A CRITICAL HADITHOF
STUDY AND EDITION OF AL-J CABD ALLAH
MI' FI AL-
B. WAHB AL-QURASHI
(125/743-197/812) with a historical, literary and methodological introduction
Volume I of II
A thesis submitted to the University of London (SOAS) for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
by
Mohammed Ashraf Makadam, B. A. & M. A.
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Studies
2000
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ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is to provide an edition of a unique, but substantial manuscript fragment of a collection of Prophetic traditions (ahädith) compiled by `Abd Allah b. Wahb. Arberry refers to this work as al-fami`fi-al-Hadith. The edition is supplemented
by extensive analytical comments (Volume One) to serve as an introduction to the edited text. `Abd Allah b. Wahb was a 2nd/8th century scholar who, according to some
authorities, was the first compiler of Prophetic traditions. He was a prominent student of the famous Madinan jurist Malik b. Anas. After discussing the author's elementary and higher educational life the study goes on to examine critically the author's views on hadith and figh (jurisprudence). An effort has also been made to present his biography in as much detail as possible. In the process of editing the manuscript every effort has been made to retain the originality of the work, whilst rendering it in a form that conforms to the norms of modem hadith scholarship. This work is presented in four chapters. Chapter One provides wide ranging biographical details of Ibn Wahb. Chapter Two presents a comprehensive list of Ibn Wahb's teachers and students, and includes some pertinent biographical details including their regional classification. An attempt has also been
made to discuss their reliability status. Chapter Three deals with historical and analytical information on the manuscript and its contents, and concludes by presenting the
manuscript in its original form. Chapter Four discusses the applied methodology and editorial technique in editing the manuscript. The manuscript in its final edited form is then presented in Volume Two.
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS CONTENTS ABSTRACT ACKNOWLEDGMENTS SCHEME OF TRANSLITERATION INTRODUCTION PAGE 1
6
8
9
CHAPTER ONE: THE AUTHOR 1.1 1.2
AND HIS MILIEU
13
The Author: Genealogy and Birth Institutes of Learning in the Early Islamic Era 1.2.1 Early Educational System 1.2.2 Abbasid Institutions 1.2.3 Academic Education
15
17
19 26
28 31 33
1.3 1.4
Ibn Wahb's Travels in Pursuit of Knowledge His Contribution to the Study of Hadith and Fiqh
1.4.1 A Critique of Ibn Wahb as a Mupaddith 1.4.2 His Contributions to Figh 1.5 1.6 His Death Status in the View of his Contemporaries 1.6.1 Characterisation 1.7 His Writings 1.7.1 Nature of his Works
35
41 44 47
49 51 53
3
1.7.2 Analysis of Selected Titles 1.7.3 Ibn Wahb's Transmission of Mälik's Muwatta'
55 60 61
1.7.4 Summation of Views on Ibn Wahb's Writings
CHAPTER TWO: IBN WAHB'S SECTION A: BIOGRAPHICAL 2.1 Introduction
TEACHERS DETAILS
AND STUDENTS TEACHERS
63 65 65 69
OF IBN WAHB'S
2.2 Referencing of Teachers to Biographical Dictionaries and their Regional Classification 2.3 Classification of Teachers According to Criteria of Reliability 2.4 List of Ibn Wahb's Teachers Contained in Ibn Wahb's Manuscript (IWMS) 2.5 List of Ibn Wahb's Teachers Contained in Four of his other Works 2.5.1 Teachers Located in David-Weill's 2.5.2 Teachers Located in Muranyi's (part one) 2.5.3 Teachers Located in Muranyi's 2.5.4 Teachers Located in Muranyi's al-Jämi`: Tafsir al-Qurav al-Jämi` fi `U15m al-Quran a1-Jämi` fi-al-Hadith
84 91
93 94 95
al-Jämi `: Tafsir al-Quran
95 95 95 104
2.6 Biographies of Ibn Wahb's Ten most Prominent Teachers 2.7 The Relationship between Ibn Wahb and Malik SECTION B: BIOGRAPHICAL 2.8 Ibn Wahb's Students DETAILS OF IBN WAHB'S STUDENTS
106 106
4
2.9 Referencing of Students to Biographical Dictionaries and their Regional Classification 2.10 Classification of Students According to Criteria of Reliability 2.11 Ten Biographies of Ibn Wahb's Students 2.12 Conclusion
107
119 121 129
CHAPTER THREE: INTRODUCTION ITS CONTENTS SECTION A: THE MANUSCRIPT 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Description of Manuscript 3.2.1 The Chester Beatty Library 3.3 Dating of IWMS 3.4 Other Manuscript Copies of IWMS? SECTION B: THE WORK 3.5 The Title and its Meaning
TO THE MANUSCRIPT
AND
132
134 134 135 136 139 141 142 142 143 144 146 154 154 157
3.5.1 The Dispute over the Title of IWMS 3.6 The Literary Tradition 3.7 An Examination of the Contents of IWMS SECTION C: THE TEXT 3.8 Editorial Technique 3.9 The Text of IWMS (original form)
5
CHAPTER FOUR: 4.1 Introduction
THE EDITED MANUSCRIPT
240 242 243 243 247 247 248 252
4.2 Applied Methodology 4.2.1 Orthography 4.2.2 Vocalisation of Edited Text 4.3 Editorial Comments 4.3.1 Cross-referencing of Ahädith 4.3.2 The Narrators Genealogy, Kunyabs, Nisbabs and -their
Regional Classification 4.3.3 Teachers and Students of Transmitters 4.3.4 The Credibility of Narrators 257 257 258 Narrations 260 260 260 262 265 282 1-186
4.3.5 Chronology/Classes (Tabagat) 4.3.6 The Books that Incorporate the Transmitter's 4.3.7 Identification 4.4 Conclusion APPENDICES BIBLIOGRAPHY GLOSSARY VOLUME TWO and Explanation of Rare Words
6
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am grateful to the Lord for granting complete it. One has to bear in mind that it is impossible to credit any single person with the of this thesis, since such work necessitates the co-operation and help of accomplishment many at different stages. Therefore, first of all, I would like to express my deepest thanks to my spiritual teacher, al-Shaykh Yüsuf Motala, Rector of Där al-`Ulüm al-`Arabiyyah al-Islamiyyah in Bury (Lancs. ), for the continuous encouragement and support he has given me during the preparation of this work. In fact, no appreciation can satisfactorily articulate the guidance and affection he has shown me throughout my higher educational studies. My deepest and most sincere appreciation is also due to my supervisor, Dr. A. K. Irvine, for his expert guidance, constant help, advice and constructive criticism, which Indeed, I cannot adequately express my gratitude for his painstaking was of great value. assistance, helping to moderate the expression of my ideas when necessary and calling my attention to crucial matters, which needed clarification. I must also record my me the ability to take on this study and
indebtedness to him for assistance in the translation of material from French and German sources, which he recommended me to consult. I continue to be indebted to Dr. M. H. Mukadam and Dr. M. Chandia for their useful discussions on editing techniques and help in proof-reading the first part of this thesis. Thanks are also extended to Ayyüb Mukaddam who sacrificed much of his time to assist me in the daunting task of proof-reading the Arabic text. personal
7
Furthermore, I am indebted to all my colleagues at the University of Birmingham, Westhill, especially Dr. M. Felderhof, the head of the Religious and Theological
Department, who have all given me invaluable moral support during the preparation of my work. I must also express my gratitude to all my teachers at Där al-`Ulüm al-`Arabiyyah al-Islämiyyah in Bury (Lancs. ), al-Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt and in the
Department of Near and Middle
Eastern Studies at the School of Oriental and African
Studies, London; all have greatly contributed to such learning as I have acquired and turned to my advantage in my research work. I also wish to express my thanks to many colleagues and friends who have been extremely supportive of my work. Although I cannot mention all of them, the efforts of some cannot go unsung as they have taken time out of their busy schedules and contributed, in some way or another, to this thesis. Firstly, Hhfiz Shabbir Mallu who accompanied me on my research trips to various libraries and learning centres across the U. K. Secondly, brother Yüsuf Fenn who assisted me in translating French material into English. Thirdly, brother Khälid Patel who helped me immensely in sorting out computer related problems. Fourthly, Mawlänä Nadhir Haji who kindly offered much of his valuable time guiding me during the typing of the Arabic text. Finally, special thanks must go to my entire family who were kind enough to let me have their precious time to enable me to devote myself in bringing this work to its completion.
8
SCHEME OF TRANSLITERATION
Consonants
,:, th
t
,,., b
9
z d
L..
kh
`h
`ý
s
S
jz
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dh
I n
t
a 'Tý,
gb
os ,,
[
ysh
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mJI
ik
J9
4y 11
W
ehj
II
Short vowels Long vowels
-a-i 1äi
-u
p,
r
ü
Diphthongs
aw _ _,..,
ay
Note::
-
ah final form, at construct form
9
INTRODUCTION Throughout the history of Islam, hadith literature has always been one of the most intense areas of academic interest for Muslim scholars. From a Muslim perspective hadith is considered as second only to the Quran in terms of authority and since it preserves the words, actions or tacit approvals of the Prophet of Islam, the subject has been at the forefront of academic pursuit. In the recent past there has also been much
interest shown by Western scholars and the foundations of modern Western study of hadith were laid by Ignaz Goldziher in the late 19th century. ' The interest in hadith studies continued in the 20th century, and one can find many works produced by Western scholars, such as Schacht, Abbott, Sezgin, Burton and others. But these Western attempts have caused a great deal of uneasiness among Muslim scholars and in some instances have lead to unfortunate wrangles2. The result is that instead of co-operation between the two groups of scholars to further the work in this field, there can be animosity and
distrust. Juynboll discusses this fractured relationship in some detail and suggests a way forward to create a more positive environment. 3 There are of course many ways in which the scholarly study of hadith could be facilitated. One way is to make available the
earliest works on hadith literature so that interested parties can carry out further research in this field. This work is one such effort. The manuscript of Ibn Wahb (throughout the
thesis this manuscript will be denoted as IWMS) is one of the earlier works on hadith
' Burton, J.. An Introduction to the Hadith, p. ix. 2 Juynboll, G. H.A.. Muslim Tradition, p. 3. 3Juynboll, G. H.A., Muslim Tradition, (see Introduction).
10
literature discovered in the early twentieth century by Chester Beatty. Arberry dates IWMS to the 3rd/9th century. The content and the fact that it appears not to have been by earlier hadith specialists, makes IWMS an important contribution in the mentioned field hadith studies. This importance can be understood in different ways. Firstly, it is of
a rare work of an author who is generally speaking less well known among scholars and the general public. Secondly, the author is considered to be one of the earliest scholars to have compiled a collection of traditions. Thirdly, the work provides a valuable source for a comparative study in relation to other earlier and later works of similar nature.
Fourthly, it is hoped that it would also provide a basis for any further research being carried out with different perspectives. For example, the extraction of juristic opinions,
the grading of hadith and further investigations into the chain of transmitters etc. On a personal basis I have always had a special interest in hadith studies. After graduating from a traditional Muslim Institute for Higher Islamic Studies based in
England, I pursued this interest by travelling to al-Azhar University to take up further studies in the field of hadith its sciences. Having completed my first degree at aland
Azhar, I went on to take a Masters degree at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University London. Again a major part of this course was related to hadith of
Shortly after this course, I had an opportunity to discuss this topic with Professor studies. Mustafii A`zami, a leading authority on hadith literature, who, at that time was based at Princeton University, USA. During the course of this discussion Professor A`zami spoke to me of a rare MS which he knew of in Dublin. At that time he had referred to this MS as the Muwatta' of Ibn Wahb, and we will learn during the course of our study why he ! -al-Hadith (see 3.5). He went on to suggest that it
used this name instead of al-land`
11
be of great service to the study of hadith if IWMS were edited and published. would Being a student of hadith literature, I pursued this suggestion and travelled to Dublin to see IWMS discovered and make some preliminary inquiries. In the course of my inquiries I
a letter attached to IWMS which was written by a certain Dr. Miklos 1), dated 8.3.1974, informs the Library authorities
Muranyi. This letter (see Appendix
that publication was about to commence. It also requested them to inform anyone else ordering this MS about the intended publication. The authorities in acknowledging this letter, indicated on it that they would not allow anyone else to edit IWMS. Having come across this information my immediate task was to search for the edited version of IWMS. Despite my extensive efforts I was unable to locate it and decided to get in touch with Dr. Muranyi. Having located Dr. Muranyi at Bonn University in Germany, I spoke to him
directly, asking him of his intended publication of IWMS. He informed me that he had not edited IWMS and would be most happy if I took on the task of editing it, as it was
`an important work' in the field of hadith literature. Having satisfied myself that IWMS was not edited and in the light of comments made by both Professor A`zami and Dr. Muranyi I made a decision to take on the task of editing it. I discussed the proposal with my supervisor Dr. A. K. Irvine and it was agreed that it would be an appropriate study leading to the award of a Ph.D. Upon surveying other Arabic works of a similar nature it was noticed that the majority of them were edited using the Arabic language. However, there were some which were edited in English. Presented with these two alternatives a decision was required to establish the most appropriate form of editing IWMS. Upon consultation with my supervisor it was agreed that in order to conform to the general style of such works
12
and due to the problems in translating technical vocabulary the bulk of the editing should be done in Arabic. However, in order to meet the required criteria of a Western academic institute the thesis should be supplemented by a few pertinent chapters in English. Such an approach would, whilst retaining the originality incorporating views expressed by Western scholars. In view of the above, Chapter One presents the biography of the author of IWMS; Chapter Two discusses Ibn Wahb's teachers and students; Chapter Three introduces IWMS and its contents and presents it in its original form, Chapter Four provides discussions on applied methodology and editorial technique in editing IWMS. IWMS is then presented in its fully edited form in Volume Two. of the work, also lend itself to
Chapter one The Author and his Milieu
14
1.1 1.2
The Author: Genealogy and Birth Institutes of Learning in the Early Islamic Era 1.2.1 Early Educational System 1.2.2 Abbasid Institutions 1.2.3 Academic Education
1.3 1.4
Ibn Wahb's Travels in Pursuit of Knowledge His Contribution to the Study of Haditb and Fiqh
1.4.1 A Critique of Ibn Wahb as a Muhaddith 1.4.2 His Contributions to Figb
1.5
1.6
His Death
Status in the View of his Contemporaries 1.6.1 Characterisation
1.7
His Writings 1.7.1 Nature of his Works 1.7.2 Analysis of Selected Titles 1.7.3 Ibn Wahb's Transmission of Mälik's Muwatta'
1.7.4 Summation of Views on Ibn Wahb's Writings
15
CHAPTER ONE
THE AUTHOR AND HIS MILIEU In this chapter, my aim is to present a comprehensive account of the author, as far as it can be ascertained from biographical dictionaries, important factual information and his milieu. This includes
about him, a consideration of his education and the
educational system within which he progressed, his literary activities and his status in the view of his contemporaries.
1.1 The Author: Genealogy and Birth `Abd Alläh b. Wahb (henceforth, Ibn Wahb) was an Egyptian Mä/rki scholar' who was regarded as one of the leading authorities of his era on hadith and fiqh. Dhahabi, the 8th/14th century hadith scholar referred to him as shaykh a/-Ls/am3.His MÖ/Ikl ascription, however, was only attributed to him by later scholarly authorities, the Four Schools of Legal Thought were a development subsequent to his since period. The biographical literature available on Mähki scholars and other biographical sources provide very little information about his early life. The scant information that
' Among the ancient schools of Islamic law the schools of Küfah and Madinah are frequently discussed within the sources. The school of Küfah for various reasons later developed into the school of the Hanafis whereas the school of Madinah became the school of the Mslikfs The term Maliki itself is used in the Rijäl works to refer to those who consider Malik's Muwatta'as their authoritative book. They are the followers of Malik b. Anas, and although Malik is regarded as the founder of the Mäliki school, he was not the actual person that initiated this school, but his well-known pupil Ibn alQasim was the one who actually laid down its systematic foundations. Likewise, it can also be _ that the true founder of the Hanaischool was probably Abii Hanifah's pupil al-Shaybani, assumed the authority for all his writings to his master. Therefore, in light of this it would who attributed that these terms were later inventions. (For further details see Schacht, J., An Introduction to appear Islamic Law, pp. 57-68; Schacht, J., Origins ofMubannmadan Jurisprvdence, pp. 6-10; Coulson, N. J., A History of Islamic Law, pp. 51-2). 2 Ibn Khallikän, Wafayät al `yän, 3,36. -A
3 Al-Dhahabi, SiyarA `lam al-Nubald , 9,223.
16
exists on this relatively unknown scholar informs us that Ibn Wahb4 was born in Egypt. 5 The majority of these sources only record the year he was born in (125/743), without specifying a precise birth date, but the historian Mizzi records that he was born in the month of Dhü al-Qa`dah 125/August 743.6 His line of descent is given as follows: `Abd Alläh b. Wahb b. Muslim Qurashi
al-
al-Fihri, Abü Muhammad al-Misrn al-Fagih Mawlä Yazid b. Zamdnah8
Mawlä Yazid b. Unays Abü `Abd al-Rahmän al-Fihri. 9 No details, according to the sources at my disposal, are available concerning his immediate family, except that he had two wives, 10 three brothers, namely `Abd al-Rahmän (the father of Ahmad)11, CAbd al-`Aziz information Umar, and a son called Humayd. 12Likewise, there is no detailed and
about his early educational career, but works on the educational system
prevalent in Egypt during his period and the nature of his scholarly activities during the later stage of his life, lead me to suggest that he acquired his primary education in
This is how he is better known.
