ferrous metals) to sell them to specialized private collectors. Usually, this type of recycling is profitable and environmentally positive because it can be carried out under conditions that protect the worker's health. This type of recycling programs, especially glass, have achieved great success in Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela. The Federal District of Mexico has three municipal waste separation plants with a capacity of 1,500 t/day each one, recovering 10 to 15 % of the material, as reported by the Federal District Department. The second type of segregation is practiced in the refuse itself and consists of three possible interventions: first, by scavengers that pick up recyclable items in bags or containers; second, by garbage collectors in the collector truck; and third, by scavengers in the landfill. Obviously, this form of recovery is not recommended since it usually endangers the health of the segregators, causes aesthetics problems in the city, and inefficiencies in the municipal services. In general, the main beneficiaries are the intermediaries and the leaders of segregators and unions. In a recent study coveting seven cities of Mexico it was verified that the quantities recycled by these three types of intervention was less than 2% of all the refuse in weight. One of the problems of waste recovery is the diversion of collector trucks from their routes to discharge and sell wastes to recyclers, which increases collection costs. Another problem is pig feeding with wastes, which is critical for public health when pig breeders build their corrals within or near the dumps. A study carried out in Lima by DESCO in 1994 revealed that around 800 t/day were used to feed pigs in clandestine sites that provide up to 50% of the daily pork consumption. The most common recycling method in developed countries is the separation of recyclables in every household through community participation campaigns. In countries with active participation of the civil society and high educational level, results have been positive although some critics state that the real cost of the recovered material is high and that recycling companies pay subsidized prices. In countries of LAC, this method is applied partially only in some cities of Argentina, Colombia, Brazil and Mexico (in 1994 there were 82 selective recovery programs). The difference is due to unemployment and poverty, which favor the existence of scavengers, a social group that does not exist in developed countries where separation is done directly by the community at the source. In metropolitan Lima it is estimated that almost 5,000 people are involved in informal segregation, recovering 290 t daily (7 % of the total generated) that are taken to 350 retail deposits and 28 wholesale deposits where they are traded to 1,500 recycling companies, mainly small industries. In Colombia, with the support of NGOs, scavengers groups have been transformed into cooperatives or private formal associations that are achieving a successful operational management. For example in Cali, the Precooperativa Socios Unidos is in charge of classifying and trading the material separated previously at the source. Source separation is only partial, since in spite of public campaigns, non-recyclable material is also included. Three out of seven tons collected daily are not recyclable. This program recycles between 40 and 60 t per month. Other groups of scavengers in Cali recycle 250 t weekly. In total, it is estimated that approximately 50 t are recovered per day, which only means less than 4% of the refuse generated daily in the city. Colombia is possibly the most advanced country in the organization and promotion of scavengers. In many cities, pre-cooperatives of scavengers have been established supported by non governmental and also governmental organizations for sanitary recovery, installation of centers to collect recovered materials, and fair trading with the recycling industry. The pre-cooperatives of Barranquilla are building seven collection centers; in Manizales, the main pre-cooperative has built a plant to recover 20 t/day, 10% of the total generated in the city at a cost of 1.2 million dollars; the two main pre-cooperatives of Popayán have collection centers and another new cooperative is developing a worm breeding project using organic matter from sanitary landfill. Recovery of materials separated at the source was also successful in some cities of Brazil since there were no cooperatives for this recovery and, on the other hand, the municipal support for these programs obtained profits, such as longer life of the sanitary landfill, lower collection costs, lower consumption of natural resources, and improvements in public health and the environment. In Rfo de Janeiro, there are 16 cooperatives with 1,300 workers that separate 1,800 t per month (less than 1% of the MSW generated), which makes possible to obtain monthly salaries over the minimum wage. In Sao Paulo, the NGO CEMPRE, Compromiso Empresarial para Reciclagem, promotes recycling with an integrated management approach and jointly with the Instituto de Pesquisa Tecnoldgica (Institute of Technological Investigation) of Sao Paulo, it has published a manual on integrated waste management. Waste recovery with previous separation in households was also applied in Buenos Aires and remains but subsidized. In Venezuela there are 199 recovery and recycling centers that cover 75 % of the material recovered in the country, but include only large waste generators. In summary, solid waste recovery by segregation is not high with regard to the generated quantity, but for thousands of families it represent their only means of survival. The quantity of recovered material is larger when industries and large waste generators participate and the recycling industry promotes the process. Interesting result have been obtained in Colombia and other countries where large quantities of the following waste are recycled under this modality: • Glasses: in 1994, the two main glass industries in Colombia recycled 142,000 t and paid US$ 62 per ton. In Venezuela, 20% of the glass is recycled. In Peru, 25 t/day is recovered. Mexico has also a large program. • Metals: the semi-integrated steel industries of Colombia purchase annually 220,000 t of recovered scrap metal. In Brazil, in 1995, 18 % of ferrous metal packing was recovered and it is expected to reach 50% in two years; with regard to aluminum containers, 50% was recycled. In Venezuela, 78% of the aluminum is recycled. • Paper and cardboard: these materials represent the highest volume of recyclables in Colombia, particularly from domestic and commercial origin. According to the Chamber of Pulp, Paper, and Cardboard, ANDI, in 1994, 49% (311.2 thousand tons) of the total of paper and cardboard came from recycled material and 80% was recovered by segregation. The price is between 120 and 140 dollars per ton. In Brazil, approximately 1.5 million tons of paper were recovered for recycling in 1993. In Venezuela, 55 % of paper were recycled in 1994. In Peru, 9,500 t/year are recovered. In Chile, 200,000 t/year are recovered, which represent 33 % of what is recoverable. • Plastic: plastic recovery is done despite the highly polluting characteristics of the process, especially in small plants that do not meet environmental protection standards and requirements. In Brazil, only two recycling plastic industries, of the various existing, use 1,000 t/month of recycled material. In Chile, plastic recovery reaches 23,000 annual tons (7 % of what is recoverable), which constitute 10 % of the annual plastic demand. In Uruguay, plastic was recovered but there was no market for it. Some data on recycling are shown in Table 3.2.15. In the Caribbean countries, solid waste recovery is not frequent because there are no recycling plants since the market in each island is small and most of the consumption items are imported; thus, solid waste final disposal and packing must be done in the country, without possibilities of recovery. However, there are exceptions as in Trinidad and Tobago where there is a glass factory that recycles 20% (4,400 t annually) of the total of collected glass; on the other hand, in that country 2,400 of paper are recovered (5 % of the total of paper discarded annually) and are traded in Venezuela. Table 3.2.15 Data on recycling in some cities of LAC h) Maintenance of equipment and facilities Maintenance of urban cleaning equipment and facilities is deficient in all the Region. There is no preventive maintenance, there are no spare parts warehouses, the purchasing of supplies is bureaucratic, and usually there are no funds for equipment replacement. To solve this problem, it has been intended to contract out the maintenance service to the private sector or to privatize the urban cleaning service, being the concessionaire or private contractor the responsible for maintenance. 3.2.5 Special wastes a) Health center wastes Special wastes generated in health centers are a risk for the staff and for the public in general when they are not properly disposed of. However, not all solid wastes from health centers are dangerous. As it was previously stated, generation in the Region has been estimated in 3.0 kg/bed/day and the dangerous part of it in 0.5 kg/bed/day. In several countries of the Region, management of solid waste from health centers is being discussed. Discussions are more characterized by the alarmist tone of the debates than by the objective analysis of the problem, its consequences, and possible solutions to be implemented in the short, medium and long term. Even at the governmental level, this subject is discussed more politically than technically and only regulation of treatment and final disposal aspects is sought. Some concepts are currently being clarified and the municipalities of Brazil have set the following directives with regard to hospital waste: • implementation of differentiated collection systems; • appropriate handling of waste within health centers, including training; • minimization of potential pathogenic waste requiring special treatment through separation at the source. With regard to the adequate treatment and final disposal method for these wastes there is no consensus among technicians. Under consideration are incineration; landfilling in specific cells together with MSW; recycling after sterilization in autoclave; and other expensive processes such as microwaves and irradiation. From 4,425 Brazilian municipalities surveyed, 61 (1.4%) have hospital incinerators; 266 (6.0%) have sanitary landfills; 19 (0.4%) have landfills for special wastes; and the remaining 4,074 (92.2%) burn their waste in the open or dispose them in open dumps. At the country level, Chile and Cuba manage special waste adequately, as well as some cities such as Rio de Janeiro, Cali and Sáo Paulo. For many years, incinerators have been and administrators prefer to take the refuse to disposal sites of the city. Studies from different countries reveal that very few incinerators work properly and are usually deactivated, and those that are operating do not fulfill national emission standards. A way of reducing costs consists in installing incinerators to burn only infectious wastes, which requires an internal process to separate them at the source. The problem of medical wastes concerns all the countries and some treatment methods, such as sterilization and microwave ovens are being used. In Cali, a commercial autoclave was recently installed to treat medical wastes. In Buenos Aires, there are 15 treatment centers for pathogenic wastes and a mobile treatment system with autoclave has been authorized. In Mexico, disinfection with chlorine dioxide (13 t/day) is being used and in Peru autoclaves are being used in some province hospitals. A European study estimates that the cost of incineration and thermal sterilization of pathogenic wastes varies from US$ 250 to US$ 2,000 per ton according to the size of the installation. In Mexico, the cost of management and adequate disposal of hazardous waste is between US$ 80 and US$ 1,500 per ton. In regional terms, hazardous wastes from health centers represent less than 1 % of the total MSW generated by day (over 300,000 t daily). Most of this hospital waste is currently being handled together with MSW, thus, they are disposed of in sanitary landfills, controlled landfills and open dumps. In Mexico, apparently only 46% receive treatment and the fate of the rest is unknown. In Venezuela, it is estimated that 30 to 40% are treated. Public authorities, mass media and the population in general are highly concerned about sanitary handling of hospital wastes, but they do not show interest in solving the sanitary disposal of the remaining 99% of municipal solid waste. Table 3.2.16 shows waste management methods in health centers of some countries of the Region. With regard to legislation, as far as it is known, Mexico is the only country with a detailed environmental regulation at the national level (1996). In Brazil, Sao Paulo has a specific regulation at the state level. In other countries, there are laws without regulation or very general decrees. In Colombia, for example, Bogota has a differentiated collection for hospital solid waste using red plastic bags, but only 20% is collected due to the over cost for the generating institutions and the lack of control of health authorities. According to the evaluation carried out in 1992 by JICA, in some hospitals pathogenic wastes are burned in incinerators that work deficiently. Barranquilla has a daily route for separate collection of industrial and hospital solid wastes. Collected wastes are placed in a special cell to which scavengers do not have access. The city of Cali has a separate route for low-risk hospital wastes that represent 40% of the total (disposed of in dumps without previous treatment); high-risk wastes (60%) are treated through sterilization. For sterilization, an industrial autoclave with a capacity of 300 lb/cycle is used performing 10 cycles during eight operating hours. Sao Paulo, Belo Horizonte and between US$ 0.60 and US$ 2.00 per kg of pathogenic waste and in Mexico ranges between US$ 0.50 and US$ 1.00 per kg. The private sector is participating in the management of health center wastes in some countries, such as Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela. Table 3.2.16 Waste management methods in health care centers in some countries of the Region Country Area Public hospitals Private hospitals Other health services Argentina National IN (20%), OD (38%), OT (42%) Bolivia La Paz SL SL SL Cochabamba SL SL SL Santa Cruz IN, SL SL ND Brazil Sáo Paulo IN + RS (59%), OT (41 %) Bahia SL - - Rio de Janeiro IN, SS - IN Colombia Bogotá IN, SL IN, SL - Cuba Cienfuegos IN, SL, OD' - - Chile Metropolitan IN 2 (41%), OT (59 %) IN (38 %), OT (62 %) Ecuador National ND ND ND Guatemala Metropolitan OT OT OT Guyana National IN (10%), SL (90%)3 IN - Jamaica Kingston IN' (25%)j, SL, OD IN (50%), SL, OD SL, OD Mexico ZMCC SL, OD SL, OD SL, OD Monterrey IN, SL IN, SL IN, SL Guadalajara IN (5%), SL ND - Nicaragua Managua IN, SL, OD IN, SL, OD SL Paraguay Asuncion IN IN SL, OD Perú National IN (3%)', SL, OD IN (3%)3, SL, OD SL, OD Trinidad & Tobago National IN', SL IN', SL - Uruguay National IN IN - Venezuela Caracas IN (40%)3, SI. IN (31 %)3, SL - OP Open disposal OT Others (not specified) IN Incineration ND No data SL Sanitary landfill - Non existent Notes I. Treatment or disposal is based on waste classification: IN: clinical materials and sharps; SL: anatomical-pathological waste; OA: common waste. 2. Similar to Cuba, treatment is carried out based on waste classification IN: Infectious waste, on average 40% of the waste; OT: the remaining waste is send to the boiler of the crematory or to the digester tank of the cemetery. 3. Calculated based on the number of hospitals. 4. Low temperature incineration. Source: PAHO. Desechos peligrosos y salud en América Latina y el Caribe. 1994. Serie Ambiental N° 14. b) Other special waste In almost all cities of the Region, special wastes, such as chemicals and outdated drugs, expired food, tires, waste from small centers such as battery recyclers, sludge, bulky wastes and debris are handled, authorized or clandestinely, together with municipal solid wastes and are disposed of in controlled sanitary landfills or open dumps. A proportion of this special waste, which is difficult to estimate, is handled by the generators and dumped anywhere. Although follow up could be done to apply sanctions to waste generators, only in few cases authorities have proceeded this way, contributing to the multiplication of garbage dumps. In Mexico, for example, it is estimated that only 12% of what is generated is handled adequately and that debris represents 12,500 t/day; 5,300 tons are generated by the Federal District. In Belo Horizonte, a program is recycling 10% of debris. The privatization of cleaning services has been beneficial for special waste management since marketing is done through direct business among generators and the private contractor company. Brazil, Colombia and Mexico have begun to use the so called Waste Bags to exchange waste generated by certain industries that could be used by others as input. 