Above the law: police and the excessive use of force, Jerome H. Skolnick, James J. Fyfe, Free
Press, 1993, 002929312X, 9780029293126, 313 pages. Uses the now-famous Rodney King
videotape to introduce an historical analysis of such police violence, its role in police work, its
causes and significance, and its incidence in law enforcement today..
DOWNLOAD FULL VERSION HERE
The badge and the bullet police use of deadly force, Peter Scharf, Arnold Binder, 1983, Political
Science, 254 pages. .
To Protect and to Serve The Lapd's Century of War in the City of Dreams, Joe Domanick, Nov 1,
1995, , 513 pages. A history of the Los Angeles Police Department from the thirties to the nineties
examines its persistent reputation for brutality and corruption and its role in the devastating ....
Political Sabotage The Lapd Experience: Attitudes Toward Understanding Police Use of Force,
Richard Melville Holbrook, 2004, Law, 648 pages. Explore the social attitudes toward the use of
police force, police culture, the police 'code of silence, ' and their effects in the war against crime
and violence in America..
Our Enemies In Blue Police And Power In America, Kristian Williams, Nov 1, 2004, Political Science,
385 pages. Our Enemies in Blue examines the history of police violence from a radical but
pragmatic perspective. Uniting theory and practice, the book provides a resource useful to ....
Extreme Justice The True Story of the L.A.P.D.'s Special Investigation Section (S.I.S.), Frank Sacks,
May 1, 1994, True Crime, 276 pages. The official book tie-in to the film Extreme Justice, starring Lou
Diamond Phillips, Scott Glenn, and Chelsea Field, this is the true story of the L.A.P.D.'s "Special ....
The Interpretation of Cultures Selected Essays, Clifford Geertz, 1973, Social Science, 470 pages. In
this compilation of essays written over a fifteen-year period, the distinguished anthropologist
explains his view of culture and its symbolic dimensions.
Policeman and Public , Arthur Woods, 1919, Political Science, 178 pages. .
Criminal Justice , Joel Samaha, Jun 1, 2005, Law, 608 pages. Samaha's CRIMINAL JUSTICE,
Seventh Edition has retained its role as a leader in the introduction to criminal justice market. It
offers a unique decision-making approach that ....
Beyond 911 A New Era for Policing, Malcolm K. Sparrow, Mark Harrison Moore, David M. Kennedy,
1992, History, 269 pages. Drawing on the experiences of innovative police departments that have
tried new approaches to policing in cities as diverse as Los Angeles, Newport News, Virginia, and
Police in America , Jerome H. Skolnick, Thomas C. Gray, 1975, Political Science, 299 pages. .
The Devil's Advocates Greatest Closing Arguments in Criminal Law, Michael S Lief, H. Mitchell
Caldwell, Aug 29, 2006, Law, 436 pages. Documents eight key trials involving such subjects as a
confessed rapist who was not read his Miranda rights, a congressman's controversial use of a
temporary insanity defense ....
Police and the use of deadly force hearings before the Subcommittee on Crime of the Committee on
the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-sixth Congress, second session, on police and the
use of deadly force, March 21 and 22, 1980, United States. Congress. House. Committee on the
Judiciary. Subcommittee on Crime, 1981, , 343 pages. .
Police brutality an analysis of police behaviour, Shailendra Misra, 1986, Fiction, 139 pages. .
Big-city police , Robert M. Fogelson, 1977, Political Science, 374 pages. This book looks at the
impact of two major police reform movements on the social mobility of ethnic groups, the distribution
of political power, the struggle for status in ....
United States of America police brutality and excessive force in the New York City Police
Department, Amnesty International USA., 1996, Fiction, 72 pages. .
And justice for all understanding and controlling police abuse of force, William A. Geller, Hans Toch,
1995, Political Science, 372 pages. .
The Politics of Community Policing Rearranging the Power to Punish, William Lyons, 2002, Law,
256 pages. Community policing, the author argues, does not necessarily empower the community
but often increases the power of the police.
