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							International Federation of Journalists

The Windhoek Seminar: “Ten years on: Assessment, Challenges and Prospects” Windhoek, Namibia May 3-5, 2001

Making Progress: The Changing Status of African Journalists
Background Paper by Bettina Peters, Director, Project Division of the International Federation of Journalists, www.ifj.org

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Acknowledgements This paper is based on a wide range of contributions made by African journalists who have participated in IFJ activities and other events in the last ten years, in particular in the Media for Democracy in Africa programme. The author would like to thank these participants, the IFJ member associations and unions, Executive Committee members, regional co-ordinators and regional organisations of journalists in Africa. This paper could not have been written without their contributions and support. Bettina Peters Brussels, Belgium March 2001

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Introduction
“Press freedom is a cornerstone of human rights. It holds governments responsible for their acts, and serves a warning to all that impunity is an illusion.” Kofi Annan, UN Secretary General The link between human rights, democracy and development is a core question for policymakers, not just in the political world, but also within the business and finance circles of the global market. It is increasingly recognised that stability; social and cultural cohesion and structures for democracy are essential to strategies for trade, international co-operation and national development. A key element of these strategies concerns independent journalism and free media, which provide a bedrock for democratic exchange and respect for human rights. The contribution made by journalists is clear: by exposing violations of rights media can improve the climate of democratic debate and reduce corruption in public life. At the same time, media sensitive to the importance of human rights provide reliable sources of information through which citizens, human rights groups, private organisations and public authorities can work together to promote development and to eliminate arbitrary abuse. Independent-minded journalists in Africa have for many years played a central role in the promotion of democracy. Many have put their lives or freedom at risk in order to promote transparent and accountable governance. The IFJ compiles extensive records of the sacrifice made by journalists and other media professionals. Many journalists have been arrested, prosecuted or condemned to heavy fines or prison terms. There have been many instances of censorship or suspension of publications.

An IFJ review of journalists and media workers killed in the last ten years shows that since the adoption of the Windhoek Declaration 160 journalists and media professionals have lost their lives in sub-Saharan Africa.

The majority of these colleagues were killed during the genocide in Rwanda but also countries that have embarked on democratic transition or are seen as models for the rest of the continent show little respect for the lives of journalists. Press freedom becomes an issue and independent journalism becomes a target because it is these conditions without which it is impossible to advance and protect other human rights. Therefore, professionalism among journalists, editors and publishers and quality in sources of information are vital to the defence of human rights for all.

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The single most important obstacle to media freedom in Africa and elsewhere is the failure to recognise the role played by independent journalism in the creation, nourishment and development of democracy.

This lack of recognition is reflected in the presence of active censorship or restrictive regulation of journalists, lack of access to official information, a legal landscape which inhibits the ability of journalists to inquire freely (for instance draconian defamation and sedition laws), and the state administration of essential media services, including broadcasting, printing facilities and distribution systems. It should be noted that a difficult relationship between journalism and the exercise of political power is itself a hallmark of democratic society and the tendency to manipulate news and information or to try to shape the agenda of public debate exists in all societies. But in countries where the democratic culture is not well established and where respect for democratic pluralism and human rights is not firmly entrenched, restrictions on media tend to be explicit and are profoundly damaging to the project of public engagement in democracy and development. Journalists in democratic society largely enjoy recognition within civil society because of their scrutiny of those in power. The notion of journalism in the public interest requires that journalists, editors, publishers and broadcasters be independent and that they make common cause with other groups in civil society in defence of democracy. At the same time media must accept scrutiny of their own affairs, for scrutiny is the sanction, which journalists hold over others. This scrutiny is not to be directed by the government, but through structures, which provide for democratic accountability on behalf of the public for whom they broadcast and publish. Journalists need to work in professional and social conditions where they are free to resolve ethical dilemmas alone and where they can make professional decisions on editorial content. This is a prerequisite for good journalism not just in Africa, but the world over. This type of editorial independence should exist both in publicly owned and privately owned media. Actions to support independent journalism should build on the following principles:     Public scrutiny of the exercise of power is essential in a democracy; Law related to journalism and media should be consistent with international standards and only elaborated after the fullest consultation with journalists; Editorial independence is a cornerstone of independent and pluralistic media and must be respected in all media, especially in publicly or state owned broadcasting and print; Independent organisations of journalists are best able to defend media freedom;

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Media professionals have a duty to work to the highest standards and should accept responsibility to set up structures for effective self-regulation.

