Introduction Since the implementation of the South African Land

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					LAND RE-DISTRIBUTION AND MANAGEMENT STRATEGY VIA THE COMMUNITY PROPERTY ASSOCIATION (CPA): CHALLENGES FACING THE DEPARTMENT OF LAND AFFAIRS IN THE NORTHERN PROVIINCE OF SOUTH AFRICA

Abstract: In view of the high demand for land by South Africans’ black rural households, policy makers are puzzled why beneficiaries do not till the land allocated to them through the land redistribution and management strategy called Community Property Association (CPA). As a result the size of CPA members is set to change. This paper argues that although a number of South Africans black rural households need land, apartheid and postapartheid changes in the socio-economic rural landscape have influenced peoples’ values and attitudes towards land use in contrast to land use via the CPA. This paper therefore suggests that any change to the CPA process should be sensitive to the existing (and evolving) post-election socio-economic changes in the rural landscape. Otherwise, changes to the size of the number of people in CPA will not resolve members failure to till the land.

Introduction Since the implementation of the South African Land Policy in 1995, the Department of Land Affairs (DLA) can justifiable claim it has laid the policy framework for the redistribution of land in South Africa. It can also claim considerable success in delivering land to poor communities. So far, approximately half a million hectares of land have been distributed to 200 000 beneficiaries in the country (DLA, 1998). However, indications are that DLA intends to administer a new strategy to reduce or limit the size of the number of people in CPA (Sunday Times, 1999). The underlying reason is that some registered CPAs members acquire the land acquisition grant but do not till the land after it has been purchased. This paper argues that any changes to the size of CPAs membership needs to be guided by detailed investigations of trends and circumstances that are currently prevailing in different rural communities. Otherwise, changes to the size of the number of people in CPAs will not resolve members’ failure to till the land. The objective of this paper is to provide a brief overview of international experience, the framework of the CPAs, the existing (and evolving) socio-economic rural landscape and relate them to them to the findings of two case studies in the Northern Province with regard to the slow pace of CPAs performance.

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The inability of a number of CPAs to provide real benefit to the participants is exacerbating the problem facing the DLA Directorate (DLA, 1998). In the Northern Province, the current utilisation of the land acquisition and settlement grants in some CPAs has been clouded with misunderstanding, misconceptions and dissatisfaction among beneficiaries (De Villiers and Kwaw, 1999). Consequently, CPAs are struggling to take off the ground. These trends in the Northern Province have prompted research with the aim of verifying the following:
1. 2. 3.

whether CPA groupings augur well for productive land use; whether the business plans of CPAs conform(s) to the needs and interests of members; whether there are adequate support services to ensure cost effective use of the financial grant for productive land use.

While this analysis is useful and provides insight into the operation of CPAs, it overlooks the need for a commensurate understanding of the existing (and evolving) socio-economic changes of the rural landscape, which is conditioning people’s behaviour, including members’ failure to till the land. Perhaps “the notion of a homogenous black rural society should be replaced with a realistic description of the various socio-economic groupings in order to structure support systems based on the needs and aspirations of such groups” (van Rooyen and Njobe-Mbuli, 1996:462).

Institutional framework of CPA The policy framework of the redistribution of land via the Community Property Association Act (Act 28 of 1996) presupposes that, where beneficiaries of the land acquisition and settlement grants are accessing land as groups, there is the need for mechanisms not only to recognise such group ownership, but also to give legal protection to ensure greater tenure security (DLA, 1997). The CPA enables communities benefiting from the Restitution of Land Rights Act (Act 22 of 1994), the Provision of Land Assistance Act (Act 126 of 1993), and the Labour Reform Labour Tenants Act, (Act 3 of 1996), to form juristic persons, to be known as Community Property Association (CPA). The intention is to allow group of applicants to pool their

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resources together to acquire, hold and manage land as agreed upon by applicants in terms of their constitution.

The South African Land Policy envisaged that the target group in the CPA should constitute disadvantaged members of the rural communities who, under the mainstream of the traditional land tenure system, cannot gain access to land. Hence, the CPA directs attention to povertystricken areas, to give priority to marginalised groups who may have become victims of land discrimination.

The White Paper of the South African Land Policy categorises eligible applicants for land acquisition and settlement grants into:
1.