3.2.6 Hazardous waste No more than 10 years ago, hazardous waste was not a big issue in the Region. However, events such as "The chocolatazo" in Mexico, where 20 children and one adult were seriously injured, are occurring and similar cases have been recorded in Brazil, Peru and other countries. The problem is becoming more serious because in addition to the waste generated in developing countries by their own industry and national services, developed countries try to introduce additional waste in those areas where there is no control or where regulation is less stringent. Although municipal operators are not responsible for the management of hazardous wastes, it is important to control its final disposal, since currently they are disposed of in factory yards, abandoned lots, open dumps or controlled landfills, and the damages caused to the environment and health are unknown. Some countries, such as Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela have a legal framework for control, but lack physical infrastructure and human resources to enforce compliance at the national level. In the rest of the Region, regulations are being prepared and some of them have only a decree that bans its importation. Municipal operators must have mechanisms to avoid this waste in their facilities. Hazardous wastes described in this document are limited to hazardous solid or semisolid wastes of urban areas that, authorized or clandestinely, are handled together with municipal solid waste posing contamination threats and accident risks to formal and informal workers of the sector and to the public in general. In 1993, PAHO carried out a survey in 16 countries of the Region on industrial and hazardous waste management. With the information obtained, the report "Desechos peligrosos y salud en América Latina y el Caribe" was published as volume 14 of the Environmental Series. The information provided by the countries in some cases corresponded to the whole industrial production of the country (Argentina, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru and Uruguay), others only to an area (Colombia, Cuba, Chile, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Venezuela), or to several areas (Bolivia, Brazil and Mexico). In the latter cases, calculations were done to derive total values for the country. According to PAHO report of 1994, of the total hazardous wastes generated in the Region, 90% are liquid, 5.7 % semisolid, and 4.3 % solid. These percentages are due to the fact that effluents include both hazardous liquids and washing waters contaminated with hazardous substances that in other world surveys are not included as hazardous wastes. Anyway, hazardous solid and semisolid wastes constitute a high quantity of residues that pose a risk to human health and the environment. Although there are no data on this regard, it is appropriate to assume that part of these hazardous wastes is handled daily in the cities and a significant part is handled together with municipal solid waste. A summary of hazardous waste quantity (sludge and solids) is presented in Figure 1. In general, it is observed that most industrialized countries appear in the upper part of the figure, while the least industrialized countries appear in the lower part. An exception is Colombia, that would be expected to appear in the upper part of the list. An explanation could be that data for this country only covered the area of Bogota, that perhaps is not sufficiently representative of the country. Figure 1 Estimated generation of hazardous waste (sludge and solids) per capita (tons/year) in some countries In Annex 3.2.6 a table summarizing the contributions of each industrial sector to several waste categories in the surveyed countries is presented. Figure 2 synthesizes information from this table for the different hazardous waste components. Only industries contributing with 5% or more to the total load in each category are shown. The remaining contributions have been included under the category "other industries". Each waste category shows a dominating industry; for example, in the hazardous sludge category predominates the basic chemical industry; under hazardous liquids prevails the textile industry; and under hazardous solids, the metal industry stands out. The information provided by the countries that participated in the survey, corresponding to 15 industrial categories, is presented in Annex 3.2.7 and includes the following disposal practices: 1. Open disposal 2. Open/landfill disposal 3. Sanitary landfill disposal 4. Storage 5. Sanitary/secure landfill disposal 6. Recycling 7. Others 8. No data available. Disposal practices have been listed in order of acceptance; the last two only represent complementary information. It is worth mentioning that incineration is not indicated, although some countries (Brazil and Mexico) are using it and have central hazardous waste treatment facilities. In Brazil, although legislation demands the generator to store waste safely in their own facilities until they are treated or disposed of in units authorized by environmental control agencies, it is known that this does not occur because those units do not exist or the cost for using them is high. Thus, most hazardous waste end up being removed by individuals that, at ridiculous prices, take them inadequately to places without control or dispose them together with municipal solid wastes. Information in Annex 3.2.7 has been summarized in Figure 2 where countries have been arranged in a descending percentage from "open disposal." With regard to the above list of disposal methods, only disposal in sanitary or secure landfill and recycling are considered adequate. According to data from Figure 2, it is concluded that usually inadequate methods for eliminating hazardous wastes are used. Figure 2 Hazardous waste disposal practices in some countries of Latin America and the Caribbean Source: PAHO. Desechos peligrosos en América Latina y el Caribe. 1994. Serie Ambiental N° 14 In Annex 3.2.8 a summary of waste management practices in selected countries of the Region in shown. The collection of hazardous wastes from large industries is usually responsibility of the generating companies or private utilities that sometimes use specially designed equipment. Other times collection is done with standard equipment that may cause accidents and spills. Industrial hazardous wastes, similarly to hospital wastes, are also collected separately but final disposal is frequently done in clandestine open dumps. In Mexico, although there are integrated management systems that include secure landfills, only 12% of the waste receive adequate treatment. Currently, nine industrial waste treatment plants apply incineration in the province of Buenos Aires. These plants do not cover the treatment of 50,000 to 100,000 tons of hazardous wastes generated annually in the province of Buenos Aires. In Trinidad and Tobago, a "special disposal" of hazardous waste is done and the charge for this service is US$ 750 per 20 cubic yards (14.6 m3). In Mexico, from the 140 companies authorized to manage industrial hazardous waste by activity, 40 deal with recovery for reuse, recycling, storage, collection, and transportation; 60 deal with physical, chemical, and biological treatment; 21 to confinement and final disposal; 3 to solvent mixture for alternate fuels; and 16 to different activities. With regard to the participation of the private sector in hazardous waste management, it happens in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela. In the latter one, for example, there are three registered companies. In Sáo Paulo, Brazil, from six private incinerator plants for hazardous wastes, one is closed and the others operate much below their installed capacity. In addition, there are two public landfills for hazardous wastes and others are waiting for authorization to burn industrial wastes. 3.3 Economic-financial aspects From 1990-1995, most of the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean had a moderate expansion with inflation reduction and foreign capital inflow. To achieve this, it was necessary to implement radical adjustments, such as opening to global trade, government expenditure restriction and privatization programs. This latter measure, including public services, increased the process of contracts and concessions of urban cleaning services to the private sector that had already been initiated in the previous decade. On the other hand, economic adjustments gave rise to unemployment and the consequent increase of informal activities, such as street vending and waste segregation, with clear impacts on urban cleaning. Except for some countries of the Caribbean, the governments of the Region have not identified the profits of adequate MSW and HW management for the national economy yet. Up to now, it is not possible to quantify economically the major benefits of an efficient urban cleaning service. Since it is not possible to quantify the profits related to health, environmental protection, life quality improvement and poverty reduction, the evaluation of economic benefits are reduced to calculate the value of recovered and recycled materials, sale of compost and methane gas, energy generation by incineration, increase or reduction of land value recovered by sanitary landfills, and other secondary benefits. Due to lack of statistical information, countries do not have economic analyses on municipal solid waste, less even on hazardous waste. However, it is encouraging that BANOBRAS of Mexico is including environmental costs into the project costs and, moreover, it has included the social evaluation concept in its feasibility studies. Urban solid waste management is not treated as a specific sector in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, therefore, there is no financial system to support the sector, considered as a set of policies, standards, agencies, actions, resources and objectives. Major financial resources come from municipalities, agencies responsible for urban solid waste management, and limited national funds (federal or state) through established bureaucratic channels, but when they reach the stage of application, financial management effectiveness is lost. 3.3.1 Financial resources at the national level Except for some countries of the Caribbean, in most countries of the Region urban cleaning management has been run by the municipality. However, the municipality has not given it a specific treatment nor priority, therefore, urban cleaning is vulnerable and do not fulfill its objectives. Consequently, there are small or nonexistent budgets for such activities; there are no records or statistics that reflect the quality of the performance and costs; financial efficiency is unknown; there is no economic-financing policies, nor pricing or service marketing concepts; there are no users in the operation and management of the service and there is lack of control. Municipal resources assigned to urban cleaning services come from transfers from national revenues (federal and state), municipal taxes (industrial, commercial and property taxes), and other revenues such as public service tariffs. National and municipal resources are allocated to finance investments, pay current expenditures and pay private sector contractors for providing urban cleaning services. In general, they are limited and only cover operational costs; thus, little remains for investment in facilities and equipment. Occasionally, national governments give counterparts grants for projects supported by external agencies or endorse loans obtained directly by municipalities. In turn, municipalities apply to short term credits for equipment usually with a bank interest very different to the drinking water and sewerage sector or request donations from foreign governments and non governmental organizations. They also receive technical assistance from international and bilateral organizations and NGOs. The critical aspect identified is the small financial contribution of the national governments to 3.3.2 External financial resources a) International and bilateral organizations The international finance organizations that have been providing support to basic sanitation, environmental and urban development projects, including waste management, are the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, IBRD, and the International Development Bank, IDB. Up to now, banking credits granted to the sector are still limited. Usually, donations are used to support research activities, technical assistance, studies, master plans, pre-investment projects, and equipment supply. Among the main bilateral sources are the German Agency for Technical Cooperation, GTZ; the Japan International Cooperation Agency, JICA; the Agency for International Development of the United States, AID; the Spanish Agency of International Cooperation, AECI; and the governments of Canada, Italy, and Belgium. In some cases, these agencies channel their cooperation resources through IBRD or IDB that act as a trust fund. The World Bank has financed solid waste projects in the Caribbean for US$ 11.5 millions distributed as follows: Dominica US$ 1.2; St. Kitts and Nevis US$ 2.1; St. Lucia US$ 4.6; and St. Vincent and Grenadines US$ 3.6. The projects should be executed in 1995-2000 and the loan period is 15 years. In addition, between 1988 and 1996, IBRD in LAC countries has financed 24 social and environmental projects with solid waste management components including municipal development projects (10), specific municipal solid waste projects (3), and other projects (11). These 24 projects had a total value of US$ 5,400 millions with IBRD loans for US$ 2,200 million, from which, US$ 430 million with an average of 19.5 millions (9%) per project corresponded to solid waste management. They have also supported projects with MSW components on policies (11), institutional development (12), private sector participation (6), and sanitary landfills (8). From 1997 to 2001 important projects have been financed in Argentina and Sao Paulo, Brazil (Annex 3.3.4). External resources are frequently distributed in the countries through national bodies acting as financial agents, for example, in Mexico, the Banco Nacional de Obras y Servicios Públicos, BANOBRAS; the Fondo de Infraestructura, FINFRA; and the Nacional Financiera, NAFIN, channel external resources to states and municipalities to finance urban solid waste projects. For several decades, all countries of the Region have received technical assistance from PAHO/WHO in solid waste management. Occasionally, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, ECLAC; the United Nations Development Program, UNDP; and the Organization of American States, OAS, also provide technical assistance to the countries. The difficulty of a large number of medium and small cities to access international credits has been identified as a critical aspect. As well, without a formally constituted solid waste sector and a national leader agency it is difficult to channel donations and bilateral and international technical assistance to medium and small cities. On the other hand, only in few cases external financing is allocated specifically to solid waste projects since it still continues to be a component of other programs or projects, which does not occur with drinking water supply and sewerage services. b) Financial cooperation and IDB loans With the agreement of the Eighth Increase of Resources, the IDB reinforced its commitment to give special attention to the needs of low income groups promoting substantial poverty reduction and social equity. In this regard, the Bank supports social investment funds, the expansion and reform of educational and health systems in poor areas, and the establishment of credits for microbusinesses. Thus, it has granted social investment loans to Colombia, Bolivia, Honduras and Peru. The IDB has proposed for 1996-1998, 30 loans, donations and other cooperation forms for the solid waste area as a component of urban development, basic sanitation, or environmental projects in Argentina, Bahamas, Barbados, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana, Jamaica, Mexico, Paraguay, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uruguay. The loans amount to US$ 3,313 millions for 3 years, corresponding 15% (US$ 493 million) to the solid waste component. This last amount represents more than 2% of the average annual budget of the IDB (Annexes 3.3.1). With regard to microbusinesses, the IDB strategy promotes the adoption of a favorable regulatory framework, the creation of sustainable institutions capable of providing services required by the microbusinesses, better access to financial and nonfinancial services to low-income microbusinesses, and the maintenance of a flow of resources to invest in microbusinesses development. The Bank has foreseen more than US$ 500 million for the financing of microbusiness programs during the next five years. In 1995, the Bank approved a global credit program for microbusinesses for a total of US$ 25 million for Peru, as well as 32 small projects for a total of US$ 15 millions. The global program in Peru, with more than 150 urban cleaning microbusinesses, offers them access to credits and in addition it has a technical cooperation component financed with local funds and resources of the Swiss Development Corporation. 