1)

The Windhoek Declaration and the Status of Journalists

The Windhoek Declaration established a number of key principles to define independent and pluralistic media. Many of the articles in the declaration touch on the conditions for the free exercise of journalism but two articles in particular address the question of the status of journalists: 12. To assist in the preservation of the freedoms enumerated above, the establishment of truly independent, representative associations, syndicates or trade unions of journalists, and associations of editors and publishers, is a matter of priority in all the countries of Africa where such bodies do not now exist. 13. The national media and labour relations laws of African countries should be drafted in such a way as to ensure that such representative associations can exist and fulfil their important tasks in defence of press freedom. These are important goals and advancement in achieving them would have considerable impact on creating a democratic media culture in Africa. The questions to be asked in this paper therefore are:

How has the status of journalists changed ten years after Windhoek? Are there more independent associations and unions of journalists? Do the media and labour laws in African countries ensure that these associations and unions can exist and fulfil their tasks?

While it would go beyond the scope of this background paper to give details on the whole range of restrictions journalists face in the exercise of their profession, the following examples and reports from different African countries illustrate the continued problems journalists face in fighting for the recognition of their profession and its role in a democracy. At the same time there have been many positive initiatives undertaken by African journalists’ associations and unions that have come a long way towards creating better conditions for independent journalism and that are worthy of UNESCO support.

2)

Restrictions on the Free Exercise of Journalism

Journalists in Africa continue to face numerous restrictions to the free exercise of their profession. These range from restrictive media legislation on access to information, protection of sources or defamation to outright censorship and harassment of journalists. The following

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examples will focus on how the authorities legislate on journalists and how rules and regulations are being used to restrict independent and critical reporting.

2.1)

Access to Information: Secrecy Remains the Norm

In most African countries access to information held by public authorities is not respected in law or practice. While some countries grant the right to access to information in the constitution, there are very few countries in the region with an enabling legal framework for the full realization of the citizen’s right of access to official information. On the contrary, in many countries laws limiting freedom of expression, such as laws on sedition, official secret acts or criminal defamation, remain on the statute book. Many countries have had or still have official secrets legislation that is frighteningly wide in their scope; the provisions often make it a very serious criminal offence to disclose or receive even the most petty official information, the disclosure or receipt of which could not conceivably result in any harm to the public interest.

Journalist: We want free access to information! Public Official: I’ll tell you what I want you to know at my convenience!

In Uganda for instance, Article 41 of the constitution provides for access to information from public authorities to every Ugandan. But so far the parliament has not enacted a law to actually provide for enacting these constitutional provisions. Because there is no law on access to information nor are there provisions for giving out information on government policy journalists have to rely on the goodwill of the individual minister or government official to answer questions. In Tanzania journalists have to follow a lengthy and cumbersome procedure if they want to get information from public authorities. They must leave their questions in writing and the officials are supposed to provide answers. But in practice replies take too long to receive and often questions are not answered at all. Regional commissioners give regular press briefings but they do not allow questions. Even if journalists want to confirm researched information and ask questions during these briefings the commissioners refuse to answer. But the problem is not only the lack of a legal right of access to information, an even more serious impediment to free journalism is the practice of secrecy adopted by many public officials. A report from Cameroon shows how difficult it is to gain access to officials in the public domain: “Ministers, police commissioners and company directors all demand that a written record of their interviews be made and postpone meetings countless times. And when they deign to give an interview, they hide behind stereotyped formal language, either because they do not always know what kind of information they are allowed to reveal to the public, or because out of deference to their careers they elect to take refuge behind some invented “duty to show discretion” or hide behind a superior who will, in turn, refer you to someone further up the ladder, that is to some distant, even more inaccessible high authority.” 1
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Celestin Lingo, Cameroon, at IFJ Conference “The Public’s Right to Know: Access to Information in African

