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									The Danish NGO Impact Study
A Review of Danish NGO Activities in Developing Countries


Andrew Kiondo Rukia Hayata Andrew Clayton INTRAC Oxford, UK September 1999

Study Commissioned by Danida and Danish NGOs

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Chapter 1 : Chapter 2 : Chapter 3 : COUNTRY STUDY APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY TANZANIA: THE NATIONAL CONTEXT ANALYSIS OF PROJECT PERFORMANCE TAN 1: Renovation of Secondary Schools Project (ADRA) TAN 2: Arusha Beekeeping Project (DBF) TAN 3: Popular Culture and Sports Project (DGI) TAN 4: Restoration of Lugala Hospital (DLM) TAN 5: Renewable Energy Mini Projects (DMS) TAN 6: Health Care Project on HIV/AIDS in Kagera (DRC) TAN 7: Family Life Education Project(DRC) TAN 8: Support to Self Help Groups (HSH) TAN 9: Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre (MS) TAN 10: Sengerema Teachers Resource Centre (MS) TAN 11: Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights (MS) TAN 12: Semezana (MS) TAN 13: Ifakara Women Weavers Project (MS) Chapter 4: ANALYSIS OF THE CROSS-CUTTING ISSUES 4.1 Gender 4.2 Environment 4.3 Poverty 4.4 Sustainability 4.5 Democratisation 4.6 Partnership Chapter 5: Chapter 6 : REVIEW OF METHODS USED IN THE STUDY OVERALL ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS 109 114 92 6 12 21




This study has only been possible due to the cooperation and support provided by the Danish NGOs and their partners in Tanzania. During the project visits they showed us much hospitality and assistance which were greatly appreciated. We would like to thank all those with whom we had contact during the course of the study, both in Tanzania and in Denmark. We are also grateful for all those who gave us their comments on the first draft of this report. In addition, we would like to thank the many people we met at the community level who were willing to give us their time and share with us their experiences. Finally we would like to thank Rose Kihulya who worked as a research assistant for the team and provided us with invaluable support. Andrew Kiondo Rukia Hayata Andrew Clayton


BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENT The opportunity for both women and men, who have been involved in and benefited from the project, to give their views on the project’s development. The involvement of previously excluded groups in national political debate or activities; the extent to which a development project has been able to broaden the basis of community participation in development activities. The immediate tangible and observable improvement(s) or change(s)in people’s lives change(s) which have been brought about as a direct result of project activities. The degree to which a development project is able to implement what it sets out to do and to achieve progress towards its objectives. The extent to which a development project is able to maximise the use and the potential of its resources and to optimise their potential effect and impact. The long term and sustainable changes brought about by a development project. Impact can either be anticipated in relation to the project’s objectives or unanticipated. Individuals who have no formal relationship with the project but who have accompanied its development and are able to comment on its achievements. The degree to which poor people and their families are able to access the resources they need in order to meet their basic livelihood needs. It can also encompass issues of knowledge and the extent to which poor people can freely exercise their social and political rights. The extent to which a project intervention is appropriate and can be seen as being a useful and acceptable contribution to locally perceived development needs. The potential of a project to continue its developmental momentum and to produce benefits which are valued by its beneficiaries.













LIST OF ACRONYMS ABA ABESO ADRA DANIDA DBF DCA DGI DKK DIF DLM DMCDD DMS DRA DRC DW ELCT HDC HSH IWWA KCCR MS MS TCDC NGO TAG TANGO TC TRCS TCRS Arusha Beekeepers Association Arumeru Beekeepers Society Adventist Development and Relief Agency Danish International Development Assistance Danish Beekeepers Association DanChurchAid Danish Gymnastics and Sports Association Danish Kroner Danish Sports Federation Danish Lutheran Mission Danish Missionary Council Development Department Danish Missionary Society Adventist Development and Relief Agency Danish Red Cross Development Worker (from MS) Evangelical Lutheran Church of Tanzania Hai District Council Help for Self Help Ifakara Women Weavers Association Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke MS Training Centre for Development Cooperation Non-governmental Organisation Tanzania Assemblies of God Tanzania Association of NGOs Teachers Resource Centre Tanzania Red Cross Society Tanganyika Christian Refugee Service




The involvement of Danish NGOs in Tanzania goes back 50 years to the period after the Second World War. Following the expulsion of German missionaries from the Tanganyika, Danish missionaries, among others, were invited to take over German missionary activities. Central to the mission work was the provision of educational, health and other basic services, which has continued until this day. From the 1960s onwards, other Danish NGOs started working in Tanzania on a range of development projects. Of particular note here is MS, which began sending Danish volunteers to Tanzania in the 1960s and has continued to maintain a large programme in the country ever since. There is a very broad range of Danish NGO interventions in Tanzania, from large, multi-million DKK projects to very small scale projects. There are currently 20 different Danish NGOs running a total of 73 distinct projects or other interventions in Tanzania. This represents the largest number of projects in all of the three countries covered by the Impact Study, and spread over the greatest geographical area. The Danish NGOs working in Tanzania work through local partners and are not operational. The only Danish NGO with an office in Tanzania is MS which has a large Country Office in Dar es Salaam and a regional training centre in Arusha, the Training Centre for Development Cooperation (TCDC). MS does not implement its own projects but rather works through local partners. There are about 30 MS Danish Development Workers in Tanzania all of whom are placed with a partner organisation. All the other NGOs work through local partners directly from Denmark and have no permanent in-country presence. There are Danish personnel working in Tanzania within local church structures on development interventions supported by the various Danish missionary organisations. In selecting which projects were to be included in the Impact Study, it was considered important to ensure that those projects selected were representative of the diverse types of activity. One key consideration was to ensure that there was adequate coverage of large, medium and small Danish NGOs. It was decided not to include DanChurchAid in the matrix, primarily because the In-depth Study in Tanzania had decided to focus on a large DanChurchAid integrated rural development project at Kibondo. Furthermore, DanChurchAid projects were included in both the Bangladesh and Nicaragua Country Studies. Instead, the Tanzania Country Study would focus on two other large Danish NGOs with large programmes in Tanzania - MS and the Danish Red Cross. It was also considered important to include projects which covered service delivery, income generation and support to local NGOs. An initial matrix of 16 projects was drawn up after meetings between the INTRAC Researcher and Danish NGOs in Denmark in November 1998. This was a large number of projects to cover with complex logistical and methodological requirements. However, the team felt that it was important to include this number of projects in the study in order to ensure that the full range of Danish development interventions were covered. It would not be possible to build up an overall picture of the impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania by concentrating on a small number of projects. It was also important for some of the larger NGOs to include


different types of activities. This was particularly the case with MS which supports a wide range of interventions which the study has tried to capture. While the need to represent the diversity of Danish NGO interventions in Tanzania was of primary consideration, the study team had also to consider more practical issues of project location. Given the size of Tanzania, it was decided to focus on projects in five regions - Morogoro, Kagera, Mwanza, Arusha and Kilimanjaro. These were the regions with the highest concentration of Danish NGO interventions and it was anticipated that the team would need to establish a number or different bases during the course of the research. Representatives from each of the partner organisations were invited to a three day introductory workshop held by the Impact Study team at TCDC, Arusha at the beginning of February. The workshop was timed to take place at the start of the country study in Tanzania. Altogether 28 people attended including the four members of the Impact Study Team, the 2 Researchers from the In-depth Study, and representing 13 different partner organisations. Unfortunately, representatives from four organisations included in the original project matrix who were unable to attend the workshop - ULD 80 Vocational Training Centre, Karagwe, Ilaranatak Lolkonerei (an MS partner), Arusha Bee Keepers, and Popular Culture and Sports Project, Mwanza (DGI/MS). It was possible to include the Beekeeping project and the Popular Culture and Sports Project in the Study but due to limitations on time the team decided not to include the ULD 80 project or Ilaranatak Lolkonerei. The study team also had to leave out the Women’s Training Centre at Morogoro which was supported by the Danish Moravian Mission and was included in the original project matrix. Although someone from this centre attended the workshop he was new to the centre and the DMM project had finished 6 years previously. Despite visits by the Study team to the centre it was not, in the end, possible to find someone who actually knew about the project. A total of 13 different projects in all were actually included in the Impact Study. These are listed in the following matrix:


Final Project Matrix


Project Title

Partner Organisation ADRA Tanzania ABA/ABESO NSCT/ RCO ELCT - Ulanga Kilombero ELCT - North West/ Karagwe Tanzania Red Cross Tanzania Red Cross Help for Self Help Hai District Council Sengerama District Council Kuleana TANGO IWWA

Danish NGO

TAN 1 TAN 2 TAN 3 TAN 4 TAN 5 TAN 6 TAN 7 TAN 8 TAN 9 TAN 10 TAN 11 TAN 12 TAN 13

Secondary Schools Rehabilitation Beekeeping Project Popular Culture and Sports Lugala Hospital Rehabilitation Renewable Energy Mini Projects HIV/AIDS Prevention Project Family Life Education Project Income Generation Activities Teachers Resource Centre, Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre, Sengerama Kuleana Child Rights Centre Semezana Ifakara Women Weavers Project

ADRA Denmark Danish Beekeepers(DBF) DGI/DIF/MS Danish Lutheran Mission (DLM) Danish Missionary Society (DMS) Danish Red Cross (DRC) Danish Red Cross Help for Self Help (HSH) MS MS MS MS MS

Size of Project DKK 11,225,802 2,800,000 4,648,000 6,250,000 1,056,000 45,145,000 24,300,000 1,100,000 2,091,000 1,095,000 1,046,000 757,000 6,163,000

Project Period 1993-5 1994-7 1989-2000 1993-97 1992 1989-99 1986-2000 1993-97 1991-8 1998-2001 1994 present 1993 present 1983 present

The three main researchers each took primary responsibility for a number of different projects and divided the projects up on a regional basis. Andrew Kiondo focused on projects in Morogoro Region and Dar es Salaam, Rukia Hayata in Kagera and Mwanza Regions plus one project in Arusha, and Andrew Clayton in Arusha and Kilimanjaro Regions. The division by project was as follows: Andrew Kiondo - TAN 4, TAN 7, TAN 12, TAN 13 Rukia Hayata - TAN 3, TAN 5, TAN 6, TAN 8, TAN 10, TAN 11 Andrew Clayton - TAN 1, TAN 2, TAN 9. Research assistance for the whole period of the study was provided by Rose Kihulya, and additional research assistants were taken on temporarily during the Kagera and Mwanza fieldwork to help with interviewing project beneficiaries. The Country Study set out to understand impact from a number of different perspectives. The starting point was to examine impact in terms of individual projects or interventions; secondly, the study examined the impact of Danish NGOs in relation to a number of key issues, notably poverty,


gender, environment, sustainability, democratisation and partnership. Finally, the study made an analysis of the national context, with a particular focus on poverty in Tanzania and the development of civil society in order to see how relevant and effective Danish NGOs have been at the macro level. The need to look at impact from so many different angles proved an interesting and challenging methodological exercise. The team had to look at impact at various levels from the micro to the macro, in relation to a number of key cross-cutting issues and in 14 different projects spread across 6 regions, and all within a three month time period. The very complexity of the task has demanded a very systematic approach to gathering information on impact from these different projects and on different issues. The basic approach used by the Tanzania study team was to follow the guidelines set out in the paper on ‘Approach and Methodology for Country Studies’ which was developed during the Copenhagen meeting of the Country Study teams in August 1998. All of the country study teams from Bangladesh, Nicaragua and Tanzania gathered together for a week to plan out the study. This paper sets out a systematic approach to pulling together information on each project in the following key areas:       inputs outputs relevance efficiency and effectiveness effect and impact cross-cutting issues: gender, poverty, environment, sustainability, democra-tisation and partnership.

Information on each of these issues was to be obtained from project staff, project beneficiaries and key informants. The actual methods used for collecting this information was decided upon by Country Research teams as appropriate to both the context of each project and the time available. The Approach and Methodology Paper sets out key questions for analysing outcomes and impact of project interventions in relation to different types of project (service delivery, production, support for civil society) and for the cross cutting issues. Although these are not the questions actually asked in the discussion groups and interviews, they provided clear guidelines on the sort of information that should be obtained. The table below summarises the people met during the project visits by the research team.

Summary of people met during project visits



Beneficiary Assessment Groups Female 20 5 10 6 13 41 9 17 4 17 1 8 151 Families Male 5 2 11 2 22 32 6 5 3 16 3 7 114 3 22 5 13 43 Individuals Female Male 1 8 2 8 5 3 12 18 3 2 22 20 1 3 1 2 2 12 61 65



Key Informants


3 1 2 1 8 4 3 3 2 2 1 1 31

2 4 3 4 2 9 4 3 2 5 4 3 5 50

5 1 3 5 2 17 5 9 1 3 3 13 67

It was made very clear to the staff of the NGOs included in the study that the study was not an evaluation of each project. It was important to stress this since many of the partners were under the impression that their projects were being evaluated in detail by the Impact Study team and that the team would then make recommendations to DANIDA over whether or not to continue funding. One of the researchers was even introduced as the ‘DANIDA Inspector’. Rather, the team emphasised that the purpose of visiting the project was to make an overall assessment of the impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania, and that in order to do so it was essential to build on the experiences of staff and beneficiaries in individual projects; while the team would not make recommendations on specific projects, the lessons emerging from each project would enable the team to make more general conclusions and recommendations about the role of Danish NGOs in Tanzania. This report must be read in this context. The structure of this report is built around the examination of these 13 different projects. These project reviews form the basis from which this assessment has been made of the impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania. The analysis of each of each of the projects included in the Impact Study is given in Chapter Three. In Chapter Four, an analysis is made of the overall contribution of these projects to a number of broad, cross-cutting issues: gender, poverty, environment, sustainability, democratisation and partnership. Chapter Five discusses the methods used by the team in undertaking the impact study. It also reflects on the lessons for Danish NGOs and partners themselves for undertaking their own impact studies in the future. Finally Chapter Six presents the overall conclusions of the Impact Study team on the impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania. Before moving into the detail of specific projects however, the next chapter sets out the broader national context within which these projects have taken place.

Summary of Key Activities, 25 January - 31 May 1999 Week 1 Week 2 Preparation for Workshop Workshop in Arusha


Week 3 Week 4 Week 5-7 Week 8-10

Study planning and initial meetings Review of documents First phase of field work - Morogoro and Kagera Regions Write up project reports Visit to Tanzania of Team Leader of Overall Impact Study Dar es Salaam field work Week 11-13 Second phase of fieldwork - Mwanza, Arusha/Kilimanjaro and Morogoro. Visit to Tanzania by DANIDA NGO Technical Adviser Preparation of national context chapter Week 13-14 Writing up of project reports Week 15 Visit to Denmark by Study team Week 16-18 Finalisation of draft report.




2.1 INTRODUCTION Danish NGO interventions in Tanzania have taken place in the context of broad national processes of social and economic change. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a brief overview of the Tanzanian national context, looking in particular at poverty and the development of civil society. These wider social, political and economic factors all have a direct bearing on the impact of Danish NGO activities in Tanzania. Since independence, Tanzania has experimented with several strategies of political and economic development. At independence in 1961, the country inherited from the British a multi-party political system within the framework of a market economy. During the socio-political turmoil that took place between 1965 and 1967, however, the country abandoned market-economics completely and adopted a self-reliant, socialist, development strategy. Under the Arusha Declaration the multi-party political system was also abolished, in favour of a single-party system. From the late 1960s, Tanzania pursued a statist economic development strategy. This changed in 1986, when the country signed a financial agreement with the IMF/World Bank. The signing of a Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) dismantled socialist economics, through a process of market-liberalisation which signalled an end to statist economic policies and the re-insertion of free-market policies. In the early 1990s this process was contiguous with a movement to return to multi-party politics, which was formally re-introduced in July 1992. The period of statist politico-economic development in Tanzania did see considerable improvements in the country's social indices. Towards the end of the 1970s, however, the country experienced a sharp deterioration in the economy - which continues today. This has meant that from the 1980s onwards, the social gains of the 1970s have significantly eroded. For example, in terms of national health, the 1985-1990 infant mortality rate of 91 deaths per 1000 births rose to 93 by 1996. Similarly, the average life expectancy at birth of 51 years from 1985 to 1990, fell to only 50 years by 1996. The deterioration in the educational sector has been even more marked. Adult literacy rates, above 90% in the 1980s, decreased to only 68% in 1996. The primary school enrolment-ratio was 93% in 1980, and now stands at under 67%. These indicators show that the development challenges of the 1990s are not confined to the economy alone, but to the general social well-being of the Tanzanian people. Those who have suffered from the recent changes in Tanzania continue to be the poorest of the poor, who are unable to adequately fend for themselves; this takes us to a discussion of poverty and poverty alleviation strategies in Tanzania.



Population: 30.8 Mil. (1996) Area: 945090 sq. km. Main Religious Groups Muslim, Christian, Traditional Ethnic Groups: More than 130 Demography: Urban: 24% (1996) Annual growth: 2.9% (1992 - 2000) Children per woman: 6.3 (1992) Health: Life expectancy at birth: 50 Years (1990-1995) Infant Mortality rate: 93 per 1000 (1996) Under-five Mortality rate: 159 per 1000 (1994) Calories consumption: 92% of required intake (1995) Access to health services: 80% of population (1990-1995) Access to safe water: 50% of population (1990-95) Education: Literacy Rate: Male (79) Female (57) Total: 68% (1995) Illiteracy Rate: M (21) F (43) Total: 32% School enrolment (1995) Primary: M (68) F (66) Total 67% Secondary: M (6) F (5) Total 5% Economy: Per capita GNP: US $ 140 (1994) Annual Growth: 0.8% (1985-1994) External Debt: $7441 Mil., $258 per capita 1994 Debt service: 20.5% of Exports (1994) Development Aid received: $ 949 Mil. $ 34 per capita $ 40% of GNP SOURCE: The World Guide 1997/98 for figures up to 1994. UN Conference on Trade and Development for 1995 and 1996 figures.

2.2 POVERTY IN TANZANIA The Incidence Of Poverty In Tanzania Various indicators are used to determine how poor countries are in relation to other nation-states. Gross National Product (GNP) per capita is an established indicator used by International Financial Institutions (IFIs), such as the World Bank and IMF. More recently, the UNDP has been experimenting with two alternative indicators, namely the Human Development Index (HDI), and the Capability Poverty Measure (CPM). Whichever indicator is used, Tanzania remains one of the poorest countries in the world. The choice of indicator can, however, make a significant difference in defining Tanzania's position relative to other poor countries. For example, the use of GNP per capita places Tanzania third from the bottom amongst the least developed countries of the world, with Mozambique and Ethiopia positioned in


the last two (World Development Report, 1997). In contrast, using HDI as an indicator of poverty catapults Tanzania twenty-three places up the rankings (UNDP 1997). Using the CPM as an indicator lifts Tanzania even further up in the list, with as many as forty three countries said to be in worse condition. The level of social service provision can be a very practical measure of poverty. In the past, Tanzania has performed better in its provision of social services (primary education, basic health care, drinking water and sanitation) than many other countries within the same level of economic development. In more recent years, however, the trend has been negative - especially in respect of the poor who have suffered more from the decline of social services than wealthier groups. A related, and equally alarming trend, is the widening income gap and inequality that exists between rich and poor in Tanzania. This fact has affected the rural poor in particular and their poverty is now more likely to persist compared to urban dwellers, who in aggregate terms seem to be better off. The gender dimension of the inequality gap has been investigated through expenditure-based household surveys. The results of this research confirmed the widely held view that female-headed households are amongst the poorest of the poor. With fewer capital assets (land, livestock, etc.), less education and a greater number of dependants, female-headed households have remained more vulnerable to poverty than their male-headed counterparts at all income levels. Such households constitute 27% of all households in Dar es Salaam, whilst the national average in urban areas is 16% (World Bank, 1996 Vol. 1). In summary, Tanzania ranks amongst the poorest countries in the world in terms of its national economic indicators. In terms of human welfare and the social capabilities of its citizens, however, the country fares better than many other countries with more favourable macro-economic indicators. Two alarming trends indicate that although the incidence of poverty in Tanzania declined between 1983 and 1993, it has risen from 1993 thereafter. Related to this worrying pattern, it is also clear the inequality gap between rich and poor Tanzanians is widening. Location of Poverty There is widespread rural poverty in Tanzania. The rural population constitutes 77% of the total population and the vast majority of these are subsistence farmers. Agriculture in Tanzania is underdeveloped and very vulnerable to the vagaries of both the natural environment and the global economy. Taken as a whole, rural Tanzania possesses a very thin and undiversified economy. With only a narrow range of skills available, the main source of employment is peasant production. There are few non-labour assets, and only a small number of people are educated beyond primary school level. Those gaining secondary education tend to migrate to urban areas, and few choose to return home. Such rural isolation is compounded by a poor transport system and the limited availability of even the most basic food-stuffs. Those people whose main source of income is from farming are five-times more likely to be poor than those people who receive a wage of some kind. Urban poverty is also a major problem in Tanzania. The fact that urban areas are perceived to be wealthier has fuelled a large growth in the urban population in recent years. During the last decade, urban population growth has been two to four times greater than the national rate of population growth. Whilst 5% of the total population was urban in 1960 (just prior to independence), by 1993 the urban population had increased its proportion to 23%.


In the course of this migration both urban and rural areas have suffered. Whilst rural areas often lose a young and active labour force, the infrastructure of urban areas becomes overwhelmed by the influx of rural migrants. Given the fact that 60 to 70% of the urban population already live in substandard accommodation, more migration will only stretch housing services further. Moreover, in the majority of Tanzania’s towns the unemployment rate is already approaching 30%, whilst in Dar es Salaam only 6.7% of household heads are in formal employment, with a further 7.4% seeking a regular income through casual labour. Poverty in Tanzania can also be differentiated on a regional basis. The World Bank (1996) has undertaken a regional mapping of the poor based on a welfare index comprising of several non-monetary indicators, including the incidence of poverty, access to water, household size, population per doctor and nurse, illiteracy and educational attainment. A higher score indicates greater welfare and therefore less poverty incidence. On the basis of this study the regions Kagera, Kigoma, Rukwa, Ruvuma, Mtwara, Lindi and Morogoro are classified as especially poor. One explanation for this regional differentiation is as follows: They do not produce export crops, and there is little investment in roads, communication, or social services .... One can argue that in Tanzania, poverty is rampant in non-export producing areas. (WB, 1996 Vol. 1 p.69) This kind of explanation was given in several areas covered by the impact study, especially in Lugala Hospital in Morogoro, where beneficiaries are said to be poor because of a lack of cash cropping. In the past the farmers of this area produced cotton, but the absence of reliable markets has discouraged them from expanding export production. The table below summarises the World Bank's findings on regional mapping of the poor in Tanzania. Tanzania Welfare Index by Region (World Bank 1996 Vol. 1) Welfare Index Regions 1-3 Kagera, Kigoma, Rukwa, Ruvuma, Mtwara, Lindi and Morogoro 4-9 Shinyanga, Tabora, Dodoma, Iringa, Tanga 10-19 Mbeya, Singida, Coast 20-30 Arusha, Kilimanjaro, Mara, Mwanza 31 and higher Dar es Salaam Causes of Poverty in Tanzania Specific causes of poverty are difficult to pin-point clearly, especially since they are multi-faceted and highly dependent upon perceptions. In 1995, the Government of Tanzania, the University of Dar es Salaam and the World Bank conducted a Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) for the country. Based on the assumption that the poor themselves are the real experts on poverty, the PPA included the opinions of 6,000 people in 87 villages across Tanzania. This research revealed what the rural population of Tanzania believed were the major causes of their poverty.  Unproductive farm land and natural hazards such as deforestation.


 Distant or poorly functioning markets; price fluctuations; high cost of fertiliser, insecticides, seeds and farming technology.  Poor health and education of the labour force, including social problems such as alcoholism and laziness.  Other social problems associated with witchcraft, AIDS, poor extension support, war, prostitution, polygamy, poor housing, family size and theft. The Government: Policy and Actions in Support of Poverty Alleviation The Government of Tanzania today regards poverty as ‘the single greatest scourge of the Tanzanian society'. The government is committed to the national vision according to which absolute poverty will be halved in Tanzania by the year 2010 and totally eradicated by 2025. (Government of Tanzania, 1997; Vice-President's Office 1998). The above quotation may sound like an empty political statement, but it does indicate Tanzanian's commitment to poverty alleviation which dates back to the Arusha Declaration of 1967. On that occasion, Tanzania declared war against three enemies: ignorance, disease and poverty. This was backed by several five year development plans and other policies formulated to address poverty and social inequality in the country. These policies included plans for Universal Primary Education (UPE), Education for Self-Reliance, Adult Literacy Education, Primary Health Care for All, Water for All and several others. Despite a reversal in these policies since the 1990s, a stated commitment to the vision of poverty alleviation has been maintained. The introduction of a SAP was intended to take this factor into consideration, and has resulted in the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility - Policy Frame Paper (ESAP-PFP), which is the key agreement between Tanzania and the IMF. With a primary focus on economic growth, however, this agreement has failed to tackle the complex challenge of poverty in Tanzania. With the support of more progressive institutions such as the UNDP, and in response to the commitments made at the Copenhagen Social Summit in 1995, Tanzania has consequently formulated a National Poverty Eradication Strategy (NPES). This has defined poverty in its broadest terms, as a state of deprivation prohibitive of a decent human life, and traces its causes to both internal and external factors. The Role of the UNDP in Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania The mandate of the UNDP is to support national capacity building for sustainable human development. Sustainable human development is argued to be pro-poor, pro-environment, pro-employment and pro-women. By defining poverty as the absence of social opportunity, this notion of development is intended not only to generate economic growth, but to distribute its benefits equitably. In particular, the approach gives priority to the poor by developing social opportunity and providing for their participation in the decisions that affect their lives. The activities of UNDP in Tanzania therefore include:  support to policy dialogues and co-operation with the government on strategies of poverty alleviation;  programme management of national income generation programmes, including the


 use of private funds to support poverty alleviation projects and training, and collaboration with NGOs;  capacity-building and support to NGOs and grassroots initiatives;  Governance programmes such as local government reforms; and  programmes to support the advancement of women through groups concerned with legal rights and grants and training for business. The Donor Community and NGOs in Poverty Alleviation The presence of donors in Tanzania dates back to the hey-days of the Arusha Declaration in the late 1960s and early 1970s, when the donor community enthusiastically supported Tanzania's 'African Socialist' experiment. Major international donors were attracted to the government’s policies of wealth redistribution, opposition to social inequality and effective policies of nationalisation (Voipio, T. and Paul Hoebink, 1999:20). Other key international institutions were less enthusiastic, and did not support the suppression of the private sector, NGOs and other organisations in civil society. Many donors were, however, forced to co-operate with the Tanzanian government in the absence of other possible partners. This situation changed dramatically during the 1980s. Due to a persistent economic crisis and the unwillingness of the donor community to continue to support the Tanzanian state without IMF support, the government was forced to sign an economic agreement in 1986. The delivery of the SAP created conditions for the revitalisation of civil society and the re-emergence of the NGO sector. With a weakened government and the re-vitalisation of the NGO sector, the country was ready to welcome back NGOs and declare them partners in development and social service provision. The donor community, once linked only to centralised government, now found itself with several new partners in development and poverty alleviation. For example, at independence in 1961 up until the late 1970s, only 7 NGOs were registered in Tanzania. This number has now risen dramatically to 9,000 plus NGOs today (Kiondo, 1999 ongoing work). The growing partnership between international donors and NGOs has been influenced by a general belief amongst donors that the government in Tanzania was not performing effectively, due to an inefficient bureaucracy and corruption. NGOs, by contrast, were not associated with many of these deficiencies, whilst they possessed the added advantage of working well with grassroots communities. Another factor which has encouraged collaboration between NGOs and the donor community has a great deal to do with the common objectives and ideals that the two sectors share. Donors such as DANIDA, together with Northern NGOs and indigenous NGOs working in Tanzania, cherish ideals associated with poverty alleviation, gender equality, democratisation, environmental protection and human rights. This has prompted a close relationship between, for example, DANIDA supported Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian partners. The partnership between donors and NGOs in Tanzania is now strengthening in areas of development work including poverty alleviation, democratisation and the promotion of civil society. Through this relationship, the international donor community is beginning to by-pass government structures and is working directly with NGOs. This development has however soured relations between the government and NGOs.


2.3 NGOS AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN TANZANIA The colonial and post-colonial periods are two major historical phases which are important for understanding the emergence of civil society and the NGO sector in Tanzania. The Colonial Period During the colonial period, various associations were formed in response to colonial rule and as a result of the social and economic changes brought about by foreign domination. For example, following the introduction of cash crops in Tanzania, a number of producer associations or societies were established. These were formed in response to the exploitation of peasants by private cash crop buyers. These associations were expected to free small-scale cash crop producers from the private buyers, as producers could now market their products through their own societies. Such organisations laid the foundations upon which larger co-operative unions were created. The introduction of railways, postal services, harbours, plantations and factories also contributed to the emergence of trade unions in Tanganyika. These trade unions were formed to demand the improvement of working and living conditions for local workers. Similar organisations were formed by domestic workers, such as cooks in European houses and hotels. Welfare and social associations were often formed in the emerging towns in colonial Tanganyika. These were first established by civil servants who sought to advance their welfare. Towns also attracted immigrants seeking employment or accompanying relatives. Other social organisations were formed by individuals originating from the same region or ethnic group. These organisations were concerned with a variety of cultural and economic issues, which included helping their members in matters such as burial services, health, education, employment and weddings. These forms of organisation basically emerged in response to the social insecurity people experienced in towns. Towards the end of colonial rule in Tanganyika an increasing number of civic organisations emerged, to take a variety of different forms and structures. The majority of these organisations became a nucleus of anti-colonialism, and led Tanganyika to independence in 1961. The Post-Colonial Period The period prior to the Arusha Declaration was characterised by attempts to consolidate and institutionalise the state, under the ideology of developmentalism and single-partyism. These processes led to the suppression and forcible affiliation of civil organisations to the regime. It would seem that the state was very suspicious of factionalism and sectarianism and, in particular, organised dissent, which could lead to the formation of a powerful opposition. The state during this period took the lead in moulding society by directing it towards achieving conscious objectives. As time went on, the state in Tanzania increasingly became authoritarian, and justified its direct control of society using developmental ideology. As a result, there was little political space for the organisation of autonomous civic organisations.