Landless people, or people who have limited access to land, especially women, who wish to gain access to land and settlement opportunities in rural areas or urban areas.

2.

Farm workers and their families who wish to acquire land and improve their settlement and tenure conditions.

3.

Labour tenants and their families who wish to acquire land and improve the land which they hold or an alternative land, in accordance with the land reform (Labour Tenants) Acts, 3 of 1996.

4. 5.

Residents who wish to secure and upgrade the conditions of tenure under which they live Successful claimants of the land Restitution Programme in terms of the Restitution of Land Right Act (Act 22 of 1994), who require additional funds for meeting basic needs on restored land.

The CPA recognises these as its major clients, who, without state administrative and financial assistance, cannot enter the land market (Kwaw, 1998). In support of the land acquisition scheme a maximum of R16 000.00 (previously R15 000.00) per qualifying person is provided to be used for land acquisition, enhancement of tenure rights and investment in infrastructure and farm capital according to the plan put forward by the applicants (DLA, 1997). This allows

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members of a group to pool their grants together for a common purpose as agreed upon in their constitution, business plan and the CPA act.

This should not be construed that CPAs has information relating to their members demographic profiles: age, education, supply of family labour, farming experience and skills, capital assets, non-farming skills, poverty status, marital status, health status, and how much of their skills and assets can or will be transferred and incorporated into CPAs assets and counted to the advantage of registered applicants. However, it is assumed that applicants’ knowledge of farming is substantial. The other unknown factor is, whether beneficiaries have the necessary skills needed to transform them from subsistence practices based on household economies and social security consideration to market-oriented business principles of commercial farming. This paper is of the view that these are the necessary criteria to influence the drawing of CPAs business plans, if the intention is to reflect the groups’ needs and interests.

Land reform projects: lesson from international experience Generally throughout history, land reform has been associated with changes of political regimes, and policy to finance land reform is geared towards the development priorities of the new political order. Where such programmes have been initiated, selection criteria were derived from broad statements in the national policy document about who the prime beneficiaries in a particular programme should be (van Rooyen and Njobe-Mbuli, 1996). The criteria cannot be devoid of the objectives conditioned by the ideological and other policy goals of the regime in power (World Bank, 1993). Indications are that the major objective of land reform and resettlement grant is to achieve greater social justice through redistribution of land to previously underprivileged groups. This has been achieved through the reorganisation of agricultural institutions with the aim of achieving greater efficiency.

Christiansen (1996), outlined a number international experiences in land reform, some of which might serve as useful lessons for South Africa. First, he identified speed as one of the characteristics of a successful implementation. He argued that first in the absence of fast-paced

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programmes, a combination of bureaucratic inertia, legal challenges and power struggle is likely to render the programme ineffective. Second, there is the need to assess the economic viability of the farm models, to ensure that the persons settled on the land have sufficient land, and the necessary infrastructure to generate income. In conclusion, he indicated that redistribution of land is necessary, but not sufficient to guarantee the success of a development programme. The importance of additional services such as infrastructure, markets, incentives and health services were issues of greater concern and necessary for beneficiaries of the land and even to include those who may not benefit from the direct provision of the land.

Illustrations from Mexico and Zimbabwe showed that government-administered programmes were associated with opportunity for corruption and delay to carry out effective administrative land reform. Where success was achieved, indications are that they were built on the knowledge of the demographic profiles of the beneficiaries, viz. age, education, supply of family labour, farming experience and skills, capital assets, non-farming skills, poverty status, marital status, health status (Njobe, 1993).

Other experiences from the international arena also point to failures regarding the collective form of land use. Kinsey and Binswanger, (1996:109) outlined the following:
1.

In the socialist world, where collective use is being abandoned, records show that with the exception of a few, where a farm is managed as a single large scale unit and members receive labour points and profit shares, such projects have not proved very successful.

2.

In World Bank-assisted irrigation projects involving collective farming and tenure in Mexico, it was discovered that the performance of beneficiaries in collective land use were poor relative to those where beneficiaries were given individual plots.

3.

In Mexico, Peru, Honduras and Nicaragua, where beneficiaries were organised as collective farmers, they often subdivided the holdings informally.

4.