The now-famous videotape of the beating of Rodney King precipitated a national outcry against
police violence. Skolnick and Fyfe, two of the nation's top experts on law enforcement, use the
incident to introduce a revealing historical analysis of such violence and the extent of its survival in
law enforcement today.
Highly publicized cases in Los Angeles, Detroit and Nashville during the past year make this study
of police violence, which is likely to become a classic in law enforcement literature, especially timely.
Skolnick, a University of California law professor, and Fyfe, a former New York City police officer
who teaches criminal justice at Temple University, examine vigilante justice, the practice of "third
degree" interrogation and "public order" policing; in so doing they place their subject in a historical
context and exhibit an awareness of the changing styles of police work. They consider factors
contributing to police brutality, causes of this abusive behavior (such as the "war on drugs"
mentality) and remedies. In a conclusion that may surprise some readers, they aver that police
violence has decreased over the past few decades because of improved police management,
particularly with increased numbers of minority mayors and police chiefs.
Berkeley law professor Skolnick and Temple University criminal justice professor and former New
York City police officer Fyfe examine the problem of police violence on the street, in crowd control,
and in interrogations. Although they believe that police use of excessive force has decreased
somewhat in the last 20 years, it is still widespread and is aggravated by the use of the military
model, police culture, and methods of police administration. They argue that police agencies need
major reforms including greater accountability, openness, and professionalism and would benefit
from a new vision of policing. They are troubled by some police definitions of success (based on
numbers of arrests versus preventing and solving peacekeeping problems); the view of police work
as war rather than enlisting constructive community support; and the mindset of the "divided
nation"--police allied with the white middle class against poor inner-city nonwhites. The authors
include a detailed discussion of the Los Angeles police (including the Rodney King case) and other
urban police departments as well as interesting comparisons with British policing. Students of
criminal justice, public policy, and law, as well as police professionals and the educated public, won't
want to miss this interesting, constructive, and timely book.
I've read both of these author's books on the same subject. In most areas, particularly on the use of
force and its assessment, these authors use speculation and assumption rather than basing
conclusions on facts. Although there are facts and appropriate interviews in the book, they don't
always use them in a rational way, or except to further a mostly liberal and pre-oriented opinion.
While the need for police supervision is well thought out, the insight doesn't find its way into some of
the other misperceptions about the incidents they discuss.
Theories of police brutality and deception have existed as long as the police have existed. The
theory of one criminologist, Jerome Skolnick, will be examined and applied to events that have
occurred in the recent past. Jerome Skolnick explains the subculture of the police and the
development of their working personality. He establishes reason to study these perspectives, which
are debated daily throughout cities across the country.
Jerome H. Skolnick earned his Bachelors Degree from the City College of New York in
1952. Skolnick then went on to Yale University where he earned both a Master’s and Doctoral
Degrees in the field of Sociology. Mr. Skolnick has studied various fields in the social sciences, but
has published most of his work in the field of criminal Justice.
Jerome Skolnick’s first book focusing on police work was Justice Without Trial: Law
Enforcement in Democratic Society written in 1966. At this time in history the civil rights movement
was in full swing and had preceded a major increase in rates of violent crime. One of the goals of
the civil rights movement was to eliminate racial bias from law enforcement. Skolnick’s book
focused on the “working personality” of the policeman. He analyzed three elements of the
policeman’s personality: danger, authority, and efficiency. He claimed there are, “ distinctive
cognitive tendencies in police as an occupational grouping” (Skolnick, 1966).
In 1967, “The President’s Commission on Criminal Justice” investigated the status of the
justice system due to the climbing crime rates in 1960’s. The crime commission’s report demanded
improvements in policing and community empowerment to help reduce crime (University of
Nebraska at Omaha online 1998). The emphasis on police and their function during this time period
provided the environment for which Jerome Skolnick’s earlier models were developed. This attitude
put the police under great scrutiny by the public and groups that wanted to police the police. In
1966, Henry P. Newton and Bobby Deale founded the Black Panther party. Their initial purpose
was to control the inner city ghettos. The first Panther establishment was organized in Oakland
California, where incidents of police brutality against blacks reached peak levels. Black Panthers
sought to end police brutality by continuously patrolling neighborhoods with unconcealed, loaded,
automatic weapons, which was legal at that time. The Panthers would watch policeman from afar
and when an incident took place, they would rush to the scene and confront the police.