3.3.3 Investments in the sector Up to now, investments made by national, regional and municipal administrations in the solid waste sector have not been significant since the importance of urban cleaning is not duly recognized. It is usually a minor component of basic sanitation projects or is the least significant urban development the "Second solid waste project" also of Mexico for US$ 120 millions, 50% co-financed by the IBRD. In the previous section, the investment program of the IDB in solid waste projects in LAC was described. In some countries, financial resources for investments come partially or totally from national development banks or governmental financial entities to support public services. For example, in Brazil, some of the sources are the Banco Nacional de Desarrollo Económico y Social, BNDES, that has a social fund for investment in collection and transfer equipment, the Financiera de Estudios y Proyectos, FINEP; and the Banco de Brazil that has a Fondo de Incentivos para Investigaciones Técnico-Cientifcas, FIPEC. Also, Mexico has BANOBRAS, NAFIN, and the Fondo de Infraestructura, FINFRA. With regard to hazardous wastes, lack of financing is even more critical. One of the few projects is the "Environmental Program for the Northern Border" in Mexico, within the framework of the North American Free Trade Agreement for US$ 762 millions, 48 % co-financed by the IBRD. This project deals with water supply, sanitation, transportation, paving of popular urban areas, urban pollution in the border and also improvement of hazardous and municipal waste management. Other data show that in Colombia, public investment in urban cleaning did not reach 0,01 % of the GDP in 1994. In Guatemala, public investment in solid wastes during the last years represent a percentage lower than 2.0% of the overall public investment and lower than 0,05% of the GDP. In Uruguay, the percentage of investment in solid wastes was 0.7 % with regard to public investment in 1994 and less than 0,06% of the GDP. With such investments, it is not possible to renew the collection and final disposal equipment, not even try to expand facilities and equipment to meet the new demands required by urban population growth. Thus, if no resources for investment are available, the alternative is privatization of the service. 3.3.4 Costs of the service Table 3.2.7 shows a column reflecting the relation of revenues and expenses of the sanitation services that provided this information (which is not totally reliable); it is observed that only 45 % of the cities have adequate revenues from service fees; 25 % have regular revenues, and 30% are subsidized. It is convenient to note that the financial state does not necessarily correlate with the type of institution, whether municipal or private (in Table 3.2.7 the relation revenues/cost higher than 67 % is considered "good", 33 % or less, "bad"). Thus, data contained in local expert reports for this diagnosis (1996) indicate that urban cleaning services are not self-financing in most municipalities of Venezuela, Mexico, Peru, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Chile, Argentina, Trinidad and Tobago, and Brazil. On the other hand, limited financial resources have prompted some of the following measures: • To extend the service life of the vehicles at the expense of greater maintenance. • To use vehicles for two shifts even if their service life is reduced. • To seek alternative collection methods that require less initial capital. • To contract out private companies that contribute with capital investments. The budgetary control of municipal services is carried out by the general accounting of the municipality and those responsible for urban cleaning do not have easy access to it and do not understand the concept of efficiency control through costs. Municipal utilities keep an exclusive accounting for cleaning services but this task is often done as an accounting requirement without considering its potential as an indicator to assess efficiency. Another common problem is that municipal accounting only considers current expenditures and the cleaning service does not have access to investment and amortization costs. Usually, municipalities handle an overall budget with allotments classified according to the revenue nature (tax revenues, non-tax-related revenues, capital revenues) or expenses (operation, investment, and debt program). Accordingly, it is not possible to know directly the revenues and expenditures classified by type of service nor the costs of urban cleaning services. On the other hand, cost indicators are widely used by private companies since they are basic management elements. Table 3.3.1 shows the average service costs in some cities of the Region, ranging between US$ 29 and US$ 111 per ton. The annual cost per capita ranges between US$ 13 and US$ 146 with higher costs in small cities of Uruguay. In Trinidad and Tobago, the cleaning service reached an annual cost of US$ 10.9 millions, 1.3 million was covered with the income of three landfills and the remaining from national government transfers. Estimates in Brazil indicate that the budget allocated to municipal solid waste management reaches an annual average of US$ 19 per capita. In Guatemala City, where 90% of household collection is done by individuals and private groups, the municipality is responsible for the remaining 10%, and the collection from the market and street sweeping, with an annual budget no more than 5 % of the total municipal budget; thus, the cost per capita/year is less than US$ 1,00. Usually, in cities where the municipality is responsible for the cleaning service, the budget of the cleaning department represents 20 to 50% of the municipal budget. On the other hand, it is estimated that capital costs in LAC do not reach 10% of the total cost of urban cleaning services. In the city of Montevideo, the cost of salaries is 73 % of the total cost; fuels 2 % ; operation, maintenance and management expenses represent 20 % ; and capital costs only 5 % . Other cities of the Region should have a similar distribution of expenses, especially when sweeping is manual. Typical costs of MSW management services are the following: Collection 43 - 45 % (US$ 15-40 per t) Transfer 0 - 15 % (US$ 0-10 per t) Final disposal 0 - 10% (US$ 0-10 per t) Total (without sweeping) 100% (US$ 35-70 per t) Table 3.3.1 Service costs in some cities Cost in US$/t Cost Observations City (year) Total capita/year (includes Sweeping Collection Transfer Final disposal (US$) (US$) capital and sweeping cost) Quito (94) - - - - 24 8 No Bogotá (94) yes - - 2.7 35 - yes, including sweeping Lima (94) yes 16 6 2.5 36 - yes, only operation B. Aires (94) yes 24 17 3.8 51 - yes, including sweeping Cali (94) yes - no 10.0 29 - yes, including sweeping Tegucigalpa (95) - - - - 7 2 no, only sweeping Sao Paulo (94) - 26 6 8 56-83 20 includes everything Porto Alegre (94) - 20 - 10 - - - Belo Horizonte (94) - - - - - 13 includes everything Salvador, Brasil (94) - - - - - 19 includes everything Rio de Janeiro (94) 35 25 5 40 70 21 includes everything Panama (95) yes - - 5 43 16 includes everything Guayaquil 11 3 Montevideo (95) 8 76 23 includes everything Maldonado, URU (95) 17 111 146 includes everything Canelones, URU (95) 29 115 includes everything Guatemala (94) 27 1 only some areas and sweepi Medellin, COL (95) 43 includes everything Santa Marta (95) 35 includes everything Barranquilla (95) 105 62 includes everything Monterrey (95) 30-60 (') Including collection and sweeping costs. Source: Several PAHO reports. Without accounting information on public cleaning costs, it is not possible to determine the efficiency or financial performance; thus, this lack of information constitutes a critical restriction. 3.3.5 Rates and tariffs To manage solid wastes, municipalities have resources from national government transfers, municipal revenues (taxes on property, conunercial, and industrial taxes) and other revenues such as rates and tariffs derived from public sweeping, collection and final disposal of municipal solid wastes. It would have been expected that this income could cover current costs and capital costs, but this is not the case since the relation revenues-expenses for public cleaning is under deficit in most municipalities. In some cities, no rates or tariffs are collected due to political reasons, in others, this income is very low because fee collection is difficult, there is lack of community education, or the quality of the service is poor. In Colombia, for example, income from national government transfers represents between 40% and 98% of the municipal current income. Tax revenues (taxes on property, industrial, and commercial taxes) represent 4% to 19%. The rates for services and other non-tax revenues represent I % to 2% (PAHO. Serie Análisis Sectoriales N° 8, 1996). Public cleaning rates, which are taxes imposed by the municipality, are the most common way of collecting income in most countries of LAC. Usually, these rates are based on the value of the property and electricity or drinking water consumption. In some cities, this tax is set according to a technical criterion, but in others it is totally arbitrary. In Rio de Janeiro, until 1980 the COMLURB collected a tariff for refuse collection directly to the users, but in September 1980 the Supreme Federal Tribunal decided that this service, due to its relation with public health, was an essential public service that could not be financed through tariff collection, but through rates and taxes. This decision is kept until now. The application of a real and socially fair rate that effectively covers the costs of the services and that in addition reconciles the principle of "who can afford more, pays more", implies political decisions that the municipal authorities are not always willing to assume. The obtention of an income lower than the one required determines that municipalities subsidize the sanitation service to the detriment of other priority programs or sanitation services. Regarding the financing situation of hazardous and industrial waste management, balance and self-sustainability have to be sought within the waste generating industry, an aspect that is still not fulfilled or practiced in LAC. The study and implementation of urban cleaning tariffs has not yet been extended throughout the Region. Colombia is the country with more experience in urban cleaning tariffs. From 1968 up to its closure in 1992, the Junta Nacional de Tarifas (National Board of Tariffs) regulated the establishment of tariffs. Based on the new Law of Public Services of 1994, tariff regulation was assigned to the Drinking Water and Basic Sanitation Regulation Commission (including urban cleaning) and the control and surveillance remained in charge of the Superintendence of Public Household Services. The tariff regimen aims at economic efficiency, neutrality, solidarity and redistribution, finance sufficiency, simplicity, and transparency. The tariff structure in Colombia is uniform throughout the country; the services are classified in residential (private or familial) and non-residential (other type of activities); non-residential users are classified in small and large refuse generators; small generators are those generating up to one cubic meter per month and pay a fixed monthly amount; the residential rate is paid monthly according to the socioeconomic status of the household. High income users and the municipality itself grant solidarity subsidies to low-income users, which is clearly specified in the invoice. This tariff regimen is beginning to be implemented in Colombia, but with difficulty due to political and social pressures. In Chile, the financing and tariff policy of the sector is regulated by recent laws; basically, the tariff is established dividing the real cost of the service by the total number of users, including an additional cost to the users that consume more than 200 liters per day. However, due to lack of mechanisms to collect the tariff effectively, municipalities that jointly allot. US$ 75 millions per year to urban cleaning services only collect 30% of that amount. Peru has also begun to regulate public service tariffs through the Superintendencia Nacional de Servicios de Saneamiento, SUNASS, but urban cleaning has not yet been included. The establishment and implementation of a tariff regimen for urban cleaning services is a critical aspect to achieve self-financing of the sector in the countries of the Region. Currently, the rates collected in LAC for urban cleaning range between 0 and US$ 5.0 per user/month, while in the United States the rates range between US$ 20 to US$ 30 per user/month. There are exceptions, among them Lima, where US$ 24 and US$ 16 is being charged to high and medium income users, respectively, while low income users pay around US$ 3.0 per user. 3.3.6 Marketing Billing and tariff collection for urban cleaning services has many forms. When the tariff collection is included in the property tax, the system is not efficient because the municipality requires an up-to-date property census, properties not undervalued, timely billing and no delay in payment. All these conditions are not fulfilled and there are users who never pay, because, in addition, coercive collection is very slow. Under this system, the income collected rarely covers service costs, especially in the poor sectors of the city, therefore, the service is subsidized by the municipality. This system is used in a large number of countries of the Region. The situation improves a little when the urban cleaning rate is included within the property tax and in a labeled form. Another form of tariff collection is to include cleaning services into other public service billing, such as drinking water or electricity; the amount is set as a percentage of the primary service, which implies a social difference in the rate (it is assumed that drinking water or electricity have already taken it into account). For several years, Bogotá and other Colombian cities, as well as Panamá, charge urban cleaning rates jointly with drinking water. The Empresas Varias de Medellin, in charge of urban cleaning, collect a global tariff for drinking water, sewerage, and telephone services. Charges for urban cleaning together with the electricity bill was initiated in Lima in 1982 with very positive results, unfortunately, the decree authorizing this joint collection has been repealed. This experience is being applied in other cities of Peru, Quito, Guayaquil and Caracas, and is being proposed in several cities of Bolivia and Costa Rica. The entity that makes the invoices charges a commission to the urban cleaning utility for this task. The studies carried out on this form of charging found it adequate because solid waste generation can be reasonably correlated with electricity and drinking water consumption and, in addition, tariff collection is highly efficient. The problem appears when legal devices impede the cut of the water or electricity services when the cleaning service is not paid. In Lima, from January 1994, tariff collection through the Empresa de Energia Eléctrica was prohibited and municipalities charge directly the public cleaning and sanitary landfill service. What is occurring is that delatory debtors increased from 40 to 80% from the total contributors. Direct charge to the user is not common in the Region, except for some cities such as Guatemala City and Quetzaltenango (Guatemala), where private collectors charge directly to users. In industrialized countries, such as the United States, direct collection is common and payment is usually done by mail. Tariff charging is a critical aspect in the privatization of urban cleaning services in LAC since for private companies direct collection of cleaning fees is very risky. 