The socio-political trend which took shape immediately after independence, was confirmed with the Arusha Declaration in 1967. By this time, a one-party state system had monopolised the organisation of society in all spheres of social life. Potential pressure groups such as women, youths, students and workers were all either co-opted or repressed by the state. The party’s control over society demobilised people and discouraged the formation of independent organisations or associations that could act as pressure groups against the policies of the incumbent party. The disruption of traditional rural life in the 1970s following the governments villagisation campaign, further eroded any potential capacity for self-organisation in Tanzania. The spirit of voluntarism was equally affected, as many organisations formed during that time were forced to follow government guidelines. By the end of the 1970s, most organisations were under the auspices of the party-state. Those organisations which were allowed to operate independently of party control, such as the churches, were expected to be apolitical or pro-party in their activities. Liberalisation and After In the mid-1980s Tanzania began implementing economic liberalisation policies. The rise to power of President Mwinyi in 1985 speeded the move away from monolithic state politics. Importantly, SAPs and the movement towards economic-liberalisation opened-up political spaces for the emergence of a nascent civil society. The development of civic organisations was not only a response to the changes taking place in Tanzanian society, but also an attempt by previously excluded groups to participate independently in the development of the country. The emerging civic organisations included a variety of different groups and lobby associations. Whilst Tanzania was embarking upon a process of economic liberalisation, which included the adoption of a multi-party political system, a number of civil organisations such as NGOs and District Development Trusts had already been formed. Factors accounting for the emergence of these civil organisations in the 1980s and 1990s have included the need to fill the vacuum left by the state’s withdrawal and the liberalising effects of SAPs - which enhanced social differentiation, encouraged awareness of environmental issues and the rights of marginalised social groups and allowed international aid agencies to encourage voluntary organisation. Privatisation and retrenchment programmes added to this process by increasing the numbers of unemployed people, who often attempted to find new employment in voluntary organisations. In the 1980s and 1990s most registered NGOs focused on areas such as human rights, environmental conservation, gender and the organisation of professionals. If civil society is understood in terms of the processes which encourage NGO growth and metamorphosis into active CSOs (Civil Society Organisations) - capable of influencing government policy and holding the state accountable, it can be said that NGOs such as those mentioned above, have strengthened civil society in Tanzania. Government-NGO Relations in Tanzania Government-NGO relations in Tanzania have not always been productive, but from independence to 1967, the government saw developmental NGOs as their partners in Tanzania’s development. During this period, several missionary NGOs worked with the poor in rural areas, and established schools and hospitals all over the country. After the Arusha Declaration in 1967, the government


took-over most service provision facilities established by the NGOs; this meant that the government became hostile to further growth in the NGO sector. As noted above, since the economic and political challenges of the 1990s, the government has begun to welcome NGOs as partners in development. This partnership has, however, remained tainted by suspicion on behalf of the government concerning the role of advocacy, activist and other radical NGOs. In a recent impact study workshop, one key government participant, responsible for NGO co-ordination, explained government-NGOs relationship in the following manner: There can't be good relations and collaboration between NGOs and the government because there is no transparency on both sides. Because of this, the government does not know its limits in dealing with NGOs; there is suspicion on both sides and a lack of confidence. It has now been noted that the government is beginning to learn new ways of dealing with the NGO sector, especially since many Members of Parliament are now involved in the sector as founder members or patrons of NGOs. The government has also placed NGO contact persons in each ministry, to try to liaise with NGOs that work with their respective ministries. It would seem that these developments on the part of the government have been generally well received, and they come at a time when NGOs and the government are currently in hot debate over the form of National NGO Policy. These developments also seem timely, in the light of government actions over the past three years, to de-register a number of NGOs. In this regard, the ongoing case between the government and the Women’s Council of Tanzania (BAWATA) following their de-registration cannot be forgotten. 2.4 CONCLUSION This discussion has attempted to show that the national context for Danish NGO project intervention in Tanzania is replete with both opportunities and constraints. These opportunities observed include:  a growing NGO sector representing the potential for partnership;  a government trying to accept NGOs as partners in development, especially those from the North, but also including local non-activist groups;  accommodating national policies; and  communities ready to work with Northern NGOs, especially at grassroots levels. On the other hand, the national context in Tanzania presents Northern NGOs with several difficulties. These include:  an inexperienced indigenous NGO sector needing financial support, capacity building and the strengthening of its local constituency;  a government that still holds on to the legacy of statism, which forces the government to treat NGOs with suspicion;  a weak and inexperienced civil society that is still in the process of emerging; and  an uncertain policy environment characterised by policy instability.


The challenge facing Danish NGOs working in Tanzania is to attempt to understand the nature of the government, the work of potential partner NGOs and the social and political environment in which they are trying to intervene.




This chapter presents the analysis of each of the 13 projects reviewed as part of the Impact Study. The methodology used to collect this information is discussed more fully in Chapter Five. It should be noted, at this stage, that the information was collected from a number of different sources, notably:  project documentation, including basic project descriptions, reviews, workshop reports and formal evaluations;  project staff, from interviews and self-assessment;  beneficiaries, primarily from interviews and focus group discussions;  key informants, from interviews. The balance between the different sources of information varied from project to project. Some projects were very well documented and much could be gained from a careful analysis of the project reports. For others, there was little if any documentation. In order to illustrate this point a table has been produced that presents a review of the documentation for each project in relation to each of the variables of project performance. Table: Project Documentation on Programme Performance
T1 Efficiency Effectiveness Relevance Effect Impact 2 1 2 1 0 T2 0 1 1 1 0 T3 1 2 1 1 0 T4 2 2 1 2 2 T5 0 1 1 1 0 T6 1 2 2 2 1 T7 2 2 1 2 2 T8 0 2 2 1 0 T9 0 2 3 3 2 T10 0 2 1 2 0 T11 1 2 1 2 0 T12 1 0 1 1 1 T13 1 1 2 1 1

3 Good information/ analysis 2 Some Information/ analysis

1 Some reference and discussion 0 No reference to the issue

It is important to emphasis that these scores should not be taken as an actual indication of the performance of these projects in relation to these issues. However, they do indicate to what extent the Danish NGOs themselves have analysed these project performance issues both during project design and in implementation. The availability of key staff, beneficiaries and other key informants was another factor that varied. For example for projects which had already been completed, staff had left to seek other jobs and it was not possible to interview them. The project reviews were carried out by three different researchers. In order to ensure the same approach was used by each, a series of basic research forms were devised, as is explained in Chapter Five. In writing up the project reports the same format has been used for each. However, given the nature and status of different projects, inevitably for some projects it was possible to provide a fuller analysis of certain areas than in others.


In particular, for some projects it has proved difficult to identify the total cost of support provided by the Danish NGO. This has been relatively easy for the large, single projects like the ADRA schools project or the restoration of Lugala hospital in which personnel costs are included in the project budgets. For some of the MS supported projects, however, this has been more difficult. The actual transfer of funds to a partner, as set out in the annual MS Tanzania budget, is only a small part of the total support provided compared. The cost of placing Development Workers and running a large Country Office are the major costs for MS. It has been difficult to quantify these costs and in such cases the project reports have not been able to specify the overall cost of Danish support. Finally it should be noted that at the time of writing, the approximate exchange rate was DKK1 = TShs. 100. Due to large changes in the exchange rate in recent years, the reports have used the currencies provided in the project budgets or records and have not converted all budget items into DKK.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT The Secondary Schools Renovation project was implemented by ADRA Denmark (Adventist Development and Relief Agency) in partnership with ADRA Tanzania. The project took place over two phases. Four secondary schools were renovated during Phase I between 1993-95. A further 3 secondary schools were rehabilitated during Phase II between 1996-7. The objectives of the ADRA Schools Renovation Project Phases I and II were very clear. In the seven secondary schools covered by the project, the overall objective of the project was to raise the educational standards of the school by improving the physical environment and availability of teaching materials. More specifically, the project set out to:       renovate existing classrooms, dormitories and staff houses; construct additional buildings where required; rehabilitate electricity and water supplies; provide furniture and equipment for school buildings; provide books and educational material; provide laboratory equipment and chemicals. ADRA Tanzania ADRA Denmark 1993 Current Status: Project completed in 1995 DKK11,225,802

Background to ADRA Involvement The Adventist Development and Relief Agency Tanzania is an organisation founded by the Seventh Day Adventist (SDA) Church in Tanzania. ADRA Tanzania is one of the national organisations within the ADRA network. Since 1991, the Director of ADRA Tanzania has been Danish. ADRA


Tanzania is governed by an independent board of 15 members. These are elected by members of the Seventh Day Adventist Church in Tanzania - about half of the board members are church leaders, the remainder are laity. In 1993, at the request of ADRA Tanzania, ADRA Denmark applied to DANIDA for funding to renovate a number of secondary schools that were run by the SDA Church in Tanzania. At the time, DANIDA was supporting the renovation of government secondary schools in Tanzania and ADRA made the case that these church-run schools also needed help with renovation. DANIDA initially approved Phase I of the project, which covered the costs of renovating four schools: Suji Secondary School and Parene Secondary School in Same District, Kilimanjaro Region, and Ikizu Secondary School, Bunda District, Mara Region and Bwasi Secondary School, Musoma District, Mara Region. These were completed between 1993 and 1995. In 1996, DANIDA approved funding for the renovation of three further SDA Church run schools in Mara Region Nyansincha Secondary School, Nyabehore Secondary School and Bupandagila Secondary School. Most of these schools had been originally been set up as mission schools by the Seventh Day Adventist Church during the colonial period. They were nationalised after Independence, but later were handed back to the communities to run as secondary schools. The communities then requested that the SDA Church take over the management of these schools. It was the SDA Church that approached ADRA for assistance with renovation. The impact study visited ADRA Tanzania headquarters in Arusha and Suji Secondary School in the Southern Pare Mountains, Same District, Kilimanjaro Region. It is with this school that the following report is concerned. The school is located in Malindi village, Suji ward. Suji ward is one of the main centres of the Seventh Day Adventist church in Tanzania, and an estimated 90% of the local population are Adventists. German SDA missionaries first started working in Suji in 1903. In 1925 a school was constructed which offered both primary education and a teacher training centre. In 1945 the school was made into a middle school. This was nationalised by the government in 1965 and used as a primary school. In 1984, the local community in Suji ward approached the government to request that they take over the school and turn it into a secondary school. This was granted although the community members had to build a primary school nearby. The local community then asked the Seventh Day Church to run the school for them. The school was opened in 1985. Although the church was able to run the school, it had no money to invest in the rehabilitation of the school.

Project Management The DANIDA contract was signed by ADRA Denmark with ADRA Tanzania as the partner organisation. However, most of the funds for the project were handled directly by ADRA Denmark. The two Danish project managers were employed by ADRA Denmark, not ADRA Tanzania, although the latter had to approve of these appointments. These project managers were responsible for supervising all the renovation work and for financial management of the projects. Financial transfers from ADRA Denmark went straight to the project managers, not to ADRA Tanzania; the project managers sent accounts to ADRA Denmark and copies to ADRA Tanzania.


The Director of ADRA Tanzania was responsible for overall supervision of the project work and liaised regularly with the project managers. ADRA Tanzania was also responsible for procuring equipment from local businesses in Tanzania. ADRA Tanzania staff were not used for the renovation work - rather the project managers employed local builders and carpenters directly at the school sites - but an ADRA Tanzania cashier was appointed to each school during the duration of the renovation project. Suji Secondary School is the property of the North East Tanzania Conference (NETC) of the SDA Church which has its headquarters in Same. It is managed by a school board. Currently there are 11 members of the board, including representatives of the church, the headmaster, the Regional Education Officer and a teachers’ representative. Some of the board members live in Suji but many are based outside, such as in Same, Tanga and Arusha. The board is chaired by the President of NETC (the senior church leader) and meets twice a year. The board is formally accountable to the Ministry of Education and Culture (MOEC). School board members are proposed by NETC in collaboration with the headmaster and Regional Education Officer. Names of board members are then sent to the MOEC’s Commissioner for Education in Dar es Salaam for approval. During the renovation of the school, the Danish project manager liaised closely with the school board. In order to facilitate this the board set up a sub-committee to allow for regular meetings with the project manager and monitor progress. INPUTS The total cost of Phase I was as follows (in US dollars):


Suji School Renovation Parene School Renovation Ikizu School Renovation Bwasi School Renovation Equipment/office (ADRA TZ) Tools Project staff and connected expenses Project operation expenses Consultants Miscellaneous (5%) sub total Administration in Denmark (7%) Total

$ 241,352 $ 267,585 $ 272,111 $ 248,195 $ 24,400 $ 15,500 $ 408,800 $ 165,000 $ 14,200 $ 82,857 $1,740.000 $ 130,967 $1,870,967

At the time the project was approved this was equivalent to DKK 11,225,802. The breakdown of costs for Suji Secondary School were as follows Building work (repair and construction) Electrification Furniture and equipment Books/educational materials Laboratory Equipment $ 146,561 $ 21,842 $ 18,877 $ 36,154 $ 17,918 $241.352

ADRA Denmark provided two Danish project managers, one based at Suji to manage the renovation of Suji and Parane schools and one based in Musoma for the two schools in Mara region. They each stayed for two years. The costs of these staff came out of the project budget , under ‘project staff and connected expenses’. OUTPUTS The actual major building works completed were as follows:           Renovation of 2 classroom blocks (comprising of 4 classrooms each and offices) Renovation of school library Renovation of 8 staff houses, kitchens and toilets (of which 2 were rebuilt) Renovation of additional girls dormitory (main dormitory built with NORAD support in 1990) Renovation of store house and generator house Installation of security doors and window for workshop Extension of physics laboratory Construction of 2 boys dormitories Construction of dining hall and kitchens Rehabilitation of electrical wires and fittings throughout school.


Furniture for the classrooms, dormitories and dining hall was supplied by local carpenters. The books and other teaching materials, laboratory equipment and chemicals were all supplied as planned. As a result of the school renovation, the total capacity for the school is 400 pupils. There are 256 boarding places in total, 96 for boys and 160 for girls, and a total of 144 days school places. MONITORING AND EVALUATION There has been no formal system of monitoring and evaluation. ADRA Denmark has visited the schools at least once a year both during the project and since. No external evaluations have been carried out of the schools projects to date. The ADRA Tanzania Director also monitors the progress of the schools on an ad hoc basis, whenever he is visiting the area in which the schools are located. This is especially in terms of staffing, academic results and maintenance work. EFFICIENCY AND EFFECTIVENESS All the building and renovation works proposed in the project plan for Suji school were completed on time. In addition, savings were made which enabled the project to build and furnish a new dining hall and kitchens. Furthermore, some buildings which were supposed to be renovated were found to be beyond repair - these were demolished and new buildings constructed - all within budget. In other words, the project made very efficient use of the original budget and has been highly effective in achieving its stated objectives. RELEVANCE When the ADRA project started, Suji Secondary School was the only secondary school in Suji and neighbouring wards. It offered both day and boarding places and provided the only opportunity for secondary education in that area of the Pare mountains. The enrolment figures show that until the mid 1990s there were nearly equal numbers of day and hostel pupils. The day pupils are generally those from the surrounding villages to the school, although it includes pupils from outside who are staying with relatives in the area. The hostel pupils are generally from outside, although some local families do place their children in the hostels, especially in Form IV on the grounds that they study better at the school than at home.

Enrolment for Suji Secondary School Year Total Hostel Day Boys Girl


1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999

336 361 353 351 398 428 435 401 274 268

168 185 182 179 208 230 246 246 180 212

168 176 171 172 190 198 189 155 94 56

147 154 142 136 169 246 193 184 116

189 207 211 215 229 182 242 217 158

These figures show a significant drop in the number of day pupils after 1996, whereas the number of hostel pupils rose significantly between 1993 and 1996. In terms of the hostel pupils, the renovation of the school and construction of the boys dormitories has clearly had a significant impact on the number of boarding pupils at the school. The reason for the drop in day pupils is a direct result of the opening of the government-run Malindi Secondary School in the same village, just 500m away from Suji Secondary School. Malindi Secondary School was started in 1995, but the enrolment of pupils began in 1996. Malindi Secondary School is a day school with no hostel accommodation. The initiative for the school came from the village itself, with the Ward Councillor playing an instrumental role. Although a former member of Suji Secondary School board and an Adventist himself, he and others wanted to start their own school. The motivation behind this was partly political, but also educational. Many had seen the educational benefits brought by Suji Secondary School, but felt there was a need for a cheaper alternative. The school is used by pupils from the three villages in Suji ward - Malindi, Tahe and Gonjanza. Malindi Secondary School does not yet have its own buildings but is housed in the Community Centre. This was built in 1990, ironically with DANIDA funding, and is owned by Malindi village committee. The village committee have handed the buildings over for use by the school until the school itself is able to construct its own classroom. The school has already nearly completed the construction of one classroom block. Its building programme is funded by parents’ contributions, not by the government. The school is now enrolling 80 pupils a year - 40 boys and 40 girls - although its initial intake was only 40 pupils so the current Form IV has only 35 pupils. There are 6 teachers employed by the government plus 4 part-time teachers who are paid by the parents, and 2 British volunteers on 6 month placements. The government pays for the salaries of 6 teachers, and provides books, other teaching materials and laboratory equipment. The main attraction of the government school for local people is that the fees are significantly lower than at Suji Secondary School. School fees at Malindi Secondary School are 40,000/ per year. In addition each pupil has to contribute 15,000/ to the school building fund in the first year, and a further 9,600/ per year for paying the part-time teachers. Currently the day school fees for Suji Secondary School are 85,000/, plus 5,000/ per year for building and maintenance (this is 10,000/ for the first year at the school). For both schools, parents have additional costs such as uniforms and books.


Suji Secondary School Fees in T Shs. Year 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 Hostel Pupil Fee 85,000 105,000 135,000 160,000 180,000 Day Pupil Fee 45,000 55,000 65,000 75,000 85,000

Parents have not been able to compare the academic performance of the two schools in terms of exam results since pupils from Malindi Secondary School are yet to take Form IV. However, 1999 is the first year of enrolment into Form IV at Malindi so at the end of the year it will be possible to compare the two. Any comparison of exam results would need to take into account that the government school has more able pupils. The entry qualifications for the government school are higher than for Suji Secondary School - this is recognised by teachers from both schools. Whereas the government school sets a basic minimum standard for entrance, this is not the case with Suji Secondary School. Since the school is not recruiting at full capacity it generally accepts most people irrespective of their Standard VII exams providing they can cover the fees. EFFECT AND IMPACT The project had been completed for over three years at the time of the visit by the Impact Study team. Suji Secondary School is situated on an attractive site high up in the mountains. The school buildings are of high quality and were well maintained. All the buildings were well provided for with very good furniture. The general impression of the school is that it provides a very conducive environment for pupils and teachers, with good classrooms, dormitories and housing and this has been a direct outcome of the renovation project. In terms of impact, the question must be asked as to who is benefiting most from these improved educational facilities. The school is increasingly becoming predominantly a boarding school with a drastic reduction in the number of day pupils from the surrounding villages. These tend to be those of Pare or SDA origin who are working in other parts of the country and have sufficient income to afford the fees. The provision of good dormitories and dining hall has made the school much more attractive as a boarding school than before the renovation project was implemented. This is an unanticipated impact of the school renovation project. The reduction in day school pupils has been due to two main factors, both of which were beyond the control of either the project or the school. Firstly, as was discussed above, the opening of Malindi Secondary School has provided a significantly cheaper alternative to local parents, although entrance standards are more difficult. Furthermore, poor coffee harvests for the past two years have also reduced the enrolment of local pupils at Suji school. Coffee is the main cash crop in the Pare Mountains but the 1997 drought and 1998 El Nino rains meant that production was very low, hence reducing significantly local incomes. 1999 is expected to be a very good year for coffee and it will be interesting to see if this leads to much increase in school enrolment. By contrast, boarders generally come from outside the area; their parents have other sources of income and are less affected by coffee production.


In terms of the religious affiliation of pupils, the school does not exclude anyone on religious grounds. However, all pupils are expected to attend morning prayers in the Adventist church. Generally, about 75% of pupils are from Adventist backgrounds, the rest belong to other Christian denominations or are Muslims. Although the school has a policy of maintaining a balance of approximately 75% Adventist, in practice this has been self-selecting. This part of the Pare Mountains is predominately Adventist and many people who have left the area for reasons of work chose to send their children to an Adventist school in their home area. Secondly, the school only advertises itself through the Adventist church and does not use any other channels. In terms of whether or not actual exam results have been improved, the project does not appear to have led to a substantial improvement in results. The majority of pupils are still passing at Division 4. However, the fact that the more able students from the community now go to Malindi School may have brought down the overall performance of Suji School, even if the education provided has improved. Exam Results for Form 4, Suji Secondary School Year 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 Division 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 n/a Division 2 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 n/a Division 3 11 8 18 6 14 3 6 13 n/a Division 4 35 37 74 43 55 40 43 64 n/a 0 (fail) 23 18 1 8 14 0 37 17 n/a

The project did not set out to provide training for teachers. However, on completion of Phases I and II of the project, ADRA recognised that this was also required in addition to renovation and provision of teaching materials. When it applied to DANIDA for Phase III, which proposed to renovate two further schools, they included in-service teacher training in its application, although Phase III was not approved by DANIDA. Finally, in terms of sustainability, the school have been well maintained since the project finished in 1995 and further construction work has been carried out by the school. Currently the school has nearly completed the building an extra classroom block which will allow the school to take Form 5 and 6 students. In order to fund maintenance and new buildings, first year pupils are charged an additional 10,000/ on top of their school fees, of which 5000/ goes to a maintenance fund and 5000/ to the building fund. After the first year, each pupil’s contribution to building and maintenance is reduced to 5000/ per year. Given the fact that the majority of the pupils are not from the area the financial sustainability of the school is less dependent on the local economy. BENEFICIARY ANALYSIS Teaching Staff


In relation to the actual renovation project itself, both teaching staff stated that the project had been of great benefit to the school in improving the facilities at the school. Staff believe that pupils are now in a much more conducive environment for learning, due to good classrooms, dormitories and furniture that it has led to improved exam results and also made the school more attractive for people living outside the area. The improved houses, dormitories, kitchens and sanitation had also improved the health of both pupils and staff. The headmaster and other teaching staff hold the Danish project manager based at Suji during the project in very high regard, both personally and professionally, and he was seen as a major reason for the successful implementation of the project. Furthermore, according to the staff there were no major difficulties in the relationships between the project staff and the school during the renovation. However, staff referred to a number of current problems facing the school. Transport was a major issue - currently there are no buses or other regular transport between the main road and Suji - and pupils and teachers often have to walk the 18 km uphill from the tarmac road. This in itself has deterred both teachers and pupils from joining the school. Secondly, despite the renovation of the electrical system, the generator has broken down so the dormitories are without electric light in the evening. This has created a major limitation on the amount that pupils can study in the evening study. Finally, the smooth operation of the school was disrupted by late payments of fees by parents. On the issue of the competition with Malindi Secondary School, the teachers were surprisingly positive. Some felt that the competition would provide a challenge to Suji school to improve their performance in order to continue to attract students. There is some cooperation between the schools, especially in sharing and exchange of books (for example Suji is strong in maths and English books but has few Swahili books where the opposite is the case for Malindi) and regular contact between the teachers. Pupils Interviews with students at the Suji Secondary School revealed that they identified the following as the main benefits of studying there:  general environment of schools makes it a good place to study;  good classrooms due to availability of desks, chairs, tables, teaching materials;  good dormitories;  good teachers;  they are taught how to maintain buildings;  religious guidance;  they live peacefully with pupils from different backgrounds;  good library but short of books. However they also identified a number of difficulties with the school:  lack of adequate laboratory equipment;  although plenty of books in maths and English, the school is short of books in many other subjects including Swahili, sciences and commerce;  for some subjects the teaching is inadequate, both because there are too few teachers or the teachers are not well qualified. This puts pressure on the good teachers who they feel are overworked;


    

lack of electricity is a major problem because they do not have enough time to study in the evenings; food is always ugali and beans; fees are too high which has meant some pupils have been dismissed because their parents could not afford the fees, and also it means not many pupils from the village attend the school; there is no transport from the main road; the high school classrooms have not been completed yet.

Parents Interviews were also carried out among parents living in Suji to find out their perceptions of the school. In general they also identified those benefits and difficulties that the pupils identified, as given above. They also highlighted the fact that the opening of Suji Secondary School in the 1980s had opened up the possibility of secondary education to people from the area. Before then, for most people the costs of sending their children to schools outside the area was prohibitive due to the high transport costs and boarding fees. Furthermore they could see the direct benefits brought about by secondary education. Students who have passed through the school have been able to go on to high school or other types of further education. In particular, Suji school has provided an opportunity for a large number of girls to receive secondary education which they never had in the past. In addition, the school continues to ensure that secondary education is a possibility for pupils who failed to get the necessary results in their Standard VII exams for entry into a government secondary school A particular benefit of the ADRA project mentioned by one parent who was a local carpenter was the injection of cash into the local economy. The project employed local builders and carpenters and whenever possible purchased building materials locally - he and many others had been employed by the project over a two year period. Other advantages of the project that were mentioned in particular was that it had enabled the school to attract good teachers to come to the school, and also more pupils from outside the area. A local Muslim elder was also interviewed to find out how the small Muslim community in Suji viewed the school. He said that Muslim parents do send their children to Suji Secondary School, although like other local families they prefer to send their children to Malindi school if they pass the entrance exam. In the past their had been religious conflicts at the school - Muslim pupils had to attend morning prayers at the SDA church and were barred from attending the mosque. The Muslim parents complained and the dispute has been resolved to some extent - the Muslim pupils still attend morning prayers with all other pupils, Adventist and non-Adventist but now they are allowed to attend the mosque providing the sheikh collects them from the school. CONCLUDING ANALYSIS The ADRA Schools Renovation Project set out with clear objectives to upgrade Suji Secondary School in terms of both buildings and teaching materials. The renovation and construction work was carried out to a high standard, on time and within budget and all the teaching materials were provided. From this perspective, the project has clearly achieved its main objectives. However, this in itself has not lead to a significant improvement in exam results, even there was a consensus that the project had produced a much more conducive environment for study.


A number of factors have, however, meant that Suji Secondary School is increasingly being utilised by boarding students whose parents are not living in the area. It has not lead to an increased access to education for poorer members of the community and in fact the school is now being used far less by the local community than in the early 1990s. There are three main reasons for this, only one of which is a direct result of the project. Firstly, the opening of the government day secondary school at Malindi has provided a significantly cheaper option to Suji. Secondly, poor coffee harvests over the past two years has meant that there is less income available for education in the local economy. Thirdly, the project provided very good dormitory accommodation and a dining hall which has made it far more attractive for boarders than was previously the case. The question remains as to what extent it is possible to maintain a poverty-focus in the provision of secondary education. While some private schools in Tanzania cater for elites, others do provide the only means possible for many Tanzanians to receive secondary education. The government itself is unable to meet demand and less than 50% of secondary school places in Tanzania are government run. While there are private schools set up on a commercial basis, many others such as Suji School are run on a non-profit basis, with fees kept to a minimum and with close accountability to a school board. Here the formal role of the SDA Church in the school board is an important form of accountability. Yet while Suji Secondary School and others provide for gaps in the national education system, nonetheless poorer Tanzanians do not benefit because they simply cannot afford the fees. In general, ADRA Tanzania’s key expertise in Tanzania is service delivery, especially in schools rehabilitation and water projects and more recently provision of relief services. ADRA does not set out to tackle wider issues such as strengthening civil society organisations or undertaking advocacy and policy dialogue at the national level. Rather, their main contribution in Tanzania is to provide services in areas in which the state itself is unable to meet local demands. They have been able to gain access to external funding and implement well-managed projects to a high standard. They do not work through local NGOs but are directly operational. Their local legitimacy is built on their close association with the Seventh Day Adventist Church and it is in areas in which the church is itself strong that they have concentrated. Clearly there is still a great need for basic service delivery in Tanzania and for this reason the ADRA projects provide a valuable service.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT The main purpose of this project was to provide training and equipment to members of the Arusha Beekeepers Association in improved techniques for beekeeping. Although many people in the Arusha Beekeepers Association and others Danish Beekeepers Association (DBF) December 1994: Current Status: Completed June 1997 DKK 2.8 million


region have practised traditional beekeeping, the project sought to improve existing production in order to generate income from honey and wax sales, improve nutrition and, through increasing the number of honey bees, encourage pollination of cultivated and wild plants. A further objective was to teach the beekeepers democratic principles for running organisations. The project was initiated by the Danish Beekeepers Association (DBF) with funding from DANIDA. It began at the end of 1994 and ran for two and a half years, ending in June 1997. The Danish Beekeepers Association is a large membership organisation, reflecting the importance attached to the role of beekeeping in Danish agriculture. DBF work in developing countries began relatively recently, beginning with small projects in Gambia and Dominica in the early 1990s. Currently DBF is supporting small projects in Guinea Bissau and India as well. The Arusha Beekeepers Association was founded in 1991 and had 1800 members spread over a huge area in Arusha region. In 1993 the Coordinator of ABA contacted DBF to seek support for training beekeepers in Arusha. In response to this request, DBF sent two representatives to Arusha to conducted a feasibility study for the project. On the basis of this study, a proposal was submitted to DANIDA in 1994. The management of the project was rather informal and ad hoc. DBF’s initial partner, the Arusha Beekeepers Association (ABA), was itself a loosely formed membership organisation which had never previously received external funding. ABA was founded in 1991 and had up to 1800 members spread over a very wide area of Arusha region. It had no employees but was run on a voluntary basis. However, the support from DBF included payment of monthly salaries to beekeeping teachers to undertake the training of local beekeepers. DBF employed a Tanzania coordinator in Arusha who was supported by annual visits to Tanzania by DBF representatives. As the project proceeded with increasing management problems especially over finances, DBF asked the Danish Consul in Arusha to be their representative in Tanzania. All money from DBF in Denmark was then channelled through the Consul, not through ABA. It should be noted that for this project the impact study team was not able to undertake much in the way of beneficiary assessment. One of the main limitations was lack of information about the project prior to the visit. This was due to a number of reasons. Firstly, in contrast to all the other projects included in the study for which discussions were held with the Danish NGOs prior to the project visits, the INTRAC consultant was unable to meet anyone from DBF during his fact-finding visit to Denmark in November 1998. The DBF member responsible for the project was in Tanzania at the time of the visit. It was only possible to discuss the project with DBF after the completion of the study during the study team’s visit to Denmark in May 1999. Secondly the study was not able to gain a good picture of the project from the available documentation primarily because most of the available documentation was in Danish. Thirdly, although DBF invited one of its Arusha-based teachers to the introductory workshop in February, she did not actually attend the workshop. All three factors meant that the team had very little understanding about the background and objectives of the project prior to the visit. This meant that most of the time allocated for the project visit was spent with the former teachers in Arusha and Arumeru District and the Danish Consul in order to find out more details about the project and particularly the way in which it had been managed. The team did not have time to undertake field visits to examine beekeeping activities, nor to visit other districts in which the


project took place. For this reason, this study has focused more on management issues concerning the project in Arumeru rather than the actual beekeeping activities. The study team accepts that for this reason it has not been possible to do full justice to the total impact of this project but nonetheless feels that important lessons can be drawn from this brief review. INPUTS The total DANIDA funding for the project was broken down as follows:


Activity Expenditure (DKK) Establishment and running of educational beekeeping farms and testing of new equipment Training and training materials Teachers salaries and local administration External guest teachers Inspection visits from Denmark and teacher supervision Organisational support to Arusha Beekeepers Association Information activities in Denmark Budget margin (miscellaneous) Administration in Denmark TOTAL OUTPUTS


729,139 365,540 490,577 186,814 119,385 147,821 75,661 194,052 2,732,402

The main output of the project was to provide beekeeping equipment and training to 596 ABA members in total.  596 beekeepers received training from the teachers and beekeeping equipment including hives and protective clothing.  23 beekeeping teachers were trained at Njiro Wildlife Research Centre.  Experiments with local materials on different types of materials for top-bar hives carried out by Njiro Wildlife Research Centre with DBF funding.  Advisory services to ABA although cooperation with ABA ended before completion of the project.  Different activities and exhibitions about the project carried out in Denmark. MONITORING AND EVALUATION During the project, monitoring was carried out by annual visits to the project area by DBF. This approach to monitoring made it very difficult to adequately monitor all project activities, given the vast area covered by the project. Financial reporting is done by the Danish Consul. At the end of the project each of the beekeeping groups who received support from the project submitted reports on their activities. To date, no external evaluation has been carried out of the project. EFFICIENCY AND EFFECTIVENESS The key test of the effectiveness of the project is the extent to which local beekeepers have utilised the project inputs - training and equipment - to improve their production. The study was not able to investigate this in any depth although comments by beekeepers and teachers reflected that in their view the project was effective in increasing production. A more substantial evaluation would be needed to verify this. There is also a need to explore to how the extra income generated by the


project compares with the project inputs and the labour provided by the beekeepers. A general view of those met during the project visit was that the project should have paid more attention to marketing bee products and there were insufficient resources to process honey properly for a commercial market. As a result, local beekeepers were dependent on the local informal market for the sale of their produce Although there has been a steady local demand for honey, it was felt that producers would be able to get much better prices if they were able to meet the standards for selling through shops in Arusha. RELEVANCE Beekeeping provides a useful supplement to household income for poor people through sales of honey and wax. Given its wide use as food and as a key ingredient for local beer, there is always a local market for honey. One major attraction of beekeeping to poor households is that it can be accommodated by people engaged in a diverse range of productive activities and in different environmental conditions. A wide variety of people have been covered in the project - farmers, pastoralists, hunter-gathers, and people living in peri-urban areas outside Arusha - and beekeeping has been useful to all such groups as an additional component to household coping strategies. While the income generated is small, it can still be significant for poor households and can be successfully utilised by people from different backgrounds. EFFECT AND IMPACT As was stated above, the study team did not have the opportunity to carry out more detailed investigations into actual beekeeping activities in Arumeru District or elsewhere. This would be necessary in order to make any overall assessment of the impact of the project. However, one of the key effects of the project has been various organisational problems with local beekeeping groups. Much time and energy has been spent by DBF and others in trying to solve these problems, and there are useful lessons to be learnt from this project about the effect of externally funded projects on local organisations. One of the early outcomes of the project was the break up of ABA which led to the ending of DBF support to the organisation. ABA was already in a state of organisational crisis when the project started. In particular the ABA coordinator did not function as a coordinator but rather ran the organisation as his own private business. DBF entered the situation unaware of the tensions and problems within ABA. As a result the project fuelled these divisions further and the coordinator was seen to be unaccountable to the members and was using much of the money for his own purposes. Unfortunately, he was the only signatory for the ABA bank account. While DBF were aware that the Coordinator was in a very powerful position vis a vis the ABA members, it did not anticipate that this would result in the organisational crisis that in fact occurred. They had clearly hoped that providing training and advice on democratic principles would be sufficient and not fully realised how serious the situation had become. In response to the looming crisis, ABA approached EASUN (East African Support Unit for NGOs, based in Arusha) for assistance with tackling these organisational problems. EASUN undertook a process of organisational development consultancy with ABA in 1995 and 1996. However, it proved impossible for ABA to continue as such a large membership organisation and it broke up into a number of smaller, localised beekeeping groups.