In Zimbabwe some collective co-operative settlements experienced the problem of poor group cohesion (Akwabi-Ammeyaw, 1990). One year after take-off, more than 20 per cent

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of the country’s collectives disbanded, and groups willing to take over the facilities have been hard to find (Zimbabwe Government, 1991).
5.

According to Kinsey and Binswanger (1996:109), technical efficiency and economic viability are best achieved by a programme design that promotes individual land holding through the issue of freehold titles or long term-term usufructuary agreement.

Mabogunje (1982), also highlighted that the African philosophical view of the social values attached to the land is evident in the attitude to ownership and right of alienation. Understanding of landless, restrictive measures, lack of recognition outside common law, appropriation of land in the African communal system are a matter of the relationship betwee the living, ancestors and future generations. He emphasised the effects of colonial contacts with traditional African societies, and drew attention to the drastic change in values, attitudes and the collapse of the traditional structures resulting from such contact. Subsequent changes were that the traditional African view of land as belonging to the whole community and being held in trust for future generations was often replaced by land market system in which both land and labour could be bought or sold. In this way individuals’ could owe land over which traditional society no longer exercised effective control.

The analysis of the advances and limitations of CPAs and traditional land tenure system is not the objective of this paper. However, a rigorous analysis of the controversies surrounding the latter is a precondition for understanding the need and significance of the Community Property Association Act.

The characteristics of the space economy of rural communities of South Africa The characteristics of the space economy of rural communities of South Africa and for that matter, the Northern Province is extremely important for understanding the effect of the challenges facing CPAs in the latter. A detailed analysis is provided in South Africa: Spatial Frameworks for Development (edited by Fair, 1982). Fair (199:245-70) applied Friedman’s model to the stages of growth of South Africa’s space economy, and used a series of maps to

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demonstrate how a core-periphery evolved, which currently dominate the present space economy of the rural landscape as follows: 1. Comprising the outer periphery were the former Black national states (including the former Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei) and self-governing territories; 2. The outer periphery remained tied to the core (comprising the major metropolitan areas of the former PWV, Cape Town and Durban-Pinetown and other minor metropolitan centres) largely through migrant labour system; 3. In the outer periphery …spread effect were very weak …the level of income and welfare were very low.

The conclusion to these developments is best summarised by (Fair, 1982:45 as quoted in Hobert Houghton, 1964:19), that ‘in South African reserves where…rights to land have been entrenched, progress (has) not taken place. Here the traditional type of farming has been perpetuated and productivity has tended to decline.’ The great gulf between South Africa’s modern and traditional sectors ‘has created a dualism…(the elimination of which) requires a progressive change from the low subsistence economy to much higher productivity exhibited in the modern market-oriented sectors.’

It is extremely difficult to generalise about the socio-economic landscape of rural areas in the Northern Province, because of the wide variety of economic, political and cultural contexts in which they evolved and existed. The present provincial spatial structure is largely fragmented by the relics of three of the demised homeland territories: Gazankulu, Lebowa and Venda. The development in these areas took the form of creating new towns (e.g. Giyani, Lebowakgomo and Thohoyandou as seats of government for Gazankulu, Lebowa and Venda respectively). As seats of government, a number of development strategies were pursued to spurred the growth of industrial, commercial, educational, health, cultural, housing and settlement patterns which became the growth centres of former homeland developments. In remote parts of the province, there is a marked continuity of traditional forms of economic and social organisation. In areas

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adjacent to predominantly former White urban settlements, marked changes have taken place with urbanisation having far-reaching effects upon rural settlements.

In contrast to homeland developments, the emerging features in rural areas after post-1994 election are democratically elected Transitional Local Councils (TLC), which are the first of its kind in the history of South Africa. Rural communities have been enfranchised together with ward representation at the local council administration. Contrary to this significant development Nkuzi (1998:44) holds the view that “...the failure to mobilise local-level institutions such as TLC as agent of land reform…” is a factor to the slow pace of CPA performances in the Northern Province.

The absence of local institutions to participate or to assume the responsibility of disseminating the land reform policy is tantamount to denying the people their source of information to participate in the land reform programme. Interestingly, the rural communities do not support the participation of chiefs in the allocation of land (LAPC, 1996:87). This development requires that an appropriate institution needs to be established in rural areas to liaise with the provincial department on land reform issues.