3.3.7 Financing of the private sector Investments of private companies involved in municipal solid and hazardous waste management are financed by private entities, which implies on one hand, expeditious transactions, but on the other, more expensive financial resources that at the end affect the costs of the service provided. Current costs and mortgages are financed with municipal payments for the provision of the contracted services. Even for collection services given in concession, private utilities prefer the municipality to handle the commercial system. Treatment plants and sanitary landfills operated by the private sector charge directly to users, although it should be recognized that the main user is the municipality. Direct charge to large municipal and industrial solid waste generators is also practiced when prices are agreed among parties. A critical aspect is that the private sector contractor or concessionary of MSW and HW services does not apply to credits from international agencies that could reduce capital costs and therefore, charges to the users, despite the facilities given by international banks. In 1995, the IDB approved the first operations carried out for the private sector, although these did not include solid waste management operations. With these operations, the activities of the IDB Group were expanded, including the Corporación Interamericana de Inversiones (Inter American Investment Corporation), CII, and the Fondo Multilateral de Inversiones (Multilateral Investment Fund), FOMIN. Private investment in public infrastructure has been quite moderated and concentrated in a few sectors (that does not include solid waste) and countries with the best credit classification. To meet the financing needs of the private sector, in 1988 the member countries of the IDB created the CII and the FOMIN in 1992. In 1994, the IDB facilitated direct loans to the private sector to finance basic infrastructure. This program can cover up to 25 % of the total cost of the project or the equivalent to US$ 75 millions, from both figures, the lower. Up to 5 % of the total of the credit portfolio can be assigned to this type of activities. In addition, the IDB has launched a co-financing program with commercial banks and investment institutions to 1)romote the participation of private lenders. 3.4 Health aspects Although the importance of municipal solid waste effects on public health and the environment, as well as on individual health has been widely recognized, it has not been object of studies or research to take effective actions to improve the quality of MSW management in Latin America and the Caribbean. The factors contributing to a greater or lesser extent to this situation are: professionals and researchers pay little attention to common solid waste; public authorities neglect health issues related specifically with the solid waste sector; and professionals who operate solid waste services take into account engineering aspects basically and lack training on environmental and health issues. Another aspect that interferes in the health and environment sector is the import of technology from developed countries without adapting it to local conditions; for example, when compactors designed for MSW with a low content of wet organic matter are used in the Region, liquids flow along the routes producing bad odors and attracting flies; or recycling and composting plants are not highly efficiency or cannot start-up due to similar reasons. Better knowledge of the impact of some materials on the environment and health and the creation of new products, turn municipal wastes into a threat to the environment and the population exposed, particularly to the workers involved in its management. On the other hand, as it has been indicated, in Latin America and the Caribbean some hazardous solid and semi-solid wastes are being handled together with urban solid wastes, which implies serious effects on human health and the environment. Human exposure to hazardous wastes can take place in three scenarios: a) at the generation point (occupational exposure or accidents); b) during transportation (accidents); and c) in sites where wastes are stored for treatment. * The chapter is based on the following documents: Ferreira, Jodo Alberto, Dos Anjos, Luiz Antonio, Aspectos de saüde de residuos sólidos municipals. Rio de Janeiro, 1996. Díaz-Barriga, Fernando. Efectos en la salud asociados con la exposición a residuos peligrosos. San Luis Potosí, 1996 In LAC, where there are no adequate and sufficient installations to manage this type of waste, human exposure can occur in any place, even in urban areas since hazardous wastes are burned in nonstandard ovens or disposed of in uncontrolled landfills, municipal dumps, ravines, abandoned lots, industrial areas, rivers, lakes, and beaches. The main sources of hazardous or potentially hazardous wastes identified in urban areas of LAC are: metallurgical industry: foundries and electrolytical processes; petrochemical industry; microindustry: tanneries, brickmaking, battery recycling, small foundries, etc.; solid waste warehouses (industry yards) or nearby abandoned lots; uncontrolled disposal sites: solid waste dumps, confinements for industrial waste and sanitary landfills; - others: ravines, rivers, lake banks, beaches, etc. 3.4.1 Exposed populations It is difficult to define what are the populations exposed to the direct or indirect effects of inadequate municipal solid waste management because information and monitoring systems on health and the environment do not consider the collective aspect of the populations and there are no sufficient and reliable epidemiological data available. Despite this, some populations or risk groups can be identified as susceptible to be affected by environmental problems reducing their life quality and producing health problems. Exposed populations are those without regular household collection, since wastes are thrown anywhere, giving rise to vectors, smokes, bad odors and animals fed with wastes. Generally, in LAC, the most exposed are poor people from urban marginal areas. Another group exposed to MSW is the one living near waste treatment and final disposal sites. Scavengers and their families, specially those who transfer their precarious dwellings around MSW dumps, are another highly exposed group because they live among vectors and domestic animals, are affected by the waste and do not have any basic sanitation service. In turn, these people act as "vectors" for the transmission of diseases caused by wastes. The impact of MSW on the environment may be extended to the population in general through surface and groundwater contamination and the consumption of meat from waste fed animals that can transmit diseases to humans. Finally, formal or informal workers involved in the management, transportation and final disposal of MSW are another exposed population. With regard to hazardous waste, the entire urban population should be considered as susceptible to exposure. Children and women in particular are high-risk groups. Among children, nursing infants (those fed with breast milk only), infants (less than 24 months), and children from 2 to 12 years are included. Usually, elements such as lead are absorbed more easily by children than by adults. When dealing with exposed populations, the topic on environmental equity cannot be put aside. This concept implies that poverty and marginalization are factors that favor the exposure to chemical substances and possibly, increase its effect. Another factor related to poverty that should be taken into account for risk evaluation is the prevalence of infections. In marginal areas, it is common to find higher indexes of gastrointestinal and respiratory infections. Thus, it is evident that risk groups should not only be considered with regard to categories such as sex or age, but also with regard to poverty, prevalence of infections and nutritional status. 3.4.2 Effects on human health MSW components can vary according to the lifestyle of the population of each location. As a result, diseases due to physical, chemical and biological agents contained in MSW are the main effect of a deficient waste management in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The typical agents related to MSW that affect the health of workers and exposed population are: • Odor: it may cause nuisances, headaches and nausea. • Noise: it may cause partial or permanent loss of hearing, headaches, stress and arterial hypertension. • Dust: nuisances, loss of vision, and respiratory and lung problems. • Aesthetics: the unpleasant vision of waste may cause inconveniences and nausea. • Vibration: it may cause back and body pains, and stress. • Sharps that may cause wounds and cuts. In MSW, a great variety of chemical residues, especially batteries; oils and grease; pesticides and herbicides; solvents, paints, and dyes; cleaning products; cosmetics; drugs; and aerosols can be found. In developed countries there is a concern for these MSW components; thus, regulations and procedures have been established for its management. Few countries of LAC have a legislation in this regard and those which have it do not enforce it. Table 3.4.1 Vector-borne diseases related to municipal solid waste Vectors Transmission route Main diseases Rats Through bites, urine and feces Bubonic plague Through fleas living in the rat body Murine typhus Leptospirosis Flies Mechanically (through wings, legs and Typhoid fever body) Salmonellosis Through feces and saliva Cholera Amebiasis Dysentery Giardiasis Mosquitos Through bites from female mosquitos Malaria Leishmaniasis Yellow fever Dengue Filariasis Cockroachs Mechanically (through wings, legs and Typhoid fever body) and through feces Cholera Giardiasis Pigs Through contaminated meat Cysticercosis Toxoplasmosis Trichinosis Taeniasis Birds Through feces Toxoplasmosis Source: Manual de saneamento a proteCáo ambiental para os municipios. Departmnento de Engenharia Sanitária a Ambiental, DESAIUFMG. FundaCáo Estadual do Meio Ambiente. FEMAIMMG, 1995. The presence of biological agents in MSW can be important for the direct and indirect transmission of diseases in Latin America and the Caribbean. Table 3.4.1 shows the vectors and diseases related to them. Pathogenic microorganisms are also present in toilet paper, gauze, adhesive tape, disposable diapers, or underwear contained in wastes of small clinics, pharmacies and laboratories, and in most cases, in hospital wastes mixed with household wastes. It is important to emphasize that, in general, pathogens are not very resistant to unfavorable There are very few data on morbidity that associate epidemiological studies of diseases with MSW. Some etiologic agents that can be mentioned are those responsible for intestinal infections (Ascaris lumbricoides; Entamoeba coli), hepatitis virus (mainly type B) for its capacity to resist in adverse conditions; and the virus that causes AIDS (more for the social commotion raised than by waste associated risks). In addition, some microorganisms responsible for dermatitis should also be mentioned. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the population and public authorities are increasingly concerned about health center wastes. However, considering that hospital wastes represent less than 1 % of the total waste, it is quite exaggerated to try to solve its management urgently through differentiated collection, incineration and other sophisticated treatment methods without finding a solution for the remaining MSW (for instance, final disposal). With regard to hazardous waste, in order to establish a cause and effect relation between contamination and health, it is necessary to define the exposure route. According to the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR) of the Department of Health of the United States, the exposure routes consist of five elements: • Contaminated sources or hazardous waste sites. In LAC they are mainly dumps and uncontrolled landfills. • Environmental medium for pollutant transportation: air, water, soil, dust and food. • Points of exposure or places where man is in contact with the pollutant. For example, dumps where scavengers recover waste or collector trucks where workers do not have personal protection equipment. • Vias of exposure. For air, it is through inhalation. For water, soil, dust and food the route is oral. Also through the skin some organic and metallic pollutants can enter to the human body. The exposure to radioactivity is total. • Receptor population: Affected human groups. The exposure time and quantity of hazardous wastes are the main factors that affect human health. The preliminary studies of San Luis Potosi, Mexico, indicate that the proportion of risky sites with organic pollutants was higher than sites with inorganic pollutants. In the United States, a similar result was obtained when pollutants from risky sites included in the list of national priorities were analyzed. Volatile organic compounds were in 66 % of the sites, inorganic in 65 % , and organic halogenated compounds (pesticides and polychlorinated biphenyls) in 34 % of the sites. Annex 3.4.1 shows the substances that most frequently appear in the priority risky sites of the United States. In Annex 3.4.2., substances according to occurrence in different envirorunental media are listed. A preliminary list of priority pollutants for Latin America and the Caribbean should also include toxic substances widely used in different parts of the world, such as polychlorinated biphenyls, phthalates, and vinyl chloride. With regard to biological pollutants, which contain pathogens, these are included within the special wastes previously discussed. Table 3.4.2 summarizes data on some pollutants. The list of Table 3.4.2 includes toxic substances. Considering its effects, almost all organs and systems of the human body could be potentially affected by this hazardous waste. However, for the ATSDR, the following are the seven major health condition associated with polluting substances in risky sites (in alphabetical order): 1. immunological anomalies; 2. cancer; 3. damage in the reproductive system and birth defects; 4. respiratory and lung diseases; 5. liver physiological problems; 6. neurological physiological problems; and 7. renal physiological problems. This list can also be organized according to the concern of the community. The three health conditions that generate more concern among populations affected by hazardous wastes are: cancer (53 % ), neurotoxic effects (19 % ), and birth defects (11 % ). With regard to other effects, although there is a large number of substances associated with risky sites, some effects, such as immunological, reproductive and even neurological ones, may not have been registered in the epidemiological studies carried out among communities living near to these sites, just because scientific literature is limited for a large number of these pollutants. 