Democracy Original FULL
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CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
1.1 Background to the Study
Democracy is described variously as the rule of the people, for and by
the people. It refers to a regime where the rule of law enacted by the people
prevails; where none is above the law (Swant, 2000:24) however highly
placed individuals may be. Democracy is a government by debate and
discussion of the people as against rule by arbitrary will or dictate of an
individual or few individuals. A common denominator here is that the people
constitute the foundation of the democratic space; in other words,
democracy has to run according to the wishes, directions and decisions of
the people.
The three essential requisites of democracy are: a well-informed
citizenry, freedom to participation in the decision-making process and
accountability to the citizens by those who on their behalf exercise power.
Any governing and governed environment that encourages and enables the
above can be described as the ‘sustenance of democracy’.
Nigeria has had a chequered political history and has undergone a
number of democratic dispensations. This is because previous democratic
governments have not been allowed to serve their full term and have
therefore been ousted through sometimes very bloody coup d’états and in
their place military dictatorial governments took up the administration of
the state.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
The researcher will like this research to tackle the following
problems;
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Reasons why mass media is important in the sustenance of
democracy.
The major functions of the mass media during the regime of Olusegun
Obasanjo.
The ways which mass media has to affect the sustenance of
democracy.
How the media have been able to maintain the sustenance of
democracy.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
Nwaorgu (1991) says objective of the study contain major things the
researcher intends to do towards providing solution to the problem identified
in the statement of the problem. The objectives of this study are as follows:
To find out the essential roles of mass media during the democratic
government of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime.
To find out and highlight the major functions of mass media during
democracy.
To find out the merits and demerits of the ways of operation of the mass
media during democracy.
The ways which the media have been able to maintain the sustenance of of
democracy.
1.4 Research Questions
Nwaorgu (1991), research questions are these questions posed by the
researcher, seeking answers to which would lead to the solution of the
problem. Research questions have to provide focus and direct attention to
the major issues in the study.
1. What are the essential roles of mass media during the democratic
government of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime?
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2. What are the major functions of mass media during democracy?
3. What are the merits and demerits of the ways of operation of the mass
media during democracy?
4. Is mass media able to maintain the sustenance of democracy?
1.5 Significance of the Study
Chukwuemeka (2002), contributed that the significance of the study
contains the benefits or values of the study contains the benefits, or values
of the various groups that would come into contact with it.
This research will allow the majority to know the various roles of mass
media in the sustenance of democracy. How higher the rates of the
consequences.
Students, the media, researchers, scholars, audience, government and
the general public stand to benefit a lot from these findings of this study.
1.6 Scope of the Study
Nwaorgu (1991) said that the scope of study refers to all those aspects
of the study the researcher deliberately eliminated off the study due to
certain reasons. It has to do with the content areas of the study, not the
geographical areas coverage. This researcher sets out to know the roles of
the mass media in the sustenance of democracy using President Olusegun
Obasanjo’s regime of government as a case study. This researcher also
choose this scope in order to allow the researcher do an in depth research in
an aspect of the various roles of the mass media which is the sustenance of
democracy.
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1.7 Definition of Terms
IMPACT: Measure of the tangible and intangible effects (consequences) of
one thing's or entity's action or influence upon another.
SUSTENANCE: The maintaining of someone or something in life or
existence: "the sustenance of democracy".
MASS MEDIA: A means of public communication reaching a large audience.
DEMOCRACY: A system of government by the whole population or all the
eligible members of a state, typically through elected representatives.
REGIME: A form of government
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CHAPTER TWO
2.0 Review of Literature
2.1 Definitions of Mass Media
According to Wikipedia; A medium is a ‘channel of communication’ - a
means through which people send and receive information. The printed
word, for example, is a medium; when we read a newspaper or magazine,
something is communicated to us in some way. Similarly, electronic forms of
communication - television, telephones, film and such like - are media (the
plural of medium). Mass, as you probably realize, means ‘many’ and what
we are interested in here is how and why different forms of media are used
to transmit to – and be received by – large numbers of people (the audience).
Mc Graw (Hill 2009) also stated that Mass Media, therefore, refer to
channels of communication that involve transmitting information in some
way, shape or form to large numbers of people (although the question of
exactly how many a “large number” has to be to qualify as a “mass” is
something that’s generally left undefined - it’s one of those things that we
know when we see it.
According to Dutton et al (2010) he defined mass media as; the
various means by which information reaches large numbers of people, such
as television, radio, movies, newspapers, and the Internet. Sociologists study
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mass media especially to see how it shapes people's values, beliefs,
perceptions, and behavior. For example, mass media contributes to
socialization, including gender socialization, as when movies implicitly teach
young people that it is wrong for females to have many sexual partners.
Mass media also affects social movements; for example, news coverage of the
U.S.-Vietnam War helped spark the 1960s anti-war movement. Another
topic is the relation between media and social power. For example, if mass
media powerfully influences beliefs and behavior, and it is controlled by
relatively few individuals, those individuals have significant power even in
democratic societies.
In general, "media" refers to various means of communication. For
example, television, radio, and the newspaper are different types of media.
The term can also be used as a collective noun for the press or news
reporting agencies. In the computer world, "media" is also used as a
collective noun, but refers to different types of data storage options.
Different Types of Media are –
Advertising Media: various media, content, buying and placement for
advertising.
Electronic Media: communications delivered via electronic or
electromechanical energy.
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Digital Media: electronic media used to store, transmit, and receive digitized
information.
Electronic Business Media: digital media for electronic business
Hypermedia, media with hyperlinks.
Multimedia: communications that incorporate multiple forms of information
content and processing.
Print media: communications delivered via paper or canvas.
Published media: any media made available to the public.
Mass media: all means of mass communication.
Broadcast media: communications delivered over mass electronic
communication networks.
News media: mass media focused on communicating news.
New media: media that can only be created or used with the aid of modern
computer processing power.
Recording media: devices used to store information
Social media: media disseminated through social interaction
FUNCTIONS OF THE MASS MEDIA
Advocacy: both for business and social concerns. This can include
advertising, marketing, propaganda, public relations, and political
communication.