DBF ceased supporting ABA and started supporting these smaller groups directly. Also, in response to the management problems, the Danish Consul in Arusha was asked by DBF to act as the DBF representative in Arusha and manage the local finances. All money for the beekeepers went from Denmark to the Consul, who then distributed the money directly to the local groups. Unfortunately, some of the same problems with financial control and management occurred with these smaller groups. For example, one of the groups to break away from ABA was ABESO, the Arumeru Beekeepers Society. This was formed by beekeepers from Arumeru district who felt that they should form their own organisation rather than working under the umbrella of ABA. They formed a board and coordinator, and after negotiations with DBF during a visit to Tanzania, it was agreed that some of the project money would go to ABESO to train 150 beekeepers at three centres in the district, Usa River, Maji ya Chai and Kijititi. Although there was a board for ABESO, funding for providing training and equipment to the beekeepers went directly to the coordinator and 2 teachers, rather than to the organisation. Again there was a problem of lack of accountability of the Coordinator and conflicts arose between DBF and the Coordinator over alleged misuse of funds. The DBF representative took out a court case against the coordinator and the matter has still not been resolved nearly two years on from the end of the project. Another court action led to one person going to jail. ABESO itself has now split into two groups. The Coordinator broke away from the original organisation to head his own group which he also calls ABESO. Meanwhile, the original ABESO group continues without the Coordinator - it is no longer supported by DBF but maintains links with the DBF representative in Arusha. Currently it is supported by an institution called ISIPE in Nairobi to develop beekeeping and silkworm production. These management problems have limited the impact of the project, both through misuse of funds and time and resources spent on trying to overcome them. However, DBF’s relationships with other organisations, following the ending of the agreement with ABA, have been less problematic. For example, DBF worked through the Ngorongoro Pastoralists Development Organisation (NGOPADEO) in supporting beekeeping activities in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area. From DBF’s perspective, this has been a good partnership. Unfortunately, due to time constraints, the impact study team was not able to visit NGOPADEO in order to discuss the project with them and their relations with DBF. Despite the problems with ABA and ABESO, due to the commitment of many individual beekeepers in various centres, a large number of beekeepers have been trained. Many observers noted that those who had received training and equipment from the project had been able to increase their production of honey and wax. In particular, it was claimed that the use of different hives and provision of protective clothing had allowed many beekeepers to harvest honey twice a year rather than once a year as had previously been the case. Some of the sites proved more productive than others, for environmental reasons, with those in drier areas being less suitable for the improved production techniques. Drought was a major obstacle to the project in many areas resulting in many bees flying away. BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENT


Due to various difficulties in establishing communication with local beekeepers, only a short period of time was spent by the team studying this project. It was only possible to meet briefly with a few of the beekeepers at Usa River who were members of only one of several local beekeeping groups covered by the project. For this reason, their comments should be qualified as coming from a peri-urban area near to Arusha and thus not reflective of all the other beekeepers, spread over a vast area, who were included in the project. Nonetheless, this group identified the following benefits:  increased understanding of beekeeping activities and how to make better use of honey for food, business and medicines;  use of bees wax for making candles and softening leather for shoe-making;  income generation from sales of bee products;  self-employment for beekeepers on a part-time basis  the training provided by the project was valued along with the beekeeping equipment;  they, in turn, have been able to teach other people improved beekeeping methods;  involvement of women in beekeeping (the Usa River group has 8 men and 10 women). When asked about the problems or difficulties they had encountered in implementing their training, they identified the following:      lack of space for beekeeping activities; lack of enough equipment, especially bee veils and gloves.; difficult to expand production due to lack of money to buy additional hives; low prices in local market for honey limits income derived from honey; ABESO did not function well as a group but rather each carried out their own beekeeping activities individually without much cooperation between members;  ABESO management did not disclose the total amount of DBF funding to the members which had led to the misuse of funds. CONCLUDING REMARKS The basic idea behind the project - providing training and equipment for improved beekeeping techniques - clearly has much potential in assisting poor households with an additional, albeit small, source of income. Yet much time and resources have been spent on tackling the management problems with the project which, in the view of the impact study team, has limited the potential impact of the project. This was DBF’s first large project and at the start of the project it had little experience of working through local organisations in the South. ABA clearly had major organisational problems even before the DBF project started. DBF failed to recognise these as potential threats to the project and that the project itself could exacerbate the organisational problems through a large influx of funding. The fact that DBF representation in Tanzania was initially based on short term visits by people who did not know the region nor the local organisations involved in the project further compounded the problem. This project clearly illustrates the dangers of funding local organisations without much prior knowledge and without allowing time to allow a stronger relationship and understanding to develop between both parties. It should have been anticipated that a huge injection of external funding into an situation in which the Coordinator was effectively unaccountable to the board and


membership could prove major management problems. DBF needed a much longer lead time possibly by funding one or two small pilot projects - before seeking support from DANIDA for what was a relatively large project. DBF has clearly learnt many lessons through this project for future interventions in Tanzania and elsewhere, but some of the difficulties that have been encountered may have been evident if a much smaller pilot project had been undertaken first. The project was only salvaged by breaking off the relationship with ABA and making the Danish Consul DBF’s representative in Arusha with responsibility for handling the finances. However, this was an ‘emergency’ response to the breakdown of trust with ABA, not a long term solution for liaising with local NGOs. If DBF is to continue to work with local beekeeping groups in Arusha, it needs to explore working through larger NGOs based in Arusha who can provide professional advice, management expertise and on-going monitoring of local groups. There is a wealth of experience within the international NGO community to suggest that it is very difficult for a Northern based NGO, with no field office, to fund directly small community based organisations without working through a local partner. Communications from Europe with such groups - most of whom lack an office, staff or telecommunications - are extremely difficult and establishing effective on-going project monitoring is not feasible on the basis of an annual visit.

Partner Organisation: National Sports Council of Tanzania (NSC) Regional Culture and Sports Authorities, Mwanza Danish NGO: Danish Gymnastics and Sports Association (DGI) Danish Sports Federation (DIF) MS Project Started: 1989. Current status: On-going, due to end Feb. 2000 Total Danish NGO Support: DKK 4,648,000 PROJECT CONTEXT The Popular Culture and Sports Project is located in the region of Mwanza on the Eastern side of Lake Victoria. The main indigenous ethnic groups in this area are the Sukuma, the Kerewe and the Zinza. This is a densely populated area of Tanzania. Mwanza is traditionally a fishing region, but


recent mining has poisoned fish stocks and damaged market confidence. This has cut incomes in the area significantly. Subsistence farmers in rural areas, and in particular women, have remained poor; others are relatively well off by village standards in that they own cattle and grow cotton. Many of the rural youth look to the municipality for employment, while others travel to Dar es Salaam. The aim of this project has been to support local football teams, netball teams, local dancing groups, and choirs by emphasising the grass-roots development of such activities. The scheme also promotes certain income-generating activities that are related to sports, such as the production of balls. Training is also given to potential sports coaches. The relationship between Denmark and the Mwanza Region goes back to the mid-1970s, when a cultural exchange between local youths in the two regions took place. This was organised by the Danish Gymnastics and Sports Association (DGI). It is this relationship which helped establish the Popular Culture and Sports Project. In 1987, an agreement between DGI, the Danish Sports Federation (DIF) and MS resulted in the formation of a Danish project team, which orchestrated discussions between the Danish NGOs, the National Sports Council of Tanzania (NSC) and the Regional Culture and Sports Officer (RCSO) in Mwanza. The intention was to establish a network of sports centres throughout the region. DGI was responsible for project management in Denmark under the direction of a Project Group comprising of DGI, DIF and MS. In addition, MS has been responsible for providing volunteers and assisting with technical issues. The first part of the project took place from 1989 to 1992 in the district of Kwimba. This phase focused on research and the preparation of a plan of action. Two Danish sports teachers were drafted to facilitate this phase, and an evaluation was conducted. During this period, an ZOPP planning workshop held in Bujora led to a plan of action for the Magu district, and a Tanzanian Project Manager was subsequently employed. A planning workshop also led to a plan of action for Sengerema. Each planning workshop incorporated the project management team and beneficiaries by using external moderators. The recommendations of one internal evaluation was that project activities be concentrated in one district at a time. After 6 months of project interventions in the Kwimba district, it was realised that the size and diversity of the Mwanza region would not enable the project to be completed within 3 years. To date the project has covered all intended districts. INPUTS As the main financial sponsors, DANIDA’s funds are used mainly for organising sports instructor training courses, the dissemination of information, small-scale production of sports equipment, the upkeep of fixed assets and other core staff and running costs. In addition MS has provided two development workers throughout most of the project. The Mwanza regional government has employed and funded all local counterparts and provided housing for the DWs. The project's budget is generally determined by the project management team, in connection with the planning of each phase. Project planning workshops have provided an instrumental forum for making important project decisions. Out of DKK 535,236 spent in Phase 2, approximately DKK


350,000 was spent on training, DKK 75,000 on materials, DKK 50,000 on project vehicles and DKK 60,000 on miscellaneous activities. MS has provided a vehicle for the project. OUTPUTS Project implementation was been preceded by research, whilst a process of monitoring and evaluation has helped ensure the participation of all stakeholders and a plan of action for each district. The duration of monitoring and evaluation workshops and seminars, however, is seen by several participants to be too short for facilitators to effectively complete the workshop programme. Culture and sports training has taken place in four districts, namely Kwimba, Magu, Sengerema and Geita. Project activities are implemented jointly in the municipality of Mwanza, and Ukerewe. This has strengthened cultural and sports groups in the districts. Furthermore, the project has also developed a draft document of the constitution for a NGO to undertake the project activities once the current funding through DGI ends. MONITORING AND EVALUATION The project has implemented a number of initiatives in monitoring and evaluation. One of the first actions of the project team was to conduct a baseline survey on culture and sports activities, which has been used to evaluate any new data collected. Every two years, the project has held planning workshops using a ZOPP (logical framework) approach in which funders, staff and beneficiaries are involved in a participatory planning process. These have been used as a method to monitor and evaluate projects - they review action plans for each district and amend or reformulate strategies. The first formal evaluation was carried out in 1992 by two members of the Project Group (from DGI and MS) and an Tanzanian official from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. In terms of ongoing monitoring, project staff make regular field visits in order to monitor progress. Furthermore, each district cultural office produces a monthly report. Communication with DGI is frequent. Financial reporting is conducted according to MS guidelines. MS Tanzania then presents a series of final accounts to DGI and DANIDA. The project management team also discuss project activities directly with the project team in Denmark. EFFICIENCY AND EFFECTIVENESS Project reports, workshops and evaluation reports have demonstrated that the initiative has, to a large extent, completed all project goals. Field visits carried out by the impact study team have revealed that there has been a marked increase in organised cultural and sporting activities in the Mwanza region. It is, however, difficult to measure the relationship between outputs and inputs in order to determine efficiency - despite the fact that low cost approaches have been applied. RELEVANCE A lack of organised sporting and cultural activities within Mwanza has been the motivation for the project. The Popular Culture and Sports Project in Mwanza has focused on grassroots activities and avoided elitist sports. The participation of local communities has been encouraged, in addition to


in-country training and the local production of sports equipment. Workshops have been conducted in a participatory manner, individual participants have been able to influence outcomes. EFFECT AND IMPACT While the extent to which beneficiaries and community leaders have participated in the project cycle cannot be fully ascertained, project documentation and fieldwork findings suggest that the role of grassroots communities has been strengthened over time. Project activities have strengthened community organisation in that most of the local groups involved have formulated constitutions to guide their actions collectively and democratically. The participation of group members in project workshops and seminars has not only strengthened their understanding of civil society, but has also enhanced group networking. One weakness, however, is that the project has focused on the same type of groups in each pilot wards selected, to the exclusion of all other groups. Moreover, although attendance at the workshops is said to be participatory, agendas are often dominated by the individuals with most power. Gender issues have been addressed since the beginning of the project. Several women participated in planning workshops and female participation in cultural troupes has been encouraged. The project management team includes women, whilst the current project manager is a women. One MS development worker is a woman, whilst other women have been selected as facilitators in sports workshops. On of the most popular aspect of the project has been the income generation side - i.e. the production of footballs and volleyballs. This has been a very successful activity with a strong local market. The production techniques developed in Mwanza are now being promoted by DGI in other countries as a means both for local income generation and the provision of good quality footballs for sporting activities. The project supports these activities through the administration of a revolving loan fund. A small amount of loan money has also been given to groups for supplementary activities, although in a very small number of cases corruption has been evident. The issue of project sustainability has been addressed since the beginning of the project. Regular field visits by project staff, including MS advisers, have attempted to make other staff and stakeholders aware of the issue - and two workshops dedicated to the project sustainability have already been conducted. One workshop has even looked at the question of phasing out donor support in the year 2000, by utilising finance from the revolving fund. CONCLUDING REMARKS The project was designed to reach target groups such as women, the physically handicapped and youths in primary and secondary education. Most of these target groups were reached in the villages selected for the pilot scheme although the emphasis on schools now seems to have faded. The scheme has promoted and strengthened networking amongst youth sports groups, encouraged talent amongst young athletes and provided permanent football and netball grounds for the entire community. All six districts in the region of Mwanza have been reached by the project. Certain wards within these districts have not, however, been reached. The decision to limit the geographical scope of the


project has meant that project activities in one district have been linked to those in another. One important drawback for the region, which has effected the implementation of the project, is that Mwanza is not well served by roads and other forms of physical infrastructure. While monitoring and evaluation exercises, such as the production of reports and regular seminars, have been on-going the impact study has revealed, however, that few facilitators have been involved in follow-up activities to monitor the quality and impact of the sports training offered. Despite the claim that participation in the decision-making process of the project is democratic, the initial proposal for the new management after March 2000 remains top-down.


Partner Organisation: Diocese of Ulanga-Kilombero, Evangelical Lutheran Church of Tanzania Danish NGO: Danish Lutheran Mission Danish Missionary Council Development Department Project Started: 1993: Current Status:Restoration Completed in 1997, primary health care component ongoing Total Danish NGO Support: DKK 6,970,000 PROJECT CONTEXT The professional and physical restoration of medical services and the primary health care (PHC) component of the Lugala Hospital is a project carried out by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Tanzania (ELCT) - Diocese of Ulanga-Kilombero, in partnership with the Danish Lutheran Mission and Danish Missionary Council Development Department. The Danish Lutheran Mission itself was formed in 1868. The DLM reflected the revival movement within the Lutheran Church in Denmark and has been less part of the Church establishment than the Danish Missionary Society (DMS). DLM works with both the Lutheran and Moravian Church in Tanzania, and has had a long term involvement in Ulanga. The Danish Missionary Council Development Department (DMCDD) is an umbrella organisation created by member organisations of the Danish Missionary Council in order to provide them with professional and administrative support for development activities. DMCDD has a small core staff and has 18 member organisations. It assists its members in the preparation of project applications, planning, monitoring and evaluation as well as administering certain programmes itself such as the mini-projects and personnel-sending programmes. DMCDD also plays a key role in liaising on behalf of its members with DANIDA and other donors. DLM has been supporting the hospital at Lugala since 1959, mainly through sending medical personnel. The hospital functions as the referral hospital for the whole district of Ulanga with a population of over 300,000 people. However, by the early 1990s, Lugala hospital like many hospitals in rural Tanzania was completely run down with buildings literally falling down. Another normal problem was lack of electricity. The state of the hospital also discouraged medical staff from taking up employment at Lugala, making the hospital acutely understaffed. The situation was so bad that during discussions with DLM, the Diocese of Ulanga stated that it could no longer continue to run the hospital and that it may need to close. In response DLM suggested applying to DANIDA for funds to renovate the hospital and sent an engineer there to assess what actual work was needed. DLM then requested the Development Office of the Danish Mission Council for assistance in submitting a proposal to DANIDA - DLM itself had no previous experience of applying to DANIDA for large projects. The initial proposal was rejected by DANIDA on the grounds that there was too much emphasis on renovation of the hospital infrastructure and more attention needed to be given to primary health care. In response, the project proposal was revised to include a significant component on primary health care in the district. This was approved by DANIDA. DMCDD was also successful in obtaining a further grant from the European Union, which was nearly one third of the overall project budget. The project began in 1993 with restoration completed in 1997. PHC activities began in 1995 and have continued into a third phase.


The aims and objectives of the project were given as: a) To help restore medical services and enhance professional capacity, pride and discipline in Malinyi district by increasing number of medical staff at Lugala hospital, training and supervising all health staff in the project area, repairing and restoring buildings and physical restorations at Lugala hospital, and strengthening administrative and accounting capacity of the hospital. b) To help increase local self-reliance in PHC and health personnel by offering training for various grassroots based health staff such as pre-nurses students, village health workers and Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs). c) To help improve PHC, hygiene and nutritional standards by running a PHC/Mother-Child Health clinic to 11 villages and training sufficient personnel to take over responsibility for PHC work, inspiring and encouraging local initiatives to get and use safe water, good sanitation and better nutrition. The general beneficiaries of the project were intended to be the 120,000 people in the project area (Malinyi and Mtimbira divisions). Women were particularly singled out as the main beneficiaries since they are the main bearers of the extra strain on the family, caused by illness or general poor health. Specific target groups included the estimated 5,000 people from 11 remote villages who will benefit from regular visits by mobile clinic, health education, instruction on better nutrition and agricultural methods, assistance with safe water and construction of latrines. It was the intention of the project to also train local people in health care roles: traditional birth attendants, village health workers and youths for a one-year pre-nurse course. The project had three components also organised into three areas of responsibility: physical restoration under the responsibility of project manager and administrator, professional medical restoration under the Doctor In-charge, restoration and organisation of PHC under one of the hospital doctors. In Denmark, a project group of representatives from DLM and DMCDD was responsible for overall monitoring. DLM was responsible for recruiting personnel; procuring equipment; keeping accounts and transferring funds. Quarterly progress and financial reports are sent by the project manager, Doctor In-charge, and PHC coordinator to the monitoring group in Denmark. DMCDD is responsible for reports to DANIDA and the EU. INPUTS The overall budget for the hospital was DKK 10,470,000. This included materials, equipment and personnel costs. DLM recruited the following people in Denmark for the hospital, which was paid from the overall project budget: 1 Doctor In-charge of hospital; 1 Doctor In-charge of PHC; 1 Nurse/Midwife;1 Nurse for PHC component; 1 Project Manager; 1 Project Administrator. In addition the following Tanzania staff were recruited for the PHC component: 1 Medical Assistant; 1 Nurse/Midwife; 1 Public Health Nurse; 1 Agricultural Adviser; 1 Driver. OUTPUTS


In terms of the physical restoration of the hospital the following main outputs were achieved:  Buildings restored (Male Ward, Female Ward, Power Station and Workshop, Existing Staff Quarters, Ditch System)  Main Water Supply System restored  Main Energy Supply System restored  Solar Water Heating System installed  Buildings rebuilt (Surgery Wing, Medical Services Wing, Laundry)  New Buildings constructed (Training Centre, MCH Clinic with furniture and equipment, 3 type B staff houses, 1 type C staff house, 4 bio-latrines, Relatives Shelter)  Preventive Maintenance System established There were the following training outputs:       Training of counterparts to project manager and project administrator Traditional Birth Attendants trained and equipped Village Health Workers trained and equipped Relevant curriculum and guidelines from MOH available and in use 18 pre-nurses' students on average trained annually (1994-7). All health workers in government and VA institutions offered annual refresher courses

MONITORING AND EVALUATION The project monitoring system was based on quarterly progress reports and financial reports prepared by the project administrator with contributions from the Doctor In-Charge of the hospital and Doctor In-charge of PHC. These were submitted to DMCDD and DLM. This was supplemented by visits to the hospital by DMCDD staff at least once a year. In 1995, a participatory mid-term review of the project was carried out which involved representatives of the diocese, DLM, villagers and beneficiaries, hospital staff, project staff and DMCDD. A further review of the PHC component was undertaken in 1997. EFFECTIVENESS AND EFFICIENCY The project was highly effective in achieving its original objectives to restore the hospital and medical services at Lugala and in undertaking the PHC component. There were many delays in completion but these were mainly as a result of heavy rain which created severe transport problems in reaching the area. The delivery of essential building materials was consequently late which delayed construction. Some aspects of the restoration work were not without problems - for example there was initially a poor understanding of the biogas system, which broke down immediately after being put in place and some aspects of the construction which were not properly done - but these were relatively minor incidents compared with the general effectiveness of the project. RELEVANCE The hospital at Lugala is the only major hospital covering Ulanga district. For this reason the project has been of great importance to local people in meeting their health needs. However, some people


have not always appreciated this because of having to pay for the services. Over 30% of the budget are being paid by the patients, that is 14.6% by in-patients and 19.6% out-patients. The district is very poor and many people struggle to pay the fees. The PHC component is extremely important to local community needs. It gives training to Village Health Workers (VHWs). Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs), staff in dispensaries and groups of key actors in the community such as village chairmen and leaders. The original project design did not involve much community consultation. Medical staff attribute this to the fact that the project proposal was tailored to suit DANIDA needs. A further reason was that this was originally conceived of as essentially a rehabilitation project of the hospital infrastructure. The PHC component was added later without much community consultation in the initial design phase. However, it should be noted that the project has shown a flexible approach to working with communities which has helped to off-set the effect of its top-down design and address local needs. EFFECT AND IMPACT The key improvements brought about since the project started in the health situation in the district are as follows:  More women deliver babies in hospital from 461 in 1992 to 735 in 1997.  Attention of MCH clinic has risen significantly as has presence of clinic cards from 65 in 1995 to 85% in 1997.  The use of family planning methods has increased significantly from 11.6% in 1995 to 24.3% in 1997.  Immunisation coverage is increasing in all village from 83% in 1995 to 91% in 1997.  Increased national staff with better qualifications.  Greater awareness of health related issues in the villages and how to prevent the diseases.  Long term impact can be seen in the newly constructed buildings especially for PHC and pre-nursing school and workshop carried out in these activities (i.e. pre-nursing and PHC). In terms of physical restoration of the hospital, the hospital has greatly benefited from the project. The hospital staff proudly say that there is a dramatic change of buildings both hospital and staff houses, with new buildings giving the hospital a new buoyant outlook. The medical staff has also received excellent training. The hospital has acquired new land area which has enabled expansion of premises, there is plenty of water supply and electricity, in-patient capacity has increased. New hospital buildings have been put up for administration, mortuary, operation theatre, MCH. All these have given the hospital a new outlook and the staff have more incentives for offering better services. The above improvements at the hospital have attracted new members of staff who have undoubtedly benefited immensely from the project. However, since project completion (physical and medical restoration) in 1997, deterioration has started to be noted in some areas. One particular area which has greatly affected the medical staff are salaries. Whereas the project did assure staff salaries, since project completion it has become difficult to pay salaries on time. The local engineer at the hospital was well trained and continues, as much as possible, to maintain the physical structures of the hospital. As is discussed below, the main constraint on maintenance


is availability of funding. From his point of view, he had gained very much from the training which included special training on medical equipment maintenance and care. He also noted that other persons who worked with the project (carpenters, masons, technicians) have now established themselves as skilled people in the community. He had found problems with finding spares for maintaining some of the more sophisticated equipment. The policy of the project was to use local materials whenever available but much of the technical equipment such as that needed for the solar energy system had to be imported from Denmark. The introduction of these new systems had improved the standard of the hospital but the maintenance budget for the hospital does not allow for buying costly spares from Dar es Salaam or elsewhere. The issue of sustainability in this project is very controversial. The hospital is situated in an area largely dependant on subsistence farming and it is difficult for people to afford to pay for the medical services. Since DLM/ELCT completed the rehabilitation process in 1997 it has been difficult to maintain the buildings and some are clearly in need of repairs (e.g. mosquito gauze). It has also proved difficult for the hospital to raise staff salaries from service charges on the poor patients. Staff salaries now cannot be paid in time. After the project completion the management is trying to find strategies on how to sustain the hospital. The current strategy is to convince villagers to take up health insurance; that is, instead of paying when they are sick they have to a pay an annual fee. The phasing out of substantial external funding means that contributions from members of the community are essential to ensure the sustainability of the hospital. Yet given the widespread poverty in this district it is proving to be very difficult for local people to meet these costs. This is a major issue and challenge facing the hospital. BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENTS Most people interviewed have benefited in one way or another from the hospital. Most of those who have used hospital services praise the good services that they now get as a result of project intervention on the hospital facilities medical staff and public health education. Other individual beneficiary assessment indicate good impact from the PHC component of the project. Here the majority of the beneficiaries talk of PHC workers and mobile services having visited their villages to deliver health education programmes. Yet other assessments talk of employment that was created by the project. Some parents had their children employed in the projects while others were themselves employed. However, some responses came from villages which were not covered by the PHC programme and these were particularly bitter about this. On employment, the community did benefit a great deal while the project lasted. The hospital has been the largest employer in the area. Increased income in the community is noticeable in the number of bicycles in use locally and the many brick houses being built. People in the village talk of the income that had been released to the communities during the project period. Despite ELCT being the owners of the hospital, employment was not confined to Lutherans only, even though 60% of those employed were Lutherans. Roman Catholics had 30% in the labour force while Moslems had a share of 8%. There was 2% employees who belonged to other denominations. One leader of a mosque had his son employed in the project as a mason. Among our important key informants were teachers and religious leaders. They noted the importance of the project and its usefulness to the community. In their opinion the project


stimulated people’s confidence in the health delivery system of the hospital. However, they also note that problems have started since completion of the project. For example, they note that supplies of medicine had started to go down and prices up. They also noted that medical staff are no longer paid well and that some have started to leave while those remaining do not display the enthusiasm that they had in the past. CONCLUDING REMARKS There is no doubt that the project has had a major impact on improving health service provision in the district. It is also obvious that local people were very appreciative of the hospital and improvements brought about by the project. However, the hospital management is now under great pressure to maintain good standards of service provision and maintain the physical structures of the hospital. During our visit, the Doctor In-charge was carrying out campaigns to register peasants into the newly introduced medical insurance plan. The aim is that the during harvest peasants should contribute crops to the hospital for their insurance to get free treatment till next harvesting season. This arrangement will be cumbersome on the part of hospital administration but it is also doubtful that many local people will participate meaningfully given the small harvests that they get in these areas. At the time of our visit, we noted famine in large areas because people had missed harvests for almost two years due to floods and droughts.