3.4.3 Accidents and occupational risks The health of municipal solid waste workers is related not only to occupational risks, but also to their living conditions. Some of the most frequent accidents in LAC among MSW workers are: • Cuts with glasses: it is the most common accident among workers dealing with recovery and recycling, and informal scavengers. Its main cause is the lack of information and education of the population in general who is not interested in isolating or separating broken glass wastes. The use of gloves reduces the incidence of cuts but does not impede these accidents. • Cuts and perforations with other sharp objects such as syringe needles, nails, thorns, etc. are also frequent. • Slips and falls: mainly during street cleaning and from collection trucks since workers are in the rear side of the vehicle without protection. Another factor is related to the high rate of alcoholism among urban cleaning workers. • Traffic accidents: collection, transfer stations, street sweeping and final disposal workers are exposed. In addition, scavengers from dumps and uncontrolled landfills are in equal or higher risk. • Others: some fatal accidents or mutilations by crushing or pressure of compaction equipment and other machines; animal bites (dogs, rats) and poisonous insects bites. Table 3.4.2 Some priority pollutants for Latin America and the Caribbean associated with dangerous sites Pesticides Endosulfan Dissolvent Benzene Lindane Toluene DDT Glycol ethers Parathion Trychloroethylene Methyl parathion Tetrachloroethylene Methamidophos Carbon disulfide Permetrine Hexane Paraquat Formaldehyde 2,4 D, metal organics Carbon tetrachloride Pentachlorphenol Xilene Metals Lead Others PCB* Arsenic Phtalates Mercury Vinyl chloride Cadmium Biological pollutants Chromium Nickel Fluor * Polychlorinated biphenyls Urban cleaning workers are also exposed to fights and violence, cold, heat, smokes, carbon monoxide, adoption of strained positions, heavy load lifting, and pathogenic microorganisms present in municipal wastes. Mycoses are common among workers who manage MSW and appear frequently (but not exclusively) in hands and feet, since gloves and footwear are favorable conditions for microorganism development. Relatively high indexes of coronary afflictions and arterial hypertension have also been detected, mainly among household collection workers. Cimino and Mamtani (1987) found 6.5% of arterial hypertension and 2.2% of coronary afflictions; Anjos (1995) found 46% with some degree of arterial hypertension, from which 20 % had moderate or severe symptoms. In Denmark, in a waste separation plant, 53 % of the workers developed lung afflictions during the first eight months of production (Malmros et al, 1992). Finally, stress due to long periods of transportation and the problems of survival struggle and nutrition derived from their low wages and physical strain should be mentioned. Stress can cause work accidents, occupational diseases and immunity reduction. Environmental emergency scenarios are completely different from contamination scenarios in dangerous sites. In environmental emergencies, there is usually exposure to a single substance and not to complex mixtures as it is the case of waste contaminated sites. The exposure is acute and non-chronic and environmental concentrations can be very high. An ATSDR report on 1,249 cases found that 72 % of them occurred in fixed sources and the 28 % remaining occurred due to transportation accidents. In 80% of these cases only one substance was involved. In the "Análisis sectorial de residuos sdlidos en Colombia" (PAHO, 1996), Table 3.4.3 shows data provided by the private health institute "La Bergerie" of Bogota with 10 of the most frequent diagnoses among the 2,341 recyclers that were assisted in this health facility during 1993. Table 3.4.3 Frequent diagnosis among recyclers of Bogotá, Colombia, 1993 Diagnosis N° % ARI (acute respiratory infection) 321 18 Moderate ARI, serious or astluna 287 16 Diarrhea and intestinal parasites 199 11 Gyneco-obstetrician problems 190 10 Pre-birth disorders 187 10 Wounds and traumatisms 148 8 Skin diseases 142 8 Others 140 8 Osteomuscular disorders 110 6 Ophthalmological disorders 83 5 Total 1, 807 100 Source: PAHO. Análisis sectorial de residuos sólidos en Colombia. PAHO, 1996. Table 18.104.22.168 Accidents among scavengers - Lima, Peru, 1995 Acct idents Landfill Street Wounds 68 % 46 % Slips and falls 11 % 25 Traffic accidents 2% 12 Risky sites 11 % 3% Others 8% 14 % Total 100% 100% - Source: ILPES. Rescatando vida. Lima, 1995. Table 22.214.171.124 Diseases among scavengers - Lima, Perú, 1995 Disease Landfill Street Kidney infection 17 % 49 Stomach diseases 29 % 14 Sight impairment and respiratory diseases 22 % 9 Skin disorders 20 % 6 Others 12 % 22 Total 100 % I 100 Source: ILPES. Rescatando vida. Lima, 1995. Tables 3.4.3, 126.96.36.199 and 188.8.131.52 show the close relation of the work environment with the sanitary conditions of scavengers of Bogota and Lima. These conditions are similar in cities of Latin America and the Caribbean. Mexico has a long account of environmental accidents. The Centro Nacional de Prevenci6n de Desastres (CENAPRED) of Mexico has done a national inventory of chemical accidents from 1990 to 1993 including 370 incidents; 70% occurred within facilities managing or storing hazardous chemical substances. 3.5 Environmental aspects Municipal and hazardous solid wastes cause important environmental problems, especially in urban and industrialized areas of Latin America and the Caribbean. The impact of solid waste generation and management also threatens environmental sustainability. Consumption and contamination were symbols of industrialization and since the 1970s, changes in the environment have begun to generate concern for its future preservation. The United Nations Conference for Environment and Development in 1992 not only recognized the concern for the environment, but proposed a new development model through the rational use of natural resources. It recognized also that the main challenges are poverty reduction and environmental conservation. Years have passed and Latin America and the Caribbean face the need to develop and preserve the environment, and still sustainable development has not gained momentum. 3.5.1 Solid waste management and the environment In Latin America and the Caribbean, the negative environmental impact caused by inadequate management of municipal, special and hazardous solid waste is presented in the following order of risk: 1. In final disposal sites (open and clandestine dumps in ravines and road margins; dumping in rivers and lakes, swamps, lagoons and the sea; controlled and sanitary landfills). 2. In storage sites, including industry yards, vacant lots and defective containers. 3. In transfer stations and in treatment and recovery plants. 4. In the collection and transportation processes. Since the countries do not have reliable nor sufficient information on solid waste management, the magnitude of the problem cannot be quantified. 3.5.2 Environmental impact associated with solid wastes The problems of inadequate solid waste management in LAC are affecting not only human health, but the air, soil, and surface and ground waters. In addition, inadequate management is deteriorating esthetically urban centers and natural landscapes of many cities of the Region. This is aggravated when final disposal of municipal, special, and hazardous solid wastes is done indiscriminately. a) Surface water resources One of the most serious environmental effects of inadequate solid waste management is the contamination of drinking water supply sources. On the one hand, the organic matter contained in wastes reduces dissolved oxygen and increases nutrients, N and P, promoting algae growth and eutrophication processes. On the other hand, MSW are frequently mixed with industrial hazardous wastes, originating chemical contamination. As a consequence, resources for human consumption or recreation are lost, aquatic fauna is destroyed, and landscapes are deteriorated. If resources are to be recovered, high investments are necessary. In Colombia, 3 % of MSW from Cali and most of the municipalities of the department of Cauca are dumped into the river Cauca; 100% of municipalities along the river Magdalena dispose their refuse in its banks; and the river Tunjuelito in Bogota is contaminated by non-treated leachate from the sanitary landfill "Doña Juana". In Uruguay, where 14% of surface water resources are for human consumption and surface waters meet the total drinking water demand of Montevideo and 80% of the country, the dump of MSW and HW in hydrographic areas has serious consequences. In Montevideo, leaching without treatment is discharged in a tributary of the Carrasco stream, which refrains the use of this resource for human consumption. Studies carried out in Mexico indicate that biochemical oxygen demand from refuse is eight times greater than from wastewater. In general, in all countries of the Region, surface water is contaminated by municipal solid waste dumping. b) Groundwater resources Confined or free aquifers can be contaminated inadvertently by the inadequate final disposal of solid wastes, thus, in most situations the problem is underestimated, even when contamination by nitrites and other chemical substances in groundwater for human consumption is dangerous for health. In Uruguay, for example, where 58,000 dwellings are supplied with artesian wells, inadequate solid waste disposal has a special negative environmental impact. In Bogotá, leachate from the Cortijo and Gibraltar dumps contaminated groundwater with lead, chromium and mercury. c) Marine coasts The disposal of solid wastes in seashores has deteriorated coasts and beaches, natural landscapes, and marine fauna, affecting tourism. This type of problems has been presented in the Caribbean, Peru, Brazil, Colombia and other countries. d) Air In open dumps, air pollution is manifested by the presence of bad odors, smoke, gases, and suspended particles, due to induced or spontaneous burning and wind. Multifamily building incinerators were prohibited in cities, such as Mexico and Buenos Aires because they increased air pollution. Burning in garbage dumps and incinerators without contamination control systems pose a greater risk due to the presence of plastics, organochlorine compounds and other hazardous chemicals. All countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have this pollution problem. Other negative impacts are bad odors due to improper management of containers, deficient solid waste storage, careless collection and transportation, inefficient management of transfer stations, treatment plants, and recovery for recycling. This problem is generalized in all countries of LAC. e) Impact on landscape The inadequate management and deficient disposal of solid wastes affect landscape significantly. In addition, it is necessary to mention that once a well builtsanitary landfill is finished, it can have a positive impact on the environment by recovering land and improving landscape. The growing urban development of LAC has generated a continuous deterioratic of the landscape, which receives waste from all human activities; therefore, was inadequate management not only affects the health and the environment, but also reduce life quality in terms of space and horizon. It is common to see that due to lack of lar planning, a municipal dump is located in the sununit of a mountain defining the limits I the city, as has happened in Pasto, Colombia. Deficient solid waste collection and lack of awareness worsens this situation sinc wastes are disposed of in streets, parks, green areas, river banks, beaches, and othc public spaces, limiting recreational areas and affecting landscape and even tourisn essential for the economy of several countries and cities. f) Impact on land Urban growth influences the loss of productive lands and land pollution b municipal, special and hazardous solid wastes. Many municipalities of the Region us land inappropriately dumping wastes on natural depressions. The burial of industri, wastes still has not been identified as a significant problem, probably due to lack c control and regulation on this matter. In general, in all countries of the Region solid wastes are disposed of in ope dumps. 3.5.3 Environmental management of solid wastes Some countries of LAC, such as Mexico, Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Argentina ar beginning to evaluate the mechanisms and actions to protect and control the environment, as we as the measures taken to prevent pollution, which determines jointly with others sectors, th maintenance of environmental quality. Next, a quick analysis of environmental management in LAC is presented with regard t solid waste management: a) Institutionalization In this decade most countries have created national entities in charge c establishing policies, and regulating, controlling and promoting actions related to th environment. In those organizations, solid waste aspects are only discussed as a secondar issue or are not discussed at all. Municipalities have not prioritized environmental aspect for example, when selecting final disposal site alternatives. b) Environmental legislation Some countries, such as Mexico and Brazil are establishing legal instruments (laws, regulations and standards) and administrative procedures (manifestos, licenses, allowances and registries), to define conditions and restrictions applied to municipal, special and hazardous solid waste management and its impact on the environment. Other countries try to meet the commitments agreed internationally and are formulating the corresponding legal provisions. But the current situation in the Region still has many restrictions; environmental recovery costs have not been estimated, the community does not participate actively in the establishment or implementation of environmental policies, few countries carry out environmental impact assessments in sanitary landfill projects, and there are few environmental protection programs for coastal areas. c) Regulation compliance The monitoring, surveillance, control and compliance of environmental regulations and standards for the proper management of municipal, special and hazardous solid waste is deficient. The limited resources determine that the actions of agencies responsible for surveillance and control are still incipient. On the other hand, not all infractions are sanctioned. The responsible authorities are not very competitive, since they cannot establish an efficient control over ill final disposal, treatment, storage and collection techniques, both due to regulation deficiencies and multiple financial problems of the municipalities. d) Generation reduction The policies of some countries to reduce municipal, special and hazardous solid wastes still have not given results. The countries of LAC, unlike developed countries, generate less quantities of solid waste (0.5 to 1.2 kg/capita/day) due to low per capita income and consequent low consumerism. For those same reasons, the consumer of LAC receives less packaging and containers than those from developed countries. The policy promoted by some industrialized countries of the Region to reduce hazardous wastes at the source through cleaner production processes is still incipient, but is supported by environmentalist groups and the media. Among the few industrial projects to adopt cleaner production are the PRONACOP program, financed by the IBRD in Brazil. In most countries, national programs to reduce waste generation, adoption of cleaner production, or rehabilitation of contaminated sites have not been identified. Usually, the environmental cost of inadequate solid waste management is unknown. e) Recovery and recycling To reach sustainable development and reduce the quantity of waste generated, recovery, reuse and recycling must be increased. In this regard, the countries of the Region have achieved some progress. The major advances are seen in the social field; scavengers have improved their living conditions and are organized in pre-cooperatives as in Colombia, or in other forms of associations as in Mexico and other countries. Technical assistance and to a lesser extent, financial support of NGOs and municipalities have been effective. Although the quantities recovered still do not surpass 3 % and 8 % in weight of the total waste generated (between 10% and 30% of the material that is possible to recover), the income of scavengers has increased due to a more efficient and fair marketing of recovered material. Other achievements have been the installation of recovery plants, the impetus of the private recycling industry, the creation of Waste Bags for waste trade and the awareness and cooperation (still slow) of the community for in-house waste separation. As an example of Waste Bags, those of Mexico and Brazil can be mentioned, and in Brazil, the CETESB, FEEMA and ABIQUIM programs. f) Ongoing projects Most countries of the Region have carried out or are implementing projects to prevent, mitigate, correct or compensate the possible negative impact or maximize the positive impact of solid waste management. Some projects, as indicated in Annex 3.3.4, have been successful, but unfortunately others have only been experiences of academic or technical value, that have not been maintained or replicated since they did not adopt planning, legal, institutional, administrative or financing self-sustainability mechanisms. Composting has also been deficient since projects and investments were not based on feasibility studies, therefore, many plants were closed and equipment was never installed. Attempts to industrialize refuse have failed due to lack of knowledge and sound advisory of municipal authorities, leading to financial failures. In Table 3.5.1, environmental management is shown with regard to solid waste management in four countries of the Region. In summary, to prevent, mitigate or correct the possible negative impact to the environment in the countries of the Region, municipal, special and hazardous solid waste management has to be improved, particularly final disposal and treatment. Table 3.5.1 Environmental management of solid wastes in some countries 3.6 Social and community aspects Social and cultural aspects include human behaviour, relations among service providers and beneficiaries, and attitudes of the community and sector entities. In this regard, in Latin America and the Caribbean the following social and community characteristics that influence solid waste management have been identified: • Large migratory movements from rural areas which increases urban solid waste generation. • Regional and ethnic diversity in the countries, which determines different characteristics of the refuse and different local solutions. • High percentage of illiteracy in urban-marginal populations. • Unemployment and poverty leading to waste segregation and recovery activities as the only alternative for survival. • Mass media communication to achieve more easily community participation in waste management. • Difference of cultural patterns according to socioeconomic levels. 