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A comment from a journalist from Zimbabwe illustrates the general approach of public officials to questions from journalists: “Generally, persons in public office in Zimbabwe are barred, as a matter of practice, from giving information to the media unless authorised by their superiors ... Journalists ... are hampered by this secretive style of public administration ... A reporter wishing to get information from a government official or a quasi-governmental body is often met with a curt “no comment” or asked to submit his questions in writing to the “appropriate authority" but not infrequently a written request for information receives no reply.”2 Since the last Windhoek Seminar South Africa has adopted a Freedom of Information law and also headway has been made in Nigeria where journalists and NGOs succeeded in introducing a Freedom of Information Act into the national parliament. If adopted the Act would make an important contribution to the democratic process in the country and given the importance of Nigeria in West Africa could have positive repercussions in other countries.

2.2)

Access to the Profession: Still an Element of Control

Since 1991 access to the profession in Africa has become freer. With the advent of private media across the continent the journalistic profession has grown and the state is no longer the only employer of journalists. But some countries in Africa still apply rules and regulations that effectively restrict access to the profession. Whether through national registers or restrictive rules on issuing press cards, authorities aim to regulate who can work as a journalist. At the same time journalists are right to demand certain standards in training from their owners to fight the claim of lack of professionalism. In Ethiopia press cards are issued by the Ministry of Information as well as by privately owned media organisations themselves. But only journalists who carry the card issued by the ministry or media close to the ruling party are allowed access to press conferences. Journalists working for independent or opposition media are barred from covering official events. In Togo the Code de la Presse of 1990 gives a general definition of a professional journalist but in practice the authorities make distinctions between journalists who work for private media and those who work for the state-owned press. Some countries have seen a backlash. After a wave of untrained journalists entered the profession, the Ugandan government passed a law in 1995 that established the National Institute of Journalism (NIJU). Membership in the Institute is obligatory. The executive committee of the NIJU has the power to recommend registration if they find the journalist is a “honourable person”. Criteria for registration are a university degree or diploma in journalism and one year of practice; associate members are the ones without a university degree but with a journalism education. Journalists have to pay a registration fee; if they practice journalism without a license they face a fine or three months prison sentence.

Countries, Harare 1996. 2 Intervention at IFJ Conference on the Status of Journalists in Africa, Mauritius 1997

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Journalists in Africa recognise that certain standards of professionalism must be upheld but they do not believe that government should decide who could work as a journalist or that practising journalism without a license from a professional body merits a prison sentence. African journalists’ organisation at an IFJ conference last year agreed the following statement on access to the profession:3  Minimum standards on the exercise of journalism should be established by national associations free from undue influence by the state. Any such standards set by national associations should not be intended or used to block access to the profession but rather to regulate the conduct of individuals once they have joined the profession. A journalist should be defined as an individual who earns at least 60 percent of his or her income from journalistic activity and spends the majority of his or her working time in its pursuit. While efforts to raise the level of professional training of journalists should be encouraged, lack of professional training should not be used to exclude individuals from practicing. Issuance of Press Card should be controlled by national associations of journalists and renewable at an acceptable frequency. The Press Card should be accessible to anybody who qualifies as a journalist as defined by the national association.