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Entertainment: traditionally through performances of acting, music, sports,
and TV shows along with light reading; since the late 20th century also
through video and computer games.
Public service announcements and emergency alerts (that can be used as
political device to communicate propaganda to the public).
2.1 What Does the Press Encompasses?
It became clear, early in the Dialogue, that the label “the Press” was
too restrictive. It was therefore replaced with the broader label “mass
media”. An operational definition of the mass media was attempted which
yielded the following as actual organs that would fall under the label:
newspaper; journals/magazines; radio; television; music; drama; town crier;
news agencies. Based on this outline, and on further discussion, a
constitutive definition of mass media emerged as follows: “The Mass media
refers to any agency, modern or traditional, that operates for the articulation
and dissemination of ideas and information, generally with intent to
influence or control an audience or the institutions that constitute legalized
power and authority”. The Dialogue believes that the media’s contribution is
paramount with regard to the following essential elements of democracy
identified by the preceding Dialogue on the Democratic Process in Multi-
nationality (Dialogue 14):
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1. Free choice – ensuring that the proper atmosphere exists for fostering
free choice of societal leaders through elections and the expression of
individual’s ideas and beliefs.
2. Respect for the rule of law and for equality before the law in practice.
3. Defence of human rights under the law.
4. Sustaining political communication to promote trust and confidence
amongst the rulers and the ruled.
2.2 The Evolution of the Mass Media in Nigeria
The Dialogue noted that efforts to disseminate ideas and information
to exert influence in the African context were probably as old as formal
society. In the old Yoruba Kingdoms, for example, rulers, on many occasions
had been overthrown by the collective actions of the people mobilized by
drummers and town criers. Also, in the northern parts of the country,
Arabic writing had existed long before the British colonialists came.
However, the first recorded effort to formally use the mass media to
influence society in the enclave that later metamorphosed into Nigeria was
by Rev. Henry Townsend in 1859 when he began the publication of the Iwe
Irohin, the first newspaper in the country.
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2.3 The Print Media
The Dialogue noted other landmarks and highlights of the evolution of
newspaper publications in Nigeria:
a. The Iwe Irohin was published by missionaries who had at least two
objectives namely, to influence the traditional government they found in
Egbaland whose mode of operation did not conform to their idea of “good”
governance; and to further educate their Nigerian converts who had been
taught to read and write as a means of promoting the assimilation of
religions information.
b. With the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorate in
1914, colonial governance of Nigeria was affected from Sierra-Leone. Anti-
colonial crusading Sierra Leoneans, such as Richard Blaise, came into the
country with their own notions of how to use the newspaper to mobilize the
population against colonial rule. Because these men were returnees or off
spring of men who had been freed from slavery and were now returning to
their erstwhile homeland, their mode of journalism was generally adversarial
against the Crown. This was the beginning of the ADVERSARIAL,
NATIONALIST press in Nigeria.
c. Herbert Macaulay started the first true Nigerian popular newspaper. His
Daily News articulated clear Nigerian positions on many issues and was
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read by the literate minority of the elite in Lagos and its environs. Macaulay,
of course, was from the beginning a committed politician. His paper
naturally became a major weapon in the nationalist struggle. Nonetheless, it
should be mentioned here that, although the Daily Times, founded in 1926,
was also active during this period, it did not operate as a crusading
newspaper and therefore could not be classified as a Nigerian newspaper in
the true sense of the word.
d. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe must be credited with starting the first popular
indigenous Nigerian newspapers with readership of a national scope. Fresh
from his training in the United States, Zik, as he came to be popularly
known, founded from the 1930s onward a chain of newspapers that helped
to cover a wide segment of the country. The “West African Pilot, founded in
1937, was the first mass circulation newspaper devoted to promoting
serious broad-based anti-colonial mobilization in the country. It was later to
serve as the mouthpiece of the National Council for Nigeria and the
Cameroons (NCNC), a national political party that Zik led for over two
decades.
e. The nationalist struggle gathered further impetus with the return of
Nigerian soldiers who had served in the Second World War. They had seen
the defects in the operation of Western democracy in the colonies but were
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galvanized for action by the Freedom Charter launched during the war.
Many of these demobilized soldiers, who came back with a determination to
release their own people from colonial bondage, found, in the West African
Pilot, a valuable medium for airing their dissenting views.
f. The convenient marriage of press and politics under Zik and his fellow
nationalist fighters broke down in 1951. With the division of Nigeria into
regions in that year and the consequent outmaneuvering of Zik and the
NCNC in the Western Region, the seed was sown for the sectional (in
contrast to the national) use of the Press in Nigeria. The Nigerian Tribune
was founded in Ibadan in 1949 to champion the cause of the Egbe Omo
Oduduwa and later the Action Group, and the welfaristic doctrine of its
leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The Gaskiya Ta fi Kwabo had been set up in
Zaria in the 1930s by the Colonial Development Corporation as a
“vernacular” newspaper to serve the needs of the Hausa- speaking groups in
Northern Nigeria. The “Nigerian Citizen” came in the 1940s while the New
Nigerian emerged in Kaduna in 1966 as a newspaper owned by the Northern
Nigerian government with a clear mandate to promote “northern” interests.
Zik’s West Africa Pilot itself shed its national toga and fully embraced the
promotion of “Eastern” Nigerian interests even as Zik himself emerged in the
1950’s primarily as the Premier of the Eastern Region under an NCNC
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government. The divisive cry of “To Thy Tents, Oh, Israel”, sounded in 1951,
has essentially remained with the Nigerian Press till today. Ownership
became a crucial factor in determining the nationalist orientation of
newspapers.
g. The civil war briefly re-united the press in a “nationalist mobilization” of a
sort, but introduced some other disturbing dimensions, notably the
perception and use of the media as a propaganda instrument. The
government became more conscious of the need to mobilize the masses and
carry them with it in the war effort. Understandably, with the success of this
propaganda drive, especially in Biafra, successive governments had
continued to view and to attempt to use the media for propaganda to
support government NO MATTER WHAT. The media, on its part, at least the
print media, continued to exercise its “watchdog” function over the
government. This has formed the basis of the perennial conflict in MEDIA-
GOVERNMENT RELATIONS.
h. The coming of private newspaper with no clear political leanings, starting
with the founding of The Punch in the early 70’s, helped somewhat to
moderate the destabilizing impact of the adversarial role of those
newspapers either affiliated to political parties or owned by government.