With the advent of democracy, the possibility that a new understanding of rural communities’ demand for land and land use has emerged, should not be ruled out. The rural communities long time awareness of the significance of land as a key factor of production needs to be upheld. In the new political dispensation every household is striving to gain access to land, even if not for present use, but to guarantee that all children who are now under age to apply for land, shall have access to land in future.

Indeed, rural communities’ feeling about skewed access to land has often expressed as part of a ‘vicious cycle’ of poverty (Figure 1) in which apartheid policies and traditional land tenure system ran parallel to each other to deny them entry into commercial agriculture.

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Rural Community, Poverty and Land redistribution

land tenure system racial policy *

no income low capital *

* discrimination restriction

no production * low productivity

* no land limited land

unemployment* subsistence farming Figure 1. The ‘vicious cycle’ of poverty due to land tenure system and racial policy

The model (Figure 1) further illustrate that land allocation in rural communities were organised on racial lines and traditional land tenure system between non-blacks and blacks to discriminate and restrict respectively South Africans’ black access to land. It contributed to unemployment and confined South Africans’ blacks to subsistence agriculture. Within the limit of available resources obtained on their own rural communities could not produce enough to increase their capital to overcome their problems.

The processes were perpetuated to the exclusion and marginalization of a large number of people in rural communities. Additionally, political fragmentation by the apartheid process brought with it geographical segregation of rural dualism between black and non-black leading to subsistence (communal) and commercial agriculture (privately-owned) respectively. The

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contrast between the two is that most of the productive land lies outside predominantly black settlements. In brief, the model illustrate the general trend of how rural communities feel about skewed access to land and what they feel the land redistribution and the new landuse management strategy via the CPAs should eliminate. This is the overall challenge facing the DLA in South Africa, including the Northern Province.

In the Northern Province the vicious cycle of poverty as perpetuated before 1994, gave rise to limited number of households’ subsistence economy, small-scale farmers, skewed access to land and unemployment. For these reasons, it is important to emphasise that the land acquisition and settlement grant via the CPA will attract a large number of people even if they are not going to be available to work on project. Again, the understanding is that having title deeds to land is a guarantee of the right of beneficial use as long as the person lives. Therefore as far as the legal protection enshrined in the CPA is concerned, it is a significant development different from the traditional system, with no power to alienate the land from the ownership of the household.

Among rural communities, the land use preference is to have two separate plots of land, one for residential purposes enough for household’s gardening and the kraal, the other and larger area farther away from the village which can be used as grazing land for cattle and subsistence farming. In the former homeland areas, opportunities for individual farmers to acquire extensive tracks of land for large-scale commercial farming and family estate were non-existent. Against these developments, the high population density and growth exacerbated the demand for land. The problem was worsened by the absence of land market in the homelands, which made it difficult for middle-income personnel to acquire land. The provision of access to land in these areas was largely through direct allocation to farmers, with land use rights held by tribal authorities. Land use rights were not permanent, and temporary rights could be secured by means of right-to occupy certificate (DBSA, 1998). Currently, the large family grouping in a single household is a thing of the past. The emerging settlement pattern is in contrast to previous land use patterns where settlements scenes were made of wood and mud traditional housing

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types, cultivated areas and livestock (Christopher 1975) as the basic unit of the rural landscape (Hattingh, 1973).

In the former homeland regions, the dense settlements established in the apartheid era have generated a ‘dust bowl’ effect and threatened the permanent destruction of land as a productive resource (Murray, 1995). Murray further indicated that “since the mid-1980s, when greater freedom of movement became possible, black people have left these regions in large numbers”. According to estimates, because of the high unemployment rate in the Northern Province, many people have left the province in search of employment and settled in regions with developed industrial areas (DBSA, 1998). Consequently, male absenteeism rates are very high. The largest proportion of migrant workers from the Northern Province come from the Northern and Southern Regions where the male absenteeism ratios in 1994 were –39,0% and –25,6% respectively. The ratio in the Western Region is –22,2%, Central Region- 24,2% and the Lowveld Region -23,7%.