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 

2.3)

Editorial Independence Must Be Recognised

If the media is to fulfil the role of “public watchdog” those working in the media have to be allowed to work without being subject to undue influence from outside interests. The notion of editorial independence is at the core of anti-censorship regulations aimed to ensure that the media can research, investigate and publish without interference from the state. While most African countries publicly condemn censorship there are countless cases of governments trying to interfere with the publication of information critical of their performance. State-owned media is often subject to direct governmental interference: directors of news are replaced without explanation, journalists are sacked if their programmes do not find the approval of the authorities and an atmosphere of self-censorship prevails. But it would be wrong to assume that all is well in the private media. African journalists can tell the story of a news item withheld or fundamentally changed in order not to displease a major advertiser or political supporter. Where the media owner has political ambitions he or she may use their media to advance their own political campaign and commercial interest have turned some stories into public relations articles promoting the business interests of the proprietor. While the Windhoek declaration did not specifically mention the principle of editorial independence subsequent declarations of the UNESCO Seminars on Independent and Pluralistic Media recognised the importance of safeguarding editorial independence.4
3 4

IFJ Conference on Access to Information and the Status of Journalists, Nairobi 2000 See Sana’a declaration of 1996 and Sofia declaration of 1997.

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Journalists and publishers stand together in resisting interference from state authorities but they do not necessarily agree on the principle of independence of the newsroom from the media owner. Publishers state that it is for them to determine the editorial line of their newspaper and that consequently they have very much of a say in what information is published. Journalists, on the other hand, hold that while the editorial line is determined by the owner decisions on what to publish must be subject to their professional code of ethics. The editor-in-chief as the head of the editorial office and at them same time often the representative of the publisher plays an important role in determining the degree of independence in the newsroom. The notion of editorial independence is closely linked to the question of professional ethics and journalists in Africa recognise that their right to take editorial decisions according to conscience and the code of ethics can assist in improving quality in journalism. As one participant at the IFJ conference on the Status of Journalists put it: “Many news items are sponsored by companies sometimes covering issues of direct concern to these companies. The credibility of the news coverage is rightly questioned. This is especially the case in broadcasting, virtually all radio news in private media are sponsored.” In 1996 African journalists called for the adoption of editorial statutes in state-owned and private media providing for consultation on the selection of directors and editors-in-chief and outlining principles of editorial independence:5 Journalists must have the right to refuse an assignment if the assignment breaches the journalists professional ethics as laid down in the union's/ association’s code of conduct and/ or the IFJ declaration of principles on the conduct of journalism.

2.4) Creating Public Service Broadcasting Remains a Challenge
There are very few countries in Africa that have real public service broadcasters (the structure of the South Africa Broadcasting Corporation being one exception). Where radio and television authorities exist, they are often controlled by the government and in many countries broadcasting is under the direct control of the Ministry of Information. This poses a particular problem since the large majority of Africans get most of their information from state radio, which is often the only medium that covers the whole country. Creating public service broadcasting that is free from government control and allows for genuine editorial independence must be a priority for journalists, policy makers and international organisations.

3)
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More Independent Associations and Unions of Journalists

Final declaration of the IFJ conference on the Status of Journalists, Ivory Coast 1996

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The number of independent journalists’ associations and trade unions has grown over the last ten years. There are effective and representative organisations of journalists in more and more countries of Africa that represent the majority of working journalists. Journalists in Africa have found different ways of organising and representing their members. In some countries all journalists regardless of whether they work for private or state-owned media are members of the same association or union (for instance in Ghana, Gambia, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, Zimbabwe). In others historical developments or the political situation prompted journalists working for private media to establish their own associations (for instance in Benin, Ethiopia, Togo, Republic of Congo). The number of journalists’ trade unions in Africa is still limited. Apart from the economic impediments there have also been instances where governments have unduly delayed the process of registration of journalists’ trade unions. While in some countries, for instance in Senegal or South Africa, the journalists’ trade union represents its members both on professional and on material issues, in others, such as Tanzania, there is an association that deals with matters of the profession and a trade union that aims to improve the working conditions of journalists. Generally, the two organisations work closely together.