5A1-Zirikli, al `Lim, 2,590; `Iyad, Tarvb al-Madarik, 2,432. -A 6 Al-Mizzi, Tabdhib al-Kamäl6Asmä'al-Rijäl, 16,286.
7 Ibn Wahb's grandfather's name is recorded as Salamah in the Bustin. This is different from the mainstream Rijil works, which cite Muslim instead. See al-Kandhalwi, Muhammad Zakariyyä, A wjaz al-Masälik 1,36. 8 Daraqutni mentions Yazid b. Rababah and according to Ab(i `Umar it should be Yazid b. Rumanah. See `Iyäd, Tartib al-Madärik, 2,421. 9 Al-Mizzi, Tahdbib al-Kamäl fi Asmä' al Rijäl, 16,227; Ibn Wahb, al-Muwatta, Kitäb alMuharabab, ed. by Miklos Muranyi, p. 24. The attribution of Fihri derives from Fihr b. Malik b. alNadr b. Kinnnah. The Quraysh, Muharib and al-Harb b. Fihr are also traced back to him. Abü `Ubaydah b. al-Jarrah, the well-known Companion, Dahhak b. Qays and Fatimah b. Qays and many other well-known figures are also known as al-Fihd (al-Sam`nni, )Gtab al Ansäb, p. 434). 10`Iyad, Tartib al-Madirik 2,428. 11Ahmad b. `Abd al-Rahmnn b. Wahb was the student and nephew of `Abd Allah b. Wahb. 12`Iyad, Tartib al-Madir ; 2,433.
17
Egypt.
1.2 Institutes of Learning in the Early Islamic Era Prior to the advent of Islam in the Arabian peninsula there existed a network of Jewish schools that were located in places, such as Makkah, Tä'if, Anbär, Hirah, Dümat Madinah. '3 Their existence, no doubt, continued until the al-Jandal and
migration of the Muslim community to Madinah, as it is reported that the Prophet in the company of his senior Companions, Abü Bakr and `Umar, had occasion to visit some Jewish schools in Madinah. '4 There is reason to believe that this Jewish
influence also continued in the early period of Islam. Schools, known in Arabic as madris (plural of madrasah), were places where Jewish studies, as well as learning formed part of the curriculum. 15Both young children and elders
the art of writing,
benefited from such schools and subsequently these institutes of learning provided for the children of Madinah. 16 education `Adi b. Zayd al-`Ibädi (d. 587 CE) is just one example from among the young who benefited from this system. After graduating from one of these schools, he is later credited as being the first to have written Arabic in the presence of Khusraw. '7 Wägidi is of the opinion that a very small minority from the people of the tribe of
13A1-A'? amY,M. M., Studies in Early Hadith Literature, p. 1.
14Sahib as cited by Ahmad, Imtiyäz, DaWil al-Tawthiq, p. 167. al-Bukbäri as cited by Ahmad, Imtiyäz, Dal. Vil al-Tawthiq, p. 167. 15Fatfi al-Bjri
16 T3rikh al-Umam wa-alMuliik and Futüb al-Buldän as cited by `Ajjäj al-Khatib, Muhammad, Usirl al-Hadith, p. 140.
al Ag6ani as cited by `Uthmäni, Muhammad, UsLI al-Haditb, p. 139. 17 Kitjb M. R., KitSbat Haditb, pp. 44-5; `Ajjäj al-Khatib,
18
Aws and Khazraj actually knew how to write. Newby in his book entitled A History of the Jews of Arabia, highlights pertinent aspects of Jewish influence on Muslim education. In addition to this, through techniques borrowed from anthropology, sociology and comparative religion, this book reconstructs some
literary criticism,
understanding of Jewish life in Arabia before and during the time of the Prophet. As a detailed study on this topic falls outside the scope of the present work, the reader should refer to the work for further insight. Despite the probability of a Jewish influence on Muslim education, the history of Muslim education is an area for which there do not exist many credible sources. Consequently, it is all the more difficult to construct a clear picture for a normal
student's passage of progress through his period of study. This assertion is supported by Tibawi's comments. He states:
The history of Muslim education is still one of the comparatively dark areas in our
knowledge of Muslim culture. This is due only partly to the paucity of original sources, and largely to the sketchy handling of the material by native and foreign writers. Almost all of education as if it were an organised system from the
them attempt to portray Muslim primary stage to university stratification took little
level. This is a distorted picture
which forces modem rigid
and systematic nomenclature on a free and informal activity in which the state or no direct part till the era of diral-`ilm 18 and al-madrasab in the Shi`i and Sunni
camps respectively.
This scenario is all the more accentuated when we attempt to trace Ibn Wahb's in Egypt, as the influence of the Arabian educational system must educational career have spread there. His biographers do not provide details regarding education. his primary
In such circumstances, it would seem appropriate to discuss relevant
18Tibawi, A. L., Origin and Cbaracterofal-Madrasab,
pp. 225-6.
19
the origins of writing and learning in Arabia, in order to shed some light on aspects of Ibn Wahb's early education. This study will attempt to focus particularly on the in Egypt during the 2nd/8th century, since Ibn Wahb was born educational system there, possibly in the year 125/743, and died in the year 197/812 (as we shall learn
below; 1.5). Hence, the necessity to restrict this discussion to this particular area and In the absence of first-hand information on Ibn Wahb's primary learning, I have era. relied on the evidence at my disposal to reconstruct his possible early educational `lyad informs us that Ibn Wahb first travelled to meet his renowned experiences. teacher Malik b. Anas (d. 179/795) in the year 144/761.19 This date roughly
with Ibn Wahb's personal statement in which he says: corresponds
I was born in the year 125[! 743] and began to study at the age of seventeen. 20
Adding these years (17) to his year of birth (125/743) leads one roughly to the same (144/761) as that recorded by `lyad as the date for Ibn Wahb's trip to meet period Malik b. Anas. In light of this, I believe it safe to suggest that Ibn Wahb most stayed in Egypt until he was seventeen years of age and received all his probably early education there.
1.2.1 Early Educational System The instrumental influences upon and the beginnings of Ibn Wahb's academic career would, in light of the above (1.1), be contained within the general educational
in Egypt that he found himself involved in up to his mid-teens: 125/743 to system 143/760. Thus, a study of the educational trends in this particular period will not
' 9`Iyäd, Tartib a! 2,422 -Madjrik, `0A1-Dhahabi,MFzäaa! 2,522; al-Dhahabt, SiyarA `!am al-Nubalä ; 9,232. -1`tidil,
20
merely provide vital clues to our understanding of Ibn Wahb the person, but will also provide further clarification of the different phases of learning that he would
experience during the formative years of his life. This understanding, I believe, will lead to a more profound appreciation of his many works, among which al-lrtli Haditb occupies a pivotal role. The Egyptians, as can be concluded from historical sources, had been under Byzantine (East Roman) rule for several centuries and therefore subordinate to the educational and cultural influences of their conquerors. History records that in the 5th/6th centuries CE philosophy was taught in Athens and Alexandria, which were learning at the time. 21 The 6th or 7th-century Akhmin the two main centres of papyrus found in Egypt contains an arithmetic book, which includes amongst other things tables of fractions, and partnership rules. There is also a wooden tablet from Cairo, which dates back to the same period and contains tables of fractions and interest 22From the early period, education and learning seem to have calculations of been a matter of importance in Egypt. For example in the 4th century CE the farmers in the towns of Upper Egypt exported a succession of Greek-speaking poets.23Even under Arab rule, Syria and Egypt kept in contact with the rest of the world during the 1st/7th century to such an extent that papyrus from Alexandria still chancery of Popes 24 Hence, after the advent the stocked the `-al-
of Islam, philosophy and
mathematics alongside other sciences attracted notable interest from the Egyptian
Cameron, A., The Mediterranean World in Late Antiquity,
p. 132.
The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. IV, The Byzantine Empire, part II, pp. 268-9. 23Brown, P., The World of Late Antiquity, p. 41. 24Brown, P., The World of Late Antiquity, p. 194.
21
student. When the Arab conquest of Egypt began, mosques were built in every
established Muslim community, and this served a purposeful dual role at the time: places of worship for the Muslim community and centres to convert the Egyptians to Islam. The process of conversion to Islam occupied approximately six centuries from 25This the Arab conquests to the Mamlük period. conversion was never completed as day a substantial Coptic population remains.26 even to this It is likely that each mosque had a kutt. 5b, where the young boys were taught
Quran and write in order to prepare them to learn about Islam. 27These two to read the forms of teaching could be referred to as the `instruction style' and `writing style'. Under the Abbasid rule the child's initial education started at home and then, at the of six, boys were admitted to schools and, according to Ghazäli (d. 50511111), age formal education began 28This system of learning that was the age when the child's . to have been accomplished through the kuttib which specialised in reading and seems this sort of kuttäb, although in a limited way, possibly finds its origin in writing and the pre-Islamic period. 29
Another term, maktab (p1. makötib), was also an appellation denoting those frequently known as kuttib. This term was not introduced by the schools which were
25Lapidus, M., The Conversion of Egypt to Islam, p. 248. 26Lapidus, M., The Conversion of Egypt to Islam, p. 248. 27Cochran, J., Education in Egyp4 p. 3. 28Hanifi, M. A., A Survey of Muslim Institutions and Culture, p. 175. 29 For this type of learning see Shalaby, A., History of Muslim Education, p. 16, where examples of the author cites some examples.
22
Arabs
is sometimes understood. It was initially as
employed by the indigenous 30
Egyptian Copts to describe their own traditional schools.
Shalaby provides a list of other places that also functioned as educational centres prior to the formal establishment of schools. These were: palaces, which education for the children; bookshops; residences of learned provided elementary literary salons.31 men; libraries; mosques and Hitti, in describing the elementary school, namely the kuttfib, explains that the Quran was the main source for reading, and with it came the need for an opportunity for writing. [rhetoric], The students were also taught Arabic language (nahw[syntax], badi` [science of metaphors] and sarf [morphology]), ma`.;Mi
stories of the
dith. 32There is some anecdotal evidence that indicates Prophets and especially the a(i that these elementary schools were not commonly held within the actual mosques, to preserve the latter's sanctity and cleanliness. These schools, he most probably 33This further explains, either operated within annexed buildings or private premises. is supported by Shäfi`i's claim that his mother sent him to one such school and that
of the Quran he thereafter entered the mosque (most probably for upon completion advanced education), confirming that these elementary schools did not operate within the mosque. However, such claims cannot be accepted in the general sense, as there are also records of instances where such kuttäb are known to have operated within the
30E1,6,196.
31See Shalaby, A., A History of Muslim Education, pp. 16-54 for a detailed discussion. 32 The History 33 Al-Shayzari, the Arabs as cited by Shalaby, A., History of Muslim Education, p. 17. of al-Qurbab as cited by Shalaby, A.,
Nibayat al-Rutbab and al-Qucashi, Ma`älim History of Muslim Education, p. 21.
23
mosques. Within the general educational system the curriculum of these elementary
to places and people. The children of affluent families schools varied according a more balanced education than their counterparts from socially deprived received backgrounds. For example, the former group's education included reading, writing, religious studies, poetry, horsemanship, swimming and arithmetic etc., whilst the
latter would not be taught such a broad curriculum. 35It was from this type of general educational set-up that these young students often progressed to a system of advanced study which will be described later (see 1.2.3). Since the biographical sources at my
disposal do not provide any precise details about the social or economic status of Ibn Wahb's family, I believe it would be judgemental to assert or even assume that he
could be adamantly
to either of the two groups identified above. But, given referred
he was a well-educated person, who authored or compiled many important works that to be known as sbaykb al-Islam, it can be inferred that he received a and went on during the formative years of his educational life. profound education In an article by Lecomte, entitled, Stir la Vie Scolaire a Byzance et dans l'Islam, the author claims that the structure and teaching methods of the kuttäb might
have been modelled on the Byzantine primary school. He provides a detailed well in the Byzantine system and the Islamic comparative analysis of primary education He claims that certain reading and writing tools were borrowed by Muslims from one. the Byzantine period.
34 Ibn Batntah, Tubfat a]-Nazzärand Ibn Jubayr, al-Riblab as cited by Shalaby, A., History of Muslim Education, p. 21. 35Stanton, C. M., HigberLeamingin Islam, p. 16.
24
Lecomte
further
draws attention
to the views that existed among both
communities concerning education. To achieve this, he cites M. Guilland for the Byzantine view on education and Ghazal! on the Islamic view. Throughout his work, he highlights several interesting observations, among them: * The similarity of the principles of elementary education in Byzantium and Islam. If the Byzantines `were seeking to make individuals knowledgeable, but also good Christians, ' it is a similar preoccupation which dominated the Muslim educators. Ghazal! expressed it clearly, 'Science is an adoration, which comes from the heart, a familiarity with the Most High. ' * The similarity of places for education in both cultures. In Byzantium, primary
itself custom in places adjoining the monasteries, or in the halls of education gave the church. Similarly, in Islam it is generally believed that the kuttib were
considered as annexes to the mosques. * The similarity of celebratory activities that mark the completion of a student's
study book in the Byzantine era and the Islamic celebrations carried out upon the completion of the Quran. In Byzantium, on completion of a child's study book, it was a custom to have a party, in which classmates, neighbours and friends would be invited. Upon completion of the Quran, similar family rejoicing took place in Islam. In Byzantium, the students often presented gifts to the elementary school teacher for different occasions. They would give him clothes, shoes etc. Similarly, in Islam, on completion of the Quran a teacher would get ä good meal, a jubbah (a long outer garment), a gaftan (caftan), a pair of shoes, cloth to make a turban and a guinea of gold. * The similarity in the existence of educated women. Just as in the Byzantine era
25
knowledgeable women were not lacking, there were plenty in the history of Islam. The Muslim women under certain circumstances and conditions, were no more excluded from education than their European sisters. * The similarity of the pupil's educational equipment. In Byzantium, the pupil would sit either on benches or more often on the ground itself on a sheep skin. He would carry his tablet, slate, writing desk, with an ink bottle containing black ink,
prepared by crushing nuts. The material of the Muslim student seems to have been much more basic. Nevertheless, the tablet was used, and the galam, a word and which had been borrowed from Byzantium. The Arabs in probably an accessory, the Middle Ages also used the same nut that was used by the Byzantines to prepare ink. * The similarity teaching and learning methods. Both the Byzantine and Muslim of
used to memorise by chanting their lessons. Whereas in Byzantium, students weekly revision sessions took place every Saturday, in the Islamic era they were provided every Wednesday afternoonfI'hursday. * The similarity writing, of the educational curriculum. The Byzantine student learnt reading,
and rudimentary mathematics. Similar subjects were offered in grammar
the Islamic era. In addition to this the Byzantine student was also trained to write a letter, which would include many proverbs and maxims. In the Middle Ages the Arabs wrote their letters in a very similar fashion. * The similarity of orthographic features of script found in both eras. The author,
details, implies that the rich and elegant form of without providing substantial writing that is found in Arabic is largely borrowed from the Byzantine culture. Lecomte puts forward the introduction of Ibn Qutaybah's Adab al-Kätib as a prime
26
example. The similarity of scriptural phraseology. A comparison is made between the
basmalah and hamdalah, and the Christian phrase 0 cross, come to my help. The pupils of both eras would write these phrases at the beginning of their tablets before commencing to write. They would hold this habit for the rest of their lives. It is difficult to discern whether or not Lecomte's article is inviting the reader to infer that aspects of scriptural text, or at least its style, as found in Islamic religious works are also borrowed from Byzantine religious writings. If such a suggestion is made it
would require more conclusive evidence and an objective analysis before an opinion could be formulated. The presence of similar cultural traits in two succeeding civilisations, as
suggested above, is not a fact that can be lightly rejected. Since cultures do not have any definite civilizations boundaries, the similarities that are identifiable between different
on diverse aspects of living, including education, may have long existed
in the history of humanity.