The ratio of male absenteeism is extremely important for two reasons: Firstly in explaining why mostly old women and men are the ones to be found on the project during weekdays and secondly, why most CPA members do not reside permanently in their areas to till the land. The existing high rates of migrant workers who have registered in the CPAs illustrate one way in which the CPAs may gradually disintegrate. Remittances and pensions are important sources of income in most rural areas in the Northern Province (DBSA, 1997). Additionally, the integration of the rural population into nearby urban economy (formal and informal) through daily long commuting bus transport and as farm labourers have partially reduced the dependency of a number of households’ on the subsistence economy. Consequently to attract the unemployed population into CPA, will require more government support other than the land acquisition and settlement grant.

Political and socio-economic changes after the 1994 election should not be underestimated in terms of its overt impact in rural communities. Estimates throughout South Africa indicates that

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“since 1994 almost 3-million people have received drinkable water for the first time; 2.2 million household have been electrified; about 1,3 million households connected to telephone grid; and 5 million more people have access to primary health care than 1994” (Sunday Times, May 30 1999). The underlying effect since the beginning of the new political dispensation is that, it has helped to shape and contribute to changing rural life styles, values, attitudes and perceptions.

Challenges facing the DLA
In this section the problems facing the CPAs and for that matter the challenges facing the DLA in the Northern Province are discussed. The entrenched spatial impact of ex-apartheid policy on the space economy of rural communities of the Northern Province are evident in the rural landscape. This can be analyse in terms of the composition of participants in the CPA, the relics of the geo-political fragmentation of former homelands in the Northern Province, the level of satisfaction among women. These are issues which are directly or indirectly linked to rural communities attempt to adjust to the space economy of the rural landscape.

Composition of participants in the CPAs Analysis of the beneficiaries in CPAs at Mamabolo and Mashanshane indicate that the groups are made up of migrant and full-time workers who do not live permanently in their areas. Others include teachers, nurses, domestic workers and informal traders who are full-time employee and self-employed and can only afford to work on the project during weekends. The unemployed constituted the largest group of participants in CPA projects. Consequently, the group cohesion required to till the land has never existed. In addition, no indication exist that registered households’ will delegate one person to participate full-time in CPAs activities or the number of hours that household members are willing to work on the land. The relics of the geo-political fragmentation of the Northern Province

The relics of the former geo-political fragmentation of the Northern Province as a result of ex-homeland developments can be witnessed in the geographical

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segregation of the rural dualism between blacks and non-blacks. The contrast between the two is that most of the available productive land for sale lies outside the boundaries of predominantly black settlements. As a result land
purchased by CPAs has resulted in long commuting distance for members. The effect of this

on CPAs can be inferred from (Table 1). Firstly, participants in CPA’s have to be drawn from different villages around where the land is situated. Secondly, the overwhelming majority of the respondents (67.6%) travel in taxis to the project site. Thirdly, absenteeism and dropouts from the group can be partly attributed to the high cost of traveling (in terms of money and time). Minimizing the commuting cost of members in any future project will be a critical factor irrespective of the size of the number people in the CPA.
Table 1 Respondents’ commuting distance and means of transport (Mashasane)
Distance (km) 1–9 10 – 19 20 – 29 5 30 12 7.0 42.3 16.9 n % Mode of Transport Own transport Taxi / /bus Friend’s transport 30 – 39 40 – 59 Don’t know Total 9 8 7 71 12.7 11.3 9.9 100 Total 71 100 12 48 11 16.9 67.6 15.5 n %

Kwaw, (1999:15)

Meeting the needs of the ‘haves’ in the CPA In some households, members have limited access to land through their traditional authorities. In spite of that they were able to embark on small-scale subsistence activities to support members of the household. For instance, it was found that 61% of respondents at the Mashashane CPA had access to land before joining the CPA and about 21,2% indicated they had no land. The

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interests of members who are already engaged in subsistence activities are therefore different from those without land. The former conceived their memberships in the CPAs as an alternative way of gaining additional land and financial support for their independent farming activities. However, because they failed to secure the land acquisition grant for their personal use they consider themselves as ‘square pegs in round holes’. CPAs do not address their needs and interests. How to meet or whether the interests of such groups can be met in the CPA still remains an unresolved issue.