In 1993, Jerome Skolnick and James Fyfe published Above the Law: Police and the
Excessive Use of Force. Skolnick and Fyfe review the subjects of police deception, brutality, and
the “blue wall of silence”(Skolnick and Fyfe, 1993). They offered solutions for dealing with these
occurrences. An incident that contributed to this model was the beating of Rodney King in 1991 by
Officers of the Los Angeles Police Department. It instantly created a political and social arena that
demanded policing activity be reviewed.
Jerome Skolnick's theory originated by looking at the subculture of police and its effects on police
deception. He began by analyzing the three elements that create the policeman’s “working
personality”; they are danger, authority, and efficiency (Skolnick, 1966). Skolnick explains there are
"distinct cognitive tendencies" in police as an occupational grouping. This analysis can be found
similar among departments across the country and across the world (Skolnick, 1966). This “working
personality” creates the subculture of the police, which Skolnick continually refers to.
The "working personality" develops with the element of danger. This makes the policeman
constantly aware of those who may break the law. This results in the policeman becoming a
suspicious person. This causes them to be less likely to develop friendships with any civilians who
they may see as a potential lawbreaker.
The element of authority combined with danger can isolate the policeman. Authority can
cause the citizens that the officer must protect, to see him as an outsider to their community. As a
result, the policeman feels isolated because he or she must wear that hat of authority 24 hours a
day, seven days a week. An example of this would be traffic enforcement. Most people have
experienced a situation where they have been reprimanded by a police officer, this can cause a
civilian to stereotype officers, which, can fuel the isolation of the police from the community. The
feeling of isolation from the community will also create solidarity amongst the police and their
co-workers. This is what Skolnick feels contributes to the idea of a culture created by officers, which
demands they cover each other on the streets and perhaps even during an internal investigation
Deception is considered by the police to be acceptable in many aspects of their job. A cop
learns to back up the stories colleagues tell to superiors and investigators; in turn he is confidant
colleagues will back him up (Skolnick, 2000). This is sometimes referred to the "blue wall of
silence." A police officer may find himself stuck between the "blue wall of silence” and the need to
notify his or her superiors of any police misconduct. An officer does not want to tell on another
officer and be labeled a "rat". This label can follow an officer for the length of his/her career if he or
she would choose to reveal information about a co-worker and their misconduct. Skolnick states
that the blue wall of silence can cover-up and possibly encourage violations of civil rights, and small
less extreme incidents of violence and abuse. These actions may only be uncovered if there is
pressure from an internal investigation or the threat of prosecution (Skolnick, 2000).
Police use deception daily through their work. They view it as a natural tool to help catch the
bad guys. Skolnick stated, "the law often, but not always, supports police deception" (Skolnick,
1997). The court system and the police subculture permits and sometimes demands deception
used in the investigative and daily activities of police work. However, the police rarely allow for the
deception of fellow officers. A police officer may pose as a drug dealer in the course of their work in
order to catch the criminal. This deception is supported and upheld by the court. Skolnick argues
that “courtroom lying is justified within the police culture by the same sort of necessity rationale that
courts have permitted police to employ at the investigative stage: “The end justifies the means”. In
other words, the police may lie in order to get the truth. Skolnick claims that police freely admit to
deceiving suspects and defendants. However, the police do not admit to perjury (Skolnick, 1975).
The policeman lies because lying becomes a routine way of managing legal impediments - whether
to protect fellow officers or to compensate for what he views as limitations the courts have placed on
his capacity to deal with criminals (Skolnick, 1997). The officer may feel he needs to lie because
the system favors the criminal.