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i. With the 1980’s came other kinds of print media: the newsmagazines, and
the soft-sell magazines, referred to by some as the “junk” press. Each of
these kinds of media had different implications for the evolution of the mass
media in Nigeria. The news magazines (such as Afriscope, Newbreed, and
Newswatch) reflected the growing sophistication of the Nigerian readership.
They were more analytical than reportorial, relying on research to promote
investigative journalism. Specialized magazines filled specific readership
demand vacuum for information of a particular type e.g. financial, health,
and politics and so on. Finally, the soft-sell, general entertainment media,
even while they may be chastised for some of their excesses, were also
satisfying some exigent social need. An interesting aspect of the operations
of the soft-sell magazines noted by the Dialogue was their “irreverence” to
authority-figures. Just about anyone is fair game to these magazines. The
Dialogue suggested that in exercising their boldness, these and similar
general interest magazines should show more respect for facts and for the
fairness in the slant they give to their reporting.
2.4 The Electronic Media
The Dialogue noted that the evolution of the electronic media took off
on an entirely different direction. From the late 40’s when Redifussion
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Services were first introduced into Lagos, radio, and later television, were
under the sole ownership and control of government. It was clear that
Government, colonial or post-colonial, saw the electronic media essentially
as a propaganda (and entertainment) instrument that had to be closely
monitored and controlled. From a propaganda standpoint, the electronic
media, with their immediacy of impact, their potentially wider reach, and in
particular, their ability to transcend the barriers of literacy and education,
were probably perceived as being more crucial to national stability than the
print media.
2.5 The News Agency
The first attempt at setting up an organization for collecting
information for dissemination to other media houses, which is the kernel of
the work of a news agency, occurred in the 1940’s when Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe
established the “African News Agency”. Zik’s agency, however, concentrated
on servicing his string of newspapers across the country and was in that
sense somewhat limited in scope. The first and still the only news agency in
Nigeria in the true sense of the word is the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN).
NAN was clearly a product of the Nigerian Civil War, which had intensified
the realization of the need for amachinery for collecting, and spreading
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information within and outside the country from positions considered
positive to, and supportive of, Nigeria’s national interest. The Dialogue noted
the following as some of the positive contributions of NAN to the evolution of
the Nigerian media:
a. NAN widened the horizon of the Nigerian press. With its widely dispersed
network of correspondents than any other medium, NAN brought to media
houses information from areas they themselves could otherwise not have
covered.
b. It enhanced the reporting of world events to Nigeria and of Nigerian
developments to the world at large particularly stressing an Afrocentric
perspective in doing so.
c. NAN had correspondents in key world cities bringing the first set of world
reports to the Nigerian media written from a Nigerian or an African position.
d. NAN’s contribution to the Pan African News Agency (PANA) and OPEC
News Agency (OPECNA) introduced the Nigerian slant to stories from or
about Nigeria.
The ownership of NAN, from its inception, was governmental. The
Dialogue felt it was unfortunate that NAN’s fortunes have declined in recent
days with the downturn in the Nigerian economy.
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2.6 The Issue of Mass Media Ownership
The Dialogue recalled the critical role, for good and ill, which
ownership had played in the evolution of the Nigerian media. With the 1951
political debacle, ownership had exacerbated the sectional, divisive role of
the print media, which had started out as coherent, national organs for the
anti-colonial struggle. Except, perhaps, for the DAILY TIMES, every
newspaper, from this point promoted interests that could not even remotely
be described as national. It took the coming of the private non-political
newspapers such as the Guardian to restore some measure of confidence
and national credibility to the print media, especially in the handling of
political stories. The Dialogue was firm in its belief that even though
economic gains might have motivated individuals who set out to publish
newspapers or magazines, the pervasive impact of the mass media and their
ability to influence the minds of others demands that the society, and not
just the State, take special interest in their performance. Ownership of
media, therefore, must be seen and accepted as a PUBLIC TRUST and must
not be compared with the ownership of a car or of a house.
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2.7 The Legal Framework within Which the Mass Media Operate
During the colonial era, Sec. 51 of the Criminal Code, which dealt with
sedition, was the only law that restricted media performance. The Dialogue
saw it as a great irony that an avalanche of laws restricting press freedom
came only after the country attained political independence. Some of these
laws were in fact enacted by persons who had vigorously used the media to
oppose colonial rule during the nationalist struggle. The Dialogue warned
that media organizations must not relent in their opposition to all the laws
presently existing, even if dormant, whose aim is to restrict the media in the
performance of their watchdog function. On enforcing adequate standards
through statutes, the Dialogue accepted the need for setting out and
enforcing certain forms of training and norms of performance. It insisted,
however, that the monitoring and enforcement of these standards must be
internally carried out within the journalism profession itself. On the side of
the policy-makers, the right of the citizen to public information and his
unrestricted access to such information should be taken more seriously as a
constitutional directive.
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2.8 The Role of the Mass Media in Democracy in a Developing Polity
At a general level, the Dialogue felt that the role of the mass media in
a democracy must include the following:
i. To convey information to the people with a view to letting them know how
the mandate they gave their representatives is being discharged;
ii. To provide a forum through which the governed could then react to
government policies and activities;
iii. To provide such analysis as would enable the people to secure an
adequate understanding and background to events;
iv. To assist in the articulation and pursuit of the national interest;
v. To help strengthen the economic, social and political fabric of the nation;
vi. To provide informed criticism and viable alternatives to public policies;
vii. To monitor the performance of government with a view to preventing
their deviation from clearly stated objectives;
viii. To provide the medium for transmitting knowledge and for educating
the populace;
ix. To function as an agent of modernization; and
x. To assist in setting an agenda of priorities in the social, cultural, political
and economic development of the nation.