Journalists working for state-owned media are often considered civil servants or agents of the state

Still a large number of countries in Africa give special status to journalists working in state-owned media (notably national radio and television). These journalists are considered civil servants and the law imposes restrictions on their professional and labour rights. They are not allowed to go on strike. While they are sometimes allowed to join the journalists’ trade union, the union is not recognised to represent their interests. These tasks are fulfilled by the public service union, which often does not provide for special interests and concerns of journalists. Thus the profession is effectively divided between journalists working for state-owned broadcasters and those working in private media. In recent years many journalists from state-owned media joined the journalists’ associations for the purpose of professional representation but the association or union cannot represent them vis-à-vis their employer.

4)

Journalists’ Ethics: A Matter for Journalists and Media Professionals

The importance of a free and independent media as one of the cornerstones of democracy is increasingly recognised throughout the world but there is an on-going debate about if and where there are limits to press freedom, what rights and responsibilities media professionals should have and whether these rights and responsibilities should be defined by law. Some argue that there should be no legal limits to press freedom while others state that press freedom finds

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its limits when other fundamental rights are infringed upon. The question is also by whom and how the legal framework is drafted and interpreted. Even the best laws can be misused to limit freedom of expression if there is no independent judiciary and no civil society to fight for this fundamental right. Ethical standards are at the centre of a debate on journalism in Africa. There have been numerous initiatives by governments to regulate media conduct but in many cases media have successfully resisted these moves claiming that this would seriously limit press freedom. Nevertheless, media professionals have to be open for a debate on ethics and how self-regulatory mechanisms can be improved. At the same time there are no easy answers to some of the ethical dilemmas facing journalists today and it is impossible to even define let alone solve these dilemmas in legal texts.

4.1)

Codes of Ethics: Unrealistic Ideals or Workable Guidelines?

The majority of journalists’ organisations in Africa has adopted a code of ethics or subscribes to the IFJ Declaration of Principles on the Conduct of Journalists. Most journalists will probably at some point or another come across a code of ethics but only very few actually use the code as a basis for making editorial decisions. The code normally describes the aspirations, values and standards of the profession. It may not be too difficult to agree on a highly generalised statement, such as that formulated by the American Society of Professional Journalists' ethics review panel. They said journalists should:

SEEK AND TELL TRUTH BE INDEPENDENT MINIMISE HARM

It is when we come to define the values which should underpin a code, or to formulate precise rules, or to decide appropriate methods of enforcement, that different journalistic traditions, political histories and cultural and religious factors come into play. African journalists are faced daily with difficult ethical decisions, often in a climate of outside pressure and ethics require active support. Journalists have to act ethically, not merely memorise and parrot ethical codes. The standards or rules of such codes are useful and they work most of the time. But sometimes genuine conflicts arise between values and ethical decision-making is required. This difficult skill is like all the other skills of journalism: it takes training, time and effort to become good at them. Individual journalists, employers, local journalists' associations and international bodies must focus on training in how to do ethics.

4.2)

Principles of self-regulation

Before considering different models of self-regulation one must be clear about the fundamental conditions that must be in place for self-regulation to work and not to turn into control of media content or self-censorship.

Fundamental principles of press freedom must be respected.

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It would be putting the cart before the horse to discuss the introduction of statutory self-regulatory bodies when press freedom is not recognised in the constitution, when press freedom is restricted through law and practice (such as limited access to information, defamation in the penal code or journalists facing jail sentences for what is perceived as “bad “ journalism).

Independence of journalists and the media must be recognised.

There must be an understanding among those in power that media are not there to promote their policies or aims. As long as self-regulation is seen as a soft policy approach to making sure the media does not get out of line, it will not be respected, it will not work and its failure to produce the desired results will be used to introduce laws limiting freedom of the press.