Jerome Skolnick has used his theory throughout the last thirty years to explain the behavior
and practices of the police. Although his theory has not changed drastically, neither have the events
for which he has expressed his opinions. The constant is deception used within a police
department, whether it is during an investigation, a cover-up, or during court testimony. It creates a
culture that becomes unique to the police. Skolnick originally spoke of the police brutality and
reforms created from the 1960's stemming from the civil rights movement. He later and more
publicly examined the Los Angeles Police Department in the beating of Rodney King. The
deception that was undeniably used in the OJ Simpson trial was seen with the testimony of
Detective Mark Fuhrman. Most recently, he published articles addressing New York City Police
Department's 70th Precinct cover up, when they saw Abner Louima assaulted by Police Officer
Justin Volpe. Skolnick also addressed the problems in the New York City Police Department when
41 bullets were used to stop a suspect, Amadou Diallo (Skolnick, 2000).
In 1967, David Bordua reviewed James Skolnick's book Justice Without Trial: Law
Enforcement in Democratic Society in the American Sociological Review. He stated that Skolnick's
book was a foremost contribution to a growing sociological literature on the police and law
enforcement. Although Bordua agrees with Skolnick's point of view he does criticize aspects of his
writings. Bordua states that Skolnick comes down hard for more "law" in the law vs. order dilemma,
but his explanation of why police cannot comply leaves something to be desired. Bordua stated that
Jerome Skolnick attempts a general explanation of police behavior, but leans too heavily on the
work ethic, in what he calls "democratic bureaucracy". In closing, Bordua stated that Skolnick's
heavy reliance on "democratic bureaucracy" as an explanation leads to a somewhat misleading
emphasis on the negative consequences of police professionalism. Bordua believes it was too little
stressed that police professionalism has brought with it not only gains in efficiency, but also in formal
legality (Bordua, 1967).
Kirkus Reviews completed an evaluation of Skolnick and Fyfe’s Above the Law: Police and
the Excessive Use of Force in February 1993. Although this review revealed no actual criticisms it
demonstrated the interest that the book developed at a time when the focus on police brutality was
at one of its highest points - the beating of Rodney King. This review stated that few would quarrel
with the authors’ demonstration of how vulnerable Americans of all races and classes are to abuses
of power. This book was regarded as an excellent history and analysis that balances sympathy for
the dangers of police work, with concern for its victims and with persuasive, if not profound,
suggestions for reform (Kirkus reviews, LP 1993).
Selwyn Raab of the New York Times also reviewed this book in 1993. Raab starts his review by
revealing an incident that he had encountered with police brutality. Needless to say his review also
agreed with Skolnick and Fyfe's theories of police brutality. Mr. Raab states that, in his experience
as a reporter, he had discovered how difficult it was to document and publish articles about cases of
severe police abuse. He went on to state that the blue code of silence among police officers helped
conceal even the most outrageous examples of misconduct. Raab agrees with Skolnick and Fyfe's
belief that the strongest deterrent to institutionalized misconduct is strict accountability from the
highest to the lowest rank in every police unit. Raab states they propose a provocative remedy:
Recruit and support police chiefs who will unhesitatingly fire or demote any supervisor who has in
his command an officer found to be brutal or corrupt. Raab closes his review by stating that this
suggestion is long overdue (Raab, 1993).
On the contrary to what has been stated earlier, there are those who disagree with
Skolnick's theory of police deception and brutality. Although the criticisms are not directly aimed at
Skolnick's writings, they can show the differences of these ideas depending on what side of the thin
blue line one finds them self on. One group, which paralleled the time line of Skolnick's theory as it
developed, was known as The John Birch Society. This group launched a program to support the
local police in 1963 during the civil unrest of the 1960's, 70's and through the 1990's including the
attacks on police after the Rodney King incident. The John Birch Society has encouraged all
Americans to support their local police through its spokespersons, programs, informational reprints
and flyers. The events, which inspired the John Birch Society, resemble the events that are
documented in Skolnick's publications. An example of this is with Skolnick's book Justice Without
Trial: Law Enforcement in Democratic Society in 1966 to Above the Law: Police and the Excessive
Use of Force in 1993. While Skolnick attributes police deception to the police subculture, The John
Birch Society states that this same subculture enables police officers to perform the daily task of
protecting the community with the confidence that they can trust a fellow officer with their life. An
instrumental part of the development of The John Birch Society was ironically the development of
the Black Panther Party. As the Black Panther Party was policing the police by observing their
actions, the John Birch Society was supporting officers. This included Seneca DeGraw and Joseph
Scamardella who were attacked by the Black Panthers in New York as they arrested a man while
the Black Panthers observed (The John Birch Society - Online, October, 2000). As Skolnick
suggests programs such as civilian review boards, the John Birch Society encourages its audience
to vote for leadership that will not support this idea.