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To achieve these ends, the media must be seen, and must it perform
as an agent of development and nation-building. Where necessary, they
must be supported through subsidies or left free to pursue their goals
through exploring and exploiting appropriate commercial or investment
opportunities.
One major dimension of the role of the media in nation-building is
through its promotion of the positive aspects of our culture. The media must
recognize that for them to win and retain the confidence of the people, they
must remain credible in the manner in which they present and use
information.
Another issue that attracted much attention was the extent to which
the mass media could be partisan in its operations. The Dialogue noted that,
given the reality that all media organs operate with a view to achieving goals
that are of interest to their proprietors in the first place, they can be
expected to hold understandable positions on critical issues of State. But
such partisanship should be restricted to their editorial opinion and must
not be allowed to taint the presentation of news. In this regard, it was noted
that the electronic media have long standing guidelines to follow. It is
however doubtful whether such guidelines exist for the print media or if they
exist, whether they are seriously adhered to.
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The Dialogue noted a number of issues and problems relevant to the
faithful discharge by the media of the roles listed above. These include:
a. Mutual distrust between government and the press;
b. A tendency on the part of the media to react to, rather than initiate or
motivate, information and change especially on matters of public policy. In
this regard, the Dialogue sadly observed that there was too little effort made
to probe government actions or hold policy-makers truly accountable for
their policies.
c. Reluctance on the part of policy-makers to divulge information even on
matters already in the domain of public knowledge and concerning public
interest. The Dialogue suggested the following as some ways of coping with
the above problem:
a. Neither the mass media nor the government should behave as if it has a
monopoly of understanding and in protecting the national interest. Both
government officials and media practitioners are bound by the constitution
to protect the interest of the nation and both should work together in this
regard.
b. Media practitioners should be more constructive in their critical appraisal
of actions taken by individuals or groups, including government officials,
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especially when such actions are presumed to be in the national or public
interest.
c. Government officials should take top media practitioners into confidence
on the official positions on matters regarded as vital to Nigeria’s national
interest.
The media, on its part, must respect such confidence.
2.9 DEMOCRACY
Democracy is a form of government in which all eligible citizens have
an equal say in the decisions that affect their lives. Democracy allows
eligible citizens to participate equally either directly or through elected
representatives in the proposal, development, and creation of laws. It
encompasses social, economic and cultural conditions that enable the free
and equal practice of political self-determination.
2.9.1 Types of Democracy
Direct democracy
Direct democracy is a political system where the citizens participate in
the decision-making personally, contrary to relying on intermediaries or
representatives. The supporters of direct democracy argue that democracy is
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more than merely a procedural issue. A direct democracy gives the voting
population the power to:
- Change constitutional laws,
- Put forth initiatives, referendums and suggestions for laws,
- Give binding orders to elective officials, such as revoking them before the end
of their elected term, or initiating a lawsuit for breaking a campaign promise.
Of the three measures mentioned, most operate in developed
democracies today. This is part of a gradual shift towards direct
democracies. Elements of direct democracy exist on a local level in many
countries, though these systems often coexist with representative
assemblies. Usually, this includes equal (and more or less direct)
participation in the proposal, development and passage of legislation into
law.
Representative democracy
Representative democracy involves the selection of government
officials by the people being represented. If the head of state is also
democratically elected then it is called a democratic republic. The most
common mechanisms involve election of the candidate with a majority or a
plurality of the votes.
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Representatives may be elected or become diplomatic representatives
by a particular district (or constituency), or represent the entire electorate
through proportional systems, with some using a combination of the two.
Some representative democracies also incorporate elements of direct
democracy, such as referendums. A characteristic of representative
democracy is that while the representatives are elected by the people to act
in the people's interest, they retain the freedom to exercise their own
judgment as how best to do so.
Parliamentary
Parliamentary democracy is a representative democracy where
government is appointed by representatives as opposed to a 'presidential
rule' wherein the President is both head of state and the head of government
and is elected by the voters. Under a parliamentary democracy, government
is exercised by delegation to an executive ministry and subject to ongoing
review, checks and balances by the legislative parliament elected by the
people.
Parliamentary systems have the right to dismiss a Prime Minister at
any point in time that they feel he or she is not doing their job to the
expectations of the legislature. This is done through a Vote of No Confidence
where the legislature decides whether or not to remove the Prime Minister
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from office by a majority support for his or her dismissal. In some countries,
the Prime Minister can also call an election whenever he or she so chooses,
and typically the Prime Minister will hold an election when he or she knows
that they are in good favor with the public as to get re-elected. In other
parliamentary democracies extra elections are virtually never held, a
minority government being preferred until the next ordinary elections.
Presidential
Presidential Democracy is a system where the public elects the
president through free and fair elections. The president serves as both the
head of state and head of government controlling most of the executive
powers. The president serves for a specific term and cannot exceed that
amount of time. Elections typically have a fixed date and aren’t easily
changed. The president has direct control over the cabinet, the members of
which are specifically appointed by the president himself.
The president cannot be easily removed from office by the legislature,
but he or she cannot remove members of the legislative branch any more
easily. This provides some measure of separation of powers. In consequence
however, the president and the legislature may end up in the control of
separate parties, allowing one to block the other and thereby interfere with
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the orderly operation of the state. This may be the reason why presidential
democracy is not very common outside the Americas.
A semi-presidential system is a system of democracy in which the
government includes both a prime minister and a president. The particular
powers held by the prime minister and presidents vary by country.
Constitutional
A constitutional democracy is a representative democracy in which the
ability of the elected representatives to exercise decision-making power is
subject to the rule of law, and usually moderated by a constitution that
emphasizes the protection of the rights and freedoms of individuals, and
which places constraints on the leaders and on the extent to which the will
of the majority can be exercised against the rights of minorities.
In a constitutional democracy, it is possible for some large-scale
decisions to emerge from the many individual decisions that citizens are free
to make. In other words, citizens can "vote with their feet" or "vote with their
dollars", resulting in significant informal government-by-the-masses that
exercises many "powers" associated with formal government elsewhere.