1.2.2 Abbasid Institutions Ibn Wahb was born at a time (125/743) when the Umayyad dynasty (40/661132/750) was approaching its demise and the Abbasid era (132/750-656/1258) was about to commence. It was during his infancy that political changes began to appear, and he would later witness the rudimentary beginnings of the literary period which later culminated in the so called 'Golden Era'. The Abbasid caliphs not only
encouraged learning but also promoted public discussions and founded schools where a multi-disciplinary education was offered; namely the study of Arabic literature,
theology, philosophy, grammar, rhetoric, mathematics, physics, astrology, astronomy
27
and other disciplines of science.
During the first Abbasid century Baghdad enjoyed
great popularity throughout the Islamic world, largely due to the 'Bay! a/-Hikmah' (House of Wisdom), founded by the seventh Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mün (d. 218/833). The translation of many Greek works on science and philosophy was completed in this centre, which also served as a centre for research and included astronomical observatories. 37 this early period Egypt not only attracted notable scholars and visitors
During
but also produced many prominent figures of learning in different sciences. The following some indication of the sort of milieu with which Ibn Wahb lived: will give
`Abd Allah b. `Amr b. a1-°Äs (d. 65/684), Yazid b. Habib (d. 125/743), Layth b. Sa'd (d. 175/791) and Shaf`i (d. 204/819), in the field of Islamic jurisprudence and
Islamic studies; and in the field of Islamic history and literature the family of `Abd alHakam, Ibn Hisham (d. 218/833) and Warsh (d. 197/812) are seen as outstanding 38 In fact, as early as 38/658 or 39/659 an official qi examples. in Fustät. 39 `Umar b. `Abd al-`Aziz appointed (storyteller) was
(d. 101/720) sent a learned mawl3
(client) to teach the Egyptians the sunan and, in the same mosque, many learned muftis (official expounders of Islamic law) and q dis (judges) led their halagahs
imparted their knowledge of the Islamic sciences.40 (study circles) and In light of the above, I would assert that Egypt was also a thriving centre for
36Hanifi, M. A., A Survey of Muslim Institutions and Culture, p. 175. 3' Glasse, C., The Concise Encyclopaedia of Islam, p. 93.
38Shalaby, A., History of Egypt through Islamic Ages, pp. 12-13.
39Pedersen, J., Some Aspects of the History of the Madrasab, p. 526. `0Husn al-Muhädarab as cited by Pedersen, J., Some Aspects of the History of the Madrasab, p. 526.
28
learning and literary activities, where numerouscentresof educationexisted. But its
educational achievements were never in the same category as Baghdad.
1.2.3 Academic Education As previously noted (see 1.2) in light of a personal statement by Ibn Wahb, his academic or advanced studies began at the age of seventeen, when he travelled for the first time to meet Malik b. Anas. 41The above age can be accepted as a sound guide for the beginnings of his academic progress, as students joined the nluhaddithün's circles at around the age of twenty; obviously ages varied according to the individual his ability. 42 and It should be noted that the term madrasah, which is frequently used to denote a place of higher education, is the end product of three stages in the development of the college in Islam. The masjid (non-congregational mosque), which was an
instructional centre, was the first stage. The masjid-khan, or hostelry, which served as lodging for out-of-town students, was the second stage. The third stage was the
madrasah proper in which the functions of both the mosque and the khan were 43 In classical Islam, combined. primarily it is also maintained that the madrasah was
a place where Islamic law was taught, and the mosque, a place where the
41 Al-Dhahabi,
Siyar A `ldm al-Nubalä ; 9,223; at-Dhahabi, Mize al-Ftidil, 2,522; al-Dhahabi, Tärikb al-Islam, volume relating to those who died between 191/806-200/815, p. 265; Ibn `Adi, A., al-Kämil B Dh`al3' al-Rijäl, 4,1520. The majority of the biographers give the age as seventeen. However, the following sources cite the possibility that he began his advanced studies at the age of sixteen, al-Dhahabi, al-`Ibar, 1,251; Ibn al-`Imäd, Shadbarital-Dbabab, 1,347; `lyäd, TarribalMadärik, 2,422. 42 Al-A`zami, M. M., Studies in Early Haditb Literature, p. 197. The ages of students sometimes varied according to individuals pp. 197-8. and places. For a detailed study refer to the same work, note no. 4,
43EI`, 5,1123; Makdisi, G., The Rise of Colleges,p. 27.
29
madrasah was located, continued to offer the study of other Islamic sciences. Jurisprudence was regarded as the core of higher education as it focused on the interpretation law). of the Quran and sunnah, the two main sources of the shari`ah (Islamic after completion of their elementary studies many students
Therefore,
specialised in this field to gain an insight into figh. They would normally restrict their study to the laws of one of the four figh schools. However, this was only possible after the schools of law became properly definable, which was later than Ibn Wahb's time. The date of the crystallization of these four schools is believed to lie
7th/13th century. 45 approximately towards the end of the In the mosque a variety of subjects would be offered, such as hadith, Quranic exegesis, legal theory, and Arabic grammar and literature. However, non-religious did not find their place there. 46Makdisi claims that among those institutions sciences which did foreign sciences, the mosque was the first. 47It is quite likely not teach the
that the reason foreign sciences were not taught in the mosque was because one of the main purposes of educating the student in the masjid was to give him knowledge of Islam, and to teach other subjects could become a hindrance to his progress. Although the mosques were used for Islamic studies it would be unwise to assume that there was.no Hellenistic influence whatsoever on the higher learning system in Ibn Wahb's era. Greek philosophy, medicine, mathematics, science and literature are known to have been adopted in some way or another by the Arab Muslims. It is quite likely that
44Makdisi. G., The Rise of Colleges, p. 9. 45Makdisi, G., The Rise of Colleges, p. 2. 46See Stanton, C. M., HigberLearning in Islam, p. 30.
47Makdisi, G., The Rise of Colleges, p. 10.
30
these areas of study flourished informally polymaths
in private* circles and in the lives of
who devoted their talents to exploring and advancing all knowledge
available to them48 and thus would be likely to influence the thinking of scholars in more traditional disciplines. Another institution similar to the masjid, was the jfrni` (congregational
mosque), where saläh (prescribed prayer ritual) is performed in congregation. It had halagahs, where the different Islamic sciences were taught. The system of establishing jämics in Egypt was slow. `Amr b. al-`Äs, soon after conquering the country, founded in Fustät the Jämi` `Amr b. al-`Äs, which to date bears his name. Until the year 133/750, Fustät only had `Amy's mosque, but in that year `Abd Allah b. `Ali b. `Abd Allah b. `Abbas, leading a detachment of the Abbasid army, had camped in the town's northern area and subsequently many buildings were erected there, among which is the Jämi` al-`Asäkir. As the available sources do not indicate the exact places in, and systems under which Ibn Wahb was educated, it may be helpful to conclude with the example of a teaching day in the life of his contemporary Shäfi`i, who also lived in Egypt at approximately the same time. My aim in doing this is to try and establish the way Ibn
Wahb might have been educated. According to one of his prominent disciples, alRabi` b. Sulaymän, Shäfi°i's teaching day was as follows. After the morning prayer, Shäfi`i would sit in his halagah (probably at Fustät in `Amy's lami ° because Shäfi`i taught there whilst in Egypt) and attend to the students of the Quran. They would leave at sunrise and then, throughout the morning at different intervals, he held
48Stanton, C. M., HigherLearning
in Islam, p. 53.
31
classes for the students of hadlth, discussion (mudhäkarah), polemics (munäzarah), Arabic language, prosody, grammar and poetry until mid-day. 49 It is most likely that Ibn Wahb benefited immensely from the educational system prevalent in his time. However, apart from his grounding in Islamic education, it is difficult to learn whether he was well versed in non-religious subjects as there is no record of non-Islamic education in the sources apart from the fact, as will be mentioned later (see 2.1), that he had a Christian teacher. It is quite possible that Ibn Wahb studied aspects of Christianity with him and that probably pushed him into the issues, such as Jesus's birth. study of comparative religious
From distinguished 'If a young talents. age, the scholars An of Ibn Wahb's day began to appreciate his
Egyptian scholar, al-Hasan b. Thawbän (d. 145/762), said,
this boy shall live, then, with the will of God, he is destined to be the leader of our
times. 'S0
1.3 Ibn Wahb's Travels in Pursuit of Knowledge Following the footsteps of his predecessors, Ibn Wahb travelled51 to many different
49Makdisi, G., The Rise of Colleges, p. 81. 50 `Iyad, Tarrib Madärik, 2,424. al has always encouraged travelling (rihlah) in pursuit of knowledge. Standard hadith and usül books have a section on the rihlah. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, appropriately, has named his book Kitab In it a large section of his work is devoted to the study of those Companions and al-Rihlah. Successors who travelled far and wide for just one hadith. For details see Kitjb al-Rihlab, pp. 109-65. Delegations This practice began at the time of the Prophet. of various tribes came to the Prophet in knowledge and then returned to their home town to preach what they had learnt. Dimam b. pursuit of Tha`labah is just one example of the many who travelled in the early era. Likewise, in the period of the Companions, Abu Ayyub al-Ansari and Jabir b. `Abd Allah are two examples of the many who hadith. It travelled to acquire the knowledge of was during the period of the Successors that travelling intensified. Goldziher, whilst discussing this issue, refers to Ahmad b. Musa al-Jawaligi from Ahwaz, who travelled to Basrah every time he heard of a haditb transmitted by Ayyub al-Sakhtiyani, in order to obtain these traditions from men who gathered them immediately at the source. He made this journey a total of eighteen times (Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies 2,165). See also his chapter on Talab al-Hadith, 2,164-80 where he discusses this issue in detail. 51 Islam
32
52 His biographers he performed the ha, thirty-six times. 53It was l places. state that during one such journey that he saw Hishäm b. `Urwah, in the Prophet's mosque. He
wanted to meet Hishäm but was distracted by a crowd of people who had gathered around a scholar named Ibn Sam°än in order to hear his lecture. Ibn Wahb that he would meet Hishäm afterwards. After
participated in the gathering thinking
the lesson, he proceeded towards the latter's house, where he was told that Hishäm was resting. Ibn Wahb then decided to perform the pilgrimage and return later. On his Hishäm had passed away. 54 return, One of the reasons why Ibn Wahb travelled so frequently to perform the hajj is that it provided a central meeting point for travelling different regions to meet and learn from scholars and students of
each other and to compare notes on their
collections of the traditions. It was a commonly held view that Madinah, the place where the Prophet lived, was the home of ahädith. Thus visiting Madinah was also important for collecting traditions his frequent visits there. 55 and no doubt this was one of the main reasons of
biographers do not seem to have mentioned specifically his travels for the purpose of knowledge (except his journey to Miilik, Ibn Khallikhn, Wafayätal-A`y n, 3,36; Ibn Farhºm, a/Dibaj al-Mudbabbab, 1,416). However, through the sheer number of traditions that he transmitted, along with the long list of his teachers and the implicit understanding of various incidents recorded by the many sources, it can be ascertained that Ibn Wahb, like his predecessors, travelled to the main centres of learning.
52 Ibn Wahb's
53`Iy5d, Tartib a1-Madarik, 2,431; al-Dhahabi, Si}ar A `lam al-Nuba! , 9,226; al-Dhahabi, Tadbkirnt al-Huffa?, 1,281; al-Dhahabi, Tärikb al-Islam, volume relating to thosewho died between 191/806-200/815,p. 267.
54Ibn `Abd 1,439; al-Dhahabi, Tärikb al-Islam, volume relating al-Hädi,. Tabagat `Ulamä'al-Hadith, to those who died between 191/806-200/815, p. 265; al-Dhahabi, Tadbkimt al-Hum? 1,280; al-Bäji, A., al-Ta `di! wa-al-Tajri/r, 2,946; `Iyad, Tartib al-Madia 2,427; al-Dhahabi, SiyarA `lam a! Nubal ; 9,225. 55 See Robson, J., Tradition: Investigation and Classification, pp. 98-9, and also Schacht, J., A Revaluation of Islamic Tradidon, p. 144, where the latter believes that the notion that Madinah was the home of the swmab is a fiction of the early 3rd/9th century.
33
lbn Wahb also travelled to different centres within Egypt itself and beyond to Hijaz and Iraq. His transmissions from Egyptian, neighbouring countries, such as Hijäzi and `Iraqi scholars, strongly suggest that he travelled in pursuit of would differ about any of
knowledge. We are also told that, when the Madinans Malik's
views, after his death, they would wait for Ibn Wahb to arrive so that they from him. 57Similarly, the Hijazis needed him to clarify the views
could seek clarity
58 of their scholars, and likewise the `Ir5gis. To sum up, it could be suggested that acquisition of knowledge was of instrumental importance for Ibn Wahb on his travels and that he was warmly received his ventures. The surviving records of his travels, as contained within and revered on biographical sources, indicate an admirable zeal for not only knowledge but also its bearers.
1.4 His Contribution
to the Study of Hadlth and Figh
All of the compilers of the six authentic hadith collections have included the narrations of Ibn Wahb in their respective works. 59 This clearly suggests that
according to them he was a reliable traditionist; otherwise his narrations would not have been incorporated as part of their work. The total number of traditions he transmitted himself, according to Ahmad b. Sälih (175/791-248/862), is in the region
56`Iyad, Tartib al-Madärik, 2,421; Ibn Faritün, al-Dibäj al-Mudhabbab, 1,413.
57 Al-Mizzi, Tahdbib al-Kamäl fl-Asmä' al-Rijäl, 16,283; Ibn Abi HStim, A., al-Jartr wo-al- Ta'dil, 5, 189; Ibn Hajar, Tabdhib al-Tahdhib, 6,72; `Iyäd, Tartib al-Mad3rik, 2,423. 58`Iyäd, Tartib al-Madirik, 2,423. 59 Al-`AjaG, Tis`ah, 2,366. Tjrikhal-Thigätp. 283; al-Bandari, A. G. and Hasan, S. K., Mawsü`atRij3lal-Kutubal-
34
of 100,000, of which 70,000 were accessible to the latter. Ahmad also claims not to have met any traditionist from either I3ijaz, Sham or Egypt who had transmitted more him. 60 The available sources suggest, on the authority of Muhammad b. Mnsa than al-Hadrami', that apart from two ahjdith Ibn Wahb's entire hadith collection was with 61 As for the Harmalah. other two ahtdith, Ibn `Adi says in his Kamil that only Abü al-Tahir b. al-Sark had transmitted one from lbn Wahb, while unknown
transmitters related the other. The text of the two narrations is as follows: 1. Abü al-Tahir's narration, `Every person is a leader (in his own way). The man is
the head of his family, the lady is in charge of her house.'
2. Unknown transmitters' narration, `Only one who endures hardships can be
considered 62 (wise).
haI. m (patient), and only an experienced person can be regarded as hakim
Abü Zurcah (d. 280/893) had assessedthe veracity of Ibn Wahb's traditions. After a rigorous scrutiny of thirty thousand, he is reported to have authenticated them,
60 Ibn `Adi,
A.. al-KämilfJDu`afa'al-Rijil,
16,283; Ibn Wahb, al-Muwatta,
Kitibal-Mubärabab,
ed. by Miklos Muranyi, p. 28; Ibn Abi Hätim, A., al-Jarb wa-al-Ta `dil, 5,189; al-Suyüti, J., Husn alTadhki at al-Huffan, 1,281; alDhahabi, Siyar A`lam al-Nubalä , 9,225; al-Dhahabi, al-`Ibar 1,251; Ibn al-`Imäd, Sbadbarit alDhabab, 1,348; al-Dhahabi, Tärikb al-Islam, volume relating to those who died between 191806200/815, p. 266; `lyad, Tartib al-Madädk, 2,424; Ibn `Abd al-Had!, Tabagat `Ulamä' a1-Haditb, 1, 439. All the cited references quote 100,000 ahädith. However, on the authority of the same informant some biographers cite 120,000 (al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-I`tidäl, 2,522; Ibn `Adi, A., alKamil fi Du `af' aI-Rijäl, 4,1520; al-Dhakabi, SiyarA `lam al-Nubalä, 9,233). 61 Al-Mizzi, Kitib alTabdbib al-Kamäl 11 Asmä' al-Rijäl, 16,283; Ibn Wabb, al-Muwatta, al-Dhahabi, Mubiabah, ed. by Miklos Muranyi, p. 28; al-Dhakabi, Mizän al-11tidil, 2,522. 62Ibn `Adi, A., al-Kämil fi Du `ate' al-Rijäl, 4,1520. Mubädarab H Aktbär Misr w.7-al-Qabinah, 1,303;
35
have found a single unsound hadith. 63Ibn `Adi also upholds the view claiming not to that even though Ibn Wahb transmitted abundantly, the former was not aware of a
(thigah) transmitter related from him. 64This single muckarhadith when a trustworthy report highlights three major points: 1. Ibn Wahb was a prolific transmitter. 2. Ibn `Ad! did not detect any muukar ahädith transmitted by trustworthy scholars. 3. Ibn scholars. `Adi was most probably aware of munkar ahädith transmitted by weak
1.4.1 A Critique of Ibn Wahb as a Muhaddith
The transmission of hadith material from one party to another or one
generation to. another is appropriately described by one of a group of eight terms. These effectively follows: a. Same reading by the teacher to the students. b. `Arai reading by students to teachers. c. Ijazah. permitting someone to transmit a hadith or book on the authority of the scholar without any formal reading by anyone. For example when A permitted B to denote different modes of transmission. They are referred to as
63 Al-Mizzi,
Tabdbib al-Kamäl fi Asmä' al-Rijäl, 16,284; Ibn Wahb, al-Muwatta, Kitib alMubärabab, ed. by Miklos Muranyi, p. 29; Ibn Hajar, Tabdbib al-Tabdbib, 6,72; al-Dhahabi, Tadbkirat al-Huffaz 1,281; al-Dhahabi, SiyarA `lam al-Nubalä , 9.225; al-Safadi, S., al-Will bi-alWafayä4 17,665; al-Dhahabi, Tärikbal-Islam, volume relating to those who died between 191/806200/815, p. 266; Ibn `Abd al-Hädi, Tabagat `Ulami'alHaditb, 1,439. Referring to the amount of abäaitb examined, the following sources mention eighty thousand rather than thirty thousand: `Iyäd, Tartib al-Madzri$ 2,424; al-Dhahabi, Tärikb al-Islam, volume relating to those who died between 191/806-200/815, p. 268; al-Dhahabi, Siyar A "Jim aJ-Nubalä ; 9,227; al-Bäji, A., al-Ta `dil wa-al-
Tajrib, 2,945; Ibn Abi Hätim, A., al-Jarb wa-al-Ta `dil, 5,190.