Jerome Skolnick's theory has not changed with criticism. If in fact it changes at any point, it
would be only because the events at the time of his publication warrants such a change. Skolnick's
ideas of police misconduct stayed consistent with the civil rights movement in the 60's to the beating
of Rodney King in the 90's. Skolnick's most recent writings still remain consistent with what he
originated as his theory in 1966.
Jerome Skolnick’s theory is still being developed at the turn of the century. In comparison to a lot of
criminological theories, Skolnick’s can be seen as relatively new. He was first published regarding
the topic of police deception and brutality in 1966, and continues to write articles today developing
Mr. Skolnick’s theories are not testable through standard means of social science
measurements, which limits the amount of research that is based on his theory. It is difficult to
prove a theory about an issue that is according to its own profession hard to define, investigate, and
prosecute. However, new researchers continue to cite Jerome Skolnick when the topic of police
brutality is raised. This is more evident since Skolnick’s 1993 controversial writings regarding the
beating of Rodney King. Skolnick continues to publish his research to show similar situations and
what police authorities can learn from related incidents that occur across the country.
Jerome Skolnick’s theoretical framework can be found in other research. Peter K. Manning
published an article in Research in the Sociology of Work entitled Structure and Control: “Deviance”
in Police Organizations. Manning argued that police deviance arises from the structure of police
work. He makes the observation that the state gives the police broadly defined authority that
empowers them to take immediate and decisive actions as the occupation demands, which combine
to create interpretations of the law that can lead to “overstepping the boundaries of legitimate
authority”. Manning also states the extent of deviance among the police is not known because of
the nature of police work, strong police cohesion, and the fact that police do not always recognize
their own violations (Manning, 1999; 117-138).
Current usage of Skolnick’s theory can also be found in research conducted by D.A. Kessler
in the Journal of Quantitative Criminology. A study conducted at the Houston Police Department
used complaint data from the Internal Affairs Divisions of their Department. This research examined
whether officers assigned to areas of the city that implemented community policing have fewer
complaints than other officers. The results showed that officers working in areas where community
policing had been implemented received significantly fewer complaints than officers working in other
areas (Kessler, 1999).
Jerome Skolnick’s ideas are referred to in articles published by T. Prenzler in the Australian
Journal of Public Administration, which studies the idea of “police culture”. Prenzler states that this
idea has some value when seen in the context of the general idea of occupational cultures and of
specific elements of an organization’s traditions and task environment which generate counter
productive and unethical practices (Prenzler, 1997). An article published by J. Chan in the British
Journal of Criminology reviews the concept of police culture and its utility for analyzing the impact of
police reform. Chan states that police culture results from an interaction between the field of
policing and the various dimensions of police organizational knowledge. This article suggests a new
way of conceptualizing police culture, one that recognizes its interpretive and creative aspects, as
well as the legal and political context of police work (Chan, 1996).