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Hybrid
Some modern democracies that are predominately representative in
nature also heavily rely upon forms of political action that are directly
democratic. These democracies, which combine elements of representative
democracy and direct democracy, are termed hybrid democracies or semi-
direct democracies. Examples include Switzerland and some U.S. states,
where frequent use is made of referendums and initiatives.
Although managed by a representative legislative body, Switzerland
allows for initiatives and referendums at both the local and federal levels. In
the past 120 years less than 250 initiatives have been put to referendum.
The populace has been conservative, approving only about 10% of the
initiatives put before them; in addition, they have often opted for a version of
the initiative rewritten by government.
In the United States, no mechanisms of direct democracy exists at the
federal level, but over half of the states and many localities provide for
citizen-sponsored ballot initiatives (also called "ballot measures", "ballot
questions" or "propositions"), and the vast majority of states allow for
referendums. Examples include the extensive use of referendums in the US
state of California, which is a state that has more than 20 million voters.
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In New England Town meetings are often used, especially in rural
areas, to manage local government. This creates a hybrid form of
government, with a local direct democracy and a state government which is
representative. For example, most Vermont towns hold annual town
meetings in March in which town officers are elected, budgets for the town
and schools are voted on, and citizens have an opportunity to speak and by
heard on political matters.
2.10 Democratic Sustenance and Peace
Democracy by its character helps society by putting institutions
together with the objective of giving it an acceptable and legal outlook in
order to demonstrate authority and power through the provision of logical
and well organized easy to understand and clear response to the need to
succeed in reaching the goal of attaining a change in the society without
recourse to any form of violence as well as control those who occupy
positions of power in such a way that will reassure everybody that they will
not resort to abusing the power that has been entrusted into their hands
through established systems of checks and balances, and in so doing,
making it possible for all the citizens to have a voice that will go a long way
in strengthening the established institutions (Dahrendorf 2003: 101). These
are all aimed at regulating society to make all feel inclusive in the
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management of affairs thereby ensuring that there is tranquillity. Even
though differences may occur, this may translate into progress in the form
of fine-tuning rules and systems just to make society work better. This is in
consonance with that goal of the liberal ideal for handling of disputes as well
as ensuring that accountability flows from government to the citizenry and
vice versa through established institutions of which all are partakers.
2.11 Perception on Media Contribution to Democratic Sustenance
In an effort to find out whether the media has made any contributions
to the sustenance of democracy in Nigeria, the response was that, indeed
the media has contributed enormously to make democracy a sustainable
part of Nigeria’s politics. Apart from their commercial interest, the media has
tried as much as it could to educate the public as to why Nigerians must
fully embrace democracy because apart from making each and every
individual have a voice, it facilitates development. Before Nigeria’s
presidential and parliamentary elections, the media was able to encourage
many to register and go to the polls on Election Day of which many
responded positively. On the day of election itself the media was on the
ground with many of its reporters who were giving first hand account of
what was happening. The electronic media did a live report throughout the
period and made sure anomalies in various polling stations were made
29
public and in response, security and electoral officers acted proactively to
forestall any outbreak of conflict.
In contrast with the above, others had a contrary view. To them, the
contribution of the media has not done so much to sustain democracy.
However, credit could be given to it for some contribution.
2.12 Perception on the Media’s Contribution to Democratic Peace
Peace constitutes an imperative component of every democratic state.
In that regard the media cannot be left out in contributing to the peace of
the state at least for its own survival. The survey revealed that, the people
sampled overwhelmingly believe the media has made tremendous strides in
contributing to the peace of the nation. “In many instances I have read
articles in the newspapers, watched documentaries on TV as well as heard
on radio programmes that significantly educates and admonish all of us to
coexist peacefully”, a respondent indicated.
Others did not subscribe to the idea that the media contributed much
to the peace democracy brings. A description by respondent was to the effect
that people tend to use derogatory and insulting language against their
opponents sometimes on live radio and television as well as in the
newspapers. This behaviour could be a possible recipe for chaos and
30
therefore must be eschewed. A round table discussion on the recent
presidential and parliamentary elections held in Nigeria on December 7,
2008 accused some journalist as unprofessional and some media houses as
bias, partisan and influenced by politicians. Indeed they were blamed for
putting news items out there which were based on rumours to incite the
public (Daily Graphic 2009: 16).
31
CHAPTER THREE
Research Methodology
For the purpose of the study both primary and secondary sources of
was used.
The methodology that was employed in this study will be administered
on the citizens of Osun state in some selected area.
3.1 Research Design
The researcher made use of questionnaire as a means of measuring
instrument. The questionnaire was administered to the respondents in their
various homes or places of work to ensure error free and high morality rate
of the questionnaire.
3.2 Sampling or Sample Size
The sampling size consist 150 respondents of the study area which is
Osun state.
3.3 Sampling Technique
Sampling enables us to be cost-effective and cost efficient in our
research that is spend less in terms of time, money, energy and other
32
resources (Nnayelugo: 2001). Simple random sampling technique will be
used in different strata to select the actual respondents. And this is to
enable every member of the community to have equal chance of being
selected.
The sampling sizes of one hundred and fifty (150) was used, fifty
students and one hundred external publics were selected, representing
100% (one hundred percent) of the total population.
3.4 Data collection instrument
The research instrument that was used for this study is
questionnaire which consists of 10 questions that will be administered to
the sampled respondents.
3.5 Data Collection Process
The questionnaires were distributed to the respondents which are the
citizens of the state. All these questionnaires will be explained clearly to
them.
This system was time consuming and expensive but all the effort was
not waste because all the questions given out complete and returned.
33
A questionnaire is a series of relevant questions which are usually
used to elicit information (OPTIONS) from respondents who are normally
drawn from the target population of a given study. (Adeyemo S.A 2011)
In order to source for necessary information, questions were prepared
and distributed to the people to supply answers which made this project
worth while.
3.6 Validity and Reliability of Collection Instrument
The research instrument that was used in this project work measured
what it supposed to measure and the research questionnaires actually
address the topic of this project work.