3.6.1. Community and sanitation services Many urban-marginal areas, where most part of low-income population is settled, lack collection service or receive it occasionally. Some legally recognized marginal areas do not receive the service although people pay their taxes. In Colombia, a survey carried out in 10 main cities found that 34% of the population living in low socioeconomic areas did not have collection services. This happens almost in all large cities of the Region. Even when the service exists, its low frequency does not satisfy the users as it was expressed in the Colombian survey by 35 % of the users. The deficient operation of sanitary landfill projects that end up as open dumps has discredited the landfill before the public opinion and has originated rejection from the community when a final disposal site is being selected. For example, in the last six years, in Costa Rica, the communities located near the places proposed for a regional landfill have expressed strongly with unusual energy their opposition. J 3.6.2 Community participation In general, in LAC, community participation in solid waste management is still weak since this concept has not been internalized by the population or institutions. Since waste management is considered a responsibility of the municipality, the population does not participate in decision-making process to find out solutions. In most cases, participation is limited to delivering wastes to the collection system and paying the corresponding tariff, if any. In urban marginal areas, the population demands drinking water, sewerage, electricity, paving and even telephone services, but there is little demand for urban cleaning service. This is because they think that the municipality is responsible for it and because they do not give importance to public management of refuse. With regard to service payment, the community attitude is negative and the majority consider that it is a municipal obligation. However, the work carried out by the NGO "Alternativa" in marginal areas of Lima, Peru, to promote in the community the "payment culture" of cleaning tariffs, should be mentioned as a good experience. The community still is not aware of the advantages of recovery and even less of MSW household separation to facilitate recovery. Despite the tradition of community organization, with respect to solid waste only some countries such as Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela, Brazil, and Peru are succeeding in organizing its communities at the level of scavengers; collection and sweeping microbusinesses; and local cleaning boards. 3.6.3 Mass communication and community education Most countries do not have policies nor strategies to implement mass communication programs and activities in this area are isolated and occasional. Generally, NGOs are the entities that are working in this regard. Through mass media, dissemination campaigns promoted by private enterprises are carried out sporadically to increase population awareness. In some cases, newspapers publish articles on the impact generated by refuse and television channels show videos and messages to keep the city clean and even promote activities to collect raw material for recycling. Recycling campaigns are a good opportunity for the population, merchants, clerks and industrials to establish responsible relations with others, redefining their position in the recycling chain and their interests. What varies is the introduction of different economic, social and environmental motivations. Colombia, with wider experience in recycling campaigns, has classified them in four categories: environmental education, financing of community works, of raw material collection by the industry, and campaigns to support changes in the waste management system. National industral campaigns to collect glass, metal, paper, cardboard and plastics have succeeded in Bogota, Manizales, Medellin and Cali. The paper and glass collection campaigns were also successful in some cities of Guatemala, as well as programs in Rio de Janeiro and Curitiba, Brazil. A progress in several countries of the Region has been the introduction of environmental education in formal school programs and education material of high quality has been produced. It should be considered that community education on proper solid waste management is a long-term process that should be initiated in the infancy. 3.6.4 Scavengers As long as there is unemployment and poverty, there will be scavengers in Latin America and the Caribbean. To mitigate this social problem, NGOs, communities, religious groups, and municipal authorities are working to improve the living conditions of scavengers. The main strategy is to organize them in cooperatives and associations so that they can be in a better position to discuss the marketing of recovered materials with recyclers. Positive results have been achieved in Colombia and Mexico. In Medellin, "Recuperar" had 900 associates in 1995 and the Asociación de Recicladores, ANR, of Colombia has almost 80 member groups (10% of the scavengers of the country). In addition there are other 100 groups of recyclers organized at the national level. In Mexico it is estimated that there are 13,100 well-organized scavengers, on which 80,000 family members depend economically. 4. Critical aspects identified and conclusions A quick analysis of this diagnosis, that should be updated periodically, makes possible to draw some conclusions and to identify critical aspects in the different municipal solid waste management areas in the Region. These critical aspects will shape some future actions, such as the study and analysis of successful experiences in the municipal solid waste management of the Region to promote and replicate them according to the local situation of every city and country. It will also be necessary to find out solutions of identified critical aspects, specially minimization and major negative impact to human health, environment, and poor urban and marginal populations. 4.1 Institutional and legal area 4.1.1 The sector and the institutional structure i) In the countries of the Region, solid waste is not recognized as a system or sector, therefore, up to now its management has not received duly attention or priority. On the other hand, in several countries, the solid waste sector, both from the point of view of its associations and regulations, is affected by evident duplications, lack of coordination, dispersion and ambiguity. In order to be updated, environmental programs are created, commissions are established, and initiatives are multiplied without invalidating or rectifying the existing deficiencies, hindering a healthy management and coordination in the sector. In addition, the lack of a regulatory agency dealing with solid waste aspects, including the role of the local government, affects resource availability, information processes, and service coverage. Traditionally, the solid waste problem was considered exclusively a municipal issue. Today, the solutions of this complex problem require multidisciplinary and multisectoral agreements, especially when hazardous wastes are included. The problem goes beyond municipal jurisdiction and any scheme should consider municipality strengthening. In the Caribbean, the institutional structure works better due to the size of the countries and the presence of a single governmental institution that directs the sector and is in charge of the operation and regulation of solid waste management. ii) There is limited institutional capacity in most executing and regulatory organizations to assume their functions and responsibilities. The State has been inefficient and expensive as operator (except for some countries of the Caribbean) and has not fulfilled its regulatory and inspection roles. Local governments have not proved to be efficient operators either, however, they represent an ideal area for citizen participation, essential in the current decentralization where people have become aware that problem solving should come from the effort, initiative and organization of the population instead of from the State intervention. The major problem faced by urban cleaning services of LAC is its deficient management, since technical and technological aspects are well known. Municipal urban cleaning services have several organizational restrictions because municipality management is centralized and solid waste management is not a priority, although in many municipalities almost half of the municipal budget is allocated to urban cleaning. The model adopted since the last decade by large municipalities has been the creation of public urban cleaning utilities with certain administrative and financing autonomy, but the often have operational problems. Hence, in this decade the contracting and concession of the service operation to the private sector has increased with positive results. In medium and small cities, direct municipal management of the services prevails and it is in these cities where critical management, operation, administration and financing are identified. Several questions arise: how do these cities including more than half of the urban population of the Region will finance its investments to improve MSW management? How can these smaller cities access to national and international credit? iii) Lack of operational, financing and environmental planning with regard to solid waste management, both at the national and executing levels. Solid waste management demands long-term solutions, i.e., capacity to plan, but municipalities do not have this capacity. iv) Absence of national information and monitoring systems in specific areas of the sector, which limits the possibility of planning and has a negative impact on decisionmaking, adequate managetnent, formulation of plans and programs, activity prioritization, resource allocation and monitoring, surveillance, and control. In all countries there is not enough information on solid waste. Thus, initiatives and decisions of the different institutions involved in the sector are not supported by objective knowledge of the situation, but in extrapolation of the limited available information or in estimates without sufficient technical basis. 4.1.2 Legislation i) Lack of consistency among the different legal provisions related to municipal, special and hazardous solid waste; public health risks, environmental risks; and on the growing participation of the private sector in the provision of services. Other critical aspects are incomplete legislation; ambiguity in the scope of the administrative entities involved; incompatibility of the legal and regulatory issues with the economic, social and cultural situations; and abuse of complementary and administrative provisions. ii) In most countries, the legal fratnework of the sector does not consider the international commitments assumed by the Government and, if considered, they are not followed up. iii) The lack of surveillance to verify the compliance of legal instruments and standards is an important restriction for the effective management of solid wastes. On the other hand, legislation is unknown due to insufficient and inadequate dissemination of the existing laws. Some countries have advanced legislation, but laws are not enforced and trespassers benefit from impunity. iv) In federal countries a regulatory formula has not been created yet to oblige municipalities to meet certain federal environmental and financial standards. 4.1.3 Policies and plans i) Most countries do not have policies directly oriented to the solid waste problem and the recent national policies on decentralization and privatization have influenced those waste management systems that did not have adequate regulation. Policies to reduce solid waste generation have not been established formally in LAC, only the official rhetoric persists and the promotion of environmentalist groups; results have not been observed yet. There has been sustained progress on policies for solid waste recovery, reuse and recycling, although most policies have arisen spontaneously from poor communities that seek economic income. Some countries have established explicitly policies based on the "polluter pays" principle, but lack of resources hinders its application. ii) Very few countries have formulated plans, programs and projects for short and medium terms. No country has formulated them for long term. Some master plans of metropolitan areas and large cities have been prepared, but few have been implemented. This lack of plans, programs, and pre-investment projects is a critical aspect for the development of the sector. Due to lack of economic and financing self-sustainability, few are the pilot projects, but most have only academic and technical value. However, microbusinesses are in constant progress in LAC. 4.1.4 Human resources i) In Latin America and the Caribbean, more than one million of formal and informal workers are linked directly or indirectly to municipal solid waste management. Even so, trained and skilled human resources are needed at all levels. In general, personnel income is low, just for survival. Social and health benefits for formal personnel are minimum and temporary workers do not receive them. It is difficult to keep technical and professional personnel for long time since usually wages and incentives are very low. Political interference is frequent in municipal urban cleaning services, which influence the contracting of laborers and executives without qualification. ü) Lack of training of urban cleaning personnel is critical in medium and small cities. Serious labor and social conflicts haven arisen due to service privatization and the consequent personnel dismissal. Few studies confirm the higher efficiency of privatized urban cleaning facilities compared to municipal services. On the other hand, wages and benefits of the private sector are lower than the public sector. 4.1.5 Privatization The current trend is oriented toward the private sector participation in solid waste management. Public opinion assumes that the private sector is more efficient than the public sector and considers that it can also improve service quality and costs. The contracting and concessions to the private sector are an option for municipalities that lack resources for investments. However, the following critical points are discussed and it is recognized that no model can be applied to the entire LAC Region: • Transparency in the contractual clauses of the private sector and correct supervision and inspection for the fulfillment of the contract. • Monitoring of private enterprises by authorities to control compliance with regulations, criteria and standards related to health and the environment. • Feasibility of the service provided to marginal areas by formal private enterprises, microbusinesses, or community associations. • Lack of interest of private enterprises in medium and especially small cities. • Alternatives to solve the social problems of workers dismissed under the privatization process in a region with high rates of unemployment. 4.2 Technical and operational area The reviewing of documents while preparing this diagnosis revealed some critical aspects and technical problems. It can be concluded, however, that its solution is not always technical but institutional, legal, normative, financing, administrative and communitarian. Critical aspects related to technical management of MSW and HW in the Region are indicated below, according to management operational sequence. 1. Although solid waste sources are easily identifiable, special and hazardous waste do not receive especial management, except in some cases, but are mixed with municipal solid wastes, generating a negative impact on the environment and health of workers, scavengers and public in general. 2. Temporary waste storage is inadequate in cities of LAC (except for high income residential areas) due to lack of standardization and maintenance of the containers, hindering its management. Workers have to make more physical efforts when 200 liters-cylinders are used. In many cities, use of containers on public routes is deficient and they end up as dirty dumps with odors and vector proliferation. 