Partner Organisation: North Western Diocese (NWD) - ELCT Karagwe Diocese (KAD) -ELCT Danish NGO: Danish Missionary Society Danish Missionary Council Development Department Project Started: 1992 Current Status:Biogas mini-projects closed. Wind pump mini project completed Photovoltaic mini projects ongoing. Total Danish NGO Support: DKK1,056,0000 PROJECT CONTEXT The Evangelical Lutheran Church Tanzania (ELCT) and the Danish Missionary Society (DMS) in Tanzania have a long history of combining religious work with the provision of social services. In the region of Kagera, this task was originally undertaken by ELCT from one diocese headquarters in Bukoba Town, but in 1979, the Karagwe and North Western Dioceses were established. The North Western diocese has retained responsibility for Church activities in the administrative districts of Bukoba Urban, Bukoba Rural, Muleba and Biharamulo. Meanwhile, the Karagwe diocese covers the districts of Karagwe and Ngara. The total population of the Kagera region is around 1.3 million people. The Danish Missionary Society has been supporting the Lutheran Church in North West Tanzania since 1948, especially in the medical field. DMS continues to work in close partnership with both the North West Diocese and Karagwe Diocese. In 1998, 28 Danish personnel were working with these two dioceses on behalf of DMS, across a variety of activities and sectors. The social services provided by the two diocese primarily include health and educational services. In addition, the churches have attempted to increase access to transport facilities and communication systems (such as radios), whilst they have also been involved in the promotion of technologies for utilising renewable energy sources, such as biogas and photovoltaic systems. It is the later intervention, in the area of renewable energy, which this impact study is concerned with. The first renewable energy project among these dioceses was in 1985, when they were included in DMCDD’s Renewable Energy Sources in Eastern Africa Project. This project which was designed and monitored by DMCDD, with DANIDA funding, and covered the use of improved stoves, biogas plants, and solar and wind energy. One result of this project has been 15 mini projects on the use of renewable energy in 6 different countries, including a number of different projects in North West and Karagwe dioceses. Following this initial 1985 project, the two dioceses and DMS applied to DMCDD for various small renewable energy projects. As was mentioned in the previous report, DMCDD administers a mini-projects programme. This is funded by DANIDA and DMCDD then allocates funds to small projects of a maximum of DKK 400,000 among its various members. Currently the programme receives funds of approximately DKK 16 million over a four year programme. The overall co-ordination of the projects in both dioceses is the responsibility of the General Secretary in North Western Diocese and the Administrative Secretary in Karagwe Diocese.


However, the ELCT person responsible for implementation and maintenance varies from project to project. For example, some of the institutions who have installed a renewable energy system have trained their own personnel in order to maintain the system. INPUTS There have been a number of alternative energy mini-projects in these two dioceses since 1992.Those reviewed as part of the impact study were: Solar water heating/solar cell batteries/X ray repair for Nyakahanga Hospital Solar cell water pumping system for Kashasha Vocational Training Centre Family biogas plant construction for Karagwe Diocese including construction of 20 biogas plants Biogas plants for villagers in North Western Diocese including the construction of 40 biogas plants Windpump for Ruhija Evangelical Academy in North Western Diocese Total DKK 140,000 DKK 230,000 DKK 225,000 DKK 225,000 DKK 236,000 DKK 1,056,000

OUTPUTS The biogas project began in the early 1980s with the construction of a plant at the Karagwe diocese district hospital. By the early 1990s, 36 such biogas plants had been installed throughout the two dioceses, in institutions such as schools and clinics and in the households of local farmers. The ELCT and DMS partnership subsequently agreed to construct 15 more plants in the homes of local farmers. This entailed meeting 70% of the projects costs, whilst the remaining 30% was to be met by the beneficiaries themselves. Photovoltaic systems were introduced to the region during the early 1980s. 64 such solar power generating systems have now been installed in rural institutions throughout the Karagwe diocese. Of these, 33 systems have been connected to local offices and homes, whilst one has been installed at the district hospital. Three additional systems have been connected to the theatre, the Bible school and Kareseco Secondary School. In the North Western Diocese, 3 solar power system has been installed at the Kashasha Village Technology Training Centre, the Igabiro Farmers Training Centre and the Ruhija Evangelical Academy respectively.

MONITORING AND EVALUATION In additon to informal project visits by DMS, DMCDD and ELCT staff, a formal review of the photo voltaic systems in four ELCT dioceses was carried out by DMCDD in 1998. Furthermore,


DMCDD also undertook a survey of the potential for a biogas programme in Kagera Diocese in 1994. EFFECTIVENESS AND EFFICIENCY Overall there has been a great variety in the effectiveness of the biogas plants and solar power systems. The study team found that while many of the institutional biogas plants were working well many of household plants were not functioning or poorly maintained. In the case of biogas plants, it was reported to the impact study team that the construction of several family biogas plants was abandoned, following the inability of beneficiaries to finance the 30% contribution to installation costs. The joint funding scheme was stopped in 1998 due to its slow implementation. This was caused by the inability of beneficiaries to make a financial contribution, whilst a slight reduction in the price of non-renewable energy reduced the demand for biogas. In terms of the photo-voltaic systems, in the Karagwe diocese, about 60% of solar power systems are thought to be in good working order. Lack of maintenance has been a problem in some systems, due to the unavailability of a trained and commited technician. RELEVANCE The idea of providing cheap and efficient renewable energy, using local inputs, in the Kagera region is essentially sound. Kagera is located in the North-Western region of Tanzania, on the Western shore of Lake Victoria. The region’s geographical isolation therefore makes the supply of conventional energy sources expense. Although electicity is now supplied to the region from Uganda, this currently has limited coverage. This situation is compounded by the area’s poor physical infrastructure and the general scarcity of petroleum products within Tanzania. EFFECT AND IMPACT The project was most effective during its initial stages, when Tanzania was experiencing an acute shortage of petroleum products. In particular, project staff have stated that the response of households to the notion of biogas plants was excellent. This level of enthusiasm declined, however, during the project’s second phase in 1995. Several delays were experienced in the project’s implementation and the biogas programme was abandoned. The impact of the photo voltaic systems also declined because of the poor maintenance of individual power systems and an improvement in the capacity of the national power grid. The renewable energy project was not conceived as a programme to alleviate poverty directly, but for those institutions and households with working power generating systems, there have been several obvious benefits. Renewable energy sources are cheaper than conventional fuels, whilst the energy which they provide can increase the capacity of organised groups or households to generate additional income and improve their material standard of living. The benefit of having a regular supply of ‘piped’ energy also helps free women from the burden of collecting firewood. CONCLUDING REMARKS This project represents the only one included in the project that has an explicit focus on environmental conservation. For the most part the project has been environmentally sustainable, in


that renewable energy sources are free from air and water pollutants, whilst the biogas plants offer an opportunity for households to recycle their waste. However, given the small size of the project relative to the scale of the environmental problems in the region, it was not considered viable to actually assess the impact of the project on the enviroment. In terms of the actual benefits of the actual project it is difficult to reach any overall conclusions. The findings of the study differed from DMCDD’s own reviews of the effectiveness the various systems and it has proved difficult to compile the various sources of information to provide a more systematic assessment of the mini projects.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT The region of Kagera is located in the North West of Tanzania. The major health problem in the area is HIV, and the region’s first three cases were reported in 1983. Since then the number of AIDS related deaths has increased dramatically. Tanzania Red Cross Society (TRCS) and Danish Red Cross (DRC) reports made in April 1993 stated that 17% of Kagera’s Urban population and 5% of the rural population were infected with HIV. This has had a significant impact upon the economy and general well-being of the population. Besides HIV, since 1949 Kagera has also been forced to cope with an influx of refugees from Rwanda an Burundi and the region was badly affected by war with Uganda in 1979. Its remoteness from the capital city, Dar-Es-Salaam, has isolated the area and worsened its problems. Today the reliable road transport is via Nairobi-Kampala to Bukoba. In combination these events have exacerbated the effects of the HIV epidemic, agricultural production has declined, whilst the number of orphans in the region has increased dramatically from 11,200 in early 1990 to 48,860 in 1991 (Evaluation Report No. 1991).This prompted the DRC to consider financial and technical support for the TRCS Health Care Project on AIDS in the Kagera region. The project was implemented in 1989 in two phases. The first phase was preceded by a pre-appraisal visit and an appraisal conducted between March and September 1988. This assessed the possible contributions DRC could make to the TRCS programme. Consultations were also held with the Ministry of Health (MOH), the National AIDS Control Program (NCAP) and the Ministry of Education (MOE). The objective of the project has been to curb the incidence of HIV contraction and to ease the social consequences of HIV infection. Phase I of the project took place from March 1989 to Feb. 1992 and focused on the provision of participatory health education in HIV/AIDS in post primary institutions, primary schools and selected villages. Village level activities included self-help activities, social support to needy families and strengthening Red Cross dispensaries. Different types of Tanzania Red Cross Danish Red Cross 1989 Current status: Completed June 1999 DKK 45,145,000


communication materials on HIV transmission and AIDS were developed. The project also employed and posted relevant project staff. Phase I focused mainly on the Bukoba rural district with emphasis on Kasambya and Minziro wards. The project provided AIDS education, social support to needy families and TBA training . Health education on AIDS for primary schools covered 20 primary schools in Bukoba Urban, and 6 primary schools in Kasambya ward. Village level activities reached 6 villages and 3 villages in Kasambya and Minziro wards respectively. The project benefited from the cooperation of village leaders. Furthermore, 29 non-educational organisations contracted the project for health education sessions. These included the Prisons Department, the Police Department, Kagera Sugar Company, several Co-operatives, Kaboya Military Camp, the RC church, ELCT church and some Governmental Departments. Social support including home visits were subsequently provided, whilst Village Health Workers (VHW) were trained. In each case participatory approaches were used and monitoring and evaluation procedures were carried out. This initial phase is reported to have been a success, even though not all wards in Bukoba rural district were included in the project; several major objectives and targets were achieved including a perceptible change in the attitudes of targets groups. Phase II of the project, from 1993 to 1999, aimed to reduce the social and psychological effects of HIV contraction amongst the people of the Kagera region. The emphasis was to be more pronounced among primary and post primary school teachers and pupils, and the residents of 31 villages in seven selected wards in Bukoba Rural and Muleba districts. This phase of the project has concentrated on 7 selected wards in Bukoba Rural and Muleba, where attitudes towards HIV positive people have reportedly changed; improved health care and social support has also been reported in these wards. Phase II of the project also included establishment of the Drop in Centre (DIC) in Bukoba town which was to give temporary shelter to street children from different places. It was also involved in tracing and re-unifying children. The local DRC branches in Denmark provided support to 19 selected primary schools in Bukoba Urban and Rural districts. 11,553 orphans benefited from social support by December 1997. Following a change in project strategy, school health educators and village health programmes were revised. Health educators were no longer directly involved in promoting health education, and were instead made responsible for training primary schools to teachers involved in HIV education. Village health educators were re-employed to develop and implement a home-based approach. The Project management team consisted of a project director, a qualified medical director and 8 health educators. Links with the Danish RC were provided by a Danish delegate, initially based at TCRS in Dar es Salaam. Some communication problems were caused when this person was eventually moved to Kagera. This resulted in changes within the responsibilities of management team. INPUTS The total budget for the whole project from 1989 to 1999 is 45,145,000 DKK. Phase I, from 1989 to 1992, was DKK 9,675,000 DKK and Phase 2 from 1993 to 1999 was DKK 35,470,000.00. The financial input from DANIDA has been made available to TRCS through the DRC. Funds were essentially provided for salaries, office renovation and equipment, vehicles, stationery, medical and


related social support supplies, the preparation and distribution of educational materials and training workshops and seminars. Personnel inputs for Phase II included AIDS Project Coordinator, later Deputy Project Coordinator, Health Educators, one Public Health nurse, Senior Social worker, support staff and short-term consultants. OUTPUTS The main outputs of the project were as follows:          HIV/AIDS education was taught in 691 primary schools in Kagera Region 2372 teachers and educational authorities trained (Phase II) 132,834 pupils (standard V, VI, VII) during 1995-1998 taught AIDS education. 173 Traditional Birth Attendance (TBAs) have been trained in the area of maternal and childcare practices. Residents of 9 villages in Kasambya and Minziro wards in Bukoba Rural District were reached with health education. Residents of 22 villages in 6 wards of Muleba district were also reached with health education. Home based health care and social support has been provided through village health educators and relevant health institutions in the wards of Minziro, and Kasambya in Bukoba Rural and 6 in wards in Muleba district. The Bunazi health centre staff were provided with regular training. The challenge of accessing marginalised street children has also been addressed through the establishment of a Drop in Centre (DIC). The centre has been involved in the tracing, re-unification of children and parents, and in offering primary education and vocational skills. Since 1993, 261 children have been catered for, 8 children have completed vocational education whereas 21 have completed primary education. The DIC has now been handed over to the Bukoba Urban branch of TRCS. Groups trained to educate the community were: 256 peer health educators, 105 opinion leaders, 58 branch committee members, 4 folk media groups with 74 members, 3 Red Cross groups with 60 members, 39 supervisors. Increased community awareness of Red Cross activities resulting in the establishment of 23 Red Cross branches. Two teachers from 60 selected primary schools have been trained to establish Red Cross Junior Youth Clubs through which FLEP was introduced. Project staff capacity strengthened and TRCS’s ability to plan and implement projects improved. The results of participatory research studies have been incorporated into planning and implementation of the project. The project contributed to administrative costs of TRCS selected activities.

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EFFECTIVENESS AND EFFICIENCY The project has undoubtedly increased people’s general awareness concerning HIV/AIDS transmission. This impact has, however, been more pronounced in about 31 villages in 7 wards where the project had a particular focus. Increased awareness has been reported in primary schools but some schools have reported to have insufficient numbers for teaching AIDS. Although it is reported by the project that all post primary institutions in the region were reached, the list of 33


institutional names does not include a single institution from Biharamulo, Karagwe and Ngara. The efficiency of the project in terms of inputs weighted against outputs is difficult to assess or measure. This was a expensive, complex project and a more indepth analysis of project efficiency would be a useful exercise for both DRC and TCRS. MONITORING AND EVALUATION Monitoring and evaluation tasks have been undertaken regularly, whilst participatory methods have been employed during health education schemes and social support initiatives. Documentary reviews and interviews with project management and staff have indicated that monitoring and evaluation were carried out by both project staff and other stakeholders. Most evaluations took place during technical meetings, management meetings, field visits, progress reports, and external studies. An important observation is that the project was able to rectify certain shortcomings noted during reviews, monitoring and evaluations. While the evaluation of 1991 confirmed that TRCS headquarters and their branch in Bukoba offered too little support to the project during Phase I, it is surprising to note that the 1996 Mid-term Evaluation reported weak or no direct links between the Red Cross Regional Management Committee (RMC) and the Project Management. RELEVANCE The prevalence of HIV is a sufficient justification for the implementation of the project. The project was in-line with MOH plans to begin an AIDS control programme, which would not compromise the impact of the other health programmes. The quality of the services delivered by the project has not, however, been uniform, whilst the total magnitude of the HIV and AIDS problem would always be beyond the capacity of the project. EFFECT AND IMPACT The Project successfully raised popular awareness of the HIV problem through the establishment of 23 active Red Cross branches and over 60 youth clubs. Whilst it is difficult to assess changes in sexual behaviour, it has been reported that people have recognised the dangers of multiple partners, whilst condom use has increased and reported cases of adolescent pregnancies have been reduced. Increased knowledge and awareness of HIV/AIDS transmission and prevention has been especially reported among primary school pupils (standard V-VII) and the general community members in the project areas. The main problems with the project were identified as follows:     The project failed to address strategic gender issues and there appear to have been little or no efforts to enhance grassroots community development activities. At times there was shortage of condoms Protective gear for those handling home-based healthcare of AIDS patients was considered inadequate or not uniformly distributed. Supervision of teaching health education in schools was at times inadequate.


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DRC support through the HIV/AIDS project was expected to strengthen TRCS and Kagera branch but this appears to have been delayed. The failure to arrest timely the weak relations between the project and the Kagera branch reflected initial project management weakness and poor net working. By the time the project was in the process of closing down, TRCS had not developed a viable health policy.

CONCLUSIONS REMARKS The HIV/AIDS project has achieved successfully many of its objectives. Although the impact study found much local appreciation of the project, several interviewees reported that there has been insufficient interaction between the TRCS branch in Kagera and project staff in the field. Indeed many involved with the project have made complaints concerning its top-down management structure. More seriously, there have been several reports that Red Cross project staff have isolated themselves from volunteers and the poorer Tanzania Red Cross branches in Kagera. The lack of strong linkages between the project and local Red Cross branches has reduced the possibility that the HIV/AIDS prevention activities will be continued in the long term. The project itself is being closed down and as yet the TCRS itself does not appear to have the capacity or resources to continue with these activities once the support from DRC ceases.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT Tanzania Red Cross Society (TRCS) works in many regions in Tanzania, including Dar es Salaam, Kilimanjaro, Morogoro, Shinyanga, Kagera, Mtwara, Kigoma and Iringa. TRCS is also active in Mwanza and Zanzibar. However, initially the Family Life Education Project (FLEP) activities were implemented in three regions only. These are Dar es Salaam, Kilimanjaro and Shinyanga. It has been done through both in-school Youth Clubs and out-of school Voluntary Youth Groups activities. During phase two (Oct./Nov.1998), Morogoro, Iringa and Kigoma were also included in FLEP activities. The objectives of the programme are:  To improve the health of youths  To increase health care and support at community level.  To contribute to the institutional development of Tanzania Red Cross Society. Tanzania Red Cross Society Danish Red Cross (DRC) 1986: Current Status: On-going (up to 2000) DKK24,300,000


 To train out of school youths in family life education  To train primary and secondary school youths on Red Cross Community Based First Aid (CBFA), family health, environmental protection, disaster preparedness, etc.  To encourage youths to participate in community activities.  To assist regional offices of Red Cross in developing capacity for planning and managing youth/branch activities. According to the national population census conducted in 1988, Tanzania had 5,167,735 youths (age range is from 15-30 years in Tanzania), within a total population of 25 million. In this totality, youths in schools form a very small number. Most of the out of school youths are primary school leavers, with secondary school leavers, again forming a further smaller minority. The majority of youths in the country therefore comprise of primary school leavers, school dropouts and those who have never enrolled in schools at all. The youth problem in Tanzania is complex. In the past, the single party system under the ruling party CCM had an elaborate organisational system for youths. This was the TANU Youth League and later on CCM Youth League; a youth mass movement with organisational structures right from grassroots branches up through the ward, district, regional and national levels, providing fora for youth to discuss and debate on important issues and also as a means of mobilising the nation’s youth. As party popularity lost steam in the eighties, so too did the party youth league activities. In the late 1980s and 1990s when youths had many problems to face, the old party system was no longer able to take a leadership role. Problems such as unemployment, educational and general health needs, prostitution, unwanted pregnancies, drug abuse, crimes and HIV infection which are characteristic of the 1980s and 1990s, met Tanzanian youths unprepared and without any functioning institutional system to help them. It is on the basis of the above context that the Family Life Education Programme arose in Tanzania. The first TRCS FLEP began in 1986 with a pilot course in Dar es Salaam which was later copied in six other regions in the Mainland. By 1989, 17 FLE courses had been conducted with 554 trained youth students and 15 active trainers. At its early stage, the programme was funded by CIDA, UNFPA and the British Council who all withdrew in 1988. TRCS then requested Danish Red Cross (DRC) to look into the possibility of funding the Youth FLEP. Following this request, DANIDA funded a review and planning mission in 1989 and consequently the project proposal on the Family Life Education Programme of the Tanzania Red Cross Society was produced in June/July 1990. After a DANIDA-funded bridging period from January 1990 and a one year delay, the FLEP started with the first three year phase in 1992. The first phase was designed to cover three regions only, namely Dar es Salaam, Shinyanga and Kilimanjaro; with the latter as the pilot region. The total budget for the first phase was DKK 6,700,000, all provided by the DRC. Each of the three regions had its rationale for being selected: Kilimanjaro because of a committed Regional Committee and a hard-working Regional Field Coordinator (RFC); Shinyanga because of a dynamic Regional Management Committee and Dar es Salaam because of having applied for the project, and the fact that the region houses the headquarters of TRCS. Due to time constraints, the Impact Study was only able to look at the project in Dar es Salaam.


It should be noted that the Impact Study team found it particularly difficult to study this project. There were a number of internal conflicts within the project in Dar es Salaam region and contrasting views on the project were aired. This created obstacles for the study team in building up a clear picture of the key achievements of the project. However, since the study team did not have time to make any objective assessment of these claims and counter claims, these are not commented upon in this report as this would be unfair to all concerned. INPUTS The budget for Phase 1992-94 was DKK 6,700,000 and for Phase 1996-2000 DKK 17,600,000. The main expenditure has been on salaries, vehicles and their maintenance, equipment (stationary, footballs, etc.), provision of community services, dissemination of information. youth camps, exchange visits, staff training and training volunteers. OUTPUTS Outputs include trained youth leaders in primary schools, family life education trainers, youths trained in various skills, junior and senior youth clubs, income generating activities, well operating youth centres and support to general Red Cross activities in the region including regional institutional capacity building. In Dar es Salaam, the programme began in 1992 with both out of school centres and primary school youth clubs being established. Two out of school centres were immediately established at Azimio and Kibamba. In 1994, equipment (carpentry tools and sewing machines) were stolen at Azimio and consequently the Dar es Salaam centres were closed. The equipment at Kibamba centre were sent to Kilimanjaro. Despite two Review Report recommendations (Feb. 1997 and Oct. 1998), out of school activities have not yet resumed in Dar es Salaam. The Youth FLE programme in Dar es Salaam is therefore based on in-school activities only. MONITORING AND EVALUATION FLEP management prepares quarterly financial reports for DRC and an annual review of the project is carried out each year. In 1994, DRC commissioned a formal evaluation of FLEP. EFFICIENCY AND EFFECTIVENESS Although the study was not able to make any comprehensive study of these performance criteria, the overall impression was that the project was run relatively efficiently and was effective in reaching its objectives. RELEVANCE The project is very relevant both to the school students who are exposed to Red Cross activities and the community which benefit from the activities of the students - e.g. tree planting, cleaning surroundings and other environmental activities, first aid and disaster preparedness activities. The relevance of the project is also illustrated by the growth of membership in schools. The following tables illustrate this growth. On the in-school component of the FLEP, Dar es Salaam has expanded its membership as indicated in the table below.


Dar es Salaam Region Red Cross Membership: Growth of In-School Membership: 1996 and 1998 No. of Branches 1996 1998 5 10 No. of Junior Youth Clubs 1996 7 No. of Senior Youth Clubs 1996 1

1998 25

1998 5

Kisutu Primary School Youth Club: Number of Membership 1997-1999 Year Number Members Girls 30 45 47 122 of Boys 30 45 47 122 60 90 94 244 Total

1997 1998 1999 Total

Vituka Secondary School Senior Youth Club: Number of Membership 1992-1999 Number Members Girls N.A. 50 22 32 N.A. N.A. 50 of Total Boys N.A. 22 38 28 N.A. N.A. 40 30 72 60 60 79 67 90

Year 1992 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999


EFFECT AND IMPACT Four schools (two primary and two secondary) were visited. In each school a beneficiary assessment was undertaken, involving individual and group interviews from the school's junior youth clubs. The following findings were recorded:  It was evident that club members have learned community based first aid skills and they were applying them in their communities both at school and home. They have also fully participated in flood disasters to save people in floods.  Members have attended several camps, visited other schools and the exposure has had far reaching impact on their lives.  Members have learned different skills including maintenance and renovation of toilets, doing painting of classrooms, teachers offices, etc.  Members have learned songs, cultural dances and other recreational activities.  Some student members have travelled abroad (to Uganda) during a major Red Cross Camping.  The shop project and postal office services brought to the community by Red Cross.  Loan for income generating activities. Key informants were also interviewed including shopkeepers, a priest and medical staff. Added information on impact included:      Environmental protection activities to the community Cleaning market places Visiting the sick Reducing loitering and acts of bad behaviour by youths Good mannered, better informed and socially active youths

Regarding out of school FLEP activities in Dar es Salaam, the problem has to be resolved. Youths in urban areas face more problems than their counterparts in rural areas. Urban areas have more youth problems (unemployment, drugs, prostitution, etc.) with less social support networks, compared to rural areas. The question of theft may be real but it cannot justify indefinite closure of out-of school centres in the region. The regional managing committee has to look into this problem and find a solution that would see the centres reopened. As for the on-going in school activities, they are currently doing well. The increase in club membership has put pressure on Youth Leaders, although steps have been taken to increase the number of trained Youth Leaders in the schools. CONCLUDING REMARKS One key challengers for the future of the project is that of sustainability. Most of those interviewed were of the opinion that some Red Cross activities are sustainable while others are not. Those which were considered sustainable included the ones done by youth club members on voluntary basis. These included community and environmental activities and the like. Those dependant on


funds - for example camping, visits outside the country, equipment, etc. would not be sustainable. In the same way, Red Cross staff salaries from project funds and project vehicles can not be maintained. This means that supervision of Red Cross activities and training of youth leaders will be discontinued unless funds can be raised locally. FLEP management and the TCRS are currently exploring the potential for raising funds locally.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT The Danish NGO Help for Self Help (HSH) was established to work in the regions of Arusha and Kilimanjaro. The NGO’s main objectives is to provide support for women and marginalised groups involved in income generating activities. HSH’s programme began in 1993, under the auspices of a local partner, the Tanzania Assemblies of God (TAG). DANIDA funded an income generation project, which is the subject of the impact study, which ran from 1993-7. HSH also operates a mobile clinic which is also supported by DANIDA. The mobile clinic was not specifically included in the Impact Study. The income generation activities have continued with private support. HSH has a wide membership base in Denmark and has been one of the most successful NGOs in raising donations from the Danish public. Project expenditure for 1998 and 1999 from private funding sources has amounted to 14,241,875 Tshs. and 17,146,000 Tshs. respectively. HSH’s partner in Tanzania is the Tanzania Assemblies of God (TAG) but in practice it has little involvement in day to day project management. This is done by the HSH office in Arusha which employs a small Tanzanian staff: the Project Coordinator, Head of Mobile Clinic, and a Teacher. The officer was set up jointly by HSH and TAG, the latter providing the building plot for the office. The Danish founders visit Tanzania for about 2-4 months a year to monitor progress and work with the Tanzanian staff on planning. Although day to day project management is delegated to the Tanzanian staff, the Danish founders still retain overall control of the project. INPUTS Tanzania Assemblies of God Help For Self Help 1993 Current Status: Ended 1997 DKK 1,100,000


The HSH project in the country study has been funded both by DANIDA and through private donations that HSH has raised in Denmark. The period of DANIDA support was from 1993-7 and amounted to DKK 1,100,000. The project activities have continued with support private donations since 1997. DANIDA still supports the mobile clinic project. The DANIDA project money was for the salary of the Project Coordinator, a vehicle, supply of reconditioned equipment and project activities. The local village councils have provided space for the construction of buildings at Nkamanzi, Likamba, Mtakuja and Nkoaranga. OUTPUTS From the project’s inception to 1997, a total of 30 centres have been started in Arusha and Kilimanjaro with the use of second-hand equipment. This has included the establishment of 17 tailoring-schools which have been supplied with sewing machines by HSH. Since their establishment, however, enrolment in the tailoring schools has dropped due to increased training fees and reduction in the market price for coffee which has reduced the community’s capacity to pay tuition fees. Some of the graduates have established their own small schools which attract new students. Two training schools out of 17 have been registered as Vocation Training Schools under the National Vocational Education and Training Authority (VETA). Amongst these purpose-built classrooms constructed at Chekerani and Likamba. Taking HSH projects as a whole, a total of 721 people have received training in tailoring (693),carpentry (11), masonry (4) and typing (13). In addition, 256 project leaders and teachers have attended leadership training and teaching courses. Out of those who received training students have sat for National Trade Test. Women groups from HSH project have participated in Trade Fair Exhibitions in Arusha and Dar es Salaam. Moreover, 28 women have received credit loans to launch their own income-generating projects in the agriculture or retail sector whilst one woman has received a loan of Tshs 1.1 million, to pay for her education in a neighbouring country. MONITORING AND EVALUATION Project monitoring has been undertaken during the annual visits to Arusha by the Danish founders. It is the opinion of the impact study team that this monitoring was done on an ad hoc basis and has not been based upon well defined or relevant indicators. EFFECTIVENESS AND EFFICIENCY In more general terms, the project has successfully reached its target community of impoverished women who are attempting to find employment by establishing small income-generating businesses. The quality of some of the training provided has, however, been variable as evidenced by the staff shortages and the inability of products to compete in the open market. Of course the influx of second hand clothes as a result of liberalisation has adversely affected the local market. This does not mean that the women do not sell their clothes but the quality in most cases is inferior. The women who have been taught embroidery are reported to be doing well and upgrading seminars have been provided to the teachers. The success of the training schools in tailoring and carpentry has been variable, in that 8 have had no teachers. Furthermore, 3 schools have lacked adequate classroom space, whilst 2 schools have failed because of administrative problems, three schools had


no teachers, two teachers from two separate schools had absconded and in some case students could not pay fees. In respect of the credit schemes, the rate of loan repayment has been 51%. RELEVANCE Though Arusha and Kilimanjaro regions are, by Tanzanian standards, are not considered so worse off in terms of the severity of poverty, there are pockets of poor people. In this regard the project has been relevant-particularly in respect of its emphasis on women. Two schools have registered with VETA. and about 30 students from various schools sat for National Vocation tests administered by VETA. The relevance of the small centres has however, been affected by closing of some schools, due to poor enrolment and/or lack of space, or teachers. EFFECT AND IMPACT A lack of relevant baseline data has prevented a comprehensive assessment of the project’s impact. The study team nonetheless benefited from discussions with HSH Danish founders during their visit to Arusha, local project officers and beneficiaries. The aim of the project has been to provide self employment and increase incomes of women, especially poor women in the two regions. The various students have gained skills in either tailoring, embroidery, or carpentry and masonry. Groups formed under the umbrella of the church and the project has enlightened them on group formation process. However, the higher price of purchasing a sewing machine, or other equipment, has meant that students from the scheme have been unable to sustain their businesses once they have graduated. Moreover, training-school enrolment has declined either because students could not afford to pay fees, or schools lacked good teachers; in some cases schools existed in name but have no physical structure or space. CONCLUDING REMARKS The effectiveness of the project in providing people with improved incomes has been limited. Some of these require improvements in the performance of the project, notably in terms of the capacity of craft-trainers, equipment and availability of credit facilities. More fundamental problems are caused by local economic factors. For example the demand for locally made clothes. The desire to create schools without ensuring the existence of classroom space and qualified teachers reflects the weakness of some of the project arrangements. One can not deny that the individual girls and women have gained skills though many have been unable to gain employment or to be self-reliant because of lack of tools or equipment. The real value of value added yearly 2-4 months visits of Danish founders in terms of capacity building could not be confirmed by the researchers. The value of the visits is that they enhanced cultural exchange and strong personal friendships between Danes and Tanzanians. Nonetheless, in the view of the impact study team the organisational set up of the project, with management split between Denmark and Tanzania, inherently restricted the Tanzanians from taking over full leadership of HSH activities in Tanzania. The current management structure appeared highly personalised with no clear systematic approach to planning and policy and may have the limited effectiveness of the project. Although a local organisation, HSH-Tanzania has now been registered, it is unclear how independent this will be nor whether this will improve the overall management system.


Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Hai District Council MS Tanzania 1991: Current Status:MS support ended in December

1998 Total Danish NGO Support: DKK 2,091,000 PROJECT CONTEXT In general, MS sees the teachers resource centre as one means of improving the teaching standards and teaching methodologies in the primary school sector in Tanzania. More specifically, the Partnership Agreement gives the following objectives for the Mbweera TC:  to improve and upgrade the academic and professional teaching skills for the primary school teachers in Hai District  to provide an opportunity for both teachers, parents and other community members responsible for education matters to exchange ideas, experience and participate effectively in the decision making process  to support and improve the library services in the TCs and sub centres  to encourage and promote the ability of teachers to prepare appropriate teaching materials locally  to encourage and promote a team work spirit among the TC staff, teachers and other community members through regular meetings and other educative and recreational activities. The standard of primary school teachers in Tanzania generally is very low. Many have only completed Standard VII (i.e. primary education) themselves. There was a crash recruitment and training programme for primary school teachers in the 1970s and 1980s. Hai District is no exception - currently, 50% of primary school teachers in Hai District are Grade B (i.e. primary school leavers). Hai District is one of six districts in Kilimanjaro Region. According to the District Education Officer (DEO), it has been underperforming educationally in primary education. The DEO identified four major factors causing poor performance:  lack of educational facilities, especially accommodation for teachers  lack of competent teachers  lack of teaching materials  uneven spread of teachers throughout the district. The plains area of the district is more problematic because the housing shortage for teachers is more acute. There are also problems with water, sanitation and transport. As a result, teachers are reluctant to work there which has contributed to the uneven spread of teachers over the district. In


terms of teacher accommodation, the council is trying to encourage communities to take a more active role in building houses for staff. They have suggested that each village provides one or two staff houses, but due to the economic situation, the response has not been very good. For their part, the council is supporting them by helping with building materials. It has spent six million TShs. on corrugated iron roofing sheets. In terms of secondary education, Kilimanjaro Region has the highest number of secondary schools but within the region, Hai District has the lowest number of secondary schools. There are seven government secondary schools in the region and 85 private schools. However, most of these are located on the mountain slopes. There are only two on the plains, which is mainly inhabited by pastoralist communities. Until 1998, when MS support ended, Mbweera TC was run as a partnership between Hai District Council and MS. The Hai District Council is responsible for the overall management of the TC and providing funding for TC staff and most of running costs, whereas the MS provides technical support and financial assistance for infrastructure and materials. The precise roles and responsibilities of the different parties are clearly set out in the Partnership Agreement. The Partnership agreement also sets out the roles of the Ministry of Education - mainly in terms of providing clear policy and guidelines on the establishment of TCs - and for the TC Management Committee, which is made up of district council educational officials with representation from teachers, parents and others. The TC Coordinator is a member, and in the past so was the DW attached to the centre. The TCMC assists the TC coordinator to plan, organise and implement policies. It is intended to form the main link between the parents and the TC administration. INPUTS MS MS contribution in total came to DKK 2,091,000. Of this approximately 70% was for the cost of a Danish Development Worker - there was a DW attached to the TC for nine years, five of which were full time, and four part-time. The remaining 30% was educational for materials or direct financial support for the centre. MS support can be broken down as follows:
1990 ? 1991 ? 1992 50 1993 50 1994 75 1995 100 1996 15 1997 86 1998 221 Total 597

Financial Support ‘000 DKK DW Cost ‘000 DKK











Hai District Council It is difficult to give exact figures here. The amounts in the budgets for the HDC contribution relate to all types of support which goes through the council, including teachers contributions, staff


salaries, assistance with transport. In terms of actual cash, the district council is supposed to pay 1,000,000 Tsh a year. Total HDC contribution in budget contribution 5,648,100 12,015,560 17,518,290 All running costs Actual HDC Cash

1996 1997 1998 1999

1,000,000 500,000 400,000 (by April)

Teachers’ Contributions Teachers’ contributions are 500 Tsh per year. This is deducted by the district council from their salary. In 1997, teachers contributed 741,000/. They have still to collect the 1998 contributions because they are still negotiating with the teachers about raising their contribution to 1000/ per year. Since the contribution is deducted from salaries, they need to get the agreement of the teachers first. Pupils’ contributions Each pupil should contribute 50/ per year. This started in 1997 when they contributed 895,000/; in 1998, they contributed 1,253,500/ and so far in 1999 they have already contributed about 250,000/. If all the pupils in the district were to pay the full amount they would receive 4,000,000/ a year. OUTPUTS Infrastructure The TC, including the guest-wing, has been renovated - the cost of this was shared between the district council who provided labour and MS who provided materials. For each of the 11 Sub centres in Hai District, a classrooms has been renovated for holding seminars. The renovation of two sub centres was delayed until 1998 due to finding suitable schools for them to be located in. Workshops/Seminars From January 1996 to April 1998, the following workshops were carried out at Mbweera TC typewriting seminars, management seminar, children rights workshops, AIDS education seminar, Kiswahili workshops, Mathematics workshops, English workshop, and a New Syllabus seminar. These were mainly for teachers but some included welfare officers, ward education officers, community development workers and inspectors. The TC has normally held two to three residential workshops a year at the TC for training qualified teachers in undertaking upgrading seminars. These last for 5 days. The teachers come from different sub centres. On completing the workshop, these teachers run upgrading seminars at their sub centres. These upgrading seminars are intended to take primary school teachers up to Form 4 (standard of secondary school leavers). The number of teachers who went through upgrading courses in Hai District in recent years has been:


 1995 - 67 primary teachers enrolled for upgrading seminar. 47 undertook the qualifying test of whom 20 passed and started the course  1996 - no groups were held  1997 - each ward/ward education officer enrolled upgraders  1998 - 68 teachers started in Mbweera, Machame and Rundugu wards an another 80 enrolled at Singa Chini and Marangu Teachers Training Colleges. Staff Training The TC Coordinator has attended the following courses at TCDC:  Popular Participation  Leaders Management Course  Training of Trainers  Children’s Rights She has also attended the following non-TCDC courses:  National Workshop for Teachers Centres  Accounting Course in Singida Under the new Partnership Agreement she has a budget for training and selects the course and venue whereas in the original partnership agreement the DW decided on where she should receive training. She thinks TCDC courses are very good, but expensive relative to other places, which is why she decided to go to Singida for accountancy training. MONITORING AND EVALUATION MS Tanzania asks all its partners to produce an annual progress report, and this was done by Mbweera TC during the partnership. In addition to the annual reporting to MS, the Coordinator has to write a report to the DEO after every workshop and seminar. In terms of evaluation, the Mbweera TC is one of the few projects included in the impact study to have been externally evaluated. In 1996 MS commissioned a formal evaluation of the TCs at Mbweera and Mbokomu which was undertaken by independent Tanzania consultants. Additional evaluation material is provided in the DW’s report on the end of her contract in 1998 and provides interesting reflections on the work of the TC and her role as an adviser to it. In addition to the more formal reporting requirements, an important learning mechanism for the TC has been the Zonal Meetings and Annual Meeting that MS Tanzania holds. MS invites its partner organisations to these in order for them to share experiences and learn from each other, as well allowing MS to inform the partners’ programme and policy developments.



In examining efficiency and effectiveness it is important to comment on the role of the DW. The management approach and roles of MS and HDC had changed since the beginning of the project. In 1991 before MS had formally adopted the partnership policy (MSIS), the Danish Development Worker acted as the TC Coordinator. They were responsible for managing the centre, not just for providing technical support. When Mbweera TC first started, ‘everything was done by the DW’. All money was handled by the DW and there was no TC account. The DW also selected which course the TC Coordinator should attend. The Coordinator had no direct contact with the MS Country Office nor was she invited to MS zonal and annual meetings. The new agreement which covered the period from 1996-8 established a very different set up. The TC had its own account and the Coordinator took responsibility for financial management, including selecting how to use the money in different budget lines (e.g. selecting herself which training courses to attend). Furthermore, a direct line of communication was set up between the Coordinator and the MS Country Office. After 1996 the role of the DW was more as an adviser than a manager. The DW helped the Coordinator with financial planning and they worked very closely as a team. The DWs’ other main contribution was that she had a vehicle and provided transport for the centre. This was essential because they both had a desk in the Hai District Council offices and met there each morning and went to Mbweera or the sub-centres together. Because no one but the DW was allowed to drive the vehicle, they went everywhere together. The DWs’ involvement in workshops and seminars was limited because she could only teach in English but most of the workshops and seminars were in Swahili. The standard of English among primary school teachers was not very high. Generally, the Coordinator spoke very positively about the relationship with the DWs. Other TCs had had problems with DWs but she had found the three who had been based at Mbweera TC to have made an important contribution. Her only real criticism was that sometimes they tried to impose elements from the Danish system of teachers centres which were not appropriate in the Tanzania context. Furthermore, she felt that once she had learnt about how to run a TC she did not actually need the assistance of a DW, other than in providing transport. In terms of efficiency this was clearly not a good use of the DWs time when one considers the cost of a local driver compared with the cost of a DW. In other words, in the last few years, although helpful, it was not actually necessary for a DW to be posted at Mbweera TC. However, in her view other TCs did not have such experienced Coordinators and still needed the assistance of a DW. This under-utilisation of the DW was confirmed in the final report by the DW written in 1998. This was written jointly with the other DW working with TCs in Kilimanjaro region. They state that in relation to their own role they made a ‘contribution’ to working with TC staff. However, they felt that they were unable to make much of a contribution to the workshops and seminars for teachers because their Swahili was not good enough. This was confirmed by the Coordinator. The MS Tanzania Country Review in 1998 also noted that DWs attached to TCs in Tanzania were not being properly utilised and their role as advisers was unclear. RELEVANCE The need to improve the standard of primary school teaching has been recognised as a major issue by the Tanzanian Government. As was noted above, the achievement of universal primary education


in Tanzania was only possible by training large numbers of teachers who had only completed primary school themselves. MS is one of several organisation supporting TCs in Tanzania. The main programme however is the Ministry of Education’s District Based Support to Primary Education Programme (DBSPE). This is supported by DANIDA and other bilateral donors and is being implemented in 45 districts in 1998-9. This has a TC component, and will overlap with some of the districts in which MS supports TCs. However, so far the DBSPE programme has not started in Hai District because the district is not seen by the Ministry of Education as a priority area for improving primary education. EFFECT AND IMPACT Attendance at Subject Seminars/Workshops The 1996 consultancy study shows that by 1996, the number of teachers in Hai district who had attended subject seminars and workshops at the sub-centres or TC were as follows: Child’s Rights English Mathematics I and II Science KKK (Reading,Writing Arithmatic) Typing Management School Upkeep Aids Education 23 304 609 299 296 22 153 276 291

This is out of a total number of 1527 primary school teachers in the district. Thus for the most of the seminars in the major subject areas, approximately 20% of all teachers in the district took part. These were conducted predominately in the sub centres, whereas child rights and KKK were only held at the TC for representatives of each sub centre. Upgrading Courses According to the DWs’ final report, in the newly established TCs it is possible to get a good number of teachers to enrol themselves. But the experience of old TCs has showed that it is more difficult to get a good 2nd and 3rd intake. Greater cooperation with district authorities, ward education officers and headteachers is needed to increase enrolment. However, a Directive from the Ministry of Education has helped recruitment - it states that all teachers of grades B and C should upgrade to Form 4 by the year 2002. This has increased the interest and motivation in attending the upgrading courses among teachers. The increased demand has led to an increase in the providers of upgrading courses and secondary school teachers have started their own courses not in order to raise extra income. In fact their is less demand for the Mbweera TC to provide upgrading course now because a government secondary school has opened nearby and the secondary school teachers run their own upgrading courses for primary school teachers in the evenings. The Coordinator said it was still the role of the TC to


support these other upgrading activities with books, even if they were not actually carried out in the centre. Major Obstacles The same DW report identified two major obstacles for TCs in Kilimanjaro Region. These were: 1. financial - district council funds have been delayed and the amounts reduced; pupils contributions have been difficult to mobilise; the situation with teacher contributions has improved since 1997 when they were deducted directly from salaries. 2. transport - TC staff need transport to visit the sub centres, but are dependent on DW vehicles. This situation has now been addressed in that MS gave the TC the DW’s vehicle when she left. The vehicle is for the use of the TC Coordinator, and the district council covers the cost of maintenance and fuel directly from its central transport budget, not the TC budget. Sustainability The partnership agreement between MS and HDC sets out the percentage contribution to be paid by the district. However, the 1998 MS Country Review reports that for all the TCs in the country as a whole, only 25% of expected funds were paid by district councils. One of the roles of DWs appears to be that of reminding councils of their financial obligations. Furthermore, the MS Tanzania’s 1997 Annual Report notes that a critical element in development TCs are still connected to financial sustainability and management of centres. To develop this capacity, the following are identified as needing further attention: the functioning of the TC Management Committee; community interest; support from parents through primary schools committees. The situation in Mbweera reflects these general trends. The council, for its part is committed to the idea of the Teachers Centre and the DEO sees it as an educational priority. The district council has committed to pay 1,000,000/ per year to the running costs of the centre, as well as the running costs of the TC’s vehicle and paying the Coordinators salary (which is the same as a teacher’s salary). However, while this level of support is enough to keep the centre running, there is insufficient money to run workshops at the TC. Furthermore, although the council paid the full amount in 1997, in 1998 it only contributed 500,000/. Lack of resources is now a major constraint and limitation on the work of the TC. Mbweera Teachers Centre is the only residential TC in the region. It is well maintained, and provides comfortable accommodation for up to 35 people, and has a recently renovated dinning hall. Yet the council does not have the money to run workshops there and none have been held since MS ceased to support the centre. They have been able to continue to run seminars at the sub-centres because these are non-residential and cheap to run, but the Mbweera TC is not being utilised. Each workshop costs about 1,000,000/ to run (i.e. the total district council contribution would only cover the cost of one workshop). The MS contribution over last 3 years has been around 11,000,000 a year. This was in addition to contributions from the council, teachers and parents. Since these contributions have not been increased since MS support ended (although there are moves to raise the teachers’ contribution to 1000/ per year), which represents a loss of 11,000,000 per year plus the support of the DW. The


likelihood is that without additional funding, the TC will not be able to run workshops, invest in staff training and buy new books and equipment. The Coordinator feels that MS made a very abrupt break and that they should have been prepared to make a longer term commitment and continue with more limited support (i.e. without DW). According to her, ‘education has no end’ but the council alone does not have sufficient revenue to continue with the same level of activity at the centre. She has also missed the none financial forms of support. For example, she is no longer invited to zonal TC meetings organised by MS because her centre no longer gets MS support, but she had greatly valued these meetings as an opportunity to exchange experiences. However, she and the coordinators from the other TCs for which MS support has been phased out were invited to a large MS-hosted workshop on Teacher Resource Centres in Tanzania in February 1999. Impact on Educational Standards In 1996, MS commissioned an impact study of the Teachers Centres in Mbweera and Mbokomu (Moshi Rural) which was carried out by two independent consultants. The overall conclusions of the consultants was that the TCs had made a significant contribution to improving both teaching standards and pupils performance. The study was carried out over a period of 16 days in Hai and Moshi Rural Districts, during which the TCs at Mbweera and Mbokomu were visited, along with 4 sub centres in Hai and 5 sub centres in Moshi Rural. A total of 80 teachers and 200 pupils were interviewed, along with 26 parents, 6 district officials, 2 regional officials and 2 independent educationalists in Moshi. This consultancy report provides very valuable information on the educational impact of the TCs. The consultants asked 80 teachers in the two districts about the relevance and usefulness of the workshop and seminar programme that they had attended. Of these, 93% said they had been exposed to and gained new knowledge; 90% said that they now had an awareness of a variety of better teaching methods and strategies; 81% said that they now had an awareness of the preparation of simple teaching/learning materials; 73% said they now had an awareness of school maintenance; and 63% found that the seminars and workshops had facilitated meeting colleagues from other schools and exchanging ideas. The consultants also asked teachers if they had observed any changes in the behaviour of pupils in terms of knowledge, skills and attitudes. They list a number of observations in the pupils performance in the main subject areas which lead them to conclude these indicated an improvement in the quality of education offered. In terms of the pupils, of those interviewed 80% were aware of the existence of the TCs and understood their role and function. The consultants also asked pupils whether or not they had noticed any new approaches, methods or materials being used by the teachers. Of the 200 pupils interviewed, 184 (92%) stated that teachers taught them better as a result of attending the seminars and gave explanations for the improvements they had seen in methods and materials in each of the main subject areas, as well in the general attitudes of the teachers. In terms of education materials, the TC has produced a number of manuals which according to the consultants are very popular and widely used in all primary schools. However, they found that the quality of the manuals is poor and efforts should be made to make them more durable and attractive.


Overall, the consultants concluded their report with the following assessment: ‘The study findings have revealed that the teachers’ academic performance as well as professional upgrading have improved to a certain extent as a result of TCs programmes. More still, through TCs programmes various training manuals as well as teaching and learning materials have been produced. Although it is difficult to measure the impact of TCs programmes in relation to the performance of pupils, the academic performance indicators have revealed that there are marked improvement. This fact has been justified by pupils, parents and teachers’ responses. Moreover, the study has shown that the stakeholders are willing to support TCs for their sustainability. Finally it has been found out from the study that existing collaboration and cooperation of TCs, the teachers, District Authorities, the community and the donors have significantly contributed to the development and existence of TCs. However, failure of the MOEC to give clear guidelines, policy and support to TCs development threatens the sustainable development of TCs. In the long run the delays from MOEC to realise the need of TCs and commit resources for their development might disappoint the committed TC staff and teachers.’ The contribution to the educational standards was confirmed by the DEO of Hai District, who stated that the number of Grade B teachers in district has fallen from 75% to 50% since the Mbweera TC started. The TC has been only one of several contributing factors towards teachers upgrading. The new government policy that all Grade B teachers must upgrade by 2002 has increased the demand for upgrading courses. Secondly, Kilimanjaro Region has the highest number of secondary schools in the country which has meant that there have been more providers of upgrading courses. However, it should be noted that in Hai District, these secondary schools are not spread evenly across the district but tend to be in the mountain slopes area. The TC may need to focus its upgrading seminars on the plains which are not so well served by secondary schools, although the Mbweera TC is itself located on the mountain slopes. BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENTS Interviews were carried out with teachers at three primary schools, two of which were close to Mbweera Teachers Centre and the other at Kibaoni where there is a sub-centre. There was insufficient time to interview parents or pupils. The main issues identified by these teachers in relation to the TCs are summarised below: Main benefits to the community:  Improved education for the pupils as a result of the exposure of teachers to new knowledge and teaching methods and greater availability of teaching materials.  The pupils are taught to care for the environment around their schools and this in turn has encouraged people to take better care of the village.  During the workshops and seminars, the participating teachers have contributed to the local markets by buying local produce.


  

A few villagers have gained employment in the TC, such as cooking for participants during workshops. There have been special seminars for primary school committee members on how to manage the schools more effectively. In Mbweera the community are able to use the TC buildings for other activities, such as parents meetings, school committee meetings and for welcoming visitors to the village.

Main benefits for teachers:  Many teachers have participated in the workshops and seminars conducted at Mbweera and the sub centres. The particularly valued those which covered topics which they found difficult to teach. The workshops and seminars had shown them how to explain these topics to pupils and had given them more confidence.  Both the use of external tutors at Mbweera and fellow teachers at the sub centres was very beneficial  The use of sub centres has reduced the cost to the teachers of having to go to Mbweera to attend workshops and made it much easier for teachers to attend seminars.  The renovation of classrooms for use as sub-centres has provided good environments within which to study.  Teaching materials and training manuals have been produced at Mbweera TC which both teachers and pupils find very useful.  The workshops and seminars have given teachers the opportunity to meet and exchange ideas and share experiences.  Teachers can go to the TC and sub centres for advice  Teachers can borrow text books from the library at the TC.  The academic competence of the teachers and their teaching skills have improved.

Main difficulties with the Teachers Centre:  Lack of permanent tutors for upgrading courses  Lack of teaching materials and text books for the upgrading courses in some subjects, notably medicine, and science  Many teachers find it difficult to afford the cost of the upgrading courses due to their meagre salaries. The tuition fees are around 90,000/ a year but with transport and other costs it comes to about 150,000/ per year which teachers find very expensive.  They do have enough money to by the booklets and handouts at Mbweera TC.  There is no attendance allowance paid to teachers for participating in workshops and seminars.  The attendance at seminars and workshops is also low because teachers find it difficult to pay for transport to the TC or sub centre. This is particularly a problem for Mbweera TC which is a long way from where many teachers are based.  During sub centre seminars, pupils have to vacate the designated class room for the sub centre, which means they miss out on lessons.  Since MS support ended there is no money available for holding workshops at Mbweera TC. CONCLUDING REMARKS


Mbweera TC has made a significant impact on primary education in the Hai district. Yet it is not clear how many of the TC activities will continue now that MS support has ended. It could be argued that a longer term partnership between MS and Hai District Council, with less input from DWs would have been a more efficient use of MS resources. The basic cost of a DW a year is DKK 200,000 (salary, insurance, allowances etc.), but this does not reflect the real costs including transport and support from MS. However, even on the basis of this basic cost of DKK 200,000, that constitutes about 20,000,000 TShs. per year on the DW, which is approximately twice as much the financial support that MS provides directly to the TC. Clearly Mbweera TC is struggling to fund a full programme of activities now that MS assistance has ended since it has not been able yet to generate sufficient income locally (and this is a wealthy part of Tanzania). One solution would have been for MS to reduced the period in which a DW was placed at the centre which would have allowed them to continue to provide financial assistance for the centre’s activities over a longer period of time. The cost of a DW per year could fund a large number of teachers workshops and seminars. A further question that has to be asked is whether MS should have prioritised support for education in Kilimanjaro Region. Compared with many other regions in the country, this region is very well endowed both with educational facilities and in terms of people’s income. There are many other providers of educational training in the region and local people have more income than most other places within the country. The impact study team raised the question of to what extent the decision to support TCs in Kilimanjaro was based on the educational needs of the country rather than providing relatively accessible placements for DWs? Yet from MS’s perspective, it was important to pilot the TC programme in Dar es Salaam and Kilimanjaro. The positive outcomes from supporting TCs in these better-off regions has encouraged them to focus now on remoter regions of the country.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT The quality of primary school teachers and primary education in Tanzania has deteriorated since the mid-1970s. This coincides with the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1977 following a ruling party meeting in Musoma in 1974. School enrolment rose highly in these years, and in 1983 more than 3.5 million children were registered. The subsequent stresses placed upon the country’s educational resources therefore allowed unqualified teachers to enter the teaching profession, either straight from secondary school, or after failing to pass formal teacher training courses. These arrangements were facilitated by education officials at various levels. The quality of education in Tanzania has been seriously affected. Sengerema District Council MS 1998 Current Status: On-going to 2001 DKK1,095,000


The decrease in educational standards within primary schools has had a grave impact upon the standard of secondary school entrants. This fact forced the government, and donors, to realise that a focus on quantitative expansion has been promoted at the expense of offering a quality educational service. In 1986, the Ministry of Education issued a circular to teaching centres, directing that Teacher Resource Centres be established in all districts. This directive was slow to implement in that TCs lacked adequate financial resources, whilst the response from donors was limited. MS was one of the first international organisations to respond to the Ministry of Education and Culture’s (MOEC) request for assistance with its education policy to introduce TCs throughout the country. MS began their assistance with a pilot project, implemented in the regions of Kilimanjaro and Dar es Salaam in 1986 - other schemes were also implemented by the MOEC and DANIDA. The results of these projects were positive, and this led MS to establish TC partnership programmes in other regions, including Singida (Singida Urban and Singida Rural), Arusha (Monduli District) and Mwanza (Magu, Ukerewe and Sengerema Districts). At the time of the project’s formulation in 1997, 5 districts including Geita, Kwimba, Missungwi, Sengerema and Mwanza had no TC. Instead, these regions had one non-functional teacher’s resource centre which was ill-equipped to develop teacher training. This centre has consequently remained unused for the past four years - despite being financed by the World Bank. As part of a scheme to establish TCs in each of these regions, a regional adviser was posted to work with the government’s Regional Education Office (REO) - but because of their other commitments, the relationship with government education officials proved to be ineffective. Although officers expressed an interest, they had too few resources to devote to the project. Project mobilisation in the five districts was carried out during the first nine months, in which the idea of TCs was introduced. In this period, regional education officers, the district education officer, the TC Coordinator and a TC adviser concentrated on meeting primary school teachers in the region. Furthermore, the district education officer and two district chief school inspectors, a TC co-ordinator and TC adviser made a study tour to visit established TCs in Singida and Kilimanjaro. The appointment of a TC adviser was intended to be a temporary expedient until the adviser identified a district for TC activities. There was, however, no partnership agreement between the REO in Mwanza and MS. A revised partnership agreement covering the period 1998-2001 was signed between the Sengerema District Council and MS in 1998. Although the district council is the MS partner organisation, the implementation of the partnership agreement is achieved by the district education officer. The overall aim of the project is to improve the quality of education in district of Sengerema. The TC established in Sengerema is served by a TC Management Committee (TCMC), whose membership consists of a District Executive Director (DED), a district education officer, a district chief school inspector, a ward education officer and several primary school committee members. The TCMC approves all work plans, budgets and accounts. Because the Sengerema district is so large, unless there are clear and well managed plans, the involvement of ward education officers plus a plethora of primary school community members could be negligible.


INPUTS MS has contributed a full time DW and financial support as follows:
1998 290 1999 265 Total 555

Financial Support ‘000 DKK DW Cost ‘000 DKK




In addition to MS, Sengerama TC is also supported by Book Aid International, the Lions’ Club, Nibe and HESAWA. Other monetary contributions have been made by the district council and the Teacher’s Union. OUTPUTS The partnership between TC Sengerema and MS began in 1998. The TC building was completed in January 1999, and since the projects implementation thirteen TC subcentres have been established. The TCMC has since begun ordering books for the library, whilst a series of learning seminars has now commenced. These cover topics such as leadership development and book-keeping. More significantly, two primary schools in the region have been chosen as pilot schools for teaching without corporal punishment. MONITORING AND EVALUATION As an MS supported intervention, Sengerama TC fulfils the standard monitoring requirements, notably annual reports, DW reports and visits to the TC by Country Office staff. Given that the TC is relatively new, no evaluation has been carried out. In terms of the TCs own internal monitoring, this is an on-going activity, often done through seminars, which is carried out by TC staff, education officers and inspectors. The majority of primary school-teachers interviewed, however, have indicated that there are too few follow-up activities after the training workshops, whilst the capacity of some subcentres is weak. RELEVANCE Considering the poor quality of education in Sengerema - appalling primary school structures and the lack of teaching and learning materials - the creation of TCs is a highly relevant intervention. The introduction of TC subcentres is both in-line with MOEC policy, and with MS’s desire to improve primary education in Tanzania. EFFECT AND IMPACT Because the partnership between TC Sengerema and MS is only one year old, its impact upon teachers and pupil performance has not been easy to measure. Nevertheless, the acting DEO has


stated that the performance of Sengerema Standard VII Primary School has been encouraging. While he could not attribute this improvement solely to TC activities, he contented that primary school teachers have been motivated by the introduction of TC initiatives - despite their obvious financial resource limitations. Many teachers have reported that their confidence is being restored through improved training. Furthermore, several community leaders, including district officials, have expressed a positive attitude towards TC activities. Primary school teachers have participated in workshops and seminars on difficult subjects, while networking between the TC and Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights has inspired primary school pupils in Sengerema to contact KCCR for materials on children’s rights. The construction of latrines and water harvesting facilities with HESAWA has now started. In addition, TC subcentres have received copies of new books. The morale of primary school teachers has improved gradually, and this has been reflected in their performance. The involvement of TCs in children’s rights advocacy has helped change teacher attitudes towards punishment. CONCLUDING REMARKS One of the main challenges for MS Tanzania in general and Sengerema TC in particular is how to position themselves in relation to the national level programme, the District Based Support for Primary Education Programme. The DBSPE programme has been developed by the Ministry of Education and Culture (MOEC) to support improved quality and access to primary education. It is supported by the Danish, Dutch and Finnish governments and by the end of 1998 had been implemented in 32 districts. The donors have committed themselves to working in 62 districts by the year 2001. A key component of this programme is the establishment of Teacher Resource Centres in each district. Unlike the situation in Hai District, in which Mbweera TC was the only TC in the district, the DBSPE has recently established its own TC in Sengerema District. At the national level there is good dialogue between the MS Country Office and the DBSPE - they jointly facilitated a workshop on TCs in Tanzania and MS employed a short-term Development Worker to review TCs in Tanzania and explore the potential for further collaboration between MS and DBSPE. In some of the individual districts, however, in which there is both a DBSPE TC and a MS TC there have been understandable disagreements. In Sengerema district both the MS centre and the DBSPE centre are relatively new and both parties will need to ensure that their efforts complement, rather than duplicate or compete with, each other.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT Kuleana MS MS support began 1994: Current Status: On-Going. DKK1,046,000.


The Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights (KCCR) was established in 1992. Its primary objective is to promote the welfare of children in Tanzania, and the NGO has engaged itself fully in working with the street children of Mwanza Municipality and others in the region. KCCR was founded following a study carried out in Mwanza, which revealed that serious child abuse against street children was prevalent in the region. These abuses include sexual violence, corporal punishment and child labour. Such abuse contravenes the UN Convention on the Rights of Children, of which Tanzania is a signatory. Two main programmes, which form the basis of KCCR’s work, is guided by the principles of this convention. KCCR operates the largest centre for street children in the country. The purpose of the centre is to provide secure and warm accommodation in a friendly environment. In addition to this basic provision, the centre’s staff also try to ensure that each child receives a degree of formal and informal education, to help them become self-reliant in the future. Older children are also encouraged to participate in a training course which attempts to give them some experience of how to operate a small business. The resocialisation of the children is promoted by a scheme which enables residents within the outlying community to help reintegrate former street children. Those children who have not been reintegrated, but who have demonstrated a capacity to live independently, are encouraged and supported in their attempts to rent rooms in local community housing. Additional support in terms of healthcare is also provided. KCCR’s Child’s Rights Advocacy Programme represents an attempt to raise community awareness concerning the legal rights of street children. To legitimate this programme, KCCR has adopted the strategy of drawing the public’s attention to the existence of the UN Convention and to the African Charter - which serves to dispel fears that KCCR has a Eurocentric mandate. To facilitate this programme, staff within KCCR are trained in-house as part of a general process of NGO capacity-building. Once trained, staff undertake advocacy and lobbying work for children’s rights in Tanzania, as well as educating street children about their rights in order to raise their self-esteem and levels of empowerment. Trained staff also act as resource persons during seminars with other stakeholders including teachers, religious leaders and the police. KCCR has wide experience of development research involving children. The NGO specialises in developing methodologies for assembling and analysing data, which is used as evidence to improve the awareness of children’s rights within Tanzania. Many of the ideas unearthed by this research are disseminated during KCCR run seminars and other special events, such as galas and the Day of the African Child. As part of this education process, a series of articles have been published - including a youth magazine called ZAPP, which is distributed in secondary schools throughout the region. KCCR is also in the process of producing a programme for radio and television which will emphasise the rights of children in Africa. The partnership between MS and KCCR began in 1994 and covers some aspects of the Child’s Rights Advocacy Programme - such as the provision of essential training and capacity-building for KCCR staff. Most of this training is undertaken at MS Training Centre for Development Cooperation (MS-TCDC) in Arusha and the two organisations have now established strong academic and professional links. Over the last 2-3 years, MS Tanzania in cooperation with


MS-TCDC and Kuleana, has been offering Children’s Rights Courses in English and Swahili. All parties have agreed to support these courses in the following years.