If those questions in the questionnaire are asked repeatedly under the
same condition, the same result would be arrived at.
In order to have proper representation, respondents were carefully selected.
3.7 Data Analysis Procedure
The data were analyzed according to the OPTIONS of the respondents
through the use of frequency and percentage method. It was illustrated in
the table format and analyzed.
34
CHAPTER FOUR
4:1 Data Analysis and Interpretation
In this chapter, the data analyzed and the results arrived at, were
presented. A total of 120 copies of the questionnaires were distributed and
encouragingly, all were completed and returned. This shows 100% response,
which is highly appreciated.
Meanwhile, this was as a result of the receptive nature of the
respondents as well as personal approach which the researcher adopted in
administering the questionnaire.
Table 1
Age Distribution of Respondents
OPTIONS FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE
15-20 years 10 8.33%
21-25 years 65 54.17%
26-30 years 25 20.83%
31 and above 15 12.5%
Total 120 100%
The above table shows that 10 respondents represents 8.33% were
between the age range of 15-20 years, 65 respondents represents 54.17%
were between the age range of 21-25 years, 25 respondents represents
20.83% were between the age range of 26 and 30 years while 15
respondents represents (12.5%) were between the age range of 31 and
above. This shows that a greater number of the respondents fall within the
age range of 21-25.
35
Table 2
Gender Distributions of the Respondents
OPTIONS FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE
Male 70 58.33
Female 50 41.67
Total 120 100
The above table shows that 70 respondents’ represents 58.33%
respondents were male, 50 respondent’s represents 41.67% were female this
shows that most of the respondents were male.
Table 3
Marital Status distribution of the Respondents
OPTIONS FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE
Single 80 66.67%
Married 40 33.33%
Total 120 100%
In table 3, the data collected shows that out of the 120 respondents
that completed and returned their questionnaire, 80 respondents represents
66.67% were single, while 40 respondents represents 33.33% were married,
while none of the respondents were divorced; this shows that most of the
respondents were single.
36
Table 4
Religion
OPTIONS FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE
Islam 95 79.17%
Christian 20 16.67%
Traditional 5 4.17%
Total 120 100%
The above table shows that 95 respondents represents 79.17% were
Muslim, 20 respondents represents 16.67% were Christian, while 5
respondents represents 4.17% were Traditional. This means that most of the
respondents were literate. The researcher assisted the illiterate people by
reading out the questions of the questionnaire and indicating their
responses against the questions. The researcher did this in their local
language in order to enable them understand effectively.
37
Table 5
Educational Qualifications of the Respondents
OPTIONS FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE
SSCE/GCE/NECO 19 15.83%
OND/NCE 30 25%
HND/BSC 48 40%
MSC/MBA 23 19.17%
Total 120 100%
Table 5 shows that none of the respondents have FLSC, 19
respondents represents 15.83% have SSCE/NABTEB, 30 respondents
represents 25% have OND/NCE, 48 respondents represents 40% have HND
/B.Sc. 23 respondents represents 19.17% has M.Sc./MBA. This indicates
that a greater number of the respondents have HND/BSC qualification.
38
SECTION B
Table 6
What are the essential roles of mass media during the democratic
government of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime?
OPTIONS RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE
To inform 56 46.67%
To advertize 34 28.33%
To socialize 10 8.33%
Total 120 100%
From the above table, it is shown that out of the 120 respondents who
completed the questionnaires, 56 respondents represents 46.67% choose to
inform, 34 respondents represents 28.33% choose to advertise, while 10
respondents represents 8.33% choose to socialize.
39
Table 7
What are the major functions of mass media during democracy?
OPTIONS RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE
To serve as watchdog 65 54.17%
To serve as intermediary
between the government 35 29.17%
and the citizen
To serve as source of
information for the 20 16.67%
citizen
Total 120 100%
From the above table, it is shown that 65 respondents represents 65% of
the respondents choose to serve as watchdog, 35 respondents represents
35% choose to serve as intermediary between the government and the
citizen, while 20 respondents represents 16.67%. This shows that a lot of
the respondents choose to serve as watchdog.
40
Table 8
Does mass media have more merits more than demerits on the democracy?
OPTIONS RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE
Yes 69 57.5%
No 51 42.2%
Total 120 100%
From the table above, it is shown that 69 respondents represents 57.5%
of the respondents choose the yes OPTIONS, while 51 respondents
represents 42.2% of them choose the no OPTIONS.
Table 9
Is mass media able to maintain the sustenance of democracy?
OPTIONS RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE
Yes 90 75%
No 30 25%
Total 120 100%
From the above table it is shown that 90 respondents represents 75%
of the respondents choose Yes, while 30 respondents represents 25% choose
no. This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yea.
41
Table 10
Do people believe what they hear from the media during democracy?
OPTIONS RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE
Yes 98 81.67%
No 22 18.3%
Total 120 100%
From the above table it is shown that 98 respondents represents
81.67% of the respondents choose Yes, while 22 respondents represents
18.3% choose No. This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 11
How important is the role of mass media in the sustenance of democracy?
OPTIONS Frequency Percentage
Very important 70 58.33%
Important 35 29.17%
Not important 15 12.5%
Total 120 100%
With above aforementioned table shows that 70 respondents
represents 58.33% respondents choose very important, 35 respondents
represents 29.17% choose Important, while 15 respondents represents
12.5% choose have Not Important. This shows that majority of the
respondents Very Important.
42
Table 12
Do the mass media perform their functions during President Olusegun
Obasanjo’s regime?
OPTIONS Frequency Percentage
Yes 97 80.83%
No 23 19.17%
Total 120 100%
From the above table it is shown that 97 respondents represents
80.83% of the respondents choose Yes, while 23 respondents represents
19.17% choose No. This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 13
Does democracy influence the roles of mass media?
OPTIONS Frequency Percentage
Yes 69 57.5%
No 51 42.5%
Total 120 100%
From the above table it is shown that 69 respondents represents
57.5% of the respondents choose Yes, while 51 respondents represents
42.5% choose No. This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
43
Table 14
Does the government contribute to the effectiveness of the mass media
during the democracy regime?