4.3)

Acceptable methods of self-regulation: The Media Observatory Initiative

But this does not mean that it is impossible to address the question of ethics or aim to improve standards of journalism in countries where fundamental principles of press freedom are not sufficiently recognised. Accountability of the media to the readers, viewers and listeners is key to give credibility to media and the public the feeling they can trust the information they receive. Generally, there are three types of self-regulation: 1. Ethics committees within the journalists’ organisations; 2. A voluntary press council set up by the media professionals; 3. A statutory press council6 Many African governments have tried in recent years to regulate media conduct through expanding the mandate of regulatory bodies for audiovisual media or the creation of media commissions. But journalists have in several cases been able to withstand governmental interference and to promote the creation of media councils in which the media professionals are adequately represented. One example is Tanzania where the government had tried to introduce restrictive media legislation. The media professionals united against this attempt and the legislation was shelved. But in order the fend off attempts by the government to regulate ethics the media professionals – with outside financial assistance – established the Media Council. The Council is an independent organisation, the Chairman is a judge, the General Secretary is a journalist and the governing body has journalists in membership.

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But as we have seen these statutory bodies can only work if they have been established by the media professionals and if they exist in an environment which supports press freedom.

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The council has a code of ethics to which the media organisations subscribe. It monitors media ethics and receives complaints. The complaints procedure is free of charge. Generally, Tanzanian journalists say that the establishment of the Media Council had a positive effect on journalists’ standards, although the Media Council has the power to impose fines on media. The only way to appeal decisions of the Council is to go to court. Maybe the most significant development in the promotion of journalistic standards in West Africa was the creation of the l'Observatoire de la liberté de la presse, de l'éthique et de la déontologie (OLPED) in Ivory Coast in 1995. The OLPED was initiated by the journalists’ association with two principal aims7: 1) To regulate the relations between the press and the public authorities; 2) To improve relations between the press and its public. The dual aim of the OLPED lies at the heart of the media observatory philosophy. The observatories are created on the premise that media freedom, independent journalism and high ethical standards are interlinked. They therefore do not only monitor whether media performs in line with the code of conduct adopted by the journalists and editors but they also monitor and denounce attacks on press freedom and the independence of journalists. Readers can lodge complaints with the observatory, journalists can raise concerns over undue influence on editorial content and the committee protests if media freedom is violated. Similar initiatives have seen been started in Benin, Ghana, Mali, Togo and Senegal. The media observatories can be a way of creating effective and acceptable methods of self-regulation. They are a type of self-regulation that protects and promotes media freedom and independent journalism and allows for journalists to resolve ethical dilemmas according to their conscience and professional standards of journalism.

5)

Unifying the Profession

The division that exists between journalists in some African countries, while based on legitimate concerns of the different groups, has often a negative impact on the role journalists’ organisations can play in the process of media development. While one should not advocate co-operation where fundamental or insurmountable differences exist, in some cases closer co-operation and clearer division of labour between different journalists’ organisations as well as NGOs could assist in strengthening the influence of the journalists’ community. Where appropriate, journalists in both government-owned and privately-owned media should be supported in initiatives to strengthen awareness of and actions to promote basic standards of professional conduct and ethics. In particular, structural and political support should be provided for the creation and strengthening of representative and independent journalists’ organisations which play an instrumental role in formulation of media policy.

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As stated in the statutes of the OLPED.

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NGOs as well as donor organisations and governments should recognise that those who work in the media must have the right to speak on their own behalf and do not need other groups to speak for them.

5.1)