Jerome Skolnick’s theories will continue to remain popular with the turn of the century
especially with the technology of the media. What was once able to be covered-up is now
broadcast on the evening news by the hovering helicopter providing live coverage of police
activities. Although his theory is not always scientifically testable, it is worth researching and
developing. These ideas can have an impact on police reform and programs that make the police
This is a practical, policy oriented book, and it covers its subject, excessive use of force by the
police, like a blanket. Given its unflinching focus on an ugly subject, this is also a surprisingly upbeat
book. Skolnick and Fyfe are upbeat because, despite current impressions to contrary, their view is
that police violence is less of a problem than it used to be; because there are proven reforms that
can reduce police violence; and because it is more and more widely acknowledged that a reduction
in police violence is the precondition to effective policing. Thus, their optimism concerns not only the
reforms themselves but extends to chances of these reforms being widely accepted in American
policing. Moreover, while they are uncompromising in their denunciation of police violence, Skolnick
and Fyfe clearly admire and respect police officers whom they see as victims of their own (and the
public's) unrealistic expectations, of perverse organizational incentives, and of a violent subculture.
The tone of the book as well as its major themes are established in a prologue that uses a detailed
recounting of the Rodney King incident to demonstrate how and why a police department can go
wrong. This prologue is the book in microcosm and is followed by an expansive, discursive and well
documented inquiry divided into three parts and ten chapters. The authors draw widely and
eclectically on the relevant academic literature, journalistic accounts and their own extensive
Part One examines the circumstances in which the police are tempted to misuse force -- considered
in separate chapters: vigilante justice, the third degree, and public order policing. Vigilante justice
serves as a kind of metaphor for this entire section. Regardless of whether police violence is used
as a substitute for the judicial process (as with Rodney King), to extract a confession from a suspect
in a criminal case, or against political protests and ghetto riots, in resorting to excessive force, the
police are reenacting a familiar American drama:
[S]omewhere deep in the American experience is the idea that the legal order and its system of
punishment are inadequate to cope with THE PROBLEM, whether defined as crime, as immigrants,
or as minority groups (p. 25. italics in the original). The emphasis here is very much on how and why
this police lawlessness is ordinarily directed against marginalized Americans.
Part Two examines the factors that nurture police violence. There is one chapter on the subculture
that leads the police to think of themselves as the proverbial, and under appreciated, "thin blue line"
between civilization and barbarism. A second chapter is devoted to the unfortunate tendency to
import military models into police organizations and to apply military metaphors to the struggle
against crime. The military metaphors encourage the police to think of themselves as "ghetto
gunslinger" at war with the communities they should be serving (p. 133). The section concludes with
a third chapter on the retreat from police accountability that accompanied the depoliticized
professional approach to policing. This approach further distances the police from the public -- in
part through an impersonal style of policing and in part through a bureaucratic organizational
structure that discourages street level ingenuity and initiative.
In Part Three Skolnick and Fyfe turn to reform. They believe that reform must begin at the top with
an able and determined police chief. They go on to express support for both community and
problem oriented policing, for a police cadet corps as well as for civilian oversight of complaints
against the police. Conversely , they doubt that courts have the will and/or the means to establish
effective control over police violence. Included in
In big police jurisdictions, verdicts and settlements are cheaper than paying for enough new cops to
make a real difference in a department's ability to mount a street presence (p. 207). According to the
authors, the evidence from cities like Los Angeles suggests that public officials INCORRECTLY
believe that "police violence may inhibit offenders" (Ibid.), thus providing "law and order" on the
cheap. As for civilian oversight, Skol-
As this summary suggests, there are no major surprises in ABOVE THE LAW. It is primarily a work
of synthesis informed by the sensibilities of two very savvy and knowledgeable students of policing.
It is also a gritty book that provides many, many graphic examples of both good and bad police work
in a readily accessible form. Skolnick and Fyfe know what they like and what they do not like, and
they present and defend their preferences with considerable verve. A major strength of the book is
the way in which the underlying argument builds as chapters reinforce one another and disparate
Still, Skolnick and Fyfe's "can do" message leaves little room to consider in more than a pro forma
way some of the serious questions that have been raised about the reforms they support.
Community policing is, for example, a much more controversial reform than their analysis suggests
(Greene and Mastrowski, 1988). Nor is it clear that a tough and resourceful chief can turn things
around in the way they suggest. Just such a chief, Anthony Bouza, former head of the Minneapolis
department put it this way in a P.O.V. documentary aired on public television.