OPTIONS Frequency Percentage
Yes 76 63.33%
No 44 36.67%
Total 120 100%
From the above table it is shown that 76 respondents represents
63.33% of the respondents choose Yes, while 44 respondents represents
36.67% choose No. This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 15
To what extent do you rate the effectiveness of mass media during the
democracy regime?
OPTIONS Frequency Percentage
Very important 70 58.33%
Important 30 25%
Not important 20 16.67%
Total 120 100%
With above aforementioned table shows that 70 respondents
represents 58.33% respondents choose very important, 3 respondents
represents 25% choose Important, while 20 respondents represents 16.67%
choose Not Important. This shows that majority of the respondents Very
Important.
44
4.2 Answers to research questions
Question 1
What are the essential roles of mass media during the democratic
government of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime?
According to table 6 56 respondents represents 46.67% believed that the role
of mass media during democratic government is to inform, 34 respondents
represents 28.33% believed that the role of mass media during democratic
government is to advertise, while 10 respondents represents 8.33% believed that
the role of mass media during a democratic government is to socialize.
Question 2
What are the major functions of mass media during democracy?
According to table 7; 65 respondents represents 65% of the respondents
believed that it serves as watchdog for the society, 35 respondents
represents 35% believed that it serves as intermediary between the
government and the citizen, while 20 respondents represents 16.67%
believed that it serves as source of information for the citizen. This shows
that a lot of the respondents believed that it serves as watchdog in the
society.
45
Question 3
Does mass media have more merits more than demerits on the democracy?
According to table 8, it is shows that 69 respondents represents
57.5% of the respondents believed that the mass media have more merits
more than demerits on democracy, while 51 respondents represents 42.2%
of them did not believe that mass media has more merits more than
demerits.
Question 4
Is mass media able to maintain the sustenance of democracy?
According to able 9, it is shown that 90 respondents represents 75%
of the respondents believed that mass media is able to maintain the
sustenance of democracy, while 30 respondents represents 25% did not
believe that mass media is able to maintain the sustenance of democracy.
This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
4.3 Discussion of Findings
Table 1 shows that 10 respondents represents 8.33% were between
the age range of 15-20 years, 65 respondents represents 54.17% were
between the age range of 21-25 years, 25 respondents represents 20.83%
were between the age range of 26 and 30 years while 15 respondents
represents 12.5% were between the age range of 31 and above. This shows
that a greater number of the respondents fall within the age range of 21-25.
Table 2 shows that 70 respondents represents 58.33% respondents
were male, 50 respondents represents 41.67% were female this shows that
most of the respondents were male.
46
Table 3, the data collected shows that out of the 120 respondents that
completed and returned their questionnaire, 80 respondents represents
66.67% were single, while 40 respondents represents 33.33% were married,
while none of the respondents were divorced; this shows that most of the
respondents were single.
Table 4 shows that 95 respondents represents 79.17% were Muslim, 20
respondents represents 16.67% were Christian, while 5 respondents
represents 4.17% were Traditional worshipers. This means that most of the
respondents were literate. The researcher assisted the illiterate people by
reading out the questions of the questionnaire and indicating their
responses against the questions. The researcher did this in their local
language in order to enable them understand effectively.
Table 5 shows that none of the respondents have FLSC, 19
respondents represents 15.83% have SSCE/NABTEB, 30 respondents
represents 25% have OND/NCE, 48 respondents represents 40% have HND
/B.Sc. 23 respondents represents 19.17% has M.Sc./MBA. This indicates
that a greater number of the respondents have HND/BSC qualification.
Table 6 show that out of the 120 respondents who completed the
questionnaires, 56 respondents represents 46.67% choose to inform, 34
respondents represents 28.33% choose to advertise, while 10 respondents
represents 8.33% choose to socialize
Table 7 shows that 65 respondents represents 65% of the respondents
choose to serve as watchdog, 35 respondents represents 35% choose to
serve as intermediary between the government and the citizen, while 20
respondents represents 16.67%. This shows that a lot of the respondents
choose to serve as watchdog.
47
Table 8 show that 69 respondents represents 57.5% of the
respondents choose the yes OPTION, while 51 respondents represents
42.2% of them choose the no OPTION.
Table 9 shows that 90 respondents represents 75% of the respondents
choose Yes, while 30 respondents represents 25% choose no. This shows
that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 10 show that 98 respondents represents 81.67% of the
respondents choose Yes, while 22 respondents represents 18.3% choose No.
This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 11 shows that 70 respondents represents 58.33% respondents
choose very important, 35 respondents represents 29.17% choose
Important, while 15 respondents represents 12.5% choose have Not
Important. This shows that majority of the respondents Very Important.
Table 12 shows that 97 respondents represents 80.83% of the
respondents choose Yes, while 23 respondents represents 19.17% choose
No. This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 13 shows that 69 respondents represents 57.5% of the
respondents choose Yes, while 51 respondents represents 42.5% choose No.
This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 14 shows that 76 respondents represents 63.33% of the
respondents choose Yes, while 44 respondents represents 36.67% choose
No. This shows that majority of the respondents choose Yes.
Table 15 shows that 70 respondents represents 58.33% respondents
choose very important, 3 respondents represents 25% choose Important,
while 20 respondents represents 16.67% choose have Not Important. This
shows that majority of the respondents Very Important.
48
CHAPTER FIVE
Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations
5.1 Summary
The outcome of this study revealed a good number of the subjects
sampled to be very interested in the political and democratic development of
Nigeria. However their conception of politics vary, while some have the
believe that politics is something that involves all and sundry, and that once
an individual finds himself as a citizen of a state, matters that have to do
with governance of that country must be of concern to that individual since
it has the ability to affect all aspects of human life. On that score, it was
shown that democracy as it pertains to the country is very illuminating.
This has simply led to many people dedicating some of their time to
follow or monitor unfolding events that politics and democracy brings.
However, others also think it is a business that concerns only those in
authority and that it even serves as a platform for conflict.