Bringing Journalists Together: The Press House Initiative

The media profession is still too fragmented (between state and private media, between institutions and personalities within the private media sector) and often it is weakly organised: in some countries journalists and publishers' associations are nominal or non-existent. Consequently, the profession responds passively and slowly to attacks from the government. The other weakness is the presence of a highly partisan press which sometimes does not see its common interest in defending, with all journalists and publishers acting in solidarity the fundamental rights of the profession. The creation of "press houses" or "press centres" may be considered as part of the solution to these two weaknesses. The press houses provide a common meeting point for all journalists and publishers as well as for freedom of expression organisations. They can establish offices (for their respective professional organisations), have access to meeting places, receive logistical support (fax, telephone, computer room), and be given access to information (internet services and international and regional publications). Based on this analysis journalists’ organisations in many countries of Africa established press houses during the 1990s, sometimes on their own, sometimes due to outside initiatives. One of the most successful press houses based on this model is the Ghana International Press Centre8. This is primarily due to three factors: Firstly, the Ghana Journalists Association is recognised as the representative organisation of journalists. All other groupings, such as press clubs, special interest associations recognise the GJA as the organisations representing journalists in both private and state-owned media. The GJA succeeded in bringing all journalists together. For instance, when two journalists were jailed in September 1998, the GJA organised a vigil at the press house which was attended by over one hundred journalists and by representatives of the Human Rights League and other NGOs. This public initiative played a key role in the early release of the journalists two weeks later. This example not only shows the considerable capacity of the GJA to organise public support it also illustrates how the press house has become the natural venue for any public initiative involving journalists. Secondly, the press house provides a regional link because it houses the presidency of WAJA. As such it has also become a meeting point for journalists coming from abroad. For instance, for several months the GJA housed Nigerian journalists who had to flee their country. They worked out of the press house to continue to file reports to national and international publications. Thirdly, from the start the GJA has put considerable efforts into obtaining self-sufficiency. Because the press house is centrally placed and because the GJA provides for full involvement of journalists, the press house early on started to offer services such as photocopying, use of the rooms for press conferences and seminars for a modest fee.
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IFJ Media for Democracy in Africa Final Report 1998. A similar assessment is made by the Study on press houses that the Groupe de recherche et d’échanges technologieques (Gret) will publish in 2001.

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The challenge is to bring together all relevant organisations representing media professionals and to encourage their solidarity in establishing a press house that can serve as a meeting point for all journalists.

5.2)

Regional Co-operation: Expanding Solidarity

The oldest sub-regional organisation of journalists in Africa is the West Africa Journalists’ Association (WAJA). It was established in Dakar, Senegal on June 21, 1986 as the umbrella association for journalists associations and unions in 16 countries that make up the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS). “At its formation, the political landscape in West Africa was one characterized by military dictatorships, and one party states. The press everywhere in the region was under siege and journalists in the region suffered all forms of intimidation and harassment- imprisonment, closure of newspapers, dismissals and death in some instances. WAJA was partially a response to this dangerous situation and was conceived by the founding members who met in Dakar as one effective way of creation bonds of solidarity among journalists unions in the region. Like all organizations the evolution of WAJA as a regional network of journalists associations have been marked by ups and downs often impaired by the harsh political and economic environment under which journalists in West Africa operate. But WAJA has survived all these years emerging as the legitimate body that speaks on behalf of all journalists unions and associations in West Africa, ensuring that its primary goal of defending and promoting freedom of expressions remains an agenda for the democratic processes in all the 16-member countries of ECOWAS.”9 Apart from the Union of African Journalists which was created in the 1960s more as part of the African Unity Movement than as an organisation to defend press freedom and journalists’ rights, WAJA is in fact the only regional organisation in Africa that existed prior to 1991Windhoek seminar based on many of the principles outlined in the Windhoek declaration. As part of the follow-up to Windhoek the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) was founded in 1992. “MISA is a non-governmental organisation promoting media freedom and diversity in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) region - Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. MISA's Secretariat is based in the Namibian capital Windhoek, and services national chapters throughout the region.”10 MISA is not a regional organisation of journalists but an NGOs that regroups individual journalists, publishers, broadcasters and in some cases teachers, lawyers and researchers in membership. It has done tremendous work in the area of media law and monitoring of violations of press freedom but does not have sufficient depth of representation to speak on behalf of journalists or to ensure that journalists are fully involved in the debate on media policy or to improve their awareness of key issues in society. As a result journalists’ organisations in the
9

10

WAJA/UJAO Statement on their web-site at http://www.ujao.org. As stated on MISA web-site at http://www.misanet.org/.