The level of satisfaction among women in CPAs
The question asked to find out the level of satisfaction among women in CPAs drew varied responses. As evident in Table 2, it is clear that different groups exist among women in the CPAs, with regard to their level of satisfaction about land use practices. There was an overwhelming

support (79%) to indicate that respondents will be satisfied if allowed to use land according to own decision. The indecisiveness among respondents as shown by the split in Table 2 as to the level of satisfaction between group and individual ownership show how concerned and tense the issue remained among them. The explanation to this can be attributed partly to the result obtained from the composition of female respondents in CPAs: single (30.6%), married (55.5%), widow(er) 13..9%, in addition to fact that the spouses of some women (28.8%) are directly involved while the others (34.7%) are not. The groupings among women about the level of satisfaction in Table 2 can also be related to earlier indication that it is unknown how many members in the household will or are delegated to participate fully in CPA activities. The differences in the number of members of households’ involved in CPA is partly the caused of dissatisfaction among women.
Table 2. The level of satisfaction among women in the Manoyamane (Mamabolo) CPA Evaluative statement satisfied (n & %) to use land according to own decision group ownership 43 40 17 100 79 not satisfied (n & %) 4 neutral (n & %) 17 Total 100 100

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individual ownership

53

18

29

100

Source: Dept of Development Studies, (1998:19)

Drop in CPA membership So far, the utilization of the land acquisition and settlement grants has been clouded with misunderstanding, misconceptions and dissatisfactions among beneficiaries. Among them are those who joined the CPA with the perception that the land acquisition grant would be handed to them in cash. The other group includes livestock owners who had assumed that their livestock will be allowed free access to grazing land and medication from CPAs, both of which have been denied to them. For these and together with other unknown reasons some members have retreated to their previous household activities. Consequently the total memberships of some CPAs have dropped by as high as (e.g. Mamabolo CPA from 201 to 72) within two years after inauguration. The transition from subsistence planning to market oriented business planning The greatest challenge facing the provincial DLA is the absence of technical no-how and skills needed to draw and lay the foundation to transform the beneficiaries from subsistence economy, based on household economies and social security considerations to business principles of market-oriented commercial farming. Furthermore, the high price that CPAs have to pay for land has reduced the working capital needed to implement the business plan. Also significant is the absence of skilled personnel that is required by CPAs to oversee the implementation of the business plan, have also made the plan a very difficult document to comprehend. Views of executive members’ of the CPAs Attempt was made to find out whether the executive committee members will agree to changes to the set up of CPAs in terms of size, members pooling their resources together and land ownership. The responses of 10 members of the executive committee of the Mamabolo CPA produced the result in Table 3. The analysis of the data below illustrates the degree of consensus among executive committee members on issues useful for the effective organisation and functioning of the CPA. Again, all the executive committee members agreed that they need

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a farm manager to assist them to run CPA project, but they do not have funds to afford this vital service. The research team found that due to inadequate working tools, members rotate their visits to the farm. Therefore CPA requires a permanent resource person to supervise and monitor the work of each visiting team.
Table 3 Executive committee members (Mamabolo CPA) responses agree Will you agree or disagree to... members pooling their grants as a group? allocating members their own plots of land? reducing the size of the number people in the CPA? employing a farm manager to run the project together with CPA? Kwaw, (1999: 13). 10 0 10 6 4 10 8 2 10 7 3 10 n disagree n Total n

Conclusion and suggestions The analysis of the space economy of the rural landscape in the Northern Province is far from comprehensive, but the obvious fact is the mosaic of physical patterns and human groupings as it exist (or evolving) is a reality and should not be ignored. The features associated with it needs to be identified and how they behave in relation to one another understood. To prescribe changes to the current CPAs organization, the implementation process needs to be sensitive to them. However, what has become evident is that, the CPA processes as it unfold, ignores the diversity of the rural household socio-economic activities, which is their source of livelihood. It imposes a homogeneous grouping with no intention of either consolidating the small-scale farming communities or improving existing activities to take care of the diversity of interest among the group.

Consequently, the problem facing rural households’ is how to allocate its human resources and time to CPAs in order to maintain its livelihoods under the changing political and economic

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conditions. How to respond to these in the new landuse management strategy is itself a major constraint to the implementation process in rural areas in the Northern Province.