INPUTS MS does not transfer any money directly to Kuleana but pays for Kuleana staff to receive training as well as supporting a children’s rights newsletter. This has totalled DKK 506,000 since 1996. From the outset of the partnership, MS and Kuleana agreed that it was not necessary to place a permanent Development Worker at KCCR but has placed short-term DWs, the total cost of which has been DKK 540,000. In addition to MS, NORAD, ICCO, HIVOS and the Royal Danish Embassy all support KCCR’s work. MS has focused on assisting the capacity-building, training and research dissemination aspects of the Child’s Rights Advocacy Programme since 1994, but this support has not included a direct funding input. One interesting observation on this partnership is that most of MS-Tanzania’s support for Kuleana goes directly to the MS Training Centre for Development Cooperation. Most of the training for Kuleana is done here which in effect means MS Tanzania is using its programme budget for Kuleana to support activities at MS-TCDC. Kuleana have found the MS-TCDC training very good, but note that it is very expensive. OUTPUTS Through MS-TCDC training-courses, KCCR staff have been able to broadened their knowledge of several issues concerning children’s rights and gender. They have also undertake the MS-TCDC Programme Officers Course which covers general management of development interventions. Trained staff at KCCR have now been able to reach out to other stakeholders, who influence opinion within the community, regarding the rights and responsibilities of children. For example, KCCR has been able to convince the Ministry of Education and Culture, in principle, of the need to enforce the statutory abolition of corporal punishment for children. The government has also been persuaded to enact a law which protects children and women from sexual harassment. Cooperation between KCCR and the Teachers’ Resource Centre and the MS-TCDC has been an integral part of the programme to promote awareness raising concerning children’s rights. Indeed each member of KCCR’s staff working on this programme have attended one or more training courses, or have been assisted by MS support staff on a variety of projects. KCCR staff have consequently been better equipped to train and educate community leaders such as teachers, school inspectors, religious leaders, community leaders and Sukuma elders. MONITORING AND EVALUATION Monitoring and evaluation of KCCR activities is done both internally and by external organisations or consultants. The majority of internal assessments are undertaken by senior management, who


regularly monitor and evaluate all programmes. An annual report is also published. In an attempt to ensure transparency within the organisation, and the broad participation of staff in decision-making, KCCR has formally encouraged the establishment of a Staff Association, with observer status at board meetings, and regularly circulates management reports to general staff. As part of this process of internal examination, training and reflection sessions take place following attendance at external substantive workshops. The intention of this session is to offer staff the opportunity to share their experiences and skills, gained at courses and workshops that they have attended. An external evaluation conducted in 1998 indicated several areas of weakness within KCCR. The report strongly encouraged the organisation to concentrate on enhancing the internal co-ordination of the street children and advocacy programmes. The report also emphasised the need for KCCR to conduct a baseline survey to enable the measurement of programme performance over time. Many of the recommendations made in this external report have been incorporated into the organisation’s latest 3 year programme. EFFECT AND IMPACT Staff working on the Child’s Rights Advocacy Programme have stated that the self-esteem and capacity of abused children to express their views has progressed significantly. The damaging perception of street children within the local community has also improved, as evidenced by the development of a sound working relationship between local police, Sungusungu, and street children in Mwanza. According to KCCR staff, the openness of their partnership with MS has encouraged the organisation to shift from an aggressive and confrontational stance with local government and community groups, to the adoption of a more collaborative approach. Through participatory approaches KCCR has actively sought compromises and the development of a mutual understanding between the various stakeholders. MS has also found that the Children’s Rights Courses are beginning to have a noticeable effect and that participants on the courses are able to address some of the issues raised in their own organisations and activities. For example, Sengerema Teachers Resource Centre has facilitated the establishment of some pilot schools for teaching without corporal punishment as a direct result of staff going through the course. BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENT Beneficiary assessments were not carried out for this project. The main focus of MS support to KCCR has been the internal capacity building of the organisation, especially in relation to its advocacy work on children’s rights. While obviously it is intended that children will be the overall beneficiaries of this intervention, a more widespread, longer term study would be necessary in order to examine to what impact KCCR’s activities have had on children.


CONCLUDING REMARKS It is clear that the partnership between MS and KCCR has contributed effectively to the organisation’s development in terms of staff capacity-building and training. This has a direct and positive effect on the quality of KCCR programmes and the ability of staff to influence other stakeholders within the community. Although MS run training courses are expensive in terms of time and other resources, MS have been responsive to the needs of KCCR, which is attempting to carry out more in-house training courses. The inputs provided by MS have enabled KCCR staff to gain valuable skills in issues relating to advocacy on behalf of children’s rights, and in the methods of participatory learning used in community development. This has allowed staff to cooperate with other civil society organisations in a more professional manner, which has developed an awareness of children’s rights within the wider community - and as a result, other organisations with a similar vision have been established in neighbouring towns and cities. These developments have contributed to the influence KCCR has had in shaping government policy.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT As was explained in Chapter 2, from mid-1980s, but much more so in the 1990s, NGOs began to proliferate and take over the development space left behind as a result of state withdrawal. The government itself encouraged this development by recognising the role of NGOs, especially the developmental ones. Due to the above developments, the early 1990s saw the presence of numerous civil society organisations in the country; from small grassroots based CBOs to various professional and advocacy groups as well as the standard development NGOs both local and foreign. Umbrella NGOs such as TANGO (Tanzania Association of NGOs) and TACOSODE (Tanzania Council for Social Development) had formed in the late 1980s to coordinate NGO activities in the country. Of the two umbrella NGOs, TANGO took a particular interest in getting NGOs operating in the country together to prioritise their needs. Hence it hosted a meeting in early 1992 between a number of Canadian NGOs, including CUSO, and their Tanzanian counterparts. In that meeting, it was expressed by the Tanzanian NGOs that a forum for sharing ideas, opinions and information on how to effectively do development was among the most urgent needs of the NGO community. With full support from other Northern NGOs, CUSO undertook the responsibility of continuing the dialogue with TANGO to reach an agreement of cooperation, including the financial aspects of launching such a project. The outcome was an agreement signed in February 1993 and the Tanzania Association of NGOs (TANGO) MS 1993 Current status: On-going DKK 757,000


launching the forum in the form of an NGO newsletter in the name of ‘Semezana’ (Kiswahili for dialogue or talk to each other). The newsletter was initially supported by CUSO who helped with editors and the printing of the Semezana newsletter from 1993-1995. In 1993, MS-Tanzania supplied the project with computers and help with printing. This was the period of partnership inception. Since 1996 MS has been the main supporter of Semezana. In February 1996, TANGO and MS-Tanzania signed the first partnership agreement for Semezana. The current agreement signed in September 1998 runs from 1998 - 2000. Beneficiaries of the project are identified as primary and secondary ones. Primary beneficiaries are comprised of the members of TANGO and other NGOs in Tanzania. Added to these are the secondary beneficiaries identified as the international NGOs, donor agencies, Universities and other research institutions and the Government of Tanzania. These beneficiaries are not targeted by the project but due to their strategic interests, they will gain access to useful information on status, problems and successes experienced by the NGO-sector in Tanzania. The overall objective of Semezana is given as: ‘to allow members of Tanzanian NGOs to share ideas, experiences, opinions, information on ways of doing development work, so as to improve the quality of life for Tanzanians’. More specific aims of the project include supporting the emerging NGO sector with knowledge, skills and capabilities in dissemination of already existing knowledge in the country and enabling the international community and the government of Tanzania, together with research and academic institutions, to get access to useful information about NGOs. INPUTS Project inputs are mainly provided by MS-Tanzania for the implementation of project objectives. To this end, MS-Tanzania allocates funds to the project, as part of institutional support and capacity building of Semezana annual budgets. In 1996 this was DKK 82,000, 1997 DKK 115,000, 1998 DKK 10,000 and 1999 DKK 10,000. The other major input from MS-Tanzania is that since 1998 they have provided a Danish Development Worker (DW) who works half time on Semezana and equipment such as computers for the project. This has cost DKK 540,000 for the two years from 1998-9. On their part, TANGO/Semezana are responsible for making available to the project, office facilities and insurance, together with providing secretariat for the Editorial Board. OUTPUTS The central output of this initiative has been the newsletter. Six issues of 'Semezana' have been produced and distributed annually. The production and distribution of the journal is managed by Tanzanian staff employed by TANGO. The Editorial Board taking full responsibility over the editorial content of the journal. MONITORING AND EVALUATION Even though the agreement between TANGO and MS-Tanzania states clearly that the Editorial Board should develop a system for continuous evaluation of the journal's achievements and objectives, the Editors accept that there is no formal mechanism for monitoring and evaluating the


project’s activities. Instead there are weekly meetings to reflect on project activities, reflection workshops, joint MS-TANGO reviews of the project, annual questionnaires for readers to give their view on the journal and readers letters to the journal. EFFECTIVENESS AND EFFICIENCY The newsletter comes out on time and is distributed as planned. On this score one can say that the project is reasonably efficient. It can also be said that as a forum for exchanging ideas among NGOs, Semezana is effective. RELEVANCE As far as networking and the exchange of ideas among NGOs is concerned, Semezana is a very relevant project. It is the only regular, generalist newsletter on and for NGOs issues in Tanzania although there are a number of other newsletters on more specialist issues such as the environment or gender. EFFECT AND IMPACT The effect of the project can easily be seen. The journal has provided a forum for the NGO community who use it effectively. Long term impact is envisaged as creating awareness about networking and information sharing among the NGO community. Creating reading habits among the NGO members is also another envisaged impact. One cannot measure these easily but can only hope that they are realistic or achievable targets given the satisfactory implementation of the project. According to the views of the editors, Semezana's impact on the NGO community is mainly dependent on the strength of the NGOs themselves. In areas where NGOs are strong (on issues like land, human rights, women and child abuse, the environment, etc.), Semezana can easily make an impact. On the other hand on policy issues, the constitution and issues of a political nature where Tanzanian NGOs are generally weak, Semezana's impact is equally weak. One can also add that the popular belief among NGOs that TANGO is too close to the government, and the usually non-activist approach taken by the NGO umbrella, limits the impact that Semezana can make among the NGO community.

CONCLUDING REMARKS Semezana has been one of the most visible and effective initiatives undertaken by TANGO. It has a professional staff who have been prepared to publish articles on politically sensitive issues and policies. This contrasts with TANGO itself which has taken a rather low key, apolitical approach and which has not been very active as an umbrella body. The major current concern for Semezana staff at the moment is sustainability. Right now their salaries are assured by MS-Tanzania, and this acts as a great incentive for their full commitment to the journal. But can the newsletter project pay their salaries and sustain stable production when newsletters are sold at half price, mailing costs are too high to meet and broken equipment is too expensive to repair? And yet, selling the journal at


high costs would defeat the whole objective of information sharing for the local NGOs with few resources. The emerging NGO sector in Tanzania is not yet able to sustain a newsletter like Semezana even though it plays a vital role in supporting the sector. Semezana will continue to need external support for the foreseeable future.

Partner Organisation: Danish NGO: Project Started: Total Danish NGO Support: PROJECT CONTEXT Ifakara Women Weavers project has a long and interesting history. It was conceived and started by MS-Tanzania in 1983. The aim was to help poor female Standard VII school leavers from the rural areas of Kilombero and Ulanga districts. The justification was these girls from rural areas were most disadvantaged; there is no employment, their parents cannot afford further education and other opportunities for them and unlike boys, they cannot easily move on to urban centres to seek further opportunities. To help the poor standard seven female leavers from the rural districts of Kilombero and Ulanga, the project set up its headquarters at Kilombero district town for training weavers who were helped to establish weaving workshops in their villages once they finished training successfully. Ten years after the inception of the project, MS-Tanzania sought a way of helping the project beneficiaries (weavers) manage it themselves. They then helped them found an association to run and manage the project. Ifakara Women Weavers Association (IWWA) was founded in 1993. After entering into a partnership agreement with MS-Tanzania, IWWA was handed over the project to run it with MS-Tanzania remaining with partnership responsibilities. This is probably one of the few instances where a Danish NGO has been directly involved in helping form a local NGO partner in Tanzania. INPUTS This project has been funded by MS since 1983, including staff salaries, provision of equipment and construction of buildings. There have been nine Development Workers attached to the project since its inception. The total figure for MS support of DKK 6163,000 represents running costs once the project was established does not include the actual initial costs of the buildings and looms. Ifakara Women Weavers Association (IWWA) MS 1983 Current Status: Ongoing DKK 6,163,000


Financial Support (‘000 DKK)

No. of DWs

Cost of DWs (‘000 DKK)


1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 Total

? ? ? ? ? ? ? 52 51 53 51 180 106 220 169 146 98 1,126

? ? ? ? 1 1 1 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1

? ? ? ? 170 175 180 558 576 396 408 420 434 446 468 532 274 5,037

The project has set up and operates two main facilities: the Weaving School and the Production Unit. The Weaving School was established in 1984 to train girls in weaving - the course lasts two years. MS paid for the construction of the school buildings and the boarding house which has a capacity to accommodate up to 14 girls at a time. IWWA covers the salaries of the staff employed at the school, including two permanent teachers and a matron who is responsible for running the boarding house. Between 1984 and 1996, 69 girls had been trained at the weaving school. Project inputs relate to the four components of the project namely the weaving school, the production unit, the dyeing unit, and management. The weaving school's inputs include training syllabus, trainers, students, equipment for practice/teaching, classrooms. MS provide training costs. Students do not pay school fees but they contribute or provide for their own meals. The production unit is concerned with production of looms for the school and for workshops. Inputs are the skills required to produce the looms (carpentry), raw materials for the production of the looms (steel and wood) and production workshop. Weaving workshops are also part of the production unit. Inputs for these include yarn looms and other weaving inputs. Again MS covers cost for loom production. The dyeing unit's main role is to supply weavers with dyed yarn. Its inputs include three dyers, dye (colour), soap, caustic soda, salt, electricity and firewood. The management is comprised of the committee and administration team. IWWA also manages a shop and has a sales assistant. Inputs here comprise of the employees and cloth in the shop. OUTPUTS Outputs from the weaving school include skilled weavers. Since the school was started in 1984, 69 students have been trained, all females. From the loom production unit, the main outputs are looms. All together the unit has produced 40 looms, 32 of which are in the weaving stations and


eight are used for teaching at the weaving school, the loom production unit also maintain the looms situated at the school and weaving workshops. From the dyeing unit the main output is dyed yarn. At the weaving workshops the main outputs are the products, i.e., bedsheets, curtains, blankets and other cloth products. Other outputs from the project have been          Premises at village workshops Office premises at Ifakara headquarters Employment creation Staff houses Increase in the number of trained weavers from 12 in 1984 to 60 in 1999 Better quality yarn New designs for woven clothes Expansion of weavers workshops from 3 in 1984 to 16 in 1997 New dyeing machine to simplify work.

MONITORING AND EVALUATION The monitoring and evaluation activities carried out by the project are as follows:  IWWA prepares an annual progress report for its members and MS  There is an annual general meeting for IWWA when all members meet for a full report on the year’s activities  The management of IWWA and all heads of section meet on a weekly basis  Programme offices and other Country Office staff from MS-Tanzania participate in annual meetings and also make follow-up visits to the project  Development workers make quarterly, annual and final (end of contract) reports  External evaluations of the project took place in 1993 and 1996 EFFECTIVENESS AND EFFICIENCY The project has succeeded in improving the livelihoods of some young women but the numbers are very small when the total investment by MS in the project is considered. MS-Tanzania has invested heavily in the project for nearly 16 years but IWWA is still unable to generate enough income to continue without MS support. One of the main problems is that the cost of production is too high. The prices of raw materials like dyed yarn are high and this leads to high prices of the woven products for which there is not a good local market. Marketing has been a problem although IWWA and MS have now developed strategies to improve this and are now focusing on the tourist sector. Maintenance problems with equipment used for dyeing have also limited the quantity and quality of production. RELEVANCE The basic rationale for developing the project - as a means of providing income to girl school leavers in a very poor part of Tanzania - is very sound. However, given that neither the numbers of those trained in weaving nor the actual income generated have been that high, the relevance of the project to


the wider community in this region has not been particularly significant. Furthermore, the actual products that the weavers have produced are too expensive for local people and therefore do not meet a strong local demand. EFFECT AND IMPACT The main effect and impact of the project has been as follows:  Weavers have acquired new production technique and have successfully carried out weaving activities.  The production of useful loom machines for weavers.  Employment creation for women has led to income generation.  The project have reduced the dependency level of young women on their families since they are able to earn their own income.  New woven clothes for the community.  Expansion of project activities, for example the shop, new dyeing skills, and carpentry unit.  Trained weavers have been able to educate other girls on weaving activities.  Some weavers have been able to build their own houses.  The project now has national status with IWWA staff being invited to national seminars, trade fairs, getting orders from government institutions and government officials visiting project activities. The graduates get support to start up their own weaving workshop and thus get a relatively good income.  Outside factors have impacted negatively on project - notably licence tax and VAT - all of which have meant high costs to the project.  When consultants are used, the fees are very high and can only be paid through MS.  Collaboration with VTC (Vocational Training Centre) has helped success with carpentry activities though at the same time the college (VTC) does not give priority to IWWA carpentry activities. The project specifically targeted poor young women in Ulanga and Kilombero districts who have completed Standard VII. No specific analysis of poverty has taken place within the project though most of the beginners were from poor families. The families of those girls who have been involved in the project have benefited since their daughters have received training which has enabled them to earn an income. However, due to being too expensive, the products of the projects do not benefit the poor who can't afford to buy them. Attempts to change recruitment procedures alongside performance lines interfere with the original objective of targeting the poor, but there is also a counter argument that targeting poor girls does not necessarily benefit the poor sections of the rural areas because some of the trained poor girls never return to their original villages. Instead they settle in urban centres (towns/cities) where opportunities are easily available. The following table summaries the status of the weaving workshops. The Status of Weaving Workshops Workshop Viwanja Sitini No. of Weavers 4 No. of Apprentices 6 Weaving Machines 3 Assessment Production Status Medium output


Lipangalala Morogoro town Chita Ifakara (IWWA) Mlabani Idete Mchombe Mlimba Mang'ula Kidatu Ruaha Igota Mahenge Malinyi Mtimbira Maria Komba Emma Sokole Independents: Victoria Kazimbaya TOTAL

7 1 2 2 3 3 3 2 2 1 2 2 2 3 3 1 1

7 2 0 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 2 4 0 1

6 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 4 1 1

High level output High level output Medium level output Medium level output Medium output level Low output level No production Low output level Low Output level No production Low output level Low output level High output level Low output level High output level Full time now and medium level Medium level and a committee member Medium level

1 45

0 29

1 35

BENEFICIARY ANALYSIS Extensive beneficiary analysis of IWWA was carried out using several instruments. The main instrument used comprised of beneficiary assessment interviews in the form of individual interviews, house hold interviews and group interviews. These were complemented by key informant interviews. Individual interviews were carried out at weaving workshops. There are 18 workshops and 1 independent weaver. Four workshops with different levels of production were covered and a total of 10 weavers were interviewed as individual beneficiaries. Beneficiary assessment from the individual weavers has mixed results. Those from high level production workshops talk highly of the project while those from medium and low level production workshops assess the project negatively. At Mtimbira there are two very experienced weavers. One had moved from teaching at the weaving school to heading IWWA as manager but left the post of manager when it was decided that IWWA should recruit a professional manager. In April 1999 she started in-service training. The other weaver at this workshop is equally highly experienced. She had served as member and chair of the IWWA managing committee.


The two weavers have trained several girls as apprentices. Their assessment of the project is very positive. For them benefits include gaining weaving skills, getting exposure in life by living and working with people from different races (DWs), opportunity for self employment, workshop premises (a house built by MS), enough profit from weaving to enable them maintain their families and employ farm labour, experience in managing the organisation, etc. At the same time the apprentice who gets training from the workshop was not impressed by the project. This is understandable because her future with IWWA is very uncertain. Unlike those who go through formal training at the weaving school, her membership to IWWA plus the benefits that go with it (free loan machine at a 10% credit) are not assured. At the middle level production workshops, weavers are somewhat indifferent and or completely negative about the project. Even those whose workshop is near headquarters are very critical. They see benefits in terms of getting weaving skills, weaving machines and a modest income of about 20,000/= over a period of 3 to 4 months. However, this income is too small to sustain their lives. They point out the big problem of marketing their goods which stays at the shop for so long before getting sold. They are also critical about the leadership that never visits them to get their views and hear their problems, which include stopping production because of lack of yarn or cash with which to buy yarn. They see no future in weaving. At the low level production workshops beneficiary assessment were more negative. What is ranked as low level production unit actually meant no meaningful production taking place. The weavers had problems of getting orders for production from the IWWA headquarters and some of their products have stayed there for months without being sold. These are workshops which are very far from the headquarters. The weavers think they are getting marginalised from the association and that they do not benefit at all. At Mang'ula workshop, the weaver thought that the project was of no use to her. She only continued with it at the insistence of her husband who thought it raised her social status. Key informant's assessment benefited from the major hospital in Ifakara. Here group discussions were held with the hospitals director, his administrator, hospital accountant and matron. The hospital is a major client to the IWWA shop in town. We were told that the hospital administration had decided to buy all its bed sheets and covers from IWWA shop because the products were highly durable. We were taken to the laundry where we saw all the beddings. The laundry people complained that cloth quality had gone a bit low in the past but now there is a big improvement especially with dyeing. The project seems to have a big impact on the hospital. Other key informants included the Ifakara Trade School where the weaving school and loom production units are based. We had discussion with the trade school teaching staff and students. Important links have been established here between the trade school and the IWWA weaving school. MS built some buildings within the trade school premises on the understanding that when IWWA closes the weaving school the buildings will remain for use by the trade school. There is close collaboration between staff and students of both schools; weaving and trade schools. The trade school principal thinks that the weaving school can be sustainable if it is handed over to them but they will have to modify its admission procedures plus the running of its activities. Unfortunately the principal’s ideas would be contrary to IWWA's objectives of benefiting the poor.


CONCLUDING REMARKS The project has led to the founding of IWWA as a local community based organisation. About forty weavers were encouraged to form a local CBO and directly manage their project activities. The members of the association have grown from forty in 1993 to over sixty at the moment. Taken at face value, this means that MS-Tanzania has contributed to the strengthening of the civil society in Tanzania by helping in the formation of NGOs. However, the relationship between MS and IWWA is more of a patron-client type than partnership. In this case MS looks at IWWA as a ‘baby’ of its own and works hard in ‘nursing it’. It has been said by some IWWA members that at IWWA elections, MS can very easily influence who should be elected to which post. There is a long way to go for IWWA to be sustainable. The project has been going 16 years but it is still very dependent on financial support from MS. At the organisational level, project activities and beneficiary level nothing will continue for a long once funding ends. One key informant put it this way: ‘Doesn't DANIDA know the obvious that the project will simply collapse once funding stops? Are they just waiting for the project to die once they leave?’ At that moment it does not seem that the project can sustain itself at any level once MS support ends and there are no prospects of other funders stepping in.




This chapter reviews the projects included in the Impact Study in relation to a number of key thematic issues, notably gender, poverty, environment, sustainability, democratisation and partnership. During the project visits, the Impact Study team gathered information and held discussions with both staff and beneficiaries on each of these cross cutting issues. The purpose of this chapter is to undertake a comparative analysis of the achievements, difficulties and challenges facing Danish NGOs in relation to each of these issues. Prior to the project visits, the relevant documentation from each project was reviewed. This helped the team to assess to what extent the NGO concerned had analysed the project interventions in relation to these cross-cutting issues. This table presents a review of the documentation for each project in relation to each of the cross cutting issues. Table: Project Documentation on Cross-Cutting Issues
T1 Poverty Gender Environ-m ent Sustainability Democratisation 1 2 1 1 0 T2 0 1 1 1 1 T3 1 1 0 1 1 T4 0 0 0 2 0 T5 1 1 1 1 0 T6 1 1 0 0 1 T7 2 2 2 2 3 T8 1 1 0 1 1 T9 0 1 1 1 2 T10 1 1 0 0 1 T11 1 1 0 0 1 T12 0 0 0 0 1 T13 1 1 2 1 2

3 Good information/ analysis 2 Some Information/ analysis

1 Some reference and discussion 0 No reference to the issue

As in relation to project performance, it must be emphasised that this table represents only the extent to which the project documentation has addressed the cross cutting issues and not the actual impact that these projects have had on these issues. 4.1 GENDER The impact of Danish NGOs and their partners on gender relations in Tanzania has been modest. While many of the projects reviewed have targeted women or girl students, little has been done to tackle the underlying factors causing gender differentiation in Tanzanian society. This is in spite of the fact that other NGOs in Tanzania are taking a very active role in challenging gender inequality in government policy, the law and the family. Women’s NGOs in Tanzania have been some of the most vocal and politicised in the NGO community. Groups such as Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), Tanzania Media Women Association (TAMWA), Tanzania Women’s Lawyers Association (TWLA), and the Women’s Council of Tanzania (BAWATA) have a high public profile in Tanzania and are very strong on advocacy at the national policy level. BAWATA have actually been de-registered by the government which BAWATA is now contesting in the courts. Among the Danish NGOs operating


in Tanzania, only MS in involved in the network of gender NGOs. For example, it invited TGNP and TAMWA to facilitate a workshop on advocacy for MS partners and one of its partners, Semezana, regularly reported on these campaigns. None of the other Danish NGOs or their partners have been directly engaged in these national level campaigns and debates on gender. Only one of the projects included in the impact study works exclusively with women, the Ifakara Women Weavers Association. This targets female primary school leavers in order to provide training and a means of income generation. IWWA itself is a membership organisation of women weavers, and all the leadership positions are held by women, although some of the employees are men. The primary health care component of the Lugala Hospital project has a particular focus on women’s health as does the income generation activities of the Help for Self Help project. For most of the other projects, if there is a explicit gender component, it is primarily in terms of ensuring that women or girls have equal access to the project activities as men or boys. For example, the beekeeping project set out to encourage more women to get involved in beekeeping - women were traditionally excluded from beekeeping activities in many areas. One of the objectives of the project was to ensure that half of all the bee-keepers trained by the project would be women and this was achieved. The ADRA schools project has also been of great assistance to girl students in providing good quality accommodation. Although the project does not have a specific gender focus, girl pupils are generally well catered for in terms of dormitories in the schools renovated in the ADRA projects. At Suji, the Secondary School had already received a grant from NORAD for building a Girls Boarding School in 1990. For this reason, the ADRA project focused on building new dormitories for boys since the existing one was of very poor quality, but also renovated another building for use as an additional girls dormitory. Currently there are 160 places available for girl boarders at Suji and 96 for boys. In Parane school, the facilities for girl boarders are apparently of better quality than the boys dormitories. Furthermore, in Nyabehore Secondary School which was renovated in Phase II of the project, ADRA obtained a further grant from the EU to build a girls dormitory. Some of the projects have indirect benefits for women. For example, the biogas projects in Kagera region can dramatically reduce the amount of time that women need to spend on the collection of firewood. The downside is that because the biogas plants require at least 40 litres of water a day, when it is not available locally it is women who have to walk long distances to collect it. Only two of the interventions supported by Danish NGOs are actively involved in promoting women’s rights. Semezana, which is supported by MS, frequently contains articles on gender issues. Kuleana, another of MS partner, promotes children’s rights in general with much emphasis on the particular problems faced by girl children - household work, discrimination and sexual abuse. Kuleana has even successfully taken court action against two men for the sexual abuse of street girls, leading to prosecution. 4.2 ENVIRONMENT Danish NGO projects have had little impact on the environment in Tanzania. Only one of the projects included in the Impact Study had protection of the environment as its primary objective.


This was the alternative energy project carried out by the Danish Missionary Society and Danish Mission Council Development Department in Kagera Region. The project included a number of initiatives to introduce biogas technology and solar energy at educational institutions and, in the case of biogas, also to individual households. In particular, the biogas plants provided an alternative source of energy for cooking to firewood. One of the findings of the Impact Study was that outside of the institutions, the uptake and maintenance of such plants has been low due to the capital investment required. However, the introduction of solar energy in Kagera by DMS did stimulate another local NGO called KARDEA to set up its own programme and obtain funding for promoting solar energy in the region. In other projects, the concern with the environment has been largely confined to a recognition of the need to minimise the negative impact of the project activities on the environment. This has largely been achieved although there was evidence of some negative environmental consequences with both IWWA and the Lugala hospital. In the case of the former this was due to disposal of waste water from the dyeing unit. The established system of collecting all waste water in septic tanks and sock pits had become inefficient due to the growth of activities in the dyeing unit. MS in collaboration with IWWA has identified a new system for treating waste water but, to date, do not have sufficient funds to implement this. In the case of the hospital, the excavation of soil for construction purposes led to a dispute with local people. As with gender, Danish NGOs and their partners have not been actively involved in campaigning on environmental issues. Semezana is the exception here, again, and does include articles on environmental issues. It has close links with JET, the Journalists Environmental Association of Tanzania which, among other campaigns, has spearheaded the protests against the government’s proposed Rufiji Delta shrimp project. JET is represented on Semezana’s editorial board. MS’s other main contribution to environmental project is through posting DWs to the HIMA project in South West Tanzania. This is a DANIDA managed project on environmental protection and agricultural production for which MS has agreed to post up to six DWs at any one time. MS also has a an Environmental Action Plan for Tanzania, although the Impact Study was not able assess to what extent this had been operationalised. 4.3 POVERTY As was discussed in Chapter 2, there are a number of different approaches to assessing poverty, ranging from a narrow focus on income to a broader focus that includes education and access to other basic services. Another issue that is often seen as an aspect of poverty is lack of basic human and political rights. The Country Study Core Team made the decision to examine poverty from this broader perspective, rather than focus narrowly on income. Thus, all the Country Studies have examined projects in relation to how far they have been able to help poor people to:     gain access to resources relevant to sustaining or improving their livelihoods; expand their knowledge base on issues directly related to their development; improve the quality of their lives via health and education services; freely exercise their social and political rights.

Given the importance attached to democratisation by DANIDA, this has been treated as an issue in itself and is discussed in the next section.