`'' Al-Dhahabi, Mizän al-I`tidäl, 2,522; al-Dhahabi, Siyar A `l5m a! , 9,226; al-Dhahabi, -Nubal3 Tärikb al-Islam, volume relating to those who died between 191/806-200/815,p. 267.
36
transmit Sahib al-Bukhäri on the authority of A, then B should find a copy of Sahib al-Bukhäri which contained a reading certificate including the name of A. In this way the correct text could be kept free from alterations.
d. Muaäwalah : literally giving someonethe written material to transmit.
e. Kitäbah : writing ahädith for a räwi (transmitter), either in his presence or absence. f. I`lam : informing specified material. g. Wasiyyah : entrusting somebody with one's books. h. Waj3dah : accidentally finding some books or a(i dith written by someone,65in other words, to find the works of a scholar and narrate his transmissions without any formal license, just as nowadays MSS are discovered in libraries or other places. This was not an orthodox method of learning traditions. a second party that he (the informant) has license to transmit
Robsonrefers to thesedescriptive terminologies and comments:
The theory is that the traditions were transmitted in a regular manner, so that those who
heard them from their authorities were entitled to transmit them in turn. One is not justified in assuming that from the beginning traditionists were very particular in their methods; but as time went on, and tradition became a matter of vital importance, rules were elaborated. 66
He further illustrates just how strict the rules became, by presenting a summary of the described by Ibn al-Saläh in his `Ulüm al-Hadith. 67 eight modes of transmission, as In his analysis of these terms, Robson, prior to explaining these eight modes of transmission, engages in the subtleties of their use. He indicates that Nawawl, in
65 Before explaining these methods in detail, this brief description has been put forward by alA`zami, M. M. in his Studies in Haditb Methodology and Literature, p. 16. 66Robson, J., Tmdidon, The Second Foundation of Islam, p. 27. 67Robson, J., Tradition, The Second Foundation of Islam, p. 27.
37
his introduction
to Muslim's
Sahib, says that Muslim's
practice was to employ
haddathanä (he related to us) when quoting words heard from the shaykh (teacher), and akhbaranä (he informed us) when citing words which had been read in the presence of the shaykh and acknowledged by him as his own. Bukhäri supplements these two terms with anba'anä (he acquainted us) and sami`tu (I heard). Robson further explains, that if one were to use any of these terms
(haddathan4 akhbaranä, anba'an
sami`tu) it would be inferred that the narrator
learnt the hadith directly from his authority. However, if the term can(from) was individually employed void of any of the above terms, this would cast doubts about
68 the grounds that canis the narrator's source of authority, on not explicit for direct contact between narrators. The product of this discussion leaves one to ponder upon a scenario where the term `an was employed to describe a phase of transmission by a person who practised in such a case, its use could render the hadith weak. 69 tadlis, Regarding the modes of transmission referred to earlier (see above 1.4.1), Ibn Wahb is reported to have been among the earliest of those who distinguished between the two most common methods used by muhaddithün in their respective hadlth
68Robson. J., Tradition, The Second Foundation of Islam, p. 27. 69A1-A`zami, M. M., Studies ro Hadith Methodology and Literature, p. 22.
38
70 Ibn Hanbal's statement that Ibn Wahb was an authentic transmitter who circles. distinguished between samd' and `ard also illustrates the latter's stance in this .
71 However, Ibn Wahb was not as scrupulous with the use of the other matter. descriptive terminologies. He made no distinction between four of the well-known
learning. 72 In fact, for the ijjzah method he employed the same term as methods of for samä , i. e. haddathrm 73 This implies that Ibn Wahb considered these terms as . synonyms. This leniency is further supported by the following factors: 1. When Ibn Hanbal was asked about Ibn Wahb's credibility, someone74quizzed the former after he had authenticated the latter, asking, 'Was he not lenient in selecting
70 The students were supposed to specify the method by which they received bdith. The methods in order of merit according to a majority of traditionists are: `and, samä , ijazah, munäwalab, kitäbah, i`lam, wasiyyah and wajidah. In the period of the Companions the first method was generally used. A little later the most common methods were the first two, and to denote them the terms haddathanä and akbbaran3 were used interchangeably. It seems al-Humaydi, Ibn `Uyaynah and Bukhari supported this view, whereas the likes of Ahmad b. Hanbal, Ishaq b. Rdhawayh and Ibn Wahb differentiated between the two, the last being amongst the first in Egypt to hold this view. According to him, haddathanä represents traditions received by the sami' method, i. e. the teacher reading to the students either from memory or written material, and akhbaranä denotes 'ant i. e. students reading from their own books or those of the teacher. There have been detailed discussions as to whether the first or the second method is the better for learning. For further details on this issue refer to alA`zam. i, M. M., Studies in Hadith Methodology and Literature, pp. 16-22; al-A`zami, M. M., Studies in Eady Haditb Literature, pp. 183-99; Siddigi, Hadith Literature p. 86; al-Badakhshani. M. A.. J., Tadrib Mustalab al-Hadith, pp. 82-8; al-Suyiiti, al-Raw), 2,5-60; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Y., Jami` Ba}'än al- `Ilm, pp. 175-80; Robson, J., Tradition, The Second Foundation of Islam, pp. 27-9; Guillaume, A., The Traditions of Islam, p. 36; Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies, 2,175-80; Burton J., An Introduction to the Haditb, pp. 175-7.
71Al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-Kamäl fi Asmä' al-Rijäl, 16,282; Ibn Abi Hatim, A., al-Jar# w2-al-Ta`dil, 5, 189; al-Dhakabi, Mizän al-1`tidäl, 2,523; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, 6,72; al-Dbahabi, Siyar A `7äm al-NubalS, 9,226; al-Dhakabi, Tärikb al-Islam, volume relating to those who died between 191/806-200/815, p. 267; `Iyad, Tartib al-Madärik 2,423; Badr al-Din al-`Ayni, `Umdat al-Qäri, 1, 49.
'` Ibn Wahb. Malik and others considered samä , `aid ijazah, and kitäbah to be of equal merit, while the likes of Ibn Hanbal and Shafi`i considered the last two methods inferior to the first two. 73Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-Tahdbib, 6,74. 74The source does not specify the name.
39
his methods? '75 2. Nasa'i is also a proponent of this view, 76 selection. 3. Ibn Wahb who had a written section of traditions with him, approached Ibn indicating that he was negligent in his
`Uyaynah in the presence of Yahyä b. Main, seeking ijazali (permission) from lbn `Uyaynah to be able to transmit those traditions from him. The latter objected in amazement, claiming that this, i. e. permitting this type of transmission, and the wind
were of equal merit, while simultaneously demanding that the ahidith should first be checked and subsequently authenticated by Ibn `Uyaynah before permission could be 77 granted. It is to this sort of practice that Goldziher refers regarding the ij.! zah system. He writes that it became a surrogate for those people who were eager to obtain hadith, but were not able to travel far and wide, or were able to travel, but could not stay long hadidi directly from them. 78 He states that enough with the traditionists to receive the students would often seek permission from muhaddithün to transmit a hadith from them as if they had heard it orally, whilst in reality they received the tradition either
by direct receipt or merely being shown a booklet by them. 79This transition from the
75 Al-Mizzi, Mufigtabah,
Tabdhib al-Kamil
fi Asmä'
al-Rijäl,
16,282;
Ibn Wabb, a! -Muwatta ; Kitäb al-
ed. by Miklos Muranyi, p. 27; Ibn Abi Hätim, A., al-Jarfi wa-al-Ta`di/, 8,189; alDhahabi, Mizan al-I`tidäl, 2,523; Ibn Hajar, Tabdhib al-Tabdhib, 6,72; `Iyäd, Tattib al-Madsrik, 2, 428.
76Ibn Farhüir, al-Diädjal-Mudhabbab, 1,417.
77 Al-Dhahabi, Mizin al-I`tidäl, 2,521; Ibn `Adi, A., al-Kämil 6 Du`afa-' al-Rijäl, 4,1518; a1Dhahabi, SiyarA `lam al-Nubalä ; 9,231. 711 Goldziber, I., Muslim Studies, 2,176.79 Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies, 2,176.
40
oral transmission to the formal ijäzab document is also a feature of the mode of transmission that is referred to as munäwalab. 80Goldziher exemplifies his case by reference to Malik b. Anas who employed this technique with his pupils, instructing
them to circulate the traditions in his name, on the basis that he possesseda collection bound in a bundle. 81 of written texts Guillaume's The Traditions of Islam is basically a reiteration of Goldziher's
work. He develops the allegation against Malik further and suggests that the latter is said to have granted one of his pupils permission to transmit without examining his 82 text. A series of charges is also levelled against Ihn Wahb that cast doubts about his professionalism. His selection process of teachers has not escaped scrutiny. He is referred to as one who compromised on the soundness of his authorities. The sources point out that it would have been far better for him to adopt the same standards as Mälilc. 83 This view is supported by the claim of Ibn Main, who believed that Ibn Wahb transmitted baditb from weak scholars. &' Biographers also mention that Ibn Wahb sometimes slept during lectures, 85and would subsequently borrow notes from
S0 Goldziher, L. Muslim Studies.2.176. 81Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies,2,176.
82Guillaume, A., The Tmditions of Islam, p. 36. 83 A1-Dhakabi, Tarikb al-Islam, volume relating to those who died between 191/806-200/815, p. 269; `Iyäd, Tartib al-Mad iit 2.424. 84 `Iyäd, Tartib al-Madzrik, 2,425. 85Ibn `Adi, A., al-Kzmil ll Du `alp ' al-Rijäl, 4,1518.
41
bringing into question their authenticity. 86He was also believed to classmates, thus have practised tadlis (tampering with isaäc ), a practice which, more often than not, is denounced in badith scholarship. 87 It is problematic, in my opinion, to even suggest that tadlis occurred, on the basis that any affirmation of it taking place is wholly
based on Ibn Sa`d's unsubstantiated evidence, which is extremely general in its nature (wa käna yud. ll yl J1. Lp ß
I believe 'Abü a1-`Abbas' is most likely Abü a1-`Abbas Muhammad b. Ya`qüb b. Yüsuf b. Ma`gil b. Sinän al-Asamm (247/861-346/957). The biographers confirm
that he studied in Egypt under the tutelage of Bahr b. Nasr and Muhammad b. `Abd A11äh b. `Abd al-Hakam, both of whom were Ibn Wahb's students. His father was a
s Juynboll, G.H.A., Muslim Tradition, p. 117.
9 For a detailed discussion see Ibn Wahb, al-Muwatta, pp. 56-7. 10See his Muslim Tradition, p. 117. Kitäb al-Muharabab, ed. by Miklos Muranyi,
140
Ishäq b. Rähawayh, " and is described as an exceptional calligrapher. 12In his pupil of mid-twenties Abü al-°Abbäs lost his faculty of hearing on his return from a journey13 and henceforth was known as al-Asamm `the deaf one', a name which he did not*like be addressed by. 14 Abü al-`Abbäs travelled extensively to learn from other to scholars, and many from as far and wide as Andalus and Färis endured painstaking him in pursuit of knowledge. 15 It is believed that he taught for travels to reach 16 He is seventy-six years. also the transmitter of other traditions from Ibn Wahb, which are preserved in an anthology in the Z.zhiriyyah library Egypt, which has been referred to earlier (see 1.7.2). In light of the above it is clear that the chain indicates that the MS was produced much later than the 3rd/9th century. If al-Asamm is accepted as a transmitter, it is apparent that he would have received the traditions from the above two students of Ibn Wahb sometime between 247/861 (when al-Asamm was born) and 268/881(when the second of the two students died). A colophon note indicates that the traditions contained in IWMS were read in the presence of Abü al-Mansur by an authority referred to as al-Husayn b.
Muhammad. The following snippet confirms this:
11A1-Dhahabi, SiyarA `Lim al-Nubalä
15,453.
12A1-Dhahabi, SiyarA %amal-Ntibalä ; 15,460. 13AI-Dhababi, SiyarA `lam al-Nubalä 15,454.
14A1-Dhahabi, Tadbkirat al-Huffa. 2; 3,73. 'S Al-Dhahabi, a]-`Ibar, 2,75.
16 Al-Dhahabi, SiyarA `Iäm al-Nubalä 15,454.
141
Yl t-41 ýý11 y,! eta
lzilý. ý,
ºw
ýýll
, ýtý
öc1ý
A biographical study of this al-Husayn b. Muhammad indicates that he could either be Abü `Abd Allah al-Husayn b. Muhammad b. `Abd Allah al-Haunati al-Tabarl
(d. ca. 400/1009), or Abü `Abd Allah al-Husayn b. Muhammad b. `Abd Allah al-Tabari al-Kashfull, individuals (d. Rabf` al-Thänf 414/June 1023). In either case both
lived up to the early part of the 5th century. If my identification of al-Husayn
is correct, then it would mean that IWMS came into existence towards the late 4th/10th or early 5th/I Ith century.
3.4 Other Manuscript Copies of IWMS ? Despite an extensive search for another copy of IWMS, I believe to the best of
my knowledge such a copy does not exist. I undertook this search in the following manner: 1. Consulted the two indispensable works of Brockelmann and Sezgin where information on extant works is readily available. 2. Searched relevant Arabic MS catalogues. 3. Studied thoroughly all works on Ibn Wahb, particularly recent material. 4. Consulted specialists at the Chester Beatty Library. 5. Consulted Miklos Muranyi, a leading authority on Ibn Wahb's works whom I met at
SOAS during the winter of 1997 at the Hadith Seminar.
142
SECTION B: THE WORK 3.5 The Title and its Meaning IWMS bears no formal title. This could be due to the fact that an incomplete original is at our disposal, and the title may be contained in the absent portion. In the
absence of a formal title scholars have referred to it with varying titles. Arberry calls it aI-.13mi' f-al-Hadith whilst Juynboll in discussing IWMS refers to it as 'a MS
containing a fragment of a Muwatta'work
(? ) attributed to Ibn Wahb'17 and A`zami is a
to it as Muwatta : However, it is unclear whose Muwatta'this simply refers reference to. On fly-leaf Ibn Wahb tilmidh
2 the words 'la`alla bidhä al juz' min Muwatta' al-imini
al-imam Ma k, ' are possibly the best piece of evidence that can lbn Wahb
shed light on this. At face-value they indicate that this is the Muwatta'of and not Muwatta'. the Muwatta' of Mälik, as initially
might be understood by the term
But it should be noted that these words are in a different script compared and appear to be a later addition, possibly by a
to that of the main text of IWMS
librarian or an owner. At best this can be accepted as circumstantial evidence to support the view of this work being called Muwatta'. It should also be noted that although there is a general tendency to associate the Muwatta' with Mälik, Ibn Wahb is also credited with such works. This is a Muwatta' fFad1 a1-
discerned from the fact that Ibn Wahb had written a Muwatta'Kabir, Sarhir (see 1.7) and according to Ibn `Asäkir in his Kashfal-Muchattä Muwatta , Ibn Wahb is also a transmitter of the Muwatta'of
Mä1ik referred to above
17Juynboll, G. H. A., Muslim
Tradition, p. 117. His insertion of a question mark indicates that he was
not sure about the issue and was probably referring to the previously mentioned sentence written on fly-leaf 2.