3. Although the physical characteristics of the cities are different, manual sweeping is similar. Mechanical sweeping is more efficient and less expensive, however, it is a hard decision for municipal authorities to replace mechanical sweeping for manual, since manual operation gives jobs to a high number of women, who are not qualified for other tasks, especially in high unemployment periods as this one. On the other hand, sweeping quality has been improved and costs have been reduced with privatization. 4. Although collection techniques with imported equipment are similar, there is a wide difference among cities concerning labor and equipment performance, due not only to workers efficiency, but to the physical characteristics of each city, route optimization, collection system, community participation, and size of the cities. In general, cities have paid special attention to collection and the active participation of the private sector has allowed a coverage higher than 90% in many large cities of the Region. But a critical aspect identified is the low coverage in medium and small cities and the limited or no attention to urban marginal settlements in metropolitan areas and large cities of the Region. The lack of interest of private enterprises to intervene in these scenarios enables the participation of microbusinesses. 5. Most cities with more than one million population have transfer stations with similar design and small variants. The possible problems of these facilities are their location and defective operation that can impact negatively on the environment and life quality of the surrounding populations. 6. Incineration has been limited to small incinerators for special wastes, mainly in hospitals and industries. As a result, critical aspects are not identified, although future use is limited to the countries of the Caribbean and some cities with specific problems. On the other hand, composting has presented critical aspects. The lack of feasibility studies, including marketing and selling, was the main cause of several failures. In Brazil, 31 recycling and composting plants were reported in operation, but it is not known how many have been closed. It is estimated that in the last twenty years at least 15 large plants in Latin America and the Caribbean were closed due to the refusal of the municipality to continue subsidizing high operational costs, especially when less expensive final disposal alternatives were available, although environmentally they did not have the bioconversion benefit. Except for the case of cities near to agroindustrial centers, it is unlikely that the private sector be interested in investing and operating composting plants, unless for small industrial projects targeted at a reduced local market of household gardens. The same can be said about the lack of interest of the private sector to invest and operate incineration plants with energy recovery. 7. One of the main critical aspects identified in the Region is the low coverage and precarious care for final disposal of MSW and its negative impact on health and the environment. The high interest shown by the governments, the conununity, and the media for hospital solid waste management (approximately 600 t day in all the Region) is unbalanced compared to the very little interest in solving the final disposal of 330,000 daily t of municipal wastes. 8. The so-called sanitary landfill, which usually is just a controlled landfill, is the most practiced final disposal method in Latin America and the Caribbean. The information indicates that 30% of MSW are disposed of in sanitary landfills, but these not confirmed data seem overvalued. Most landfills qualified as sanitary do not meet the technical specifications required to be considered as such. In addition, controlled landfills with 35 % coverage has been mentioned, however, there is not technical consensus to specify what is a controlled landfill, since this denomination has a very broad range, from a sanitary landfill to a simple inspected dump, except for Brazil which has standards for controlled landfills. Clearly, the quality of few sanitary landfills has improved in recent years, although none of them treats leaching nor uses synthetic membranes yet. In medium and small cities and even in some large cities, final disposal of MSW in open dumps and water bodies is frequent and represents the major public health and environmental problem of the Region. The formal private sector intervention in the construction of sanitary landfills, successful in large cities, does not occur in small cities. The construction of manual landfills is feasible as demonstration projects in very small urban centers. Possibly, microbusinesses are the viable alternative. 9. Maintenance of equipment and facilities continues to be a critical aspect in the municipal services of the Region. It has partially been solved through the contract of the maintenance service to private companies. Obviously, there is no problem when urban cleaning services are privatized, since maintenance is responsibility of the concessionaire or private contractor. 10. The recovery of recyclable and reusable materials is practiced widely in Latin America and the Caribbean. Formal recovery through separation and collection from large generators of recyclable waste is profitable, environmentally positive and recommendable. The other way of recovery through street segregation, during collection or in final disposal sites is not recommendable, but it is accepted as an option when unemployment and poverty are rampant. There is no reliable information on the quantity of waste recovered. Through source recovery from large generators, up to 30% of the waste is recovered. It is estimated that scavengers recover 2 % to 8 % of the generated refuse or 10 % to 30 % of the recyclable components contained in MSW. In summary, some cities have progressed because the recovered quantity has been increased, scavengers are being organized, recovered material is more equitably marketed, and the number of recycling industries has increased. Despite this, the social problem of scavengers prevails and they still cannot apply to financial credit. 11. Hazardous wastes from health services in regional terms represent less than 1 % of the total MSW generated per day, i.e., 300,000 tons. Most of this hospital waste is handled and disposed of together with MSW. It is unlikely that governmental authorities and municipalities can monitor and control the management of hospital solid wastes when these are also governmental institutions. 12. Hazardous solid and semisolid wastes are toxic for human health and the environment. Although there are no data available, it can be assumed that part of hazardous wastes are handled together with municipal solid wastes in an authorized or clandestine way. In this regard, the major causes of this problem are the absence of monitoring and control due to lack of human, physical and financial resources; no sanctions to trespassers; political favors and privileges; and corruption of governmental officials. 4.3 Economic-financial area 1. Except for some Caribbean countries, the governments of the Region have not identified the economic benefits of proper MSW and HW management and an efficient urban cleaning service. Since it is not possible to quantify the profits of health, environmental protection, life quality improvement, tourism increase and poverty reduction, the evaluations on economic benefits simply assess the recovered and recycled material, the sale of compost, gas methane or energy from incineration, the increase in the value of land recovered by sanitary landfills, and other marginal profits that do not represent all the economic benefits of proper solid waste management. 2. Solid waste management is not considered a specific sector in Latin America and Caribbean countries and rarely there is a financial system to support the sector, considered a set of policies, standards, actions, resources and objectives. Most of the financial resources come from municipalities and from financial funds (federal or state) through the established bureaucratic channels, but when they reach the application level, the financial effectiveness to benefit the sector is lost. 3. Concerning the budget, the critical aspect identified is the reduced financial contribution from the government and municipalities to improve MSW and HW management in the countries of the Region, especially for medium and small cities. 4. With regard to external financing, the interest of international and bilateral organizations in solid waste management is recent (no more than 10 years), and few are the cases where this external financing has been exclusive for solid waste projects, since it is usually a component of urban development, basic sanitation, or environmental pollution control projects, unlike drinking water supply and sewerage projects which have their own identity. Another problem of medium and small city municipalities is the application to credit from international and bilateral financial organizations. To respond to the private sector financing, the IDB has opened a new window in 1994, moreover, it is offering additional advantages to microbusinesses of the Region. 5. Without information on solid waste management costs, it is not possible to determine efficiency or financial performance indicators, therefore, this lack of information constitutes a critical restriction. 6. To comply with their urban cleaning responsibility, municipalities receive national government transfers, municipal income (land, commercial and industrial taxes), and tariffs for the urban cleaning service. The latter are minimum; some cities do not charge them for political reasons and others because they are difficult to collect, there is no community education, or the service is so poor that users refuse to pay for it. Tariff implementation for urban cleaning services is crucial to achieve self-financing in the countries of the Region. 7. The collection of tariffs for urban cleaning services is not efficient when it is included in the tax billing because the slowness in payment is very high. Under this widely used system, the income rarely covers the costs of the service, therefore, the service is subsidized by the municipality. Tariff collection, billed together with other public services, such as drinking water and electric energy is usually efficient and achieves self-financing. The problem appears when legal devices are created that impede this type of marketing and refrains the cut of water or electricity when the urban cleaning service is not paid. In LAC, marketing is a critical aspect in the privatization of urban cleaning services since for private enterprises, concessionaires or contractors, the direct collection of cleaning tariffs to the users is risky; thus, the municipality always collects the tariff and pays the concessionaire or private contractor. 4.4 Health area Human health problems due to physical, chemical and biological agents contained in MSW are the main effect of poor waste management in Latin America and the Caribbean. Exposed populations are formal and informal workers involved in solid waste management, transportation, and final disposal; the population without regular household collection; the population living near MSW treatment and disposal sites; scavengers and their families; and the population in general through water contamination, consumption of meat from waste fed animals, and exposure to hazardous waste. The main factors that contribute to a greater or lesser extent to this situation are little attention and monitoring of the waste sector authorities and the deficient quality of services provided by urban cleaning utilities. 4.5 Environmental area In Latin America and the Caribbean the negative environmental impact caused by inadequate management of municipal, special and hazardous solid wastes has the following order of risk: final disposal sites; temporary storage sites; transfer stations, treatment and recovery plants; and collection and transportation process. The negative environmental impact associated with inadequate solid waste management in LAC is related to water resources, air and soil contamination, and impact on landscape. Environmental protection and control, as well as pollution prevention have institutional, legal, financial and especially surveillance limitations with regard to regulation compliance. On the other hand, policies to reduce municipal, special, and hazardous waste generation still have not given results; minimization of hazardous waste at the source through cleaner productive processes is still incipient. To achieve sustainable development, recovery, reuse, and recycling must be increased (some progress has been achieved in this area). But, the most important to prevent, mitigate or correct possible negative impacts on the environment, is to improve MSW management and particularly final disposal. 4.6 Social and community sector Community participation in solid waste management is poor. The community considers that this is a responsibility of the municipality, therefore, the population is not involved in the decision-making process to solve waste management problems. With regard to service payment, the attitude of the community is negative, since many consider that the municipality should provide it free of cost. Through environmental education, sweeping costs can be reduced, a better waste separation can be achieved, thus, it is economically feasible to invest in education. Most countries have not established policies or strategies for mass communication programs and activities in this area are isolated and occasional. Only in some countries environmental education has been included in formal school programs, which is a second measure since this is a long-term process that should be initiated in the infancy. Education and knowledge on solid waste collection and final disposal, minimization at the source and recovery and reuse of solid waste among authorities, producers, and especially the community, is an important part of the principles of the Agenda 21. Although it is a long-term process, it is the correct way to achieve sustainable urban cleaning services as it has been confirmed by the achievements obtained in industrialized countries. 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ANNEXES Annex 2.1.1 Total population iii Latin America and the Caribbean (in thousands) Country 1980 1990 1995 Antigua and Barbuda 61 64 68 Argentina 114 32,547 34,587 Bahamas 210 256 276 Barbados 249 257 262 Belize 146 189 215 Bolivia 5,355 6,573 7,414 Brazil 121,286 148,477 161,790 I Chile 11,147 13,100 14,210 Colombia 26,525 32,300 35,101 Costa Rica 2,284 3,035 3,424 Cuba 9,710 10,598 11,041 Dominica 74 71 71 Dominican Republic 5,679 7,110 7,823 Ecuador 7,961 10,264 11,460 El Salvador 4,525 5,172 5,768 Granada 89 91 92 Guadeloupe 327 391 428 Guatemala 6,917 9,197 10,621 Guyana 759 793 835 Haiti 5,353 6,486 7,180 Honduras 3,569 4,879 5,654 Jamaica 2,133 2,366 2,447 Mexico 174 190 199 Netherlands Antilles 67,570 83,226 91,145 Nicaragua 2,802 3,676 4,433 Panama 1,950 2,398 2,631 Paraguay 3,136 4,317 4,960 Peru 17,324 21,569 23,532 Saint Kitts and Nevis 47 42 41 Saint Lucia 115 133 142 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 98 107 112 Suriname 355 400 423 Trinidad y Tobago 1,082 1,236 1,306 Uruguay 2,914 3,094 3,186 Venezuela 15,091 19,502 21,844 Total 355,148 434,105 474,721 Source: ECLAC. Anuario estadfstico de Arndrica Latina y el Caribe. 