Local based institutions need be mobilized and linked to the provincial DLA to become the driving force behind the local land reform processes. The constitution of CPAs needs to be examined to address issues likely to generate into conflict in future.

The practical implications of - reducing the size of the number people in the CPAs,
allocating members their own plots of land and employing a farm manager to run the project together with CPA- should be examined within the overall attempt to transform

beneficiaries from subsistence economy to market-oriented commercial farming. Perhaps one way of achieving this is goal is that groups with the same interest and the relevant knowledge and skills should form the basis for such groupings. Feasibility studies needs be carried out to find out the sustainability of most projects, which are new to the beneficiaries or unknown in the area. The sum total of all information arising from the changing socio-economic rural landscape will be critical to the success of CPA projects in the Northern Province.

References Akwanbi-Ameyaw, K., 1990: The political economy of agricultural resettlement and rural development in Zimbabwe: the performance of family farms and producer cooperatives. Human Organization, 49 (4) pp320-328. Arenstein, J., 1999: Land reform faces dramatic change, Sunday Independent, Reconstruct, January 10 edition. Christiansen, R., 1996: Overview of land reform issues, in Agricultural Land reform in South Africa: Policies, markets and mechanisms editors, Zyl van J, Kirsten and

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Binswanger, pp367-389. Oxford University Press, Cape Town. Christopher, A.J. 1982: South Africa: The world’s landscape, Longman Inc., New York. Department of Land Affairs., 1997: white paper on South African Land Policy, Government Printers, Pretoria. Department of Land Affairs., 1998: Direction-General’s Review: Annual Report. CTP Book Printers (Pty), Cape Town. Department of Development Studies., 1998: Participation of Disadvantaged persons in land reform programs in the Northern Province, Unpublished research work for the Department of Land Affairs. De Villiers, A and Kwaw, I.W., 1999: The Application of Land Acquisition and Settlement Grant in support of the land reform, Unpublished research work for the Department of Land Affairs. DBSA., 1998: Northern Province Development Profile, Development Information Business Unit, Development Paper 113. Fair, T.J.D., 1982: South Africa: Spatial Framwork for development. South African Geography and Envirom\nmental Series, Juta &Co, Ltd, Kenwyn. Hattingh, P.S., 1973: Population Count and estimates in Bantu rural areas, South African Geographical Journal, 55,40-47. Hobart H.D., 1964: The South African Economy. Oxford university Press, Cape Town Kinsey, B and Binswanger, H., 1996: Characteristics and performance of settlement programme: a review, in Agricultural Land reform in South Africa: Policies, markets and mechanisms editors, Zyl van J, Kirsten and Binswanger, pp105-138. Oxford University Press, Cape Town. Kwaw, I.W., 1998: The demographic profile and the rationale of participants in land reform in the Northern Province. A paper presented at the Department of Land Affairs, Pietersburg. Kwaw, I.W., 1999: Insight into land redistribution via the Community Property Association in the Northern Province, Unpublished paper, Department of Geography, University of the North, Sovenga

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Lunsche, S., 1999: ANC good deeds come to grief at local level, Sunday Times, May 30 edition.
Mabogunje, A.L., 1982: The development Process: A spatial perspective. Hutchinson University Library for Africa, London. Nkuzi Development Association., 1998: Land reform policy research: Northern Province District Study. Marcus, T, et al., 1996: Down to Earth: Land Demand in the New South Africa. Indicator Press, Durban. Njobe, B.N., 1993: Criteria for participation in South Africa rural restructuring programme. A paper presented at the LAPC land redistribution Options Conference: Johannesburg: 12-15 October. Van Rooyen, J and Njobe-Mbuli, B., 1996: Access to land: Selecting the beneficiaries, in Agricultural Land Reform in South Africa: Policies, markets and mechanisms editors, Zyl van J, Kirsten and Binswanger, pp461-496. Oxford University Press, Cape Town. World Bank., 1993: Options for land reform and rural restructuring in South Africa. Paper presented at the LAPC land redistribution options conference. Johannesburg: 12 -15 October. Zimbabwe Government, 1991: Resettlement progress report as at June 1991. Harare: Ministry of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development.

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Description: Introduction Since the implementation of the South African Land