Danish NGOs in Tanzania have seen poverty primarily in terms of how it affects individuals, not as a political and macro economic problem. They have implemented projects that seek to alleviate poverty by providing people with the means to raise their income and by providing basic services to poor people. They do not feel that they can have much impact on poverty at a national level, but that they can make a contribution to assisting individuals meet their basic needs. This is particularly so in the context of the decline in the capacity of the state to provide essential services. For example, many churches, at the request of the government, have re-established management of former mission hospitals which were handed over to the government after Independence. Such hospitals are now playing an essential role in providing poor people with access to health care in rural areas. In addition to these approaches to alleviating poverty in Tanzania, it should also be noted that some of the Church organisations and MS have supported campaigns against debt back in Denmark and in international fora. It has not been possible to examine the impact of this in this study. However, in the view of the Impact Study team, while the Danish NGOs in Tanzania have been concerned with reducing poverty in practice most have had no clear strategy for this. Nor have they utilised potential methods for assisting them in being more poverty-orientated. In none of the projects examined in the Impact Study was there any evidence that Danish NGOs have carried out in-depth poverty assessments prior to implementing the project. Such assessments would provide an analysis of the social and economic dynamics of poverty and marginalisation. They are essential if NGOs are to be able to target the poorest groups and tackle the factors that make them poor. Yet given the diverse range of small projects supported by Danish NGOs in Tanzania it is difficult to envisage how they would have the resources to do this for each project. However, they could make far more use of the social and economic research on poverty being conducted in Tanzania. Institutions such as REPOA (Research on Poverty Alleviation) in Dar es Salaam have national programmes of research on poverty in Tanzania and publish widely. The World Bank has also carried out detailed poverty assessments in Tanzania and copies of their reports can usually be obtained from their resource centre in Dar es Salaam. One major means of reducing poverty is through raising the income of poor people. Four of the projects have income generation as one of their major objectives - IWWA, Help for Self Help, Popular Sports and Culture and the Bee-Keepers. Each has involved training poor people in productive techniques with a view to raising income. All the projects have provided an additional component to household survival strategies but in the case of IWWA and HSH, the level of income generated has been limited due to the absence of local markets for the clothing produced. In relation to the beekeeping project, there is always a local market for honey although the prices for raw honey are low. Local bee-keepers do not have the technology or training in order to process and package their honey for the main shops and hotels in Arusha or elsewhere. It would have been a useful exercise for the project to investigate the economic feasibility for local beekeepers to process honey for the commercial market rather than just for the local market. Only the football production component of the Popular Sports project seems to have been successful - high quality footballs and volleyballs have been made by local sports groups - as there is a large local demand for them, and the raw materials are widely available locally. In general, it should be noted that the study was not able to undertake a thorough assessment of whether or not the income generated justified the labour and resources invested by beneficiaries and the project. This had not been done by any of the projects themselves and is something that they all


need to address. What has been lacking in all of the income generation activities supported by Danish NGOs is a thorough analysis of the economic feasibility of these activities for poor people and whether or not the poorest people can be targeted. Nor has there been much attention to marketing in the smaller NGO projects which has been found elsewhere to be one of the keys to successful income generation activities. Furthermore, the question of whether or not there is a sufficient market for the produce or skills to sustain the income generation activities does not appear to have been investigated. In the IWWA project there has been more emphasis on marketing and various marketing studies have been undertaken to improve the marketing of materials. However, IWWA and MS face a difficult challenge as marketing continues to be a general problem for textile industries in Tanzania. Thus, while IWWA has led to a large number of well-trained weavers and high quality clothes, the market for such clothes is very limited. Without a more rigorous understanding of how the local economy works and relates to the national economic forces, such income generation activities appear to have little potential for improving livelihoods in the long term. Providing basic services to poor people is another area in which NGOs can contribute to poverty reduction. As was discussed in Chapter 2, NGOs have increasingly had to move into basic service delivery in the 1980s and 1990s in response to the failure of the state to provide these services. While the private sector provides health and educational services to those who can afford to pay, it is NGOs have a critical role to play in poor, rural areas. The question addressed in the Impact Study is to what extent have Danish NGOs fulfilled this role in providing low-cost services that are targeted at poor people? Danish NGOs have focused on three main sectors in Tanzania - education, health and rural water supply. (Both DanChurchAid and ADRA have implemented or are in the process of implementing large scale rural water projects in Tanzania, although these projects were not included in the Impact Study.) The Impact Study looked at a hospital renovation project, teacher resource centres, health education and a schools renovation project. Of these, only the two health projects could be said to have a direct impact on poverty. They are both aimed at improving the health of poor people - the DLM hospital project by providing a good hospital and primary health care service in Ulanga, and the Red Cross project through promoting AIDS awareness in Kagera region. Both have serious problems with sustainability, as is discussed in the following section. Improving children’s access to good education has been the objective of the education projects included in the Impact Study and this is also an important component in the long term reduction of poverty. The projects have meant that many children have had better education than they would otherwise have received. However, an important issue for education in relation to poverty reduction is targeting. The Impact Study found that these education projects were not targeting the poorest and were not being implemented in the most educationally deprived parts of Tanzania. As was shown in Chapter 3, the ADRA project has primarily (if unintentionally) benefited wealthier families from outside Suji who use the boarding facilities at the school. The TCs in Sengerama and Mbweera are working in districts which are already well provided for by other educational facilities. This raises the critical issue of the distribution of Danish NGO projects throughout the country. One of the observations of the Impact Study is that the impact of Danish NGOs on poverty reduction may have been limited due to the areas in which they work. At this point it is important to recall the table used in Chapter 2 to show regional poverty. There are Danish NGOs working in all


of the five wealthiest regions but only three of the seven poorest regions - these are Kagera, Kigoma and Morogoro. This, as far as the team has been able to ascertain, applies to all Danish NGO supported projects in recent years, not just those included in the matrix. Most of the NGOs justify this on the grounds that there is huge differentiation within these regions and they are working with the poorer people in these wealthier regions. Other international NGOs have tended to follow the same argument. Although this argument is perfectly valid in itself, it does mean that many of the poorer, remoter regions of Tanzania continue to be marginalised and peripheral, whereas other regions have much higher involvement by NGOs. This is most apparent with MS. It has the largest programme of any Danish NGO in Tanzania, and also is free from the long standing historical relationships that define the areas to which the church-related NGOs are more limited. Yet they have not focused on the poorer parts of Tanzania and more than any other Danish NGO have focused on wealthier regions. In many of the regions they have targeted some of the poorest areas within the region - for example in Arusha region they are supporting a number of initiatives with pastoralists and agro-pastoralists - but nonetheless Arusha is still an area of very high NGO concentration compared with many other parts of Tanzania. According to the 1998 MS Annual Review, MS has supported 35 different organisations and institutions. It is very revealing to analyse these in relation to the regional welfare index from the chart on regional poverty mapping that was presented in Chapter Two.

Welfare Index of Region 1-3 4-9 10-19 20-30 31

No. of MS Partners 1 5 4 19 5

(One partner was in Zanzibar which was not included in the Welfare Index) The poorest regions in Tanzania are in the South and West of the country. With the exception of one project - the Ifakara Women’s Weavers Association in Morogoro Region - MS has not in recent years carried out any activities in the seven poorest regions of Tanzania. Furthermore, in the next category of poor regions with a welfare index of 4-9, MS has only been carrying out activities in one of these in Iringa Region. Instead, MS has focused its activities in Dar es Salaam, Kilimanjaro, Arusha and Mwanza, which together with Mara region are the wealthiest regions in the country. This prioritisation of wealthier areas is most apparent with the Teachers Centres (TCs). MS initially supported TCs in Kilimanjaro, Mbeya, Dar es Salaam and Zanizibar, and have extended their support to TCs in Arusha and Mwanza. Yet these are wealthier regions with better education than other regions of the country. Kilimanjaro Region which has received the longest support for TCs has the best educational standards in the country. While there are still pressing needs in these regions, nonetheless they are much better endowed than other regions, and the question has to be asked as to why MS has prioritised these regions?


One of the reasons for this neglect has been MS’s concern with finding suitable places for Development Workers. Put bluntly, it is a far easier prospect to send a place a Development Worker in Moshi or Mwanza than in a small, remote district town in South-East or Western Tanzania. In the case of the latter, transport and communications are very poor, there are few other Europeans, many commodities are not available, local hospitals may be very poor or non-existent and finding suitable accommodation can be very problematic. It would take a huge investment by the MS Tanzania Country Office to explore potential partnerships and DW placements in these areas. There have been incidences when DWs have been sent to poorer, remoter areas and have found this too difficult to cope with. Yet other European volunteer sending agencies do send volunteers to these regions, even if the numbers are not large. More focus and priority needs to be given for educating potential DWs on the importance of working in these areas. The areas in which the church-related NGOs work is determined primarily by their historical relationship with the local church, rather than any poverty focus. Nonetheless, some of the church organisations are working in some of poorest regions of Tanzania - for example DMS is working in Kagera region, and DLM in Morogoro region. DMS has 28 personnel working in Karagwe and North West Dioceses. Some of these are sent under a personnel-sending programme administered by the Danish Mission Council Development Department which is funded by DANIDA. ADRA, by contrast, has worked exclusively in Mara and Kilimanjaro regions, both of which are relatively wealthy, since these are the regions where much of the Seventh Day Adventist membership in Tanzania is found. Although none of these organisations are bound to work only in these regions or exclusively with local churches, nonetheless these partnerships have been critical to both their legitimacy and effectiveness. It would be difficult for them to start a new programme in non-Adventist areas of Tanzania where they have little legitimacy. In terms of the smaller NGOs, they have, on the whole, focused on the richer regions of Tanzania. Help for Self Help focuses on communities near to Arusha town, some of which are in a peri-urban context. The Danish Bee-Keepers project was in Arusha region although it covered huge areas, some of which were very remote and marginalised. The DGI project has taken place in Mwanza and Sengerama. Only the ULD 80 project of support to a vocational training centre in Karagwe (not included in Impact Study) has taken place in one of the poorest regions of Tanzania. 4.4 SUSTAINABILITY Sustainability is a complex issue. Although the critical issue is that the benefits of any intervention are sustained once external support ends, different criteria for sustainability need to be set depending on the objectives of the project. The Impact Study looked at three main project areas -income generation, service delivery, and advocacy - and it is useful to analyse sustainability in the context of different types of projects. It is also important to recognise Tanzania is still a totally aid-dependent country and any assessment of Danish NGO interventions in terms of sustainability should be made in this context. Introducing sustainable projects and programmes in Tanzania has been hugely difficult in both the public and NGO sector. The purpose of income generation projects is to enable project beneficiaries to achieve sustainable livelihoods. While the actual project itself does not need to be self-financing, it must lead to sustainable income generation activities - this requires adequate skill levels, access to appropriate


technology (including maintenance and capital investment if necessary) and above all a market for the skills or products that were developed during the project. This is a clearly a problem for IWWA, which has been supported by MS since 1983, with a very heavy input from DWs. After 16 years IWWA is still very dependent on MS’s continued financial support and will continue to be in the future. With service delivery projects there has been a conflict between maintaining a poverty focus and sustainability. This relates to the need to charge user-fees to patients and pupils. This was most apparent with the Lugala Hospital. The Impact Study found that although the renovation of the hospital had been successfully completed it was struggling to find sufficient revenue to meet the running costs, especially staff salaries and maintenance. There have not been sufficient resources to keep the services provided by the hospital intact while ensuring that poor people continue to have access to these services. The problem is that in order to achieve the former without external support, the required fees would be too much for many local people. Yet the hospital has always provided health care to all, not just to those who can afford it, and in order to be self-sufficient it would need to exclude those who cannot pay. This is unacceptable to both the ELCT, DLM and local people. In fact, all ELCT hospitals in Tanzania depend on external support and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future. A similar situation applies in the education projects included in the Impact Study. For example, the Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre has struggled to continue with its programme of activities since the MS support ends. They have been able to raise sufficient income for running the centre from contributions made by the District Council, parents and teachers, but this is far from sufficient to run a programme of residential workshops at the Centre. And this is despite the fact that Hai District is relatively wealthy by Tanzanian standards. It was also the case with the ADRA schools project. Although the DANIDA grant, provided through ADRA, was essential in order to carry out the renovation programme, the school is able to cover running costs from the school fees. This includes teachers salaries, maintenance, educational materials and the construction of new class rooms. However, while the case study showed that Suji school was a sustainable facility, the school fees necessary to cover this deter local people from sending their children to the school. The HIV project in Kagera is not a straightforward service delivery project and has many components including health education as well as health care. On the one level the project activities are not sustainable. The HIV project has been very expensive, costing 46.9 million DKK. The Tanzanian Red Cross does not have its own health department and lacks both the management and technical capacity to take over a project of this scale and complexity. Furthermore, because of their lack of confidence and trust in the Tanzania Red Cross (see section on Partnership below), the Danish Red Cross has placed a delegate there to control the project. While this has helped ensure much greater financial control of the project, it cannot readily be taken over and sustained by the TRC once DRC funding ends. Furthermore, the project did not work through local Red Cross branches - had they done so then it may have been possible for the members of these branches to continue with some of the activities on a voluntary basis after the end of the project. Yet the other issue for sustainability in relation to health education component of this project is the continued avoidance by people of high risk activities following the end of the project. Since the project has not


yet finished it is not possible at this stage to conclude whether or not these health messages are culturally sustainable. DANIDA is right to ask the NGOs to consider thoroughly the issue of the long term financing of service delivery projects, and insist that project costs are commensurable with those of government run services. But DANIDA’s insistence that service delivery projects should be self-sustaining while maintaining a poverty focus have proved to be unrealistic and cannot be achieved in poor areas of Tanzania in the foreseeable future. Instead, both NGOs and DANIDA need to explore further long term strategies for maintaining services in poor areas. Schemes to mobilise user fees such as the health insurance scheme that has been introduced by Lugala hospital - can make important contributions but are unlikely to be able to generate sufficient revenue alone. Other options include increased government funding, although this is often equally unrealistic as the example of Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre showed, and building up a more diverse funding base from a number of external funders. The critical issue for health and education facilities is to find more long-term commitments of external funding, rather than on a project by project basis. For some types of support, it is completely inappropriate to demand that a partner’s activities or projects will be sustainable. Take Kuleana’s Centre for Child Rights for example. This is doing very important work in promoting the rights of children but is entirely dependent on external support. Semezana is in a similar position in that it sells the papers at very subsidised rates to Tanzanian NGOs. It is only able to do this because of the support provided by MS and other funders in covering staff salaries, running costs and subsidising the printing. If Semezana was to be self-funding the cost of each issue would be prohibitive for most NGOs. Semezana is trying to generate some income itself through providing editorial and production services for other organisations, but it is important to ensure that these income generation activities do not take Semezana staff away from its core task of producing a high quality, accessible newsletter for Tanzanian NGOs on a regular basis. For organisations like Kuleana and Semezana, the goal must be achieving sustained external funding. Building relationships with a number of different Northern funders, rather than being overly dependent on one funder is more likely to achieve this in the long term. An additional factor to consider is the sustainability of partners themselves. This is discussed more fully in the section below on partnership and refers to the need to distinguish between those partners that exist primarily to implement a specific project, such as IWWA or Semezana, and those which are long term permanent organisations with a much broader mandate than undertaking specific projects, such as a church diocese or district council. In the case of the latter, such partners may not be able to continue to sustain the same level of project activities once support from Denmark has been withdrawn but nonetheless the actual existence and raison d’être of partner institution is not in question. For example, since the Danish support for the Lugala Hospital and Mbweera Teachers Resource Centre has ended both institutions have been unable to keep up the same level of services. By contrast both the ELCT Ulanga Diocese and Hai District Council have core activities which are funded by local collections and tax revenues respectively. These will continue whether or not they get external funding for specific projects. Yet for partners like IWWA it is difficult to see the association surviving without continued external support for its project activities. 4.5 DEMOCRATISATION


Many of the projects included in the Impact Study have been concerned with strengthening democracy. This has almost exclusively been at the level of local institutions. In some of the projects, such as the Teachers Resource centres, this has involved influencing policy at the level of local implementation which is a vital role that NGOs can play. In general though, Danish NGO support for civil society has been primarily in terms of strengthening the capacity of local civic organisations. With a few notable exceptions, Danish NGOs and their partners have not engaged in political debate at the national level nor in policy dialogue with government or donors. Some projects were based on optimistic notions that the projects could introduce Danish models of strong, democratic, local organisations in Tanzania. These have been difficult to achieve in practice. For example, one of the objectives of the beekeeping project was to promote democratic organisational principles among local beekeeping organisations. This was not achieved in the case of the Bee-keepers as the legacy of mismanagement and organisational splits bears witness. Similarly, one the roles of the Teacher Resource Centres has been seen as facilitating the participation of civil society through strengthening the role of communities in managing the TCs. Yet as was noted in the case study on Mbweera TRC lack of community involvement has been one of the problems with TCs. It did not appear that there had been strong levels of community involvement in the TC activities in Hai District. In terms of the TC management committee, this is dominated by senior education officials in the district, with only two parents’ representatives. The establishment of a TC steering committee as a strong democratic base and linkages between the local society on the one hand and TCs and districts on the other does not function well. Few of the partners have been involved in the ongoing debates over the government’s proposed new NGO policy. In fact it was noticeable at the Introductory Impact Study Workshop in February that the new policy was not raised during discussions on the national context. This is one of the major issues facing NGOs in Tanzania. The rationale for the policy is to provide a more unified approach to registering and coordinating the work of NGOs in Tanzania. Current legislation has proved extremely cumbersome and inadequate to cope with the huge growth in NGOs in the last decade. However, there has also been much concern from within the NGO sector that the new policy will lead to closer control of NGOs by the government. While the draft policy states that NGOs will be encouraged to provide services it also argues that NGOs should not take a political role. There has been a lengthy consultation process with NGOs and, of the Danish NGOs, MS Tanzania has now engaged with this and its Policy Advisory Board has submitted comments on the fourth draft of the policy. Other Danish NGOs have not done so. On the one hand this is understandable given the fact that they lack a country presence in Tanzania. On the other hand, given the potential importance of the new policy to their work, it is surprising that the Danish NGOs have not given more attention to discussing the new policy with their partners. Danish NGOs insist that, as foreign organisations, it is not their responsibility to engage in national level political processes in Tanzania but rather to support their partners in doing this. The Danish Mission Council Development Department, DanChurchAid and MS are the only organisations that have directly supported partners who are undertaking national level advocacy work. Other partners of Danish NGOs are primarily concerned with local issues. Both DMCDD and DanChurchAid have supported the ELCT which, among other things, has been outspoken against corruption and advocated for greater democracy in Tanzania. For example DanChurchAid’s contribution has been through funding church publications on democracy or funding ELCT staff to take part in meetings on human rights and democracy. DanChurchAid paid for the publication of the Bagamoyo


Statement by the ELCT Bishops, in both English and Swahili. This statement, issued in 1994, challenged the government over its record on democracy and corruption. The support to the ELCT provided by DMCDD and other mission organisations is not always formulated as projects but rather is seen as part of their ongoing partnership with the ELCT. MS has made the largest contribution here and has an explicit strategy of supporting organisations engaged in advocacy at the national level. This is reflected in its support for partners like Semezana and Kuleana, and support for pastoralists groups in land cases. Nonetheless, there is clearly scope for more involvement here and the proportion of MS funding that goes to these partners is very small. One of the conclusions of the 1998 Country Review of MS Tanzania was that in practice much of its support for Tanzania is still confined to internal capacity building of partner organisations. ‘A lot of time and resources have been spent supporting partner organisations through salaries, running costs and the training of staff. . . . However, for the investment done on the partners, the results are general in terms of internal ‘capacity’. The outputs in terms of poverty reduction (including the enhancing the role of the civil society and promoting democracy and human rights) do not yet seem to match the time and resources spent.’ (MS Tanzania Review p.60) One of MS’s concerns with focusing too much on the higher profile advocacy NGOs in Tanzania is that since there are relatively few of them they receive considerable support and funding from international NGOs and donors. For example, they do not directly support any of the gender NGOs since these are already well funded, but are well linked into the networks that these NGOs have established. The challenge for Danish NGOs and their partners is to continue to strengthen the capacity of local organisations but in addition they need to be less parochial in their outlook. Tanzania is undergoing huge political and economic changes - new policies and reforms are constantly being promoted by the government and international donors. NGOs have a crucial role in engaging in policy dialogue and representing alternative voices and opinions. In some areas NGOs have played a critical role -gender, pastoralists, land rights. Only MS is involved in these networks and supports NGOs campaigning in these issues. In other sectors NGOs have little influence. However, it should be stated that this is not just a reflection of Danish NGOs and their partners but of NGOs in Tanzania in general which have had a tradition of service delivery rather than political engagement with the government. 4.6 PARTNERSHIP As was stated in Chapter 1, none of the Danish NGOs run their own programmes in Tanzania but all work through local organisations. Partnership is the term used by NGOs to refer to the relationship between these organisations but it is another key development concept that is open to a broad range of interpretations. Rather than attempt to precisely define partnership, the approach taken in the Country Studies has been to explore the experiences of the different NGOs with working through local partners.


The approaches and attitudes to partnership among NGOs in Tanzania differ enormously. For some, such as the church organisations, it is a recent term that is now used to describe the long standing relationship between themselves and local churches. For others, notably MS, there is a clear policy on what partnership involves and considerable effort and resources are put in to developing relationships with local organisations. For others still, partnership describes the relationship between national societies who are part of an international federation. This section sets out the different types of partnerships that Danish NGOs have established with Tanzanian organisations. Church partnerships There are long term relationships between Danish missionary organisations and Tanzanian churches, notably those between DMS and ELCT North West and Karagwe dioceses, and DLM and ELCT Ulanga diocese. Both the DMS and DLM have been working in Tanzania for over 50 years. Following the expulsion of German Lutheran Missionaries, DMS took over the Lutheran mission work in North West Tanzania, and DLM took over the work in Ulanga, in the Southern part of what is now Morogoro Region. Both organisations have continued to support the Lutheran Church in these areas since this period, including sending missionary personnel to assist in both the support of the church and church run development projects, notably in health care. The partnerships between them are based on long-term commitment and understanding between both partners. They are not dependent on specific projects or activities, but the existence of an on-going partnership has been a great asset for undertaking joint projects because trust, understanding and common vision are already in place. Critical for this has been a constructive working relationship with the Diocesan Bishop and General Secretary. While this has usually been unproblematic there have, however, been instances when this has imposed limitations on what the Danish organisations have been trying to achieve. The work of the Danish missionary organisations is thus centred on those dioceses in which they have had a long term historical relationship. There are currently twelve foreign missionary societies supporting the ELCT, from Scandinavia, Germany and USA, and they have taken responsibility for different dioceses. Nonetheless, although focused on these historical linkages, they are not solely limited to these and have initiated work with other dioceses. For example DLM has established several new partnerships with ELCT dioceses in Mara region and Iringa region over the last 10-15 years. While both DMS and DLM have direct relationships with individual dioceses, they also have direct relationships with the ELCT headquarters in Arusha. They both are members of the Lutheran Mission Cooperation Assembly, which is a coordination body for missionary organisations that support ELCT. Each of the 12 foreign missions and each of the 21 ELCT dioceses in Tanzania are members of the Assembly, on an equal footing. The Secretariat of the Assembly is based at the ELCT Headquarters in Arusha. The Assembly was formed in 1991 and replaced the Lutheran Coordination Service. The previous body had not included the ELCT dioceses whereas the new Assembly has put the dioceses on an equal footing with the foreign missions. Both DMS and DLM have played active roles in the LMC and in the former LCS. The Mission Secretary of DMS is secretary of the Planning Committee of the Assembly and one of the DLM staff was chair of the old LCS.


The involvement of DMS, DLM and DMCDD in national ELCT activities has been significant. ELCT wants to centralise and coordinate external funding to different dioceses in order to allow it to prioritise the needs of weaker, poorer dioceses. However, many of the dioceses are resistant to this and want to maintain bilateral relations with foreign missions, fearing that their funding will be reduced if a more centralised approach is taken. Clearly this is a major challenge for ELCT in maintaining a balance between prioritising needs on a national basis while not undermining historical relationships between individual dioceses and foreign missions. Both DMS and DLM are playing important roles in actively engaging in and supporting this process. Any discussion of the partnerships between ELCT and Danish Church organisations would be incomplete without some reference to DanChurchAid, even though DanChurchAid projects were not included in the Impact Study. DanChurchAid’s main partner in Tanzania has been the Tanganyika Christian Refugee Service (TCRS), not the ELCT but there a number of inter-linkages between the three organisations and much current discussion about the future of these relationships. TCRS was established in 1964 as a field programme of the Lutheran World Federation Department for World Service. This was at the request of the Christian Council of Tanzania who saw the need for an ecumenical institution to undertake humanitarian relief work in refugee situations in the country, especially in response to the influx of Burundian refugees. For twenty years, TCRS just undertook emergency relief work but in 1984 it began to get involved in large-scale integrated rural development projects in Singida and Kigoma. These projects have been funded by DanChurchAid, each are still on-going and have been by far the biggest projects supported by any Danish NGO in Tanzania with a combined budgets of around 100 million DKK. One of the major problems for TCRS in moving from relief into development was they had no tradition of working through or in consultation with local church structures. While this was not necessary for short term relief operations, for long term development projects at Kibondo and Singida this has been a source of conflict with ELCT. ELCT feels strongly that TCRS, as a Lutheran body, should work much more cooperatively with the established church structures, on the grounds that this would improve both the sustainability and the legitimacy of the projects. This has led to a certain tension between ELCT and TCRS, which has extended to the relationship between ELCT and DanChurchAid. However, at least now a process has begun to bring the two organisations closer together, a process which DanChurchAid has been supporting. In 1998, the two organisations signed a Memorandum of Understanding establishing the Lutheran Relief and Development Service Board for directing the TCRS programme. This Board will be the forum through which decisions will be made on the transition of TCRS from a field operation of LWF to a institution directly accountable to the ELCT. While TCRS has been DanChurchAid’s main partner for the implementation of development projects, DanChurchAid has worked with ELCT directly in supporting advocacy work. ELCT has the political clout and legitimacy to undertake advocacy on national level issues. A significant number of politicians and senior civil servants are members of the Lutheran church and the ELCT carries much weight. TCRS by contrast undertakes relief and development projects and has no political clout and would not be a suitable partner for undertaking high profile advocacy work. Yet on the other hand the ELCT lacks the capacity to implement large-scale development projects or relief operations of the type carried out by TCRS. It is for this reason that DanChurchAid has worked through different church partners in Tanzania, as well as supporting a number of small projects directly with individual dioceses.


Partnerships between national societies Another type of partnership found among Danish NGOs in Tanzania concerns those between national offices of international federations. This applies to the Red Cross and ADRA. The partnership is between the Danish Red Cross and the Tanzanian Red Cross Society and between ADRA Denmark and ADRA Tanzania. There are advantages and disadvantages with this approach. On the positive side both societies belong to international federations with common mandates, agreements for cooperation and familiarity with each others’ structure. On the negative side, there is no opportunity for the Danish NGOs to look for alternative partners in Tanzania. The Study found that whereas the relationship between ADRA Denmark and ADRA Tanzania was strong and fruitful, the relationship between the Danish Red Cross and Tanzanian Red Cross was very strained. It should be recognised, however, that the Red Cross societies are much bigger and politically more complex than ADRA. The basic problem in the case of the Red Cross partnership is that the Danish Red Cross has little confidence in the capacity and accountability of the Tanzanian Red Cross Society. As with all DRC projects, stringent financial controls are followed in the two Tanzania projects, but it has found it a much more difficult partner to work with than national societies in other countries in the region. Yet DRC’s options in Tanzania are limited by the fact that its mandate is to work through the national Red Cross society rather than with other NGOs. Like the Danish Red Cross, ADRA Denmark always works through its sister organisation in Tanzania, ADRA Tanzania. ADRA Tanzania is one of about 150 ADRA offices world-wide. Most of these are located in the South, and funding is provided by ADRA offices in the North. In Tanzania, projects are initiated by ADRA Tanzania who then seek funding from ADRA offices in Europe and North America. Currently most of ADRA Tanzania’s project funding comes from ADRA Denmark. The fact that the ADRA Tanzania Director is Danish and a former board member of ADRA Denmark has clearly been the main factor in establishing this link. ADRA Country Directors in the South tend to be expatriates and one of the main justifications for this is their links with the ADRA offices in donor countries. The appointments are made by the national societies themselves, but reflect a perception that ADRA offices in the North are less likely to fund projects in a country with a local director rather an expatriate director. This is clearly an issue that ADRA will need to address if it is to genuinely development the capacity of national leadership within ADRA offices in the South. MS Special mention should be made of the approach of MS, which in contrast to the other Danish NGOs working in Tanzania, has a clear policy and understanding of partnership. This resulted from the MS in the South (MSIS) strategy which MS adopted in 1993 which re-orientated MS towards a partnership approach. MS development cooperation should fundamentally be founded in partnerships with local organisations in the South. A partnership for MS is a relationship in which two or more partners join resources to achieve mutual goals. It is therefore essential that the partnerships


are based on upon common visions and on respect and knowledge of each other. (MSIS 1996 Revision, p 16) In order to assist MS Country Offices with implementing the partnership approach, MS has produced the Partnership in Development Toolkit. This is a comprehensive statement on how MS views partnership with full guidelines for MS Country Offices on the partnership development process. This approach requires heavy staff investment, regular visits to the partner, and participatory planning workshops. MS is able to do this because it has a large country office in Dar es Salaam with four Tanzanian programme officers. Without a strong country presence this would not be possible. MS Tanzania’s experience of using this new approach has varied depending on the nature and capacity of the partner and the history of MS support. For Kuleana and Semezana, the partnerships with MS do more or less conform to the ideal of partnership set out in MSIS, in which both parties have a strong independent voice and open, critical dialogue. Both organisations have a very strong identity and vision, and professional staff - furthermore, the level of MS financial support to these organisations is low. However, some other partners still see MS only in terms of a donor and it is more difficult to use this partnership approach in such cases. Some of MS’s current partners, notably IWWA, emerged out of MS projects and are very dependent on MS and do not have an independent vision beyond that of MS. It has been a long slow process to get partners to move away from this and take more responsibility. MS is also the only Danish NGO to work directly with government bodies in Tanzania. It has extensive experience working with decentralised levels of government in many countries and is one of the few international NGOs to have a clear policy of recognising government agencies as potential partners. The 1996 policy paper from MS Tanzania states that in addition to its partners within civil society, they will also have ‘cooperation partners among government institutions and organisations’ (p. 23).). In Tanzania, partnerships with government partners have been largely confined to the Teachers Resource Centres where the partner organisation is the local district council. In these partnerships it is not possible for MS to develop shared strategies with the councils in the way they can with NGOs. Rather they have to explore how they can contribute to, and influence, the national system and policy on primary education. In other countries in the region, MS much more diverse range of government partners. For example in Zimbabwe its activities include working with rural district councils on natural resource management, agriculture, and school development and maintenance, and in Zambia MS is seeking to strengthen development planning and co-ordination in two districts. Currently the Tanzania Government is formulating a new policy on decentralisation with far reaching implications for the role of district councils. It is essential that NGOs follow these developments and explore what are the implications and opportunities for them if district councils are given increased authority and resources. It should be noted that MS-TCDC held a workshop in Arusha in September 1998 to examine the relationship between NGOs and local government. Smaller NGOs


Finally, it is important to reflect on the experiences of the smaller NGOs in working with local groups. The Danish Beekeepers Federation initially identified ABA as its partner for implementing the project, although as the case study showed this proved to be mistake. DBF lacked some of the benefits that have been of great benefit to other Danish NGOs in forming partnerships with local organisations - unlike DMS and DLM they had no historical linkages with any groups in Tanzania, no overarching international structure to work within (c.f. Red Cross) and no country office in Tanzania. This last of these has been critical for MS in establishing partnerships in Tanzania with a wide range of different organisations and without any previous long standing relationship. The situation was compounded by the fact that DBF transferred funding directly to a Community Based Organisation, which had little in the way formal management or financial systems, rather than a professionally-run NGO with a proper financial management system. The fact that DBF and ABA both had a common purpose of improving beekeeping in the region was not a strong enough basis for partnership. The project was completed by abandoning working through partners and handing over the financial management to the Danish Consul. He was selected because he was Danish, living in Arusha and was willing to help out the project out of a crisis. This helped salvage the project, but hardly represents a progressive strategy for running future projects in Tanzania. The Help for Self Help project is also very much under overall Danish control. HSH’s partner in Tanzania is the Tanzania Assemblies of God (TAG) but in practice it has little, if any, involvement in day to day project management. This is done by the HSH office in Arusha which employs a small Tanzanian staff. This was set up jointly by HSH and TAG, the latter providing the building plot for the office. The Danish founders visit Tanzania for about 3 months a year to monitor progress and work with the Tanzanian staff on planning. Although day to day project management is delegated to the Tanzanian staff, the Danish founders still retain overall control of the project. Partnership for Help for Self Help is seen more in terms of inter-personal relationships rather than in organisational terms, and the relationships between the Danish founders and Tanzanian staff and Assemblies of God leadership have been very close on a personal level. Although there is strong trust between HSH and TAG, in relation to the actual implementation of the project TAG does not appear to have any direct role. In other words, although in theory HSH is working through the Partner Organisation, in practice its field office in Tanzania is actually implementing the project. HSH is in the process of setting up Help for Self Help Tanzania with its own Tanzania board. Ensuring that HSH Tanzania is able to operate as an organisation that is fully independent from HSH Denmark will be a major challenge for both organisations. Final Comments on Partnership In order to summarise these diverse experiences of working with partner organisations, it is useful to identify a number of different types of partnership which have involved Danish NGOs in Tanzania. In line with the other Country Studies four key categories of partnership have been identified and each project has been assigned to one of these categories. The results are presented in the following table: Table: Level of Partnership
T1 Level of Partner B T2 C T3 C T4 A T5 A T6 C T7 C T8 C T9 B T10 B T11 A T12 A T13 B


ship A: Shared Vision and Feeling of Equality B: Strong Operational Partnership C: Mechanisms for Consultation and Discussion D: Mainly Funding Relationship

The high number of A and B type partnerships reflects a generally healthy situation in relation to partnership among the Danish NGOs in Tanzania. Only in the case of the DBF project was there a serious breakdown in the relationship with the original partner although DBF was able to make alternative arrangements with other organisations and individuals to allow the project to continue. Furthermore, none of the Danish NGOs included in the impact study operate merely as project funders, but all have shown an interest and commitment to the partnership approach. Partnership is not just seen in operational terms but often in terms of inter-personal relationships. Many of these Danish NGOs have regarded cultural exchange as an important aspect of their work and have facilitated exchange visits between project staff and beneficiaries in Tanzania and their constituents in Denmark.