143
(see 1.7.3).18
3.5.1 The Dispute over the Title of IWMS
The following reasons could explain why some scholars have called this work Muwatta': juz' min Muwatta' a1-im5m Ibn Wahb tilmidh al1. The statement `Ja°alla hädhä a1 imam MäliIi' referred to above (3.5) might suggest that this work is entitled
Muwatta . In my opinion this is probably the main reason why many have termed IWMS the Muwatta'. 2. Those who classified this work as the Muwatta' and not al-JýSmi`may have done so on the basis of the size and contents of IWMS. A Jämi`work is both extensive and comprehensive. IWMS fits neither of these two descriptions. 3. Similarities in the sequential order in the isnäd between Malik's Muwatta 'and IWMS may have led some scholars to term IWMS as a Muwatta : In the Muwatta'of Malik there are two links in the isnäd leading up to Malik, that of his student Yahya b. Yahya, who transmitted from Malik and that of Yahya's son `Ubayd Allah, who transmits from his father. Likewise, IWMS also contains two links in the isnäd
leading up to Ibn Wahb, that of his students Bahr or Muhammad, who transmit from Ibn Wahb (see above, 3.3) and that of Abü al-`Abbas al-Asanun, who transmits from either one of the above two (see above, 3.3). The following example sheds light on this issue: in Malik's Muwatta , the isnäd of the first hadith up to Malik appears as
follows: `Qäla (`Ubayd A11ä6)haddathani Yahyä b. Yaliyä al-LaythI `an Malik.... ' In IWMS the isnäd of the first hadith up to Ibn Wahb appears as follows: `Akbbaranä
18For details refer to p. 18. See also al-Kdndhalwi,
Muhammad Zakariyyä, A wjaz al-Maslik
1,6.
144
Muhammad(this is al-Asamm's statement)akhbaranäIbn Wahb.... '
The following reasons could explain why some scholars have called this work al-lämi ` ff-al-Hadith. 1. The majority of his extant works are entitled lami`. 2. IWMS, being a hadith work, may have been erroneously considered a fragment of one of his other well-known compilation entitled 31-lämi`fr-al-Hadith in Edfu (see 1.7). and preserved
3.6 The Literary Tradition When early collectors of hadith compiled their works they arranged them in different styles and forms. These works were then designated as belonging to one of six literary categories accordingly. 1. Jaw,71mi°(singular: jami`). technically The literal meaning of jfmi`is 'comprehensive', and
according to the traditionists it refers to a work in which all those aliödith Islamic
are mentioned that deal with eight different topics, i. e. creed (agä'id), ordinances (ahkäm), softening of
the hearts (rigäq), morality (adab), Quranic
exegesis (tafsir), history (tärikh) which also incorporates the biography (sirah) of the Prophet, sedition (fitan) and virtues (managib). 19An example of this type of work is the Jami`of Bukhäri. 2. Sunan (singular: sunnab). A work in which only afiädith pertaining to Islamic
ordinances are gathered, such as the Sunan of Abü Dawüd. 3. Masönid (singular: musnad). A work in which the aim is to collect afiýldith of a
particular Companion in one place. However, the arrangement of these works varies.
19For further details regarding J mi`works
see Gangohi. R., Limi`al-Dirjri,
1/144-5.
145
Some compilers arrange the names of the Companions at the beginning of the work, others begin with those Companions who embraced Islam first, yet others arrange the names in alphabetical sequence or according to regions. An example of this type of work is the Musnad of Ahmad. One of the earliest extant works of this style is the
Musnad compiled by the 2nd/8th century scholar Abü Dawüd al-Tayalis! 4. Ma°äjim (singular: mu jam). A work in which the compiler collects aliädith of his teachers in one place. Some compilers arrange their works alphabetically, while others place the a(i dith of the more prominent teachers first, followed by the less prominent Tabarani. 5. Ajz5' (singular: juz'). A work in which the aim is to collect the transmission of ones. An example of this type of work is the Mu jam al-A tvsat of
only one scholar whether it be a Companion or some other scholar. For example the Juz'of the hadith of Abü Bakr and the Juz'of the hadith of Malik. 6. Arba'inät (singular: arba`in). A work which usually contains forty traditions.
There are many works of this sort and the first one to compile in this manner was `Abd Allah b. al-Mubarak. Another such work compiled by Nawawi is one of the most renowned works in this field. Some of the best-known works cited above may have been written after Ibn Wahb's time, but these styles of compilation of liadith material were prevalent during his era. IWMS is dated much later than is claimed by Arberry, and as such it can be
Bukhäri, Muslim and their contemporaries. 20 compared with the works of
`ÖFor further details on the different styles and forms of works see Gangohi, R., L zrni `a! -Dii5i , 1/142-58.
146
3.7 An Examination of the Contents of IWMS After discussing these styles, my aim is to attempt to ascertain which one of the above categories will of compiling be more suitable for IWMS. Out of the six different ways
ahäditb, without doubt IWMS cannot fall under any of the categories
described above between numbers three and six. This leaves us with a possibility that it may be a Jdmi`or Sunan work. Clearly in order for us to categorise this work we need to analyse the content of IWMS. This will now be done. IWMS starts on folio lb without a book heading. probably in kitäb al-buyü ; 3a: min kitäb al-ashribah, l lb: min kitäb al-maaisik; 22a: min kitäb al-zakäh; 24a: min kitäb al-salVr, 27b: min kitlb al-nikah, 32a: min kitäb al-sawm; 37b: min kitäb al-saläh, but the title is missing; 54b: kitäb al-gasamah wa-al-`uqül wa al-diydr, 61b
kitäb al-giräd (heading only). The number of traditions under each book is as follows: 13 in kitäb al-buyü , 67 in kitäb al-ashribah, 95 in kitäb al-mandsik, 21 in kitäb alof kitäb al-sa13h,41 in kitäb al-nikati, 46 in kitdb al-
zakäh, 29 in the first portion
sawm, 143 in the second portion of kit5b al-saläb, 42 in kitäb al-gasamah wa-al`uqül wa-al-diyät and there are no traditions in kitäb al-giräd where only the heading is recorded. In order to establish whether the number of ahädith recorded in IWMS is identical or different to that in similar natured works, I present below brief internal elements of two such works: Mälik's Muwatta , which was written prior to IWMS and Bukhäri's compilation. Sahib, a work compiled after IWMS. I begin with Mälik's
147
The Muwatta' by Yahyä al-Laythi
divides into 61 books on different subjects, and in the edition contains some 1720 ahädith. Of these, 898 are sayings of
Companions (613) and Successors (285), while 822 are sayings of the Prophet, including 600 which go back to him without interruption (musnad), 222 without a Companion narrator (mursal), and 61 which are without isnads. The Sahib of Bukhäri divides into 97 books on different subjects. The number of ahädith in his work is 9082. Taking out repetitions it goes down to 2602. This number does not include sayings of Companions and Successors. An evaluation of these three works reveals the following points: 1. IWMS divides into 9 books, with approximately 55 ahädith in each book. 2. Malik's book. 3. Bukhäri's Sahib divides into 97 books, with approximately 93 abhdith in each Muwatta' divides into 61 books, with approximately' 8 ahjdith in each
book. However, without the repetitions this number comes down to 26 ahädith. This examination reveals that the ahadith recorded in IWMS per book, Bukhdri's Sahib (without
exceeds the average number of ahädith in the Muwatta'and repetitions). When IWMS is compared to
Bukhäri's complete version (with
repetitions) the result shows that the number of ahädith per book, contained in the Sahib exceeds those recorded in IWMS. On folio lb of IWMS, the sentence, 'Bismilläb al-Rahmän al-Rahim' is
recorded twice at the beginning
it seems that one of them was written later by and
someone else. There is also (in the margin) in the top right hand corner, beside the basmalah, the statement, 'Qawluh Ibn Wahb ismuh `Abd All b. Qäla Abd Bakr fi-alsäbiq wa-al-131iiq mäta `Abd ARM Iba Wahb al-Misri sanat sab` wa tis `J wa ml 'ab
148
a]-hijr4' which appears to be an inscription of another scribe. From the fragment of IWMS at our disposal it can be assumed that it is the
beginning portion. This is primarily for two reasons. Firstly, if we assume that one of the basmalah's is that of the actual scribe of IWMS, then it denotes the beginning of the work, since works of this nature begin with this phrase. Secondly, hadith works this nature normally start with books on salah, zakah etc. A peculiar feature of of IWMS is that instead of starting in the traditional fashion with salah, zakah etc.. it found under kitab al-buni`
starts off by discussing traditions that are normally
(sales). This peculiarity may be due to the following reasons: 1. Ibn Wahb probably felt that buyii`was an issue that his contemporaries, as well as preceding scholars, did not emphasise enough. and to give it prominence he put this book at the beginning. 2. It is quite possible that the general Muslim public at that time were not mindful of this matter and considered it trivial. Having this as the opening book would have
certainly raised the awareness of issues pertaining to buvü`: 3. Another possible reason could be that he wanted to put matters pertaining to mu`'ämalat (social matters), of which buyü" is a part, in par with 'ibädat (acts of worship). Another unusual feature found in IWMS is that ahädith on ashribah (drinks) are placed immediately after kitabal-buyü`. before The placing of these issues of mu`amalät
`ibadat portrays his eagerness to emphasise the importance of consuming that
which was lawful. The rest of the books are arranged in the following sequence: manösik, zakah, salah, alkali (marriage), sawm (fasting), salab (for the second time but the title is
149
missing), gasamah (a kind of compurgation) wa-a1-`uqül (wergild) wa al-diyät (blood money), giräd ([loans]heading only). It can be seen that the arrangement of these six books does not conform to the general styles of similar works. The general layout is often found as follows: saläh, zakäb, sawm, manasik. It is quite obvious that manasik (rituals pertaining to hay), has preceded all the others due to the importance Ibn Wahb gave to it during his life. It has already been mentioned earlier (see 1.3) that
Ibn Wahb performed pilgrimage thirty-six times.. aläh usually precedes all the other acts of worship as it is considered to be the most important of all, but in this case it has been put after zakäh. Again in an unusual fashion ahädith on saläh are presented for the second time after the book of fasting, and on this occasion they do not even have a book heading. As a result of this, ahädith emerge on saläh immediately after the ahädith of fasting, without any indication. Throughout IWMS the texts of ahadith are generally not repeated, whereas sometimes more than one (two to three) isoäd is
recorded for a particular hadith. The book of marriage is arranged between saläh and sawm. This again is an unusual practice since marriage is considered to be a topic relating to 'mu`amalät' not `ibädät. It is quite possible that Ibn Wahb classifies marriage as an act of worship and has therefore placed it between the two topics of `ibädät. Another noticeable feature of IWMS is that the author does not place chapters (abwäb) in between the books. Such a practice is considered to have been done to facilitate legal extraction. The omission of chapters makes it difficult to discern Ibn
Wahb's juristic stance from the traditions that he presents. In contrast to this practice Bukhäri has used chapters in such a way that his juristic stance is easily deducible, something that inspired the saying, 'figh al-Bukhäri uI taräjimih'. Although such a
150
practice is noticeable it would be incorrect to term it as unusual given that Muslim also did not use such chapters in his Sahib. The addition of the chapters in Muslim's Sahib were introduced by Nawawi, the 7th/13th century scholar. In light of the above discussion it can be seen that although many topics are covered, because we do not have the complete work, it is difficult to state
categorically whether or not it is a Jaasi`. All that we can say is that there is a strong likelihood of it being a Jami`work but it could also be classified as a Sunan, as its
ahädith are arranged according to different topics of law. The following discusses issues pertaining to the asaaid of IWMS. A noticeable feature of IWMS is that entire books have been transmitted by either Muhammad b. `Abd Allah b. `Abd al-Hakam or Bahr b. Nasr al-Khawlani. No book contains traditions transmitted by both. The following four books have been transmitted by Muhammad b. `Abd
Allah b. `Abd al-Hakam: kitäb al-buy-d', kitäb a/-ashribah, kitäb a! -manäsit, kitlb a! aikäli. The remaining five books, namely kitäb al-zakäh, kitab al-salb (both of them, the books starting on folio 24a and folio 37b), kitäb al-sawm, kitäb al-gasamah wa-
al-`uqül wa-al-diyät have been transmitted by Bahr b. Nasr al-Khawläni. An analysis of the style of reporting reveals that Muhammad has consistently used the terms reported by him, something like `a1ä Ibn Wahb akhbaraaä Muhammad akhbaranä Iba Wahb...for all traditions the second akhbaranä being always abbreviated and looking Bahr, on the other hand has used haddathaaä Bahr gala quri'a for traditions reported in all his books, except for the book on al...
gasamah. In this book the isaäd starts with haddathanä Bahr haddathaaä Iba Wahb,
151
the second haddathanä again abbreviated and appearing something like A close examination of IWMS reveals that there are 497 traditions, which have been divided into 9 books. Of these 116 are traditions of Companions (106) and Successors (10), while 377 are ahädith of the Prophet, including 63. which are mursal. There are 3 ahädith qudsiyyah (isndd linked to Allah) and one niu`dil (problematic) tradition. Some of the mawqüf and magtd traditions are in other
collections with full isnfc,
which I have indicated in the fully edited version of
IWMS. There is no numbering system throughout IWMS and there are only 15 opinions of his two most prominent teachers Malik (11) and Layth b. Sa`d (4). In
light of the above it can be seen that IWMS is a work of hadith, which follows the format of other hadith literature. If we compare IWMS to the Muwatta'of Malik. we
learn that the latter primarily concentrates on illustrating the law, not collecting the hadith, since it does not follow the format of other hadith literature. There is
therefore some misunderstanding concerning its position and importance, as clearly it is not a book of hadith in the mould of later works on that subject. Goldziher notes that the Muwatta' is not a work of hadith. He believes it is 'a corpus juris not a
Z' IWMS on the other hand is a work on hadith, corpus traditionum'. not law. Nonetheless, it would not be incorrect to suggest that IWMS is a brief and
authoritative guide to legally orientated hadith. The following few paragraphs will deal, firstly, with the conditions for the
acceptance of hadith, and secondly, their classification. 1. The Conditions for the acceptance of hadith are as follows: a. Continuity of the chain of transmitters (ittisal al-sanad).
21Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies. 2,198.
152
b. Integrity (`ad. lah) of the transmitters. c. Soundness of memory of the transmitters. d. Conformity stronger than it. e. The absence of defects (`illah) in the hadith. 2. Classification of hadith is arranged as follows: a. The multiple transmission (al-hadith al-mutawätir), divided into two groups: 1. Mutawötirby 2. Mutawätirby Only a few words. meaning, i. e. with variant wording. mutawitir by words, i. e. all the and this category is of the hadith with similar ahädith on the same topic which are
ahädith have been considered
transmitters use the same expression when relating a hadith. However, mutawtirby meaning are many in number. b. The non-recurrent ahädith (flhäd), divisions. Some are as follows: 1. AI-Mashhür (well known). A hadith which has been transmitted by three or which have been divided into many sub-
more people in each branch of the isnäd but falls below the standard of the multiple transmission. 2. AI-`Aziz (strong). A hadlth in which there are no less than two transmitters
in each part of the isnäd. 3. A! -Gharib (rare). A hadith which is narrated by one transmitter at any one stage of the isnfd. The non-recurrent ahädith are further subdivided into three categories according to the beginning of the isnäd.
153
1. Al-Marfu-` (elevated). A narration from the Prophet, whether reported by a Companion, Muhammad. 2. Al-Mawgdf (suspended). A narration from a Companion, i. e. his own Successor or other authority that begins with the Prophet
in which the chain of transmitters traces back to him and not the statement Prophet. 3. Al-Magtü` (cut-off). A narration from a Successor in which the chain of
transmitters is traced back to him and not the Companion or the Prophet. For a hadith to be accepted as a source of Islamic law there are three further
classifications. 1. AI-Sahib (authentic). A transmission which fulfills the five criteria for accepting a hadith, i. e. continuity soundness of memory defects in the hadith. 2. AI-Hasan (good). A hadith in which all the five criteria are satisfied except that the of the chain of transmitters, the integrity of the transmitters, the transmitters, conformity of the hadith and the absence of of
third criterion of the soundness of memory is not satisfied fully. 3. Al-Da`if (weak). This is a hadith which does not satisfy the five previously
mentioned criteria for accepting hadith. If the weakness is due to lack of continuity in the isnäd then the hadith in question will either be; a. Mu `allaq (hanging). A narration in which the reporter omits the whole isnäd and quotes the Prophet directly, this is sometimes known as balfighah. b. Mungati` (interrupted). A narration in which a link anywhere before the Successor (i. e. closer to the traditionist recording the hadith) is omitted. The term mungati` is also applied by some scholars to a hadith in which a reporter states `a man transmitted to me... ' without naming this authority.