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sub-region launched the Southern Africa Journalists’ Association (SAJA)11 in 2000, which is based on the WAJA model. Until November 1995 no sub-regional structure existed in Eastern Africa (including the Indian Ocean). At a Media For Democracy in Africa conference in Nairobi in 1995 journalists’ representatives from Ethiopia, Seychelles, Mauritius, Madagascar, Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya founded the Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA). The EAJA was established to deal with matters related to the promotion of media freedom, the practice of professional journalism and the functions of member associations in defence of journalists' professional and material rights. From the start EAJA planned to co-operate with a UNESCO-supported initiative to form the Eastern African Media Institute (EAMI) that was organised on the basis of the MISA model. EAJA relied heavily on support from the Media for Democracy programme and effectively stopped functioning at the end of 1998. It was re-launched at an IFJ meeting in 2000 and currently promotes exchange on matters of journalists’ rights between journalists’ associations and unions in the region12. EAMI was officially launched in 1997 established as a non-governmental organisation that regroups individual journalists, publishers, broadcasters and media NGOs. At the IFJ conference on the Status of Journalists held in Nairobi in November 2000 EAMI representatives reported that EAMI still faces the challenge of developing effective structures in several countries of the sub-region, notably Ethiopia and Sudan. In Tanzania both EAMI and MISA have chapters.

Since the adoption of the Windhoek declaration regional co-operation has improved tremendously among African journalists.

With the advent of the Internet, more and more journalists’ organisations are on-line and can communicate across borders. But the challenge remains to strengthen the national associations of journalists that form the basis of these networks and are the only organisations that can effectively and legitimately represent the interests of journalists on the ground. Regional journalists’ organisations can contribute to improving the conditions for media freedom and independent journalism in Africa. Division of labour between NGOs and professional organisations could ensure a greater impact of media development programmes.

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6.1)

Principles for Assistance to Independent Journalism
Respect for International Standards of Press Freedom

Increasing concerns over the need for ethical and democratic principles to apply in all aspects of international trade and assistance requires that the international community should ensure that political and economic support to governments in Africa is made conditional upon respect for
11

SAJA has suffered difficulties in getting started due the enormous problems faced by journalists in Zimbabwe where the secretariat is located. With some assistance from the IFJ SAJA will become operational in 2001. 12 EAJA works as a network of the journalists’ organisations in Eastern Africa and publishes a regular newsletter out of Nairobi.

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human rights including freedom of expression. This requires a thorough-going analysis of existing obstacles and the introduction of structures for dialogue whereby media professionals and journalists organisations are able to discuss with authorities the need for change and how such change can be introduced.

6.2)

Strengthening Media Professional Organisations

Media professionals (journalists, publishers, broadcasters) in Africa have the expertise, the talent and commitment to build new and lasting structures in all media. They are best able to identify obstacles to press freedom, to define solutions to media problems and to implement strategies for media development. African media professionals must be closely involved in the implementation of media training and assistance programmes. Too often, well-intentioned interest groups, particularly in the field of human rights and development seek to represent the needs of media. Journalists must be able to speak for themselves.

6.3)

A Comprehensive, Integrated and Accountable Strategy

Strategies for media development and assistance in the region must be long term, they must tackle all obstacles to media freedom (covering legal conditions, professional and social organisation, training and media development) and they must involve all media professionals. In addition, the allocation and disbursement of public funds must adhere to the principles of transparency and accountability.

6.4)

Rapid Assistance to Media in Crisis

A fast-track approach must be taken to support African media in trouble. Where there is instability and abuse of human rights journalists are usually among the first victims. It is vital to provide small-scale support quickly and without lengthy bureaucratic procedures. Transparent guidelines for assistance such as those as developed for the IFJ International Safety Fund should be applicable.

African journalism has come a long way in the last ten years. African journalists have managed to improve the conditions for independent journalism in spite of enormous difficulties and pressures. UNESCO, governmental and non-governmental donor organisations would be well advised to build on the foundations laid by African journalists themselves and to continue to support their struggle for press freedom and journalists’ rights.

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