This chapter reviews the methods used for the research, and some of the key lessons learnt. As was stated in Chapter One, the Tanzania Country Study followed the Approach and Methodology paper that has been used as the basic guideline for all the country studies. This set out a systematic approach to analysing impact at both the project level, in relation to the cross cutting issues, as well as at the wider national context. Three basic methods for collecting information were followed in this study. There were, firstly reviewing existing documentation on the different projects, secondly obtaining the views of beneficiaries and thirdly asking project staff and management to make their own assessment of the impact of their projects. 5.1 USE OF DANISH NGO DOCUMENTATION Given the limited time that the Impact Study team could spend with each project it was always envisaged that the study would build as much as possible on secondary sources and direct the actual field research towards issues not covered in other sources. For this reason, the starting point for the Impact Study was a review of existing documentation for each of the projects. This included project descriptions, reviews by project staff, external evaluations, workshop reports and financial reports. The existence, accessibility, quality and usefulness of these documents varied enormously, as is indicated in the tables at the beginning of Chapters Three and Four. While some of the larger projects were well documented, particularly those supported by MS and the Danish Red Cross, for some projects there was virtually no documentation available. The general level of record keeping by some of the partner organisations was not satisfactory and there was an absence of basic information on budgets, timetables, inputs and outputs or even the basic project agreement with DANIDA. In some cases the project agreement with DANIDA was in Danish but the fact that this had not been translated has not facilitated transparency between a Danish NGO and its partner. This proved a major obstacle for the Impact Study and meant that valuable time had to be allocated to tracking down this information which limited the amount of time that could be spent on beneficiary assessment. In one visit by the Impact Study team, the project manager had gone away and locked the office in which all the documentation was held, despite the fact that the arrangement had been agreed only days before. In some cases fieldwork had to commence before this basic information had been obtained. What was most striking to the Impact Team was that very few of the projects had undergone evaluations. In terms of major project evaluation, only four of the fourteen projects had been formally evaluated by teams involving external consultants, two of which were MS supported projects - IWWA and Mbweera Teachers Centre - and the other two were the Danish Red Cross supported projects, HIV Prevention in Kagera Region and Family Life Education Project. The Danish Red Cross commissioned evaluations of the HIV project in 1991 and in 1996 and of the FLEP in 1994. For the other projects, if an evaluation was carried out, it was no more than a brief review visit by someone from the Danish NGO supporting the project, with no independent resource people. Only MS has carried out a country-wide review of its programme in Tanzania. A Review of MS Tanzania was carried out in 1993 and again in 1998. This was not an evaluation of specific projects


but rather a broad analysis of the impact of MS supported activities in Tanzania. The 1998 Review has been of great benefit to the Impact Study in providing general insights on the contribution of MS to development in Tanzania. None of the other Danish NGOs working in Tanzania have carried out similar reviews. The lack of attention to monitoring and evaluation by Danish NGOs and their partners suggests that it will be very difficult for them to undertake their own impact studies of their activities in the near future. At best it will be done on the basis of ad hoc, short term reviews but few projects have set up a systematic approach to monitoring and evaluation from the outset. It is essential that these are set up in order to provide the basic information from which more broader assessments of impact can be made. 5.2 RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS In order to get the views of both project staff and beneficiaries, a variety of research instruments were used. In terms of project staff, the starting point was the three day Introductory workshop which formed an essential part of the methodology. There were three overall objectives for the workshop: 1. To introduce the impact study to Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian partners and consult them about the planned approach to be followed. 2. To provide an opportunity for Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian partners to reflect upon the impact of their work at both the project and national level, and explore approaches that they could use for undertaking their own impact assessments. 3. To find out more about the projects being implemented by Danish NGOs and their Tanzanian partners and make arrangements for field visits by Impact Study team. Given the size of the country and fact that Danish NGOs and their partners are spread throughout Tanzania, it has been necessary to modify the original plan for an initial, non-residential workshop of one day. While this was possible in Bangladesh, where most of the NGOs are based in the capital, the study team in Tanzania decided to hold a longer, residential workshop since many of the participants would have to travel long distances to attend. This made the workshop an expensive activity to hold. The Impact Study budget covered the cost of accommodation and subsistence for all participants; the Danish NGOs themselves paid for travel costs for their partners to attend the workshop. The main cost to the partner organisations was that staff who participated in the workshop were taken away from other activities. Despite the cost, the Impact Study team felt that the workshop was essential and a good use of resources. It enabled the Impact study team and participants to have three very productive days of discussion on the study and also on more general issues concerning the role of NGOs in Tanzania. The evaluation forms from the workshop showed that most participants had also found the workshop to be valuable and worthwhile, both in terms of finding out more about the aims and approach of the Impact Study, but also because it provided a rare opportunity to meet other partner organisations supported by Danish NGOs. The next challenge for the Impact Study researchers was to obtain the information required for each project on the basis of a project visit of only a few days. For most projects, one of the researchers was able to spend three or four days with the project, although in some cases less time was possible. The fieldwork in the regions - Morogoro, Arusha/Kilimanjaro, Mwanza, and Kagera was done in


two week blocks of time each, and in each case two or three projects were covered. Travel time between projects and from Dar es Salaam to the regions required a significant number of days. During the Introductory Workshop it was possible to make tentative dates and an approximate programme for the study visits, although in practice there were cases in which circumstances changed and the project visits had to be rescheduled at short notice. The main research instruments used by the team were:  semi-structured interviews with project staff, beneficiaries and key informants  focus group discussions with beneficiaries The research team prioritised the systematic collection of useful, relevant information on each project within a limited time period. The team felt that it was not feasible in this context to experiment with different instruments and approaches to beneficiary assessment on the projects because there would be no opportunity to use an alternative method if the initial method failed to produce relevant information for the study. Such experimentation and innovation was felt to be more appropriate in the context of longer term studies or evaluations of single projects in which there is the opportunity for learning from mistakes and trying out alternatives. One of the means by which the Tanzania team ensured that a systematic approach was followed for each project was by developing a series of basic research forms. This was especially important for the Tanzanian study given that there were three main researchers working in distant locations. The team decided to develop a series of forms which would help ensure a consistent implementation of the methodology in the field. These covered: analysis of project documentation; interviews with project management; interviews with beneficiaries on a group, household and individual basis; and interviews with key informants. These were not formal questionnaires or surveys but rather listed a number of key questions which were to be covered in semi-structured interviews or focus group discussions. This proved invaluable in ensuring that the same types of information were sought from each of the many projects and that there was some consistency in the types of general questions that were asked. The fieldwork was split into two main phases in order to allow the team to meet together again in Dar es Salaam and review progress. The use of these forms allowed each of the researchers to build up a project report structured along the lines of inputs, outputs, effect and impact. In addition each project report contained an analysis of each of the cross-cutting issues which have been used to write Chapter 4. It should also be mentioned that the series of meetings in Copenhagen with the Danish NGOs on individual projects was also extremely useful in obtaining information about projects and getting the perspectives and insights from the Danish NGOs. Initial meetings were held in November 1998 prior to the commencement of the Tanzania study, and another set of meetings took place in May 1999 after the fieldwork had been completed. In addition to the project-specific research, the study team used a variety of methods to obtain insights into the broader impact of Danish NGOs on poverty reduction and support for civil society in Tanzania. Firstly, it was considered important to find out how Danish NGOs and partners themselves located themselves and their activities within the national context. Opportunities for this


were provided at both the Introductory Workshop in Arusha and the Impact Study Workshop for Danish NGOs held in Copenhagen in May 1999. In each of these workshops, participants were asked to discuss a number of very general questions about what they perceived to be the key issues facing NGOs in Tanzania and the main areas in which they had held an impact. Secondly, the views of key informants in the NGO sector in Tanzania were obtained, from individual meetings and a number of lunch-time seminars for selected participants. These were held at the Tanzania Gender Network Programme (TGNP) and provided an opportunity for the research team to discuss a number of key NGO issues in Tanzania and relate these to the work of Danish NGOs. 5.3 CONCLUDING REMARKS A major interest in the Impact Study is that it will assist Danish NGOs themselves to undertake their own assessments of their projects and interventions. It is the firm view of the Impact Study team that the first stage to achieving this is to approach monitoring and evaluation much more rigorously. The rather ad hoc approach to monitoring and evaluation conducted by most of the NGOs included in the study, centred around a brief review visit by a senior staff member is inadequate. While such visits can yield useful insights and identify strengths and weaknesses of the project, they are no substitute for the on-going monitoring, analysis and recording of project activities by project staff. Yet providing basic information about projects is not enough. As the study has demonstrated, it is also essential to look at impact in relation to the cross-cutting issues that cannot be related to the achievement of specific project outputs. Here comparison with other projects is essential in making any assessment of the achievements of any one particular intervention. It is even more important given the current trend away from discrete projects to more general forms of institutional and sectoral programmes of support. The fact that most of the Danish NGOs and their partners tend to work in isolation and do not engage much with other development actors makes this task difficult. For example, in relation to say gender, it is important that Danish NGOs measure themselves in relation to the more innovative and progressive gender programmes in Tanzania and elsewhere. This will enable them to critically learn from the achievements of others undertaking similar types of interventions. One of the main concerns of the study has been to bring together an analysis of impact at different levels, from the impact on beneficiaries at the grassroots to the impact of Danish NGOs on broader process of social and economic change in Tanzania. This required a range of methods. It also has required careful decisions on allocation of resources and time for obtaining information at these different levels. Danish NGOs themselves will need to make these decisions as well and seek a balance between how much attention to give to each. Perhaps the key lesson from the Impact Study is the need for a framework in which to structure and analyse the data coming out from these various different levels. The framework used by the Impact Study, as set out in the Approach and Methodology Paper, was set up specifically for use by the Impact Study Teams for examining a wide number of different projects and NGOs over a limited period. The Tanzanian team found this framework was critical for analysing the huge amount of data emerging from research. Without such a framework, it is still possible to come up with interesting material and insights on individual projects, but it would not be possible to build up a more general picture of the collective impact of such interventions. It is the view of the Impact team


that this framework provides a useful overall tool for NGOs to use themselves in structuring their own impact studies.




6.1 OVERVIEW This chapter summarises the key findings to emerge from the Tanzania Country Study. On the basis of these findings, the overall impact of Danish NGOs in Tanzania has been in terms of a number of individual, isolated projects in certain regions of the country. Their impact on poverty reduction in Tanzania has been mainly in terms of providing basic services in places in which there are no other providers, but there has been little focus on targeting the poorest regions in the country or the poorest groups. Apart from the notable exceptions discussed above, Danish NGOs have not been politically active and have had only a very minor influence on national policy processes and debates. In order to understand this situation, it is important to recognise that the historical context of NGOs in Tanzania, which was discussed in Chapter 2. Many of the Danish NGOs currently working in Tanzania began their involvement prior to the political and economic liberalisation of the late 1980s and early 1990s. During this period, NGOs were tolerated by the government but had to keep a low profile. They were certainly not invited or encouraged to engage in debates on national policy but were expected to focus on working in rural areas and support government initiatives. NGOs have more political space now in Tanzania, although it is still unclear how much there is in practice. NGOs are cautious about how far they can push political dialogue with the government and there is much concern that the new NGO policy may be used to control NGOs. The lack of political involvement by Danish NGOs and their partners has to be judged within this context and they do not differ significantly from other NGOs in this respect. There is no tradition of a politically active NGO sector in Tanzania, compared with Kenya or South Africa for example. There are signs, however, that it is beginning to develop in relation to some issues, notably gender and land, but of the Danish NGOs working in Tanzania, only MS is actively supporting this process. However, Danish NGOs are very explicit about strengthening civil society at a local level through promoting democratic principles for running local organisations. It is not clear for what end this is for other than rather vague notions that a strong local level democratic organisations have been a major force in Danish society and therefore have a role in Tanzania society. How such local institutions relate to the wider political economy of Tanzania or to poverty reduction is not articulated. The question of whether or not there is a causal link between a strong, democratic civil society and poverty reduction in Tanzania needs to be explored further by both Danish NGOs and DANIDA. Much of the current interest in civil society in official aid circles is based on the assumption that economic and political liberalisation are both essential for economic growth and good government. While there are various schools of political thought both in support of or against this inter-relationship, the issue for Danish NGOs is to examine this in relation to their own programmes in Tanzania. It may be helpful in this respect for the Danish NGOs to explore some of the debates around the issue of social capital and particularly a major report by the World Bank on poverty in Tanzania,


entitled Voices of the Poor: Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania (World Bank 1997). One of the conclusions of this study, which was based on participatory poverty assessments involving over 6000 people in 87 villages across Tanzania, was that there was a direct relationship between household income and social capital. Social capital is not a concept that has been used in the Impact Study, but basically refers to the web of associational relationships that individuals are embedded in. The study found that in households with more social capital to draw upon - i.e. household members belonged to a diverse range of different types of association such as farmers groups, religious groups, cooperatives - tended to have higher incomes than those with lower social capital. This is an important finding and one of the few studies to demonstrate an actual correlation between social capital and income based on a substantial empirical research. Much of what Danish NGOs are doing in terms of supporting local civil society organisations in rural Tanzania could be seen as enabling people to increase their social capital. Civil society is not the same thing as social capital but they are inter-dependent in that where there are few civil society organisations the conditions for a high degree of social capital are absent. The conclusions from the World Bank study challenge Danish NGOs to demonstrate whether or not there interventions in supporting local institutions have had an impact on improving income levels. The World Bank study showed that there is a potential link here. Currently there is no evidence to draw any conclusions on this in relation to the interventions of Danish NGOs. The NGOs have not been asking this question themselves and have no base-line data or monitoring systems from which any assessment can be made. The downside of this link between social capital and income is that the poorest members of society may be marginalised from local civil society organisations. Supporting local civil organisations as a means of poverty reduction will further entrench these processes of marginalisation and will not help the poorest people. Danish NGOs need to be aware of this and undertake much more rigorous social analysis before supporting local groups. Yet it is not obvious how they will be able to do this given the lack of experience within most NGOs in carrying out and utilising social analysis. The isolation of Danish NGO interventions has been referred to above and takes several forms. Firstly, there is the isolation from national policy processes and programmes. Secondly, there is the isolation from other activities undertaken by Danish NGOs. Thirdly, there is the isolation from other international and local NGOs. As was explained above, until recently this was the only politically acceptable way for the NGOs to operate in Tanzania but the situation is now changing and there is now more opportunity for engagement with other actors. Not all Danish NGOs could be described as isolationist - there are exceptions to this, notably among the church organisations and MS - which have consciously strived to strengthen links with government bodies and other national and international NGOs. For example the DMCDD coordinates the development activities of the four Danish missionary organisations working in Tanzania and these are all members of the international Lutheran Mission Coordination body. Nevertheless, while senior management of Danish NGOs and their partners in Dar es Salaam and Copenhagen are generally familiar with national level policy developments, this was less so with field level staff. It is particularly important that Danish personnel working in Tanzania themselves are better orientated away from this isolationist approach. For example, in relation to the Teachers Resource Centres, one of the criticisms levelled against MS is that the Development Workers working as advisers in the Teacher Resource Centres are generally unaware of and uninterested in


engaging with the national programme for teachers centres, the District Based Support to Primary Education Programme (DBSPE). This is despite the fact that at the MS Country Office itself has established a constructive dialogue with the DBSPE at a national level. This is perhaps even more so of the development personnel sent out through the missionary organisations who are embedded in a tradition of establishing rural mission stations in remote areas. Their willingness to work in very isolated difficult areas has been of great value in providing basic services to local people but has limited their inter-action with other development actors and national processes in Tanzania. Currently there is no mechanism for greater dialogue and coordination among Danish NGOs in Tanzania. For example, the Impact Study workshop in Arusha was the first opportunity for many of the participants to meet up with each other despite the fact that they have been involved in the same sectors or regions. DANIDA is funding a number of different Danish NGO interventions in health, education and rural water supply, yet this seems to be done on an ad hoc, project by project basis. DANIDA has also had its own bi-lateral programmes in various sectors as well in Tanzania yet Danish NGO projects tend to make little reference to these either in project planning or implementation. Some form of coordination mechanism between DANIDA and Danish NGOs may help the Danish NGOs to focus more clearly on what their specific contribution should be in different sectoral interventions in Tanzania. There also needs to be more attention on the exchange of experiences and learning between the Danish NGOs involved in similar types of activities. Furthermore, there needs to be more involvement in networks with other international NGOs working in Tanzania and elsewhere. This is particularly the case for the smaller Danish NGOs. What struck the Impact Team was how little of the debates and approaches that have been occupying international NGOs over the last decade seem to have filtered down to the project level in Tanzania. In practice this has meant that few of the projects looked at in the study used such methods as Participatory Rural Appraisal or had undertaken poverty assessments or gender analysis. Danish NGOs could be much more effective if they were more able to learn from and utilise more the experiences of other international NGOs. Despite these limitations, the impact of Danish NGOs in providing basic services to poor people should not be under-valued. While there is much to be done in terms of national policy dialogue and support for advocacy, nonetheless there is huge need in Tanzania for basic services. Although there are major official aid programmes supporting government efforts in service provision, there are still huge gaps in provision which demand NGO involvement. Danish NGOs have contributed in three main sectors - education, health and water. The need to prioritise the poorest regions of the country more in terms of service provision has already been raised in Chapter 4. The other major issue is whether Danish NGOs and their partners are doing service delivery efficiently and effectively and what kind of scale of project can they handle. It is one thing to manage the construction and operation of a single facility, such as a teachers centre, but quite different to implement a major project involving large numbers of staff, high capital investment and multi-million DKK budgets. In the view of the Impact Team most Danish NGOs and their partners do not have the expertise or capacity to undertake large projects. The large service delivery projects included in the Impact Study were the ADRA schools, the Lugala Hospital and Red Cross HIV project, all of which had total budgets of over 10 million DKK. As was concluded in Chapter 3, the Red Cross project was very expensive and the Tanzanian Red


Cross does not have the capacity to manage large-scale health projects. The renovation of Lugala hospital was well managed by DLM and ELCT but this was a ‘one-off’ activity since undertaking large scale development projects is not regarded by either organisation as its main purpose. Only ADRA Tanzania has the professional expertise and management structure to undertake large scale development and relief projects. Over the last few years it has undertaken a number of contracts for a number of several official agencies in Tanzania in schools rehabilitation, drought relief, grinding mills and water supply. Political and economic changes in Tanzania have created the opportunity and need for greater NGO involvement in service delivery. In the period of good state provision, there was no role for NGOs to take on large service delivery projects since this was the responsibility of the state. In the new environment in Tanzania, as elsewhere in the South, NGOs are now competing for contracts to undertake service provision. Whether or not public sector reform in Tanzania will ever go as far as countries like Uganda and Ghana in contracting out service provision to NGOs and the private sector remains to be seen. If this process does happen, of the partner organisations only ADRA Tanzania and TCRS would have the professional capacity to undertake these types of contracts. The contracting out of service contracts to NGOs is a controversial issue and in many countries has undermined the independence the NGO sector and compromised their role in advocacy and support for grassroots groups. It can also lead to the further erosion of state capacity. Danish NGOs and their partners are right to be cautious and critical about this process. Nonetheless, there can be opportunities for local NGOs to influence sectoral policy, deliver better services to the poor and have access to alternative sources of funding, making them less dependent on their established partners. They need to recognise that, rightly or wrongly, the NGO sector in Tanzania is increasingly competitive with more and more NGOs seeking external funding for delivering services. How Danish NGOs and their partners position themselves strategically in relation to this process is a key challenge for their future engagement in Tanzania. 6.2 LESSONS FOR SMALL NGOS The Impact Study looked at a number of projects funded through small Danish NGOs which had little previous experience of development or of working in Tanzania. These deserve a special mention. It is an interesting feature of DANIDA’s support that it allows NGOs with little if any development experience to receive funding for small projects in the South. There are some important lessons to be learnt from the experiences of the three, small NGO supported projects included in the Impact Study - DBF, DGI and HSH. These small NGO projects have contributed to the rich diversity of activities undertaken by Danish NGOs and are represented by highly committed and motivated people, some of whom act in a voluntary capacity and at considerable personal cost. However, as was shown in Chapters 3 and 4, in the case of DBF and HSH the performance of both projects has been limited by management problems. In order to avoid these problems in the future, these smaller NGOs need more programme support in country. The establishment of Projektradgivningen in Arhus has provided technical support in Denmark to smaller NGOs in preparing project proposals to DANIDA and as well as organising some training courses. What is clearly lacking is support in Tanzania. DBF has adopted the


partnership approach to the beekeeping project in Arusha, following the lead taken by the major Danish NGOs on working through local partners. However, unlike the bigger NGOs DBF has no country office, nor established experience of working through local NGOs, nor long standing relationships with organisations in Tanzania. And while HSH has avoided the problem through not working through its local partner, its local office will have serious problems for sustainability unless it can develop its own local constituency. It is important here to compare these experiences with those of DGI. DGI is itself a very large Danish membership organisation but only has a small international programme, based largely on exchange visits, and little experience of running development projects through local organisations. Like DBF, DGI is an organisation which has a specialist focus - popular participation in sporting activities - and seeks to promote this internationally. The most significant difference between the DBF project and the DGI project is that DGI has entered a partnership with MS. MS has provided Development Workers who have been attached to the project, while the Country Office provides monitoring and evaluation of the project. Given the fact that in this project both the Tanzanian partners and Danish partners were new to each other, the involvement of MS has been vital in providing a continuous field presence. If a second DBF project does take place in Tanzania, a link up with MS could be a great advantage. While DBF could handle the project management in Denmark and provide the technical expertise on beekeeping, MS could provide monitoring and evaluation by the Country Office, possibly training for partner organisations at TCDC and possibly a Development Worker as an adviser to the project. This would ensure that the professional development experience and in-country presence of MS is utilised by DBF. Some of the smaller NGOs would be uncomfortable with this arrangement, fearing that they may be taken over by MS, but as the Sports project showed this need not be the case. But the key concern should surely be whether or not the small NGO projects would be more effective and have more impact if they were able to link up with a larger NGO, not whether or not the autonomy of the small NGO has been compromised? 6.3 MS POLICY AND DANISH DEVELOPMENT WORKERS MS is the only one of the Danish NGOs included in the Tanzania Impact Study that has explicitly made support for civil society and promoting democracy and human rights key programme themes. This is carried out in practice through support for organisations like Kuleana or Semezana which engage in national level advocacy and policy debates. It is interesting to note that those partnerships that are seen to conform most to MS’s partnership model and to their programmatic aim of supporting democratisation in Tanzania are those that have the least input from Development Workers. In the case of Kuleana, for example, MS has only sent a short term Development Worker for limited periods rather than on a permanent basis. Similarly for Ilaramatak Lolkonerei, another MS partner engaged in advocacy work on behalf of pastoralists’ rights, there is no Development Worker. Even for Semezana, the Development Worker attached to the newsletter as a journalist works only half time for Semezana and spends the rest of the time working as the Information Officer for the MS Country Office. In practice, the level of funding that goes to these types of activities is relatively small compared to other projects in which there is a heavy involvement of Development Workers. Thus, despite the strategic shift from a personnel sending organisation to the partnership approach following the


adoption of MSIS, the need to find suitable placements for Danish Development Workers still dominates how MS decides on how to spend its resources in Tanzania, who it works with and where it works. The situation in Tanzania reflects a more general dilemma for MS in that despite their policy of working in partnership, they have decided to maintain a certain number of Development Workers. The number of DWs has fallen significantly since the adoption of MS in the South (MSIS), but the 1996 agreement between MS and DANIDA was that at any one time there should be approximately 200 DWs worldwide. The costs of maintaining this number of DWs currently represents about 40% of the MS budget. In 1999, the annual cost of a DW was DKK 274,000 which includes salary, resettlement, medical schemes, housing and vehicles, preparation and language courses. The approximate breakdown of the MS budget is as follows: 40% on Development Workers; and 20% on support to partner organisations; 10% on capital goods; 10% on information, policy and partner dialogue; and 20% on the running costs of MS Country Offices in the South. MS feels that it is essential to maintain the current level of Development Workers as they are seen as vital for its two principal policy issues: supporting the improvement of poor people’s living conditions and opportunities in the South; and the meeting of cultures and international cooperation between people with different cultural backgrounds. Both of these are considered equally important and the meeting of cultures is central to MS’s identify. Nonetheless, in terms of the question can still be raised as to whether or not the placement of a DW is the most effective use of resources. For partnership agreements which include the placement of a Development Worker, the cost of the DW is usually by far the greatest contribution by MS. But does their contribution to the partner organisation justify the cost, or if the partner was to use the same amount of money in other ways would it be more effective? In the MS projects covered by the Impact Study in which there was a major involvement of DWs, notably IWWA and the Teachers Centres, the role of DWs was vital and instrumental in the initial phases of a project or partnership. However in some of projects there has been a continuous presence of DWs over a long period of time and which may not have been the most efficient use of resources given that other forms of support may have been more appropriate to the partners. Certainly in the case of Mbweera Teachers Centre the DW was less critical to the TC as the capacity of the TC staff themselves increased, and what the TC most wanted was more long term financial support from MS for TC activities. MS has recently started placing short-term DWs with partners for three to nine months in recognition of the fact that a long term DW is not always appropriate, as in the case of Kuleana. Perhaps the main challenge for MS in relation to Development Workers is that the adoption of the MSIS strategy also requires new skills and expertise for Development Workers and it can be difficult for MS to recruit enough people with the necessary experience to work within the partnership approach. For this, DWs are required to play more complex, strategic roles as advisors and facilitators on institutional development and capacity building. It also requires skills in social and institutional analysis as well of understanding national policy framework within which they work and the role of other actors. MS is now trying to address this in its orientation and preparation of DWs. 6.4 FINAL COMMENTS


It was not within the remit of this study to examine the Danish system of funding NGOs. For this reason the team cannot comment on the mechanisms, structures and politics involved in obtaining funding. However, the Impact Study has found that the current approach to funding Danish NGOs has led to a series of isolated, disparate development interventions in Tanzania which have taken place with little reference to the interventions of other development actors nor national level development processes and policies. There appears to be no clear strategy for funding Danish NGOs in Tanzania that has based on a prioritisation of needs matched to an assessment of the capabilities of different development NGOs. Could not the Danish NGOs jointly develop some form of detailed country strategy specifically for Tanzania which identifies those types of interventions and geographical areas for which Danish NGOs are likely to have most impact? This could form the basis for negotiations on funding with DANIDA and would provide a much more rigorous and demanding framework for Danish NGOs interventions in Tanzania. If such a strategy was followed, then Danish NGOs interventions could be more focused on meeting needs in Tanzania rather than supporting such a wide range of different types of development projects in Tanzania. In an environment of increasing competition for aid resources, Danish NGOs must recognise that a plurality of different interventions is no longer enough. Mechanisms or arrangements for greater cooperation, coordination and needs prioritisation need to be explored in more depth since these could have the potential of improving the impact of Danish NGO assistance in Tanzania.


UNDP (1997) Human Development Report 1997. New York Voipio, T. and Hoebink, P.(1999) European Aid for Poverty Reduction in Tanzania. ODI Working Paper 116, London. World Bank (1996) Tanzania: The Challenges of Reforms: Growth, Incomes and Welfare, 3 Vols. Washington DC World Bank (1997) Voices of the Poor: Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania. Washington DC.


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