5.2 Conclusion
Nigeria’s political and media development has gone through a lot of
ups and downs from the colonial period through the days of coup d‟états
until recently when the country has become stable with democracy. As
noted earlier, Nigeria has experienced four democratic dispensations with
the last one being the most stable. Freedom of expression has been a
prominent feature of the current fourth republic and this has been able to
serve as part of the foundations of the progress of the democratic process.
49
The media has duly played its role as an information provider, and in
the process, conscientizing and sensitizing the citizens. This means the
media is needed by the citizens to inform them about current developments
in order to form their views on those developments as well as debating the
issues. This clearly gives the media that responsibility of being the mediators
of the democratic process and gatekeepers of the same (Jakubowicz in
Council of Europe 1998:17).
5.3 Recommendations
Again, both print and electronic media practitioners should be fair as
much as possible in their presentation of the issues and to allow equal
excess by both incumbent and opposition parties, irrespective of the policy
direction of the media house. This way the citizenry will be fully aware of the
issues on both side of the divide in order to make a good judgment for the
formation of fair opinion. It is obvious by the outcome of this research that
the media in Nigeria are in a position that could be described as strategic to
the political and democratic agenda of the state. It is therefore significant in
my view to give the media all the necessary encouragement to play their role
as the fourth estate of the realm even more effectively through policies that
will strengthen them and straighten any rough edges that may be found
among them.
5.4 Recommendation for further Studies
I found this topic an interesting and educating one and hereby
recommend it for further studies, so that much information would be get on
The Roles of Mass Media in the Sustenance of Democracy.
50
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ansu-Kyeremeh, K. and Karikari, K. (1998): Media Ghana: Ghanaian Media
Overview, Practitioners and Institutions. Accra; School of
Communication Studies, University of Ghana.
Cummings, M.C. and Wise, D. (1977) Democracy Under Pressure:
AnIntroduction to the American Political System. New York; Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich, Inc.
Dowse, R.E. and Hughes, J.A. (1972) Political Sociology. London; John Wiley
and Sons.
Ansah-Koi, K. The Security Agencies and National Security in a decade of
Liberalism. In Boafo-Arthur, K. (2007) (ed.) Ghana: One decade of
Liberal State. Dakar: CODESRIA Books.
Ayiteyvie, A.O., (1996): “Revisiting Radio EYE: Breaking Into Controlled
Territories”. In Media Monitor No. 3, Issue 1 April-June 1996.
Benhabib, S. Towards a Deliberative Model of Democratic Legitimacy. In
Benhabib, S., (1996): (ed.) Democracy and Difference: Contesting the
Boundaries of the Political. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Blankson, I.A. (2002): “Re-examining Civil Society in Emerging Sub Sahara
African Democracies: The State, the Media, and the Public in Ghana”.
Global Media Journal; Vol. 1 (1).
Boateng, E.A. (1996) Government and the People: Outlook for Democracy in
Ghana. Institute of Economic Affair. Accra; Buck Press.
Coronel, S.S. (2004) “The Role of the Media in Deepening Democracy”. United
Nations Online Network in Public Administration and Finance. ( 2007,
December 28) [Online].
URL:http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un
pan010194.pdf
Dotse, D. (1996) “Surfing the Airwaves: A Look at Ghana‟s New Radio
Stations”. In Media Monitor No. 3, Issue 1 April-June 1996.
Dzorgbo, D.S. (2001) Ghana in Search of Development: The Challenge of
Governance, Economic Management and Institution Building. Aldershot:
Ashgate.
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Gargarella, R. The Majoritarian Reading of the rule of Law. In Maravall María,
J. and Przeworski.
A. (2003) (eds.) Democracy and the Rule of Law. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Gunther R. and Mugban A. (2000) Democracy and the Media: A Comparative
Perspective. Cambridge University Press.
Gutmann, A. and Thompson, D. (1996) Democracy and Disagreement: Why
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Press.
52
QUESTIONNAIRE
MASS COMMUNICATION
DEPARTMENT,
OSUN STATE POLYTECHNIC,
PMB 301,
IREE.
Dear Respondents,
I, Taiwo Charles A. with matriculation number 10/DMCN/1094 of the
above Department and Institution, is presently conducting an academic
research on “THE ROLES OF MASS MEDIA IN THE SUSTENANCE OF
DEMOCRACY” a case study of Olusegun Obasanjo Regime.
You are kindly requested to answer the entire questionnaire as
contained in the questionnaire by ticking appropriate box. All the
information given therein shall be treated with utmost confidence.
Thanks for your co-operation.
Yours faithfully,
Taiwo Charles A.
(SECTION A)
1. AGE
(a)15-20 [ ] (b) 21-25[ ] (c) 26-30[ ] (d) 31 and above [ ]
2. SEX
(a) Male [ ] (b)Female [ ]
3. MARITAL STATUS
(a) Single [ ] (b) Married [ ]
4. RELIGION
53
(a) Islam [ ] (b) Christian [ ] (c) Traditional [ ]
5. EDUCATION
(a) SSCE/GCE/NECO [ ] (b) OND/NCE [ ] (c) HND/BSC [ ] (d)
MSC/MBA [ ]
(SECTION B)
6. Does mass media play any role in the democratic government of
President Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime?
(a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ]
7. How effective is the function of mass media during democracy?
(a) Very effective [ ] (b) Effective [ ] (c) Not effective [ ]
8. Does mass media have more merits more than demerits on the
democracy?
(a) Yes [ ] (c) No [ ]
9. Is mass media able to maintain the sustenance of democracy?
(a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ]
10. Do people believe what they hear from the media during democracy?
(a)Yes [ ] (b) No [ ]
11. How important is the role of mass media in the sustenance of
democracy?
(a) Very important [ ] (b)Important [ ] (c) Not important [ ]
12. Do the mass media perform their functions during President
Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime?
(a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ]
13. Does democracy influence the roles of mass media?
(a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ]
14. Does the government contribute to the effectiveness of the mass
media during the democracy regime?
54
(a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ]
15. To what extent do you rate the effectiveness of mass media during
the democracy regime?
(a) Very high [ ] (b) High [ ] (c) Low [ ]
55
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