1995. Annex 2.1.2 Urban population of Latin America and the Caribbean (in thousands) Country 1990 1995 2000 Latin America and the Caribbean 314,161 357,689 401,361 The Caribbean 20.082 22,347 24,637 American Virgin Islands 45 48 51 Anguilla Antigua and Barbuda 23 24 25 Aruba Bahamas 214 239 262 Barbados 115 124 135 British Virgin Islands Cayman Islands 26 31 36 Cuba 7,801 8.389 8,896 Dominica Dominican Republic 4,293 5,051 5,789 Grenada Guadeloupe 385 425 461 Haiti 1,855 2,206 2.775 Jamaica 1,217 1,314 1,430 Martinique 326 353 377 Montserrat 1 1 2 Netherlands Antilles 130 138 147 Puerto Rico 2,518 2,698 2.888 Saint Kitts and Nevis 17 18 19 Saint Lucia 61 69 77 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 44 52 61 Trinidad and Tobago 854 938 1,026 Turks & Caicos Islands 5 6 8 American Virgin Islands 45 48 51 Central America 74,173 86,011 98,150 Belize 90 101 115 Costa Rica 1,429 1,702 2,001 El Salvador 2,269 2,599 3.006 Guatemala 3,628 4.404 5.394 Honduras 1 x)85 2,482 3,070 Mexico 61,335 70,535 79,580 Nicaragua 2,197 2,787 3,405 Panama 1,240 1,401 1,579 South America 219,906 249,331 278,574 Argentina 28.158 30,463 32,762 Bolivia 3,665 4,505 5,432 Brazil 110.789 126.599 141,979 Chile 10.954 11 ,966 12,962 Colombia 22,604 25,526 28,447 Ecuador 5.625 6.698 7,833 Malvines Islands 2 2 2 French Guyana 87 112 140 Guyana 268 302 349 Paraguay 2.109 2,613 3,168 Peru 15,068 17,175 19,437 Suriname 190 213 242 Uruguay 2,751 2,877 2,994 Venezuela 17,636 20,281 22,828 Source: United Nations. World urbrutizations prospects: the 1994 revision. Annex 2.1.3 Latin American cities among the 100 largest in the world Annex 2.1.4 Group of countries of Latin America and the Caribbean according to urban population percentage (1995) Percentage of urban Countries population Between 90% and 100% Guadeloupe, Martinique, Cayman Islands, Uruguay, Venezu\ela Between 80% and 90% Argentina, Bahamas, Chile Between 70% and 80% Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, French Guyana, Mexico, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago Between 60% and 70% Dominican Republic, Netherlands Antilles, Nicaragua, Bolivia Between 50% and 60% Jamaica, Panama, Ecuador, Suriname, Paraguay Between 40% and 50% Barbados, San Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and Grenadines, Turks and Caicos Islands, Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras Between 30% and 40% I Guyana, Antigua y Barbuda, Haiti Source: United Nations. World urbanizations prospects: the 1994 revision. Annex 2.3.1 Group of countries according to GDP/capita 1994 (in US$ - 1980) GDP (US$/capita) Countries Less than 500 Haiti, Nicaragua Between 500 and 999 Bolivia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Peru Between 1,000 and 1499 Ecuador, Paraguay, Dominican Republic Between 1,500 and 1,999 Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Jamaica, Panama Between 2,000 and 2,999 Mexico, Uruguay Between 3,000 and 4,000 Barbados, Chile, Trinidad y Tobago, Venezuela Between 4,000 and 10,000 Argentina, Bahamas Source: ECLAC. Anuario estadistico tie América Latiua y el (:aribe. 1995. Annex 2.3.2 Manufacturing industry growth úi Latin America and the Caribbean Period Growth (annual average rate) 1970-1975 5.6 1975-1980 -3.7 1980-1985 -0.6 1985-1990 1.4 1991 2.9 1992 1.2 1993 3.8 1994 I 4.9 Source: ECLAC. Aruiario estadistico de América latúta y el Caribe. 1995. Annex 3.1.1. Annex 3.2.1 Hospital solid waste generation in some countries of Europe and Latin America Country Year of Solid waste generation (kg/bed/day) survey min. Average Max. The Netherlands 1982 1.3 3.1 6.5 Spain 1983 1.2 2.7 4.4 United Kingdom 1983 0.3 1.9 3.3 United States 1983 4.1 4.6 5.2 Argentina 1982 0.8 - 4.2 Argentina 1988 1.9 - 3.7 Brazil 1978 1.2 2.6 3.8 Chile 1973 1.0 - 1.2 Paraguay 1988/9 3.0 3.8 4.5 Peru 1987 1.6 2.9 6.0 Venezuela 1976 2.6 3.1 3.7 Source: PAHO; WHO. CEE. Management of hospital .solid wastes and control of the effects on health and the environment in Central America and Panama. 1991. Annex 3.2.2 Hospital solid waste generation in Central American and Panama Annex 3.2.3 MSW generation in some countries Countries Generation (kg/capita/day) Canada 1.9 United States 1.5 The Netherlands 1.3 Switzerland 1.2 Japan 1.0 Europe (others) 0.9 India 0.4 Ecuador(93) 0.73 í Bolivia (94) 0.56 Colombia (95) 0.74 Costa Rica (96) 0.66 Guatemala (92) 0.50 Uruguay (96) - 0.75 Source: PAHO. El manejo de residuos sólidos municipales en Ainérica Latina y el Caribe. 1995. Serie Ambiental 15. PAHO. Estudios sectoriales de residuos sólidos de Colombia, Guatemala, México y Uruguay. 1995-1996. Fundación Natura. Manejo de desechos sólidos en el Ecuador. 1993. PAHO; IDB. Informes de expertos locales para el presente diagnóstico. 1996. I i Annex 3.2.4 Estimation industrial waste production per year in the countries surveyed (1993) Country N.H. H. N.H. H. liquids N.H. H. solids Sludges,~'~ sludges(1) liquids (x 106 t) Solids (x 106 t) (X 106 t) (x 106 t) (X 106 t) (x 106 t) Argentina 0.27 6.05 21.39 172.59 0.86 2.35 Bolivia 0.007 0.24 0.618 13.19 0.02 0.17 Brazil 0.82 35.55 65.98 215 6.68 14.74 Colombia 0.075 0.82 4.00 40.16 0.30 1.31 Cuba 0.00 0.53 0.009 24.96 0.02 0.57 Chile 0.054 1.01 4.03 94.20 0.30 1.68 Ecuador 0.016 0.43 1.32 29.41 0.07 0.37 Guatemala 0.006 0.08 0.40 5.89 0.02 0.08 Jamaica 0.002 0.03 0.20 1.15 0.01 0.03 Mexico 0.321 10.62 18.12 429.73 5.32 25.03 Nicaragua 0.003 0.19 0.28 11.36 0.02 0.05 Paraguay 0.031 0.18 2.46 4.48 0.04 0.17 Peru 0.052 2.00 4.14 95.22 0.27 1.17 Trinidad and 0.001 0.22 0.07 3.58 0.02 0.01 Tobago Uruguay 0,07 0,65 6.00 26,97 0,06 0,26 Venezuela 5,55 0,13 I 0,008 1 1.73 I 88,98 I 0,30 '~ N.H. = Non hazardous H. = Hazardous Annex 3.2.5 Projection of hazardous waste generation per year in the countries surveyed Countries N.H. sludges H. solids Total Population t/person (x 10 t) (x 10 t) (x 10 ) Argentina 6.05 2.35 8.39 32 0.26 Bolivia 0.24 0.17 0.41 7 0.06 Brazil 35.55 14.74 50.29 150 0.34 Colombia 0.82 1.31 2.12 33 0.06 Cuba 0.53 0.57 1.11 11 0.10 Chile 1.01 1.68 2.69 13 0.21 Ecuador 0.43 0.37 0.79 13 0.06 Guatemala 0.08 0.08 0.17 9 0.02 Jamaica 0.03 0.03 0.06 25 0.002 Mexico 10.62 25.03 35.65 89 0.40 Nicaragua 0.19 0.05 0.24 4 0.06 Paraguay 0.18 0.17 3.17 22 0.14 Peru 2.00 1.17 3.17 22 0.14 Trinidad and 0.22 0.01 0.23 1 0.23 Tobago Uruguay 0.65 0.26 0.91 3 0.30 Venezuela 5.55 0.13 5.68 22 0.26 Source: PAHO. Desechos peligrosos y salud en América Latina y el Caribe, 1994. Serie Ambiental 14. Annex 3.2.6 Summary of hazardous waste production per industry Industry Code % Hazardous % Hazardous % Hazardous sludges liquids solids Textiles 3211 0.52 62.86 0.35 Carpets 3214 0.00 0.00 0.00 Tanneries 3231 12.90 0.04 1.68 Pulp/paper 3411 0.00 5.46 0.07 Printing shops 3420 0.19 0.32 10.56 Basic chemicals 3511 68.43 21.48 0.19 Fertilizers/pesticides 3512 0.00 0.01 0.05 Resins/synthetic plastics. 3513 0.01 0.00 0.74 Paints/polishers 3521 0.13 0.25 0.48 Drugs/medicines 3522 0.13 0.19 0.11 Oil refineries 3530 5.58 4.47 6.01 Oil/cardboard products 3540 0.00 0.00 0.00 Iron/steel 3710 0.46 0.09 6.03 Non-ferrous metals 3720 11.43 3.36 5.03 Metal products 3819 0.23 1.47 68.70 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: PAHO. Desechos peligrosos y salud vi América Latina y el Caribe, 1994. Serie Ambiental 14. Annex 3.2.7 Industrial solid waste practices in selected countries (1) Annex 3.28 Summary of hazardous waste practices in selected countries of the Region Annex 3.28 (cont.) Summary of hazardous waste management practices in selected countries of the Region Annex 3.3.1 Loans, technical cooperation, donations and other financial support for solid waste in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1997-1998 Entity: Inter-American Development Bank Sector Estimation of the E/O loan for cooperation (in US$ millions) Solid waste Total Sanitation 95 1.920 Urban development and housing 76 1.430 Environmental protection 137 1.180 Total 308 4.530 Annex 3.3.2 Loans for MSW management projects in LAC, 1988-1996 No. of Total cost Loan cost MSW MSW project (US$ m) (US$ m) manageme management as nt cost in % of the total (US$ m) Antigua and Barbuda 1 50.5 6.8 50.5 100.0 Argentina 2 840.0 330.0 23.6 2.8 Belize 1 28.0 20.0 0.5 1.8 Bolivia 1 21.3 15.0 2.2 10.3 Brazil 8 2693.1 1098.9 97.2 3.6 Chile 1 32.8 11.5 -- - Colombia 4 697.4 251.9 15.8 2.3 Ecuador 1 300.0 104.0 5.0 1.7 Mexico 3 617.5 285.8 223.5 36.2 Peru 1 52.5 24.7 6.6 12.6 Venezuela 1 85.5 40.0 4.7 5.5 Total for LAC 24 5418.6 2188.6 429.7 - Average per project -- 225.8 91.2 19.5 8.7 Source: World Bank. Annex 3.3.3 Projects financed by the world bank in Latin America and the Caribbean Municipal development projects (10) Specialized solid waste projects (3) Water supply and sanitation projects (3) Water quality management projects (2) Urban environment management projects (2) Projects for environmental institutions development (2) Low income areas improvement projects (1) Projects for reconstruction after emergencies (1) Source: World Bank. Annex 3.3.4 Ten priority pollutants according to frequency of occurrence in hazardous waste sites of the United States Site Pollutant Site percentage 1 Trichloroethylene 48 2 Lead 36 3 Tetrachlorethylene 33 4 Trychlorethane 25 5 1,2 dychlorethylene 24 6 Benzene 23 7 Chrome 21 8 Arsenic 20 9 Cadmium 18 10 I 1,-1 dychlorethylene I 18 Adapted from ATSDR. Biennial report to Congress, 1991 and 1992. Annex 3.3.5 Three priority pollutants according to frequency of occurrence in Environmental sites Pollutants Air benzene, toluene, trychlorethylene Soil lead, chrome, arsenic Water tryclorethylene, lead, tetrachlorethylene Adapted from Fay, 1994. Annex 3.3.6 Positive experiences in solid waste management in LAC Country/location Experience Results 1. Argentina Housing improvement of irregular Improvement of sanitation infrastructure Ciudad de Rosario settlements of Rosario; sanitation, of vulnerable human settlements; human 1 million, 20% poor environment and health improvement, resource training, participation with waste recycling activities management model on behalf of 8,000 families 1. Argentina Improvement of environmental and Access to sanitation for 50,000 indigenes North East household conditions of indigenous of 18 ethnic groups; training, indigenous populations participation and coordinated action of populations national and local entities 3. Brazil Sanitation program for the Control and management of solid waste Sao Paulo Guarapiranga river with IBRD generated by 200 illegal settlements to control the river supplying 3 million persons 4. Chile Metropolitan regulation plan Metropolitan development of Santiago Santiago with social integration and functionality: soil use, infrastructure and services, maximum limit of urban expansion 5. Colombia Recyclers: improvement of work 25,000 families of scavengers with social conditions, urban solid waste benefits: children education, social management and life quality of women security and increase of 30% of their and children benefits 6. Costa Rica Integrated waste management for rural Waste generation reduction; reuse, communities of the tropical forest of recycling Costa Rica SW qualification and quantification Final disposal in sanitary landfills Public dissemination campaigns and education programs on waste management 7. Honduras Integrated project for the Barrio Nuevo Integrated actions of garbage collection, Horizonte, Tegucigalpa creation of green areas and collection microbusinesses. Establishment of 10 manual sanitary landfills Source: Hdbitat. Annotated list of best practices. 1996. Global Best Practices Initiative Glossary In this document, the following terms have the meaning assigned to its corresponding definition. ADMINISTRATION See management. BIOGAS Mixture of gases, mainly methane and carbon dioxide, generated by anaerobic decomposition of organic wastes. COMBUSTIBLE SOLID WASTE Wastes that burn in presence of oxygen by action of a spark or any other source of ignition. COMMERCIAL SOLID WASTE Wastes generated in commercial establishments, such as warehouses, deposits, hotels, restaurants, cafeterias, and market places. CONCESSION Partial or total delivery of solid waste management services to individuals or private enterprises by the government or municipality. CONTAINER Variable-capacity receptacle used for solid waste storage. DEBRIS Waste from construction and demolition of houses, buildings, or any other type of construction. DUMP Open place where wastes are disposed of without any sanitary treatment. Synonym of open dump and open pit. ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT (EIA) In the field of solid wastes, management tool aimed at reducing waste generation and ensuring that its impact on human health and the environment be minimized. EXPLOSIVE SOLID WASTE Wastes that generate great pressures when undergoing instantaneous ignition. GARBAGE Synonym of municipal solid waste and solid waste. HAZARDOUS WASTE Solid or semisolid wastes that due to its toxic, reactive, corrosive, radioactive, inflammable, explosive, or pathogenic characteristics, represent a substantial or potential risk to human health or the environment when managed with municipal solid waste in an authorized or clandestine way. HEALTH CENTER Place, site, or facility where activities related to human or animal health care are carried out. HOUSEHOLD SOLID WASTE Wastes that due to its nature, composition, quantity, and volume are generated in houses or similar dwelling place. INDUSTRIAL SOLID WASTE Wastes generated in industrial activities as a result of production processes, equipment and facility maintenance, and pollution treatment and control. INFLAMMABLE SOLID WASTE Wastes that can burn spontaneously under normal conditions. INSTITUTIONAL SOLID WASTE Wastes generated in educational, governmental, military and religious establishments; offices; prisons; and air, terrestrial, fluvial or marine terminals, among others. LEACHATE Liquid that percolates through solid wastes. It is composed of rainwater, runoffs, refuse moisture and decomposition of organic matter containing dissolved and suspended materials. Synonym of percolated liquid. MANAGEMENT Set of operations to dispose wastes in the most adequate way according to its characteristics. Its objective is to prevent damages or risks to human health or the environment. It includes waste storage, sweeping, collection, transfer, transportation, treatment, final disposal, or any other necessary operation. MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE Solid or semisolid wastes from urban activities. They can be residential, domestic, commercial, and institutional, from the small industry or from sweeping and cleaning streets, markets, public areas and others. Its management is responsibility of the municipality or other governmental authority. Synonym of garbage and solid waste. OPEN DUMP Synonym of dump or open pit. PATHOGENIC SOLID WASTE Wastes that due to its characteristics and composition may produce infections to humans. PERCOLATED LIQUID Synonym of leachate. PRIVATIZATION Granting of concessions to the private sector for managing municipal solid wastes. PUBLIC CLEANING Synonym of urban cleaning. RADIOACTIVE SOLID WASTE Wastes that emit electromagnetic radiation at higher levels than natural background radiation. RECYCLING Process through which waste materials are reincorporated as raw material to the productive cycle. REFUSE Solid or semisolid residues, easy to decompose, derived from animals or vegetables and from food handling, preparation and consumption. SANITARY LANDFILL Engineering technique for the adequate confinement of municipal solid wastes; it includes waste placement and compaction, daily covering with soil or other inert material and control of gases, leachate and vector proliferation to prevent environmental pollution and to protect population health. SCAVENGER Person who segregates materials from waste. The term has different denominations in the countries of the Region: "cirujas" in Argentina; "buzos" in Bolivia; "catadores" in Brazil; "cachureros" in Chile; "basuriegos" in Colombia; "buzos" in Cuba, Costa Rica, and Dominican Republic; "chamberos" in Ecuador; "guajeros" in Guatemala; "pepenadores" in Mexico; "cutreros" in Peru; "hurgadores" in Uruguay. SECURE LANDFILL Sanitary landfill for the adequate final disposal of industrial or hazardous wastes. SEGREGATION Separation and recovery of useful and recyclable materials from waste. SLUDGE Liquid with high content of suspended solids derived from water or wastewater treatment plants or similar processes. SOLID WASTE Synonym of municipal solid waste and garbage. SPECIAL SOLID WASTE Solid wastes that due to its quality, quantity, volume, or weight represent a hazard, hence, they require special management. It includes solid wastes from health centers, chemical products, outdated drugs, outdated food, hazardous wastes, sludge, bulk or heavy wastes that with authorization or illegally are handled together with municipal solid wastes. TOXIC SOLID WASTE Wastes that due to its physical or chemical characteristics, depending on its concentration and exposure time, may cause injury and even death of living beings, as well as environmental pollution. TREATMENT Physical, chemical or biological transformation of solid wastes to modify its characteristics or take advantage of its potential. A new solid waste can be generated with different characteristics. URBAN CLEANING Set of activities and processes, including storage, presentation, collection, transportation, transfer, treatment, disposal, sweeping and cleaning of public areas, recovery, reuse, and recycling of municipal solid wastes. Synonym of public cleaning. URBAN CLEANING SERVICE The urban cleaning service includes the following activities related to municipal solid waste management: storage; presentation; collection; transport; transfer; treatment; sanitary disposal; sweeping and cleaning of public areas; recovery and recycling. URBAN CLEANING UTILITY Individual or body corporation, public or private, in charge or responsible for public cleaning services. VECTOR It includes flies, mosquitoes, rodents, and other animals that can transmit infectious diseases directly or indirectly to humans or animals.
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