I think when a chief of police comes to take over an organization, he has one of two choices to
make. He is either going to serve the police and their comfort and convenience or he is going to
serve the people. And those two ideas are I think irreconcilable. People will say you can do both,
and I say you can not.
Similarly, Skolnick and Fyfe celebrate the post Knapp Commission success of Patrick V. Murphy in
New York, but a recent NEW YORKER article raises troubling questions about his achievements
(Lardner, 1993). Finally, while I am not necessarily pessimistic about the political prospects of their
recipe for reform, the politics of police reform is itself a neglected issue that merits more than the
cursory attention it is given in ABOVE THE LAW.
It would be unfair to make too much of these reservations. This is first and foremost a book of
responsible advocacy. It presents and defends a plausible plan not only for reducing police violence
but, in a more positive vein, for redefining policing to better serve a society characterized by
"change, diversity and disparity" (p. 238). Accentuating the positive will make it more likely, I
suspect, that this knowledgeable, respectful, upbeat, and readable book will get the attention of the
influential people who must be convinced if reform is to be achieved.
agency allegations American police Arango arrest Arthur McDuffie attorney August Vollmer authority
Bahena beating of Rodney California Chicago Chief Gates Christopher Commission citizens civil
rights civilian review command Commission community-oriented policing complaints conduct
confession conviction cops corruption crime criminal justice Daryl Gates deadly force demonstrators
department's detectives Dirty Harry disorder drug evidence excessive force Fyfe Hispanic Ibid
incident interrogation investigation involved James jury killed King beating Knapp Commission LAPD
LAPD's Larez law enforcement lawyers lice lynching Mayor McDonald's ment military Negro
nunchakus offenses organization percent person police administrators police brutality police chiefs
Police Commissioner police misconduct police officers police reform police violence political problem
problem-oriented policing professional response riots robbery Rodney King sergeant Serpico
shooting shot Simi Valley Skolnick social Spano street cops suggests supervisors Supreme Court
suspect third degree tion told trial U.S. Supreme Court verdict videotape violations Vollmer York City
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$a Prologue: Whatever Happened to Dragnet? 1. The Beating of Rodney King -- Pt. 1. Occasions.
2. Vigilante Justice. 3. The Third Degree. 4. Public Order Policing -- Pt. 2. Explanations. 5. The
Culture of the Police. 6. Cops as Soldiers. 7. Beyond Accountability -- Pt. 3. Remedies. 8. Police
Administrative Reform. 9. Police Accountability I: The Courts. 10. Police Accountability II: The
Public. 11. Renewing The Police.
Book Description: The Free Press, New York, 1993. Hard Cover. Book Condition: Very Good -
(Ex-Library). No Jacket. First Printing. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾". Very Good. Solid clean ex-college
library hardcover in original binding (has library markings but not much evidence of use). Bookseller
Inventory # 00505122
Book Description: Free Press, New York, 1993. Hard Cover. Book Condition: Fine. Dust Jacket
Condition: Fine. First Edition. A nice copy of the first edition, first printing. Text is tight and clean.
Unread. Lettering to spine is bright and unflaked. No marks or highlights in text. In a Fine bright and
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Book Description: The Free Press, New York, 1993. Quarter Bound. Book Condition: Very Good.
Dust Jacket Condition: Very Good. First Edition. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall. Copy quarter bound with
black cloth on boards in unclipped D/J. Coloured end papers. From the Library of the late John
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and flat contents. Bookseller Inventory # 023146
Book Description: The Free Press, Third Ave, New York -, 1993. hardcover, 6½" x 9½", with dust
jacket The authors situate police use of excessive force in its historical perspective, the 'posse' and
other vigilante groups, as they explore the cultural world of policing - how the values and
understandings which street cops pick up as they learn their jobs affect their performance. They
point to two particularly dangerous attitudes as especially likely to encourage the excessive use of
force. Here is a deeply informed, timely, and revealing history (and critique) of the complex world of
law enforcement. Ours is an ex-library copy in transparent protective covering, with usual stamps,
stickers, etc. GOOD book in GOOD unclipped dust jacket 314 pages. Bookseller Inventory # 40653