154
c. Mu`dil(problematic). missing reporter. d. Mursal (incompletely
A narration in which there is more than one consecutive
transmitted). A narration in which the link between the
Successor and Companion is missing, i. e. a Successor states, The Prophet said.... ' If the hadith is weak due to lack of integrity in the transmitters the following classifications will apply: Mawdü' (fabricated). A transmission which has been fabricated. a. b. Munkar (rejected). A transmission in which the nmatn (text) of a hadith came down through one channel of transmission only and the narration of that hadith does not satisfy the criteria of integrity or the memory of the transmitter is not good. c. Matrük (abandoned). A transmission which is transmitted by someone who is charged with lying and the hadith in question is known through this transmission only. There are other divisions and sub-divisions of the rejected ahadith which are to be in the relative sources.22 referred to
SECTION C: THE TEXT 3.8 Editorial Technique In this section I have provided a computerised version of the original text
`- For a detailed study on the different classifications of hadith refer to Juynboll, G. H. A., The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature, pp. 10-14; Robson, J., Tr dition. Investigation and Classification, pp. 108-12; a1-A`zami, M. M., Studies in fladith Methodology and Literrturr, pp. 425; Burton. J., An Introduction to the Hadith, pp. 110-16; al-A`zami, M. M., Hadith. Rules for acceptance & Transmission, The Place ofHadith in Islam, pp. 19-23.
155
with an adaptation of its orthographic features. This text is nominally vocalised and I have broadly adhered to the practice of the scribe. Effectively, this has reproduced the original text. I believe there are three main reasons for undertaking such an exercise: 1. It grants the reader an opportunity to appreciate the work of the author/scribe in its original form. 2. It allows the reader to identify the inconsistencies apparent in the work. 3. It facilitates a comparative study between the orthographic features of IWMS and texts of similar nature from the same era. However, I would concede that minor modifications have been made to the presentation of the text. These were wholly modifications are discussed below: * The shaddah and the dagger alif are omitted from the word Allah in IWMS. My software programme is unable to conform to this practice, i. e. it cannot adapt to produce the word Allah without both these signs, hence both appear throughout the work in the word Allah. * Each hadith in IWMS ends with letter h3 ;I have replaced it with a full stop. * Each hadith begins on a new line, except in a few instances. I have imposed consistency by beginning every new hadith on a new line. * The yä' is almost consistently indicated in the initial and medial position with two dots beneath the letter. In the final position, however, the two dots appear inside the letter. I have presented it in the conventional form, i. e. placed beneath the y.5'. " The alifmagsurah appears with the two dots. This practice has been replaced by for mechanical reasons. These minor
the more conventional form.
156
* There is no numbering system throughout IWMS. Here, each hadith is sequentially numbered in order to expose its individual existence and for reference purposes. * The folio numbers are highlighted in the margins. * The scribal particulars are indicated in the endnotes.
157
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' Bismilläh al-Rahmän al-Rahim is recorded twice. 2 (Hadith 8) A subscript explanatory insertion of the word däyim appears beneath wasib. 3 (Hadith 9) Annahu is an insertion. 4 (Hadith 28) Sic. The correct form of the word is a, 5ä 5 (Hadith 29) There is an emendation of kana after yashrabu. 6 (Hadith 30) Sic. The superscript insertion of Ibn is incorrect. 7 (Hadith 32) In the medial position both the hamzab as well as the two dots denoting y3' are visible, probably to facilitate variant reading. 8 (Hadith 33) Darräjshould bear the alifindicating the accusative nunation. 9 (Hadith 35) Sic. YastauFiinab bearing the nün should be in place of Yastani`üh. 10 (Hadith 42) A subscript insertion of the pronoun hum appears here. The whole word fa atähum is also inserted in the right hand margin area. 11(Hadith 44) Sic. The correct t3'to use here is the tä' marbütah. 12(Hadith 51) Incert. The correct form of the word is as I have presented it in the text. 13 (Hadith 54) Sic. Muhtabiy bearing the final ya' is incorrect. It should be inscribed without the final yä 14 (Hadith 54) Sic. Fa-al yirti in the intransitive form is incorrect. It should be fa-al yati in the transitive form. 15 (Hadith 54) Sic. Fa ja`ala in the singular form is incorrect. It should be fa ja`ald in the plural form. 16 (Hadith 54) Sic. Shim31 without the attached genitive pronoun (singular masculine 3rd person) is incorrect. It should be shimölih. 17 (Hadith 54) Sic. Grammatically, Abd in its nominative form is incorrect. It should appear as Aba in its accusative form. 18(Hadith 57) Kana is an insertion. 19(Hadith 66) Sic. Ibn has been recorded twice. The first lbn is without the alifand in the second one it is realised. 20(Hadith 67) Rasül Allah is an insertion. 21 (Hadith 67) Sic. Nunation consisting of a double fathah is grammatically incorrect. It
234
should have a single fatbah. 22 (Hadith 68) Incert. However, from the takbrij source I have been able to identify the word as ya`nF 23 (Hadith 69) Sic. Asbäb should bear an alif after the bs' to indicate a nunation consisting of a double fathah. This is due to the particle iaaa preceding Sad. 24(Hadith 69) Sic. The two dots of t3' marbütab are missing. 25(Hadith 73) Incert. 26 (Hadith 74) Incert. However, from the takhr j source I have been able to identify the name as Iba Hubayrab. 27 (Hadith 74) Incert. However, from the takhrrý source I have been able to identify the name as Sad. 2s (Hadith 77) Sic. bätiyyah should be batiyab, without the shaddah on the yä'. 29(Hadrth77) Preceding mä da`awtukan emendation of the same term appears in IWMS. 30(Hadith 79) Sic. h azamrhä should be in place of hasartuh3. 31 (Hadith 82) Preceding akhbaraai an emendation of haddathanä Iba appears in IWMS. Haddathanä is in its abbreviated form. 32(Hadith 87) Preceding Can an emendation of the same term appears in IWMS. 33 (Hadith 87) A superscript insertion of the letter l' appears directly above the fa-in the word `Arafat). The copyist probably felt that it was not clearly legible in the text. 34 (Hadith 88) Sic. Sbaybeing the object should be in the accusative form and therefore bear an alifat the end. 35(Hadith 104) Sic. Miuadbearing the Ist person plural pronoun is incorrect. It should be mini bearing the 1st person singular pronoun. 36(Hadith 105) `An `Abrl al-Rahmäa b. Harmalali al-Aslami is an insertion. 37(Hadith 107) Sic. Nun i`räbi}yah should be eliminated if preceded by the article an. 38 (Hadith 111) Sic. AI jamrab bearing the definite article is incorrect, as it is the first part of the construct phrase. It should be just jamrah. 39(Hadith 124) Preceding gaatan emendation of the same word appears in IWMS. 40 (Hadith 126) Mujziyan bearing the final alif is incorrect. It should be inscribed without the final alif, i. e. mujzia. 41(Hadith 127) Preceding yubsl there is an emendation in IWMS. 42(Hadith 139) `Ä'ishah is an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 43 (Hadith 145) After `Abd Allah b. ` Umar an emendation of the sentence wa Usamah b. Zayd `an Iba Shihäb appears in IWMS. 4' (Hadith 145) Sic. Shart being the object should be in the accusative form bearing a
final alif, i. e. shartaa. 45(Hadith 149) Sic. Tubill should bear the lam of amr. Hence, it should be lituhill.
235
46(Hadith 151) Sic. The word gäla is missing here.
47( Hadith 151) Br Allähis an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 48 (Hadith 153) Sic. Tarkabahä bearing the attached pronoun (singular feminine 3rd person) is incorrect. It should be tarkaba without the pronoun. 49(Hadith 159) After Ibn Wahb an emendation of the same word appears in IWMS. 50(Hadith 161) Sic. The feminine form taktln should be in place of yak-an. 51 (Hadith 165) Incert. `Urwah b. al-Zubayris not clearly legible. However, from the takhnj sources his name can be identified. 52(Hadith 168) Sic. `Amris incorrect, it should be `Umar. 53(tladith 176) Baynahumä is an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 54(Hadith 179) Sic. Bakrhas been mistakenly inscribed instead of Bahr. 55 (Hadith 193) Sic. The spelling of ultl in the text is incorrect. It should be spelt with an alif- wäw-1äm-wäw. 56 (Hadith 199) Wayu'akhkbiru al-maghrib hattä yajma`a baynaliä is an insertion
appearing in the marginalia. 57 (Hadith 204) Sic. The singular feminine 3rd person pronoun is incorrect. It should be in the dual form, i. e. bumä. 58(Hadith 205) Sic. `A1ä should be in place of `an. 59 (Hadith 205) Sic. Yad`ü in the plural form and bearing the final alifis incorrect. It should be singular without the final alif 60(Hadith 217) Maläyikah is an insertion. 61(Hadith 220) Sic. `Ubayd Alläh should be in place of `Abd Alläli. 62(Haditb220) 1A15 Spratal, jumucahis 1t11. an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 63 (Hadith 222) Sic. Shay, being the object, should be in the accusative form bearing the alit. 64(Hadith 230) Sic. Tamimi is the correct spelling. 65(Hadith 236) Sic. The feminine form tankih should be in place of yankih. 66(Hadith 237) Incert. 67(Hadith 253) `Abd al-Rahman is an insertion. 68(Hadith 253) Preceding aunabd an emendation of the same word appears in IWMS. 69(Hadith 253) Incert. 7° (Hadith 253) Sic. The correct tä'to use here is the tä' marbütali. 71(Hadith 254) Sic. The feminine form tusb rikuh should be in place of yushwikuh. 72(Hadith 254) Sic. Wain should be in place of fa 'in. 73(Hadith 254) Sic. The feminine form taküa should be in place of yaküa. 74(1 adith 256) Sic. Nun i`räbiyyab needs to be eliminated if preceded by the particle an.
236
75(Hadith 258) Sic. Akhbaran lbn Wahb is missing after akhbaran Muhammad. 76(Hadith 258) Incert. 77(Hadith 262) Wa `alayh is a superscript insertion. 78(Hadith 263) Incert. However, Ahmad's Musnad indicates that it is al-hays. 79(Hadith 270) Incert. Ibn is not clearly legible. 80(Hadith 270) Incert. Ramadän is not clearly legible. 81(Hadith 271) Incert. `Alayh is not clearly legible. 82(Hadith 272) Incert. Yasgfnis not clearly legible. 83 (Hadith 276) Anna Rasül Alläh sallä Alläh `alayhi wasallam is an insert ion appearing in the marginalia. 84 (Hadith 278) Preceding `an Yahyä b. Ayyüb an emendation of the same term appears in IWMS. 85 (Hadith 279) Sic. Ta`am should be in the nominative form without the alit, which indicates nunation. 86 (Hadith 279) Sic. Ta am should be in the nominative form without the alit, which indicates nunation. 87 (Hadith 280) Sic. Dirham should be in the accusative form with the a/if, which indicates nunation. 88 (Hadith 283) Sic. The yä' in the final position should not be realised after the 1.5m, which indicates a command (amr). 89(Hadith 285) Sic. The feminine form of tagdl should be in place of yagül. 90(Hadith 287) Sic. Grammatically, ma should be in between the terms fast and bayn. 91 (Hadith 294) Sic. The feminine form of the relative pronoun al-lati should be in place of the masculine al-ladhi. 92(Hadith 298) Incert. Muslim's Sahih identifies the word as al-makan. 93(Hadith 300) Sic. The first part `Abd is missing. 94(Hadith 300) Incert. The tä' indicating feminine gender is not clearly legible. 95 (Hadith 302) After the conjunctive particle wäw, an emendation of the pronoun huwa appears in IWMS. 96(Hadith 303) Sinn (plural) is an insertion in place of the emended sanah (singular). 97 (Hadith 304) Sic. Al-siyäm (verbal 57m (active noun) should be in place of al-, participle). 98(Hadith 306) The third in sä'im is an insertion. 99 (Hadith 307) Sic. Munäd (with a nunation) should be in place of Munädi (bearing the
yä)" 100(Hadith
mahfarab.
312) A subscript explanatory insertion of the word qat`appears beneath
237
101(Hadith 317) A subscript insertion of the conjunctive wäw appears directly above the This is most probably inserted as the wäw in the text is not clearly wäw preceding gäla. legible. 102 (Hadith 318) Q3la is an insertion. 103 (Hac th 320) Sic. Qäla is missing here. 104 (Hadith 321) Preceding anaa there is an emendation of the preposition `an. 105 (Hadith 322) Sic. Yasjud (imperfect verb) should be in place of sajad (perfect verb). 106 (Hadith 323) Bayn is an insertion. 107 (Hadith 326) Sic. yastaghfir (imperfect) should be in place of falyastaghfir (imperative). 108 (Hadith 329) Sic. Iba is erroneously recorded twice. 109 (Hadith 332) Sic. The consonant hä' is erroneously recorded twice. 110 (Hadith 338) Sic. Fad/should bear an alifto indicate that it is in the accusative form. 111 (Hadith 350) Sic. The copyist has omitted annah. 112 (Hadith357) Preceding Ibn there is an emendation of the same term in IWMS. 113 (Hadith 357) Sic. Tasjud indicating the (2nd person) should be in place of yasjud (3rd person). 114 (Hadith 365) There is a minor emendation preceding the preposition can. 115 (Hadith 367) Incert. Raju/ is not clearly legible. 116(Hadith 367) Sic. Not having the demonstrative pronoun such as dh5lik after mithl renders the sentence incorrect. 117(Hadith 367) Sic. Taqül indicating the (2nd person) should be in place of yaqül (3rd person). 118 (Hadith 373) Sic. Nä&should bear a final auf as it is preceded by the particle arena. 19 (Hadith 373) To the best of my knowledge, all transmissions with this supplication have Alläbumma in place of Allah. 120 (Hadith 376) The transmission terms consistently used have changed. hladdathanj Bahr haddathan3 IM Wahb...has been used instead of the usual haddathan3 Bahr gäla quriya `alä Ibn Walib... 121 (Hadith 376) Raa has appeared in this place without alifmagsurah. '22 (Hadith 377) `An Ibn `Abbas is an insertion. 123 (Hadith 382) Sic. Wa-al yadnü (plural) should be in the singular form (wa-al- yadnu) without the wäw and alif 124 (Hadith 385) Sic. Sawadah with td' marbntab should be in place of Sawdd. 125 (Hadith 389) Sic. Q31ais missing here. 126 (Hadith 400) Incert. AI-Laythi is not clearly legible. 127 (Hadith 403) Incert. Rabi`ah is not clearly legible.
238
128 (Hadith 405) Saläh is an insertion. 129 (Hadith 405) Sic. `Ishrrrn (nominative form) should be in place of `ishrin. 13° (Hadith 409) Sic. The feminine form latukhtafanna should be in place of layukhtafanna. 131 (Hadith 411) Sic. Yu" should be without the final yä'. 132 (Hadith 413) Sic. Z= 'ah b. AN MP is incorrect. It should be Zam `ah b. Sälih as . indicated in hadith no. 4. 133 (Hadith 419) Sic. Sad should be in place of Said. 134 (Hadith 419) Sic. Suhayb should bear a final auf as it is preceded by the particle anna. 135 (Hadith 428) Sic. The feminine form tusalli should be in place of yusallL 136 (Hadith 430) An emendation of names appears at the beginning of folio 51b. The incomplete sentence is as follows, wa Iba Abi Dhi 'b wa Hishäm b. Sa `d wa Iba Lahi `ah Muhammad b. Zayd al-Qurashi haddatliahum can ummih annaliä wa ghayruhum anna sa'alat Umma Salamah za wj al-Nabiyy... 137 (Hadith 433) The imperative form liyasjud should be in place of the perfect form -Sic. sajad. 138 (Hadith 433) Sic. Hisham should bear an alifas it is preceded by the particle inna. 139 (Hadith 437) Wasallam is an insertion. 140(Hadith 439) Sic. Bad not bearing the attached pronoun (singular feminine 3rd person) is incorrect. It should be ba`dahä with the pronoun. 141(Hadith 442) The sentence beginning with thumma qäl up until the second Rasýil Alläh is an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 142(Hadith 443) Preceding akhbarak Iba Lahi `ah there is an emendation of the same term appearing in IWMS. 143 (Hadith 456) Minhum is an insertion. 144(Hadith 458) Sic. The particle of exception lila should be in place of the preposition i1ä. 145(Hadith 459) Sic. Ibn should bear a final alifindicating that it is in the accusative form. 146 (Hadith 459) Sic. Gbulam should bear a final alifindicating that it is in the accusative form. 147 (Hadith 459) Sic. Ijtama`should be preceded by a conjunctive wäw. 148(Hadith 459) Sic. The feminine form i`tarafat should be in place of Ftarafand preceded by a conjuctive wäw. 149 (Hadith 461) Fa raja`a ilä-al-Nabiyy . a11äAllah `alayhi wa sallam is an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 150 (Hadith 461) Lahu is an insertion. 151 (Hadith 461) Sic. 'Amdshould bear a final alifindicating
that it is in the accusative
239
form. 152 (Hadith 462) Sic. The feminine form tagdl should be in place of yaqül. 153 (Hadith 466) Sic. Mad `uwwün should be in place of mudda `da. 154 (Hadith 467) The letter sin in the word Islam is not clearly legible. 155 (Hadith 467) The second Thumma amanir thumma kafzrv is an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 156(Hadith 468) Immediately after `Abd Allah b. there is an emendation of the word CAbdAIM appearing in IWMS. 157 (Hadith 473) Sic. Mayyit should bear the final alif indicating that it is in the accusative form. 159 (Hadith 476) Sic. The masculine form kan should be in place of känat. 159 (Hadith478) Sic. Musta`dfshould appear without the final yä 160 (Hadith 478) Incert. 161(Hadith 484) Sic. This term should appear with a wäw in between the lam and mim, in the passive participle form. 162 (Hadit12484) Incert. 163 (Hadith 484) Incert. 164(Hadith 487) Immediately after wa fi-al-shafatayn al-diyah is an emendation of the sentence wa ll-al-lisän al-diyali appearing in IWMS. 165 (Hadith 489) Sic. Ajfrshould be in the nominative form not indicating the final alif 166 (Hadith 489) A insertion of the name `Atä appears directly above the `Ate! superscript recorded in IWMS. The copyist probably felt that it was not clearly legible in the text. 167 (Hadith 490) Sic. Sall3 Allah preceding `alayh is missing. 168 (Hadith 491) Preceding mithl there is an emendation of the same term in IWMS. 169 (Hadith 491) Sic. Bibi is erroneously recorded here. 170 (Hadith 491) Incert. Hadith is not clearly legible. 171(Hadith 492) The sentence waja '7la ma dün al-mddihah is an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 172 (Hadith 494) Sic. The correct spelling is `Ubaydah. 173(Hadith 495) Sic. Yuqsam should be in the feminine form bearing the lam of ta`lil, i. e. litugsam. 174 (Hadith 495) Incert. However, it appears to be qism. 175 (Hadith 495) Incert. However, it appears to be giyamah. 176 (Hadith 495) 'Umar is an insertion appearing in the marginalia. 177 (Hadith 495) Incert. However, it appears to be khamsah. 178 (Hadith 496) Incert.
Chapter Four The Edited Man uscript
241
4.1 Introduction 4.2 Applied Methodology 4.2.1 Orthography 4.2.2 Vocalisation Edited Text of
4.3 The Editorial Comments 4.3.1 Cross-referencing of Afiäditb
4.3.2 The Narrators -their Genealogy, Kunyahs, Nisbabs and Regional Classification 4.3.3 Teachers and Students of Transmitters 4.3.4 The Credibility of Narrators (Tabagät) Narrations
4.3.5 Chronology/Classes
4.3.6 The Books that Incorporate the Transmitter's 4.3.7 Identifying 4.4 Conclusion and Explaining Rare Words
242
CHAPTER FOUR THE EDITED MANUSCRIPT
This chapter explains in detail the methodology that I have pursued to edit the present MS, and presents explicit particulars of my editorial technique. It is, therefore, an
indispensable introduction to the Arabic text of volume two.
4.1 Introduction In an attempt to produce a good example of a manuscript edition, I undertook an examination of numerous modern editions of early hadith works. The following works were consulted. Därimi, Sunan al-D3rimi, ed. Fawdz Zamarli and Khülid al-`Alimi; Ibn
Wahb, a1-J3nii` fl-,?1-Hadith, ed. Abü al-Khayr Mustafä I-iasan; Malik, al-Muwaatta', ed. Fu'äd `Abd al-Bags; Nasa'i, al-Sunan, ed. `Abd al-Fattäh Abü Ghuddah; and other
major hadith works. My analysis of such works leads editions of me to conclude that quite often there has been excessive editorial intervention, which sometimes results in bad examples of editorial work. Nevertheless, these works contain useful editorial tools and practices, such as the colon, comma, highlighting Quranic verses, paragraph
structure, numbering etc. These tools serve to punctuate, segregate and structure the work and become a means by which the editor and the reader controls the text. Such editorial intervention is a practice that appears to have been initiated by nineteenth and twentieth century European editors of early and medieval Arabic works. In my view, whilst such a practice may assist the reader in many ways to understand the text, it may also lead to carelessnessand inconsistency and, in the final analysis, produce a bad text. With these impressions in mind, I have attempted to
243
maintain,
on the whole, the practice of the copyist, where he has been consistent. I have imposed moderate modifications, which I felt were
However, for textual clarity
needed to render the text of the MS into a format where it can be presented in a clear and easy-to-read form and, more important, consistently, as well as being well-structured into discreet units or blocks of texts. Even this relatively light burden of punctuation may seem excessive. It should also be noted that I have adopted some of the above mentioned editorial tools for the presentation of my work within the commentary section (see the editorial comments in vol. 2).
4.2 Applied Methodology
The following text. methodology has been employed for the presentation of IWMS's
4.2.1 Orthography In IWMS I found certain words that did not sufficiently conform to the
conventions of modern Arabic orthography. This is not an unusual feature of such works, as the orthography of old MSS usually differs from that of modern compilations. Such words have been listed below with their acceptable to the modem reader. The post-consonantal hamzah (which appears up to ten times throughout IWMS) in all three positions (initial, medial and final) is almost consistently either not realised or omitted, substituted by either an alifor a yä :I have restored them in all three positions, modern forms, in order both to assist and be
244
according to modem Arabic conventions. Listed below. are examples (from right to left) of how words appear in the edited and original versions: Initial Position (presented as alli) ýýti-----------yl. ýi ýi etc. ,
Medial Position (presentedas alif, wäwor yä'subject to preceding consonant) Jt.-----------jL
-------------
I 'ry.r j-
1 y-----------
ý`
x, l"-----------,
c; U
---------
-----------
, 1.. "-----------
t, t. o-----------. .
O1.,,
ä.:., ly-----------iY.;
IL
-------------
Iý ." ,
i ,.y-----------.. .:
i:,.
r'
245
Final Position (hamzah is either not realised, omitted or realised with vä )
i,:.y----------lLI-----------:
i-t.. ý-Li, l
L': -----------cL:
-----------
: ý:
L.
-2JI-----------cL
t . ýl1
L12r-----------c
llzc
L------------:
l,
i
--------------
:r
ý;
lm-----------Cý
tm
On one occasion, on folio 41a, the final hamzah is realised, i. e. al-mar The alifof a proper name is in most cases not written. Examples: ----------_ Al
-----------
.
r-----------v
AL -------------
OL,
246
ýc..
-----------JLi.
`.
L-----------JL.
L
`.
ý
-----------JU--ý
V
. ý-----------JLv:
G
yr.ý-----------
-----------.
Inconsistent
Words (appear in both forms)
ALI,
Js.. L --i Jr, ------------ALI
JJ"":
t
r ýý'y-----------,;
ýýý ; yý-----------;
;r
yý
In the edited version I have realised the ya' in the following cases: when it produces the sound iy, ay or ya medial position. The benediction upon the Prophet (sallj AIM `alayhi wa sallam) is at times written
instances completely recorded. I have consistently recorded it in its partially and on other complete form.
247
4.2.2 Vocalisation
of Edited Text Arabic text the scribe is sparing in his use of diacritics. In those vocalised, this can be seen as
In the original
instances where the text is either partially or wholly
imposing a particular reading of the text or assisting the reader to comprehend the ahhdith in order to avoid a major mistake. With this latter objective at the forefront of my mind, I have introduced tashkll for all of the 497 ahädith contained in IWMS. A
completely vocalised text will
assist fluent reading and understanding of the content. I
have also individually numbered these ahädith in sequential order for reference purposes. To assist me in the process of vocalising the text, I have depended on various
hadith texts and numerous lexicographic works on hadith. On occasions where multiple textual readings were both plausible and intelligible, I have relied on my best judgment to impose the one held to be the best contextual reading. In some cases a textual reading IWMS is at variance to other hadith sources. In such cases this has been indicated in of the editorial comments. Several different hadith sources have also been consulted in
pursuit of clarity for the many linguistic problems IWMS poses. I would also like to put on record that some of the published works employed as reference material for the takbrij of the 497 ah5dith, contained numerous publishing errors. In such instances other sources have been relied upon to collate the text of IWMS and to determine
authoritative
a correct reading. Such an exercise was both arduous and time consuming.
4.3 The Editorial Comments The bulk of the work contained in vol. 2 lies in the editorial notes. There we are concerned with cross-referencing of the hadith material (4.3.1), detailed particulars of the
248
(4.3.2), their scholarly lineage (teachers and students; 4.3.3), their credibility narrators (4.3.4). In addition to this is a guide to their respective generations (tabagät; 4.3.5) and information the hadith works that incorporate their transmissions (4.3.6). This section on by a brief discussion on the method of explaining rare words
of the work is concluded (4.3.7).
4.3.1 Cross-referencing
of Ahädith
The cross-referencing of ahädith is a process within the study of hadith that is referred to as the science of takhrr-j. In works of hadith the process of cross-referencing is This methodology has multiple benefits. Some of these are exemplified below with vital. citations from IWMS. The prospective reader: 1. learns of the source/s of hadith's location and is in a position to gain an insight into its An example of this can be seen in the takhnjof soundness. 6). The cross-referencing refers to the multiple hadith number 5 (see vol. 2, one source and also
locations within
where this particular hadith can be found. points out other sources 2. acquires knowledge of different multiple related tasks. 3. determines the status of the isnäd and the hadith by checking the chain of etc. An example of this can isaäds for a particular hadith and employs it for
transmissions for any defects, such as iagitä`(interruption)
be seen in the commentary on hadith number 11 (see vol. 2,10). 4. acquires knowledge of scholarly opinions about the authenticity or other details of a particular hadith. An example of this is Haythami's comments in his Majma`a1-Zawä'id
under the commentary on hadith number 8 (see vol. 2,8).
249
5. determines the proper names of those transmitters whose names have not been fully identified. For example, if in an isnad there is a transmitter called Muhammad without any genealogical identified information, then this particular transmitter could, sometimes, be
through the process of cross-referencing. An example of this appears in hadith
number 32 (see vol. 2,20). In this case the name Malik appears on its own without any other genealogical information. Ahmad's Musnad 6,190 By cross-referencing this hadith with the one found in
it was established that this is Ibn Wahb's teacher Malik b.
Anas. There is of course a laborious process involved in searching the many different to identify and establish the proper full name of the transmitter in question. sources 6. may determine the probable identity of an unknown (mubbaiu) transmitter in the text the isnäd. An example of this is in hadith number 311 (see vol. 2,123). The crossor referencing process of this particular tradition transmitter. Ahmad's Musnad 3,118 Khattab. 7. identifies those transmitters in the isnäd whose proper full names are not mentioned but are referred to by their kunyah (agnomen) or lagab (title) or nisbah only. An example of this can be seen in hadith number 106 (see vol. 2,52). Tirmidhi's Jämi` In this particular case revealed the name of the anonymous
shows that he was the well-known `Umar b. al-
3,290 gives the proper full name of Abü al-Baddah as Abü al-Baddah
b. `Äsim b. `Adl. 8. identifies abstruse words (gharib al-hadith). It is quite possible that words and terms that are difficult to understand in one hadith, may be better understood by cross-
An example of this is in hadith number 345 (see vol. 2,136), where the referencing. word khidij is mentioned but no explanation is provided for this unusual word. However,
250
in Nasa'i's commentary.
Sunan 5,135-6,
a detailed explanation of the word is found in the
9. learns the full form of a partially transmitted tradition. An example of this is hadith number 87 (see vol. 2,46). Mäjah's Sunan 2,1002, Cross referencing this hadith with the one found in Ibn
reveals that the hadith in IWMS is an abridged version. The
Sunan provides it in its fullest form. 10. identifies the errors of the copyists/printers or, in the case of MSS, is put in a position to identify words that are not easily decipherable. There could be a printing or scribal error in either the text or the isnäd of a particular hadith or in an individual word or even whole sentences in the MSS and by cross-referencing this would be eliminated. An example of this is in the text of hadith number 74 (see vol. 2,42 and compare with IWMS fol. 1la). By cross-referencing and looking at the identical hadith in Ahmad's Musnad 3,422, we can clearly identify Qays's father's name (Sa`d), which is not legible in IWMS. It would be impractical to try to identify each of the 497 hadith of IWMS in all of the available hadith works. Therefore I have primarily `Kutub al-Tis`ah". SihMh Sittah, the Sunan ofDarimi, confined my searches to the the Musnad
Muwatta' ofMälikand
of Ahmad. An attempt has been made to identify the sources from these authoritative collections for each and every hadith. In most cases this has been possible. Where this has not been possible, an effort has been made to indicate other alternative sources, such as Bayhagi's al-Sunan al-Kubr Hindi's Kauz al- `UmmN and San`ini's al-Musanaaf
etc. Where no source can be identified at all a statement to this effect is recorded (]am ajid lahu takhrija).
251
The cross-referencing information
is provided in the following
sequence: the
name of the work, the book (kitib), the name and number of the chapter (bib), the hadith number and the number of the volume and page. There are instances where some a(i dith have been reported by several
Companions. In cross-referencing
these ahidith I have usually referred only to the ones IWMS. However, in
reported by the Companion whose name appears in the isnidof
some cases where it has not been possible to find the takhnj of the Companion in question, references to an identical hadith narrated by a different Companion are
provided. An example of this is the takfinjof
hadith number 2 (see vol. 2,3).
In any case where the hadith in IWMS is cited with an addition in other works. I have occasionally for example, referred to this, stating that this particular tradition is to be located in,
Bukhäri's Sahih with an addition. Where appropriate this addition has also If an extensive version of a hadith is found in IWMS. whilst other
been highlighted.
sources have not recorded it fully, I have at times explained the difference, for instance, whether Bukhäri in his Sahih has mentioned either the first or the last part of the hadith,
or has recorded it in a brief form. An example of this can be seen in the takhnj of hadith number 28 (see vol. 2,19). If, after cross-referencing, an alternative name in the isnid of a given hadith or a variant word or sentence in the text is found in another version, and this has a significant implication on the meaning of the hadith, I have noted that variant. If the hadith in question is mursal, and some or all the sources (from those relied upon) have recorded that hadith with the full isnid including the name of the
252
Companion, then I have explained this difference. The entire mwrsal ahädith appearing in IWMS have also been highlighted in the editorial comments.
4.3.2 The Narrators-their In
Genealogy, Kunyahs, Nisbahs and Regional Classification dictionaries there is a strong emphasis on providing
many biographical
comprehensive information on the genealogy of the narrators, their kuavahs, aisbahs and regional classification. reasons, such as: 1. to distinguish between two or more narrators of a similar name. 2. to assist in identifying the era of the narrator in question. 3. to help identify the proper names of narrators who are better known by their kunvahs only. In my attempt to provide biographical details on every transmitter appearing in IWMS the following details have been listed: the full name of the narrator with his/her wherever applicable. This is supplemented This data, in my opinion, is provided for a number of good
kunyah, nisbah and regional classification, with
the names of shuydkh (teachers) from whom he transmitted, followed by the names
of those who transmitted from him, i. e. his students. Then I have referred to disparaging or authenticating remarks on the transmitters made by some of the leading figures in this field. This is followed by information on the transmitter's generation. An attempt has
also been made to establish whether or not the transmitter has been used by authors of the Six Canonical Hadith Books in their respective collections. Finally the transmitter's date of death is given. In a case where no information is found for any räwi, a statement is
253
made to this effect. Every attempt has been madeto be consistentin the provision of this biographical data about the transmitters.
The primary objective of this type of research is to attempt to determine the identity of each narrator in question. If his complete name is provided this becomes a simple exercise. However, if the transmitter is partially identified, i. e. he is referred to by either his first name, his kunyah, or by his nick-name, the identification process becomes more challenging. A further difficulty associated with this process is the frequency of
names, such as Muhammad b. `Abd Allah etc. Clearly to determine the identity common of such individuals would require a very cautious approach. In the process of identification the following method is applied: 1. the name of the transmitter is compared with examples in other similar chains of transmitters. 2. the students and teachers of the transmitter have been identified to provide a further tool in the process of establishing the transmitter's true identity. 3. an attempt has been made to determine the generation of the transmitter in question. This third method can be achieved by either establishing which tabagah
(generation) the transmitter belongs to, or establishing his date of death, or both. This is the method most adhered to but not necessarily the best suited for every case. Each case should be looked upon on individual merit. To exemplify the rigours of this challenging task, I provide an example from IWMS, where the identity of a transmitter is ambiguous. In the isnäd of hadith number 7, seven transmitters are identified between the compiler of IWMS and the Prophet. My aim is to establish the identity of the third transmitter of the isnäd who is merely referred to as Yahya b. Ayyüb. A complete name
254
or any other relevant information that would assist to identify clearly this authority is not available. Yahya b. Ayyüb is a common name. I have come across four transmitters with this name during my research. To establish the complete name of this person and thus identify him, the
following method has been adopted. 1. A search of other sources was carried out to determine where this particular hadith was I was successful in tracing the hadith but unable to locate a person by the catalogued. Yahya b. Ayyüb in the chain. To my surprise I found that the names of name of transmitters contained in other isnäds of the same hadith were totally different to the one
found in IWMS. Clearly, this method would not reveal the full identity of Yahya b. Ayyüb. 2. The next step was to search the Tahdhib a1-Tahdhib. From this I learnt that there were a total of four individuals bearing the same name but each had a distinct nisbah. al-
Khawlani, al-Bajali, al-Ghafigi and al-Magabiri. I then searched for students and teachers these four narrators in the Tahdhib. This made it possible to establish that only one of of them, al-Ghafigi, had Ibn Wahb's name as a student, although none ' of these four
narrators had listed al-Muthanna b. al-Sabbah as a teacher, when he is in fact the next link of the chain in IWMS. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to deduce that Yahya b. Ayyüb with the title al-Ghafigi, and none other, was the transmitter. To verify this, I further consulted the Mawsücat Rijäl al-Kutub a! -Tis`ah to ascertain the period of existence of these four transmitters. My objective was to establish which one of the four was either a contemporary of Ibn Wahb or preceded him. I was able to establish that two of the four, al-Khawlani and al-Magabiri belonged to the
255
eleventh and tenth tabagah respectively and as such neither one could possibly be the transmitter in question, given that Ibn Wahb belonged to the ninth tabagah. I also learnt that al-Gh qi and al-Bajali, the other two with the name Yahyä b. Ayyüb, both
belonged to the seventh tabagah and (as learnt above) of the two, only al-Ghäfigi is listed as Ibn Wahb's teacher. In light of this it is clear that Yahyä b. Ayyüb al-Ghäfigi is our transmitter. To confirm my deduction I cross-referenced Yahyä b. Ayyüb al-Ghäfigi with
names in other sources. The following works were examined, Mizan al-166W], Khuläsat Tadhhib Tahdhib al-Kam51, al-Kashif, A`15m al-Nubali'. Lisan a1-Mize, Tagrib al-Tahdhib and Sivar
In most of these works Ibn Wahb is listed as al-Ghäfigi's student
whilst no source lists him as al-Bajali's student. The name of al-Muthannä b. al-Sabbäh as Yahyä b. Ayyüb's inquiry, teacher does not appear in any of the works. After this extensive
it can be said that the third transmitter of the chain, namely 'Yahyä b. Ayyüb' is
most certainly Yahyä b. Ayyüb al-Ghäfigi. In cases where I have been unable to establish the true identity of a transmitter beyond any reasonable doubt and even an extensive search does not assist in completely dispelling the ambiguity about his identity, then I have suggested a probable identity on
the weight of evidence. This uncertainty is made clear by using the term la`allah ('maybe he is... '). In some cases where an extensive search has not even yielded a probable. transmitter a statement is made to this effect. The genealogical information for each narrator is presented as follows: full name, including agnomen, title, attribution and regional classification. In most cases Ibn 1-iajar's Tagrib a1-Tahdhlb has been relied upon to obtain the necessary information, as it
256
the genealogical information provides
in a systematic. way. However, in some cases I
have relied on other pertinent works, such as: Tahdhib al- Tahdhib compiled by the same author, Mizan al-I `tidäl, Kbuläsat Tadhhlb Tahdhib al-Kamäl, al-Käshif, Lisan al-Mizän, and Siyar A `lam al-Nu ba19'. The kunyah of each transmitter has been listed and in cases where scholars are known to have more than one kunyah, this has been highlighted. I have attempted to identify a proper name for each transmitter referred to by a kunyah. An example of this can be found in the isaäd of hadith number 1. In this hadith the transmitter is referred to as Abü Sakhr al-Madani. The name of this transmitter is identified as Humayd b. Ziyid. I have also explained identity discrepancies, such as where an actual name is mistakenly
accepted as a popular kunyah. In all cases, the actual name of a transmitter is indicated, even where a kuayah is substituted for a personal, father's or grandfather's or even any forefather's name. An example of such substitution appears in the isa5d of hadith number 3, where the kunyah-Abü person is Aslam. In some cases a transmitter is referred to by more than one epithet, such as: fagih, häfiz or shaykh al-Islam. I have cited all such appellations and indicated their sources. The same may apply to the regional classification of transmitters. If a transmitter is known to belong to the Makkan category this point has been noted. Where a scholar initially belonged to the Makkan category and then lived in Egypt, I have indicated this Rabäh-, is in place of the father's name. The name of this
by stating that he was a Makki transmitter then he became Misri.
257
I have also provided the date of death for every transmitter as long as it has been listed by the biographers. If the source in question provides two or more dates of death for a transmitter, a statement is made to this effect. particular
4.3.3 Teachers and Students of Transmitters For each transmitter approximately three names of both teachers and students are Where the biographers have listed more than three for any one party, this point provided. has been noted by stating wa chavruhum, wa 3kharüa etc. Where a transmitter has a large group of students or teachers, I have made this distinction by stating wa khalq kathir etc. If there are any names of teachers or students from whom the transmitter of IWMS has related ahädith, but it has been established that no meeting between the latter and the former ever took place, then this point has been highlighted.
4.3.4 The Credibility
of Narrators
After listing the names of students and teachers, the views of earlier scholars regarding the credibility of each transmitter have been presented. In the process, I have
cited the informed views of approximately three different scholars as contained within separate sources. I have referred to a variety of sources in order to give any prospective student studying this work an opportunity to carry out further investigation on the
transmitters. The need for such research is evident as there are, at times, contradictory remarks made about the authenticity of transmitters. This situation clearly makes it more difficult to determine the actual status of a transmitter. Nevertheless, I have cited both
authenticating and disparaging remarks regarding transmitters.
258
It should be noted that there are no authenticating or disparaging remarks about the Companions of the Prophet in this work. This is largely due to the fact that by Ibn Wahb's time they were all considered to be trustworhty absence of such information, by the muhaddithila. In the
my discussion about them focuses on recording Prophetic
comments, and the opinions of their contemporaries regarding them, as well as indicating the total number of ahädith that they are believed to have transmitted. In addition to these details, I have also determined the total number of ahadith attributed to each Companion in the Sahihs of Bukhäri and Muslim, including the number that have been accepted as
sound by both (muttafaq `alayh).
4.3.5 Chronology/Classes
(Tabagat
In my attempt to ascertain the generation of each transmitter, I have relied on Ibn Hajar's classification, as this is most commonly followed. This classification is divided into twelve grades as follows: Grade 1: This category contains only the Companions of the Prophet. However where there are two opposing views as to whether or not a transmitter is to be accepted as a Companion of the Prophet, Ibn Hajar provides notes to this effect. Grade 2: In this category Ibn ajar includes all the senior Successors, such as Said b. al-
Musayyib. If any Successor is believed to have lived during the period of the Prophet but did not meet him, Ibn ajar refers to him by the term mukhadram. An example of such a
Successor is Ka`b al-Ahbär. Grade 3: This grade includes middle-aged Successors, such as al-Hasan al-Basri and Muhammad b. Sinn.
259
Grade 4: These scholars lived during
the post-Grade Three period and have primarily
transmitted from the older Successors, such as Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri and Qatadah. Grade 5: The young Successors who may have met only one or two Companions, but did not hear traditions directly from them, such as al-A` mash. Grade 6: The contemporaries of scholars belonging to the fifth class but who did not meet any of the Companions of the Prophet, such as Ibn Jurayj. Grade 7: The senior students of the Successors known as the (Atbä al-Täbi `in), such as Mälik b. Anas and Sufyan al-Thawri. Grade 8: The middle-aged Ibn `Ulayyah. Grade 9: The younger students of the Successors, such as Yazid b. Harlin, Shafi`i, Abü Dawüd al-Tayälisi and `Abd al-Razzaq. Grade 10: The senior students of the Atbf`al-Täbi`in such as Ahmad b. Hanbal. Grade Bukhari. Grade 12: The younger students of the Atbä` grade Ibn Hajar Compilations also includes the students al-T3bi`in, such as al-Tirmidhi. In this 11: The middle-aged students of the Atbä` al-Tý7bi`fn, such as Dhuhali and who did not meet the Successors, students of the Successors, such as Sufyan b. `Uyaynah and
of the compilers of the Six yadith later than those falling under this
whose date of
death is slightly
generation, such as some of the students of al-Nasa'i.
260
4.3.6 The Books that Incorporate the Transmitter's
Narrations
For every transmitter whose biography has been discussed in this work, I have shown if any of his narrations have also been included in the Sih4 Sittali. If the
traditions of a particular narrator are to be found in all six works, this is denoted by lahu al-sittah (all Six Books have related his transmissions). Where five of the six akhraja include the narrations, this is denoted by akfiraja lahu al-sittah i113..... (all Six Books have related his transmissions, except...... ). Whenever a reference to the four Sunans is
made, this is denoted by the term arba`ah (four). The employment of such phraseology is in works of a similar nature. Besides these six collections reference is not uncommon to other works compiled by some of the six authors above, e.g. Abü Däwüd, also made Marasil.
4.3.7 Identifying
Explaining and
Rare Words which means explanations of words and terms
The science of gharib al-hadith,
that are difficult to understand and comprehend, is one of the main sub-disciplines of the hadith and has attracted due attention from scholars. Works dealing with this study of field began to appear from as early as the end of the 2nd/8th century. In this study I have
to explain such terms found in IWMS and have also provided references for attempted the sources used.
4.4. Conclusion For every piece of information, I have referred to the sources, if obtainable, trying to be as precise as possible, when attributing a quotation to someone, and without
261
the terms for transmissions, e.g. g5fa, sami`a, `ao etc. This is because each of changing these terms has its own particular value in terms of authenticity and weakness. The other reason why I have referenced thoroughly is to give the hadith scholar the opportunity to the ahädith of IWMS grade gradings. if he or she wishes, without personally imposing any such
I pursued this approach in my commentary, because what one may consider an another at other times may not, and for this reason left it to each
authentic tradition, individual to decide.
As far as research on the transmitters is concerned, this work is distinct from studies of a similar nature, but before I discuss this distinction it is appropriate to explain the two most common editorial approaches to present such an edition: 1. Some of the works only refer a transmitter in the isnäd to the biographical dictionaries information on that particular narrator can be obtained, without actually providing where any biographical data. 2. The other types of works only provide biographical data on the transmitter concerned, but there is inadequate referencing to the sources whence the information originated. In contrast to these two editorial techniques, my edition is a balance of both the in that I provide biographical details (i. e. method 1), and also the references to methods all the information that I have highlighted (i. e. method 2). Therefore, this work in relation to providing biographical information is
innovative in that it incorporates both of the approaches mentioned above. This, in the opinion of the writer, simplifies the process of further investigation.
262
APPENDICES Appendix 1; Miklos Muranyi's Letter to the Chester Beatty Library
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265
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282
GLOSSARY `äbid ahädith amir al-mu'minin fi al-hadith `an A term which is used to denote reception by any of the transmission methods. `ard Recognised method of learning hadith in which the students read to the teachers. asänid A ws and Khazraj da `if diwän al-`ilm ladi! See isnäd. Two well-known Madinan tribes. Weak. Office of knowledge; One who possessesprofound knowledge. Very good. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status. fa t5 w3 fihi lin See mufti. A complacent narrator. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status. figh The understanding and implementation of Islamic ideas, laws, etc. from the sources of the shad ah. One who commandments in this field is known as a fagih (plural: fugahä'). specialises baddatha A term used to denote learning through reading by the teacher, i. e. sam3`method. Worshipper. See hadith. One who enjoys the highest rank in hadith scholarship.
283
badith (plural: abäditb) `Tradition'. Generally used to describe the sayings, deeds and tacit approvals of the Prophet.
häfiz
Endowed with an excellent memory. A term often usedto describe a transmitter's reliability status.
halagab ijäzab
Study circle. A method of learning badith in which permission to transmit a badith or book is granted, on the authority of a scholar, without any reading taking place.
i`läm
A way of learning badith in which someone is informed that the informant has permission to transmit certain material.
isnid (plural: asänid) Jahmi
Leaning against; the attestation of any report indicated by the complete listing of transmitters of all generations. One who adheres to the theological doctrines of the Jahmiyyah sect.
Jami °
Comprehensive; technically according to the traditionists it refers to a work in which all those ah,ädith are mentioned that deal with the eight different topics referred to in 3.6 above.
kitibah
A way of learning badith in which ahädith are written for someone.
15 ba's bib
Unobjectionable. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status.
laysa bibi ba's
Unobjectionable. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status.
284 One whose reliability is externally evident, but about whose nothing is known. reliability magbnl magtü ` marfü ` matrük mawqüf MU `3malät mufti Acceptable. Broken off; a hadºth going back to the Successor only. Raised; a had%thin which the isaid goes back to the Prophet. Abandoned. Halted; a hadith in which the isnad goes back to the Companion. Association with one another. Official expounder of Islamic law; a legal scholar competent to issue fatäwä (singular: fatwa-). (plural: A hadith specialist. mubaddith muhadditbün) munäwalab A method of learning hadith where written material is handed to someone to transmit. munkar A term used to describe ahädith of a peculiar nature, mostly those that are weak and contradict others. mursal Transmission of a Successor from the Prophet directly dropping the Companion from the isnäd Musnad A work in which the aim is to collect a thdith of certain Companions in one place. musnad mutgin Isnid linked to the Prophet without interruption. Precise. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status.
majbül al-hal
285
nikäb mut`ab Qadari
Temporary marriage practiced by the Shiites. One who adheres to the theological doctrines of the Qadariyyah sect.
räwi (plural: ruwät)Transmitter. riwäyah sadüq Transmission. Truthful. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status.
labu awhäm Truthful but makes mistakes. A term used to describe a sadüq transmitter's reliability status. sadüq yukbti' Truthful but makes mistakes. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status. Sahib (plural: Sihah) sahib samä ` Authentic. Recognised method of learning hadith in which the teacher reads to the students. sami`a A term used to denote learning through the reading by the teacher, i. e. samä ° method. shari `ah sbaykh (plural: shuyükh) sbaykh al-Islam Sibäb Sittah The chief muff of a country. The Six Canonical Hadith Works of Bukh&!, Muslim, Abü Däwüd, Tirmidhi, Nasa'i and Ibn Mäjah. The sacred law of Islam An elderly man; scholar or teacher of liadith. A work in which only authentic ahädith are gathered.
286 Works in which only aln dith pertaining to Islamic ordinances are gathered.
Sunan
sunnab (plural: sunan)
A term with different connotations.However, when used after the word Quran as in 'Quran and sunnah' it normally refers to
the collection and documentation of *16M.
tabagah
The classification of transmitters arranged by 'classes' or generations.
Täbi`ün tadlis
Students of the Sahäbah. To report a hadith from a person whom one has not met, or, if having met him, not heard from him what one purports to transmit being his words. It is also used to conceal the name of an as informant, with the probable intent to mislead. One who practices tadlis is a mudallis.
tadwin taghayyara bi akharab takbrij
Arrangement of subject matters of a field of study. A term used to describe a decline in a räwis reliability status.
Cross-referencing of hadith, i. e. the referencing of hadith to the various sources of hadith.
tasnif
thabt tbigab
Classification accordingto the subjects.
Accurate. A term used to describe a transmitter's reliability status. Authentic, reliable. Generally used for a transmitter who is both trustworthy and able to preserve ahädith soundly.
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wajädab Finding some books or ahädith written by someone just as MSS are discovered in different places. waciyyab A method of learning in